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CARIBBEAN QUILT 
2023 VOL. 7 NO. 1 
 

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Haiti – Harmed at the Hands of Others 
 
Max Ray-Ellis 

Centre for Caribbean Studies 

Faculty of Arts & Science, University of Toronto 

 
Max Ray-Ellis is an undergraduate student from North York, Ontario. He is currently pursuing a Bachelor of Arts (Honours) degree at the University of 

Toronto with a major in Diaspora and Transnational Studies and a double minor in Canadian Studies and History. Outside of his studies, he is an avid 

reader of Canadian, North American, and Caribbean history. 

                                                                                  
 
KEYWORDS: 

Foreign Intervention 
Caribbean-Interna-

tional Relations 

Haitian History 

Post-independence 

American Imperial-

ism 

Caribbean Decoloni-

zation 

MINUSTAH 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

ABSTRACT 

                                                                                        
 

After a revolution that spanned over a decade, Haiti became the second nation to achieve independence in the Western 

Hemisphere after the United States of America. While the United States has since gone on to become a global superpower, 

Haiti is currently the poorest nation in the Americas. For over two centuries, there have been continuous cases of foreign 

intervention in the Caribbean’s oldest republic. Initially, these cases were clear efforts by nations to protect their own 

interests. Later on, officials from different nations around the world began to tell their own populations that they needed 

to help the Haitian people through various measures. This paper details how foreign intervention has resulted in far 

more negatives than positives in Haiti. It examines cases of foreign intervention stretching from the early nineteenth 

century up until the recent United Nations-led initiatives of this century. The paper provides a chronological story of 

what has happened in the nation and how generations of Haitians have been harmed. Regardless of their stated inten-

tions, nearly every case of foreign intervention in Haiti has resulted in lasting, negative impacts for its people. This anal-

ysis displays how Haiti has been consistently wronged by other nations and how it was essentially never given the chance 

to develop its potential as a sovereign state.  
 

 

 

 

On January 1, 1804, Haiti officially proclaimed its Decla-
ration of Independence, roughly two months after its forces 
led by Jean-Jacques Dessalines expelled the last remaining 
French forces from their territory. Their revolution had 

begun in 1791, when enslaved people sought to break free 
of brutal French colonial rule that originated in the mid-
seventeenth century. The subsequent Haitian Constitution, 
published in 1805, detailed a “free and form sovereign 

Caribbean Quilt 
Journal Homepage: https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/cquilt/index 
 
 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
2023 VOL. 7 NO. 1 
 

 58 

state, independent of all the other powers of the universe,” 
known as the “Haitian Empire,” where “slavery is abol-
ished forever” and “equality before the law is irrefutably 
established.” The future appeared bright for this newly in-
dependent Black nation in the Caribbean. Unfortunately, 
for Haiti and the Haitian people, this bright future was not 
to be. For the past two plus centuries, Haiti has been con-
tinuously disadvantaged and subjected to mistreatment by 
other nations, including France and the United States. The 
potential for Haiti to emerge as a prosperous nation has 
thus been quashed due to numerous cases of foreign inter-
ference, which are still ongoing today.  
 
Haiti’s mistreatment by the international community began 
with its independence. Upon its founding as a nation in 
1804, Haiti expected to be able to establish international 
relations with other countries just as the United States had 
done so several decades earlier after its successful revolu-
tion. Unfortunately for Haiti, most European colonial pow-
ers, such as Great Britain and Spain, refused to recognize 
its independence for several decades as they feared that 
providing recognition to a nation formed by slave rebellion 
would lead to similar revolts in their colonies; this fear was 
also prevalent in the United States.1 Haiti had to operate 
as a de facto independent entity that did not have official 
recognition from the international community. Great Brit-
ain finally recognized Haitian independence in 1825, de-
spite having recognized the independence of Mexico, Co-
lombia, and Argentina in 1823 when these countries suc-
cessfully revolted against Spain.2 Most Western European 
nations had recognized Haiti as independent by 1860. 
However, the United States did not do so until 1862, over 
a half-century after the Haitian Declaration of Independ-
ence.3 Their recognition came under President Abraham 
Lincoln during the U.S. Civil War, as some white Ameri-
cans advocated for resetting American Blacks in Haiti or 

 
1 Gerald Horne, “THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION AND THE 
CENTRAL QUESTION OF AFRICAN AMERICAN HIS-
TORY,” The Journal of African American History 100, no. 1 
(2015): 33-35, https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.1.0026. 
2 Charles W. Wesley, “The Struggle for the Recognition of Haiti 
and Liberia as Independent Republics,” The Journal of Negro 
History 2, no. 4 (1917): 369-371. 
https://doi.org/10.2307/2713395.  
3 B.W. Higman, A Concise History of the Caribbean (New 
York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 151. 
4 Ibid. 

elsewhere.4 According to Frederick Douglass, a promi-
nent American abolitionist and ex-slave, "after Haiti had 
shaken off the fetters of bondage, and long after her free-
dom and independence had been recognized by all other 
civilized nations, we continued to refuse to acknowledge 
the fact and treated her as outside the sisterhood of na-
tions.”5  
 
While establishing formal recognition was important for 
Haiti, achieving the recognition of its former colonial 
power, France, came at a massive price for the young na-
tion. France had long desired to reconquer Haiti. In the 
1780s, when Haiti was the French colony of “Saint-
Domingue,” it was the wealthiest colony in the world, pro-
ducing nearly half of its sugar exports and a more signifi-
cant proportion of its coffee.6 Losing Haiti was a blow that 
France did not wish to accept, and it spent several decades 
attempting to negotiate compensation for the “property” 
lost by its citizens in Haiti, which included both land and 
the formerly enslaved people.7 France and Haiti attempted 
negotiations for this compensation on multiple occasions 
under different regimes before King Charles X of France 
issued a virtual ultimatum in 1825. He sent the Baron de 
Mackau, along with fourteen armed ships, to the Haitian 
capital of Port-au-Prince, where the Baron delivered an or-
dinance to Haitian President Jean-Pierre Boyer.8 The ordi-
nance declared that the King would recognize “full and en-
tire independence” for Haiti so long as they met two con-
ditions: French commercial ships would only be required 
to pay half of the docking rights, and Haiti would pay the 
former French plantation owners an indemnity of 150 mil-
lion francs.9 Boyer, faced with the looming destruction of 
Port-au-Prince and a potential war, elected to accept the 
ordinance, which was not a treaty and did not provide se-
curity guarantees from France.10 The indemnity amount 
was later renegotiated to 60 million francs in 1838 when 

5 Wesley, “The Struggle for the Recognition of Haiti,” 376-377. 
6 Higman, A Concise History of the Caribbean, 147. 
7 Liliana Obregon, “Empire, Racial Capitalism and Interna-
tional Law: The Case of Manumitted Haiti and the Recognition 
Debt,” Leiden Journal of International Law 31, no. 3 (2018), 
604-609, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0922156518000225. 
8 Obregon, “Empire, Racial Capitalism and International Law,” 
610. 
9 Ibid. 
10 Ibid, 610-612. 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
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 59 

France fully recognized the independence of Haiti. 11 
Nonetheless, this debt was still enormous, and its imposi-
tion transformed Haiti into what some view as a “neo-co-
lonial state” or nearly a “dependency of France.”12 Haiti 
ultimately borrowed over 166 million Francs to pay off the 
debt. Its last payment occurred in 1910, over a century after 
independence.13  
 
Even after achieving diplomatic recognition, Haiti experi-
enced numerous problems due to the actions of other na-
tions. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, several 
cases of “gunboat diplomacy” arose due to German citi-
zens holding interests in Haiti. In 1872, a German Navy 
captain held two Haitian citizens hostage and took control 
of two Haitian ships because he believed two German busi-
nessmen were owed reparations for financial losses they 
accrued in Haiti.14 The Germans returned the ships and 
people after Haitian President Nissage Saget paid the 
amount demanded. However, they also defecated the Hai-
tian flag, sending a message of immense disrespect to the 
entire nation.15 The incident was part of a growing series 
of occurrences where foreign businessmen used their home 
nation's navies as threats to gain a financial advantage in 
Haiti.16 These events resulted in a vast amount of wealth 
being uprooted from Haiti by foreign businessmen, which 
undoubtedly harmed the nation's financial state.17  
 
Over two decades later, in 1897, the controversial and em-
barrassing Lüders affair occurred. Haitian police officers 
were searching for a man named Dorléus Présumé, who 
was accused of theft.18 Présumé worked as a coachman for 
Emile Lüders, who came to assist Présumé and attempted 
to stop the arrest.19 Both men were sentenced to one year 
of imprisonment for assault, battery, and using force to re-
sist arrest. However, Lüders contacted the German 

 
11 Wesley, “The Struggle for the Recognition of Haiti,” 376. 
12 Wesley, “The Struggle for the Recognition of Haiti,” 376; 
Obregon, “Empire, Racial Capitalism and International Law,” 
614. 
13 Obregon, “Empire, Racial Capitalism and International 
Law,” 613. 
14 Solon Ménos, “The Luders Affair,” in The Haiti Reader, ed. 
Chantalle F. Verna et al. (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 
2020), 147. 
15 Ibid. 
16 Ibid. 
17 Ibid. 

embassy for support as he was half-German.20 The result-
ing affair saw the German Chargé d'affaires demand the 
release of Lüders, the removal of all judges, and the dis-
missal of all police officers involved in the case.21 The 
Haitian President Tirésias Simon Sam issued a pardon to 
Lüders, and he was allowed to depart the nation; six weeks 
later, Germany sent two warships to the harbour in Port-
au-Prince, demanding a letter of apology, financial com-
pensation for Lüders, the ability for Lüders to return, a spe-
cial reception, and a 21-gun salute to the German flag.22 
President Sam was given four hours to decide and ulti-
mately agreed to the terms, resulting in national embarrass-
ment for the Haitian people.23 Moments like these are ex-
amples of Haiti being treated as a second-class nation, 
which worked to destabilize the country and keep it from 
achieving economic prominence. They simultaneously 
damaged the national pride of the country. They lowered 
the popularity of the presidents forced to deal with these 
situations.  
 
The biggest foreign offender in Haiti since the turn of the 
twentieth century has been the United States. In 1823, 
American President James Monroe declared that European 
countries should not seek any more colonies in the Ameri-
cas or interfere in the politics of independent nations in the 
Americas; this was subsequently referred to as the “Mon-
roe doctrine.”24 While this may appear at first glance as 
the Americans stepping in for fellow nations and peoples 
in the Americas, it was effectively a tool for the United 
States to establish and enforce their hegemony in the re-
gion.25 The U.S. had set its eyes on Haiti as early as 1868 
when American President Andrew Johnson requested the 
annexation of the island of Hispaniola to “secure a defen-
sive and economic stake in the West Indies.”26 By the turn 
of the twentieth century, the Americans became 

18 Ibid. 
19 Ibid. 
20 Jacques Nicolas Léger, Haiti, Her History and Her Detrac-
tors (New York: Neale, 1907), 249-250. 
21 Ibid. 
22 Ibid, 250. 
23 Ibid. 
24 Higman, A Concise History of the Caribbean, 198. 
25 Ibid. 
26 “U.S. Invasion and Occupation of Haiti, 1915-34,” United 
States Department of State Archive, accessed December 24, 
2022, https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/wwi/88275.htm. 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
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increasingly concerned by Germany’s position in the Car-
ibbean and its influence over Haiti.27 From 1911 to 1915, 
Haiti saw seven presidents either assassinated or over-
thrown.28 This gave the United States government what 
they saw as ample reason to intervene and place Haiti un-
der its influence. In 1914, the government of Woodrow 
Wilson sent U.S. marines to remove $500,000 from the 
Haitian National Bank and transfer it to New York, which 
put the Americans in charge of Haiti’s finances. The fol-
lowing year, they sent marines again to invade and occupy 
Haiti officially. They would stay in the nation until 1934, 
making this the longest of any occupation the U.S. carried 
out in the Caribbean.29 
 
The American occupation of Haiti was disastrous and dev-
astating for Haiti and its people. American professor Rob-
ert Fatton Jr. stated that while the American occupation 
“may have created a semblance of an infrastructure and a 
form of centralised government,” it “contributed neither to 
long-term self-sustaining economic development nor to 
lasting democratic forms of accountability.”30 With Haiti 
requiring a new president in 1915, the U.S. influenced the 
Haitian legislature into selecting Philippe Sudré Dartigue-
nave as their new president, angering many people. 31 
When the legislature refused to adopt a new constitution 
that would have overturned some laws since independence, 
the U.S. forced Dartiguenave to dissolve the legislature.32 
This effectively placed the nation under the control of a 
gendarmerie controlled by U.S. marines and selected Hai-
tians until 1929, when the legislature was finally allowed 
to meet again.33 During this time, the U.S. troops and the 
gendarmerie practiced press censorship. They reinstituted 
the long-outdated corvée system that forced peasants to 
perform unpaid labour.34 The occupational force was also 
accused of mass murder, abuse, physical assault, rape, 

 
27 Ibid. 
28 Ibid. 
29 Higman, A Concise History of the Caribbean, 206. 
30 Robert Fatton Jr., “Haiti: The Saturnalia of Emancipation and 
the Vicissitudes of Predatory Rule,” Third World Quarterly 27, 
no. 1 (2006), 128, https://www.jstor.org/stable/4017663.  
31 United States Department of State Archive, “U.S. Invasion 
and Occupation of Haiti.” 
32 Ibid. 
33 Ibid. 
34 Ibid; Patricia J. Lopez, “Clumsy beginnings: from ‘moderniz-
ing mission’ to humanitarianism in the US occupation of Haiti 
(1915–34),” Environment and Planning A 47, no. 11 (2015): 

torture, and forcing corvée labourers to work months be-
yond their mandated three-day maximum term.35 In 1919, 
an American Brigadier General complained to a Colonel 
that U.S. troops and their associates were conducting 
“practically indiscriminate killings” of Haitian people.36 
When the United States finally left Haiti in 1934, they were 
criticized for doing little to alleviate the poverty that most 
Haitians faced or the near-universal illiteracy that persisted 
among the population.37 Haitians lived with their country 
occupied by a foreign military force for nearly twenty 
years. They walked away with few substantial improve-
ments to compensate for the oppression, death, and censor-
ship they faced. 
 
The United States’ involvement in Haiti, official or unoffi-
cial, did not cease when their occupation ended in 1934. 
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is particularly 
noteworthy for its efforts to influence politics and govern-
ance in the Americas. From 1957 to 1971, Haiti was ruled 
by the dictator François "Papa Doc" Duvalier, and his son 
Jean Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier succeeded him from 
1971-1986.38 The CIA opted to support the Duvaliers as 
they feared official opposition to them would push them 
towards aligning with nearby Cuba and their communist 
ruler Fidel Castro.39 Nonetheless, the CIA was discreetly 
involved with several groups that wished to overthrow Du-
valier's rule in Haiti. They provided a rebel group named 
“Jeune Haïti” with arms, money, and special forces train-
ing in 1963, knowing that the group may have assassinated 
Duvalier during their unsuccessful coup attempt.40  The 
CIA was subsequently involved in the “Coalition Haïti” 
scheme that involved Haitian expatriates unsuccessfully 
invading Haiti in 1968.41 Baby Doc Duvalier eventually 
fell from power at the hands of the Haitian people in 1986. 
However, the CIA continued to wield its power and 

2246, https://doi.org/10.1177/0308518X15598262.  
35 Ibid. 
36 Ibid, 2247. 
37 Dana G. Munro, “The American Withdrawal from Haiti, 
1929-1934,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 49, no. 
1 (1969): 26, https://doi.org/10.2307/2511314.  
38 Kathleen Marie Whitney, "Sin, Fraph, and the CIA: U.S. 
Covert Action in Haiti," Southwestern Journal of Law and 
Trade in the Americas 3, no. 2 (1996): 315. 
39 Ibid. 
40 Ibid. 
41 Ibid. 



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influence over Haiti in the following years. 
 
In the late 1980s, a Catholic priest named Jean-Bertrand 
Aristide gained popularity in Port-au-Prince by preaching 
what some have termed "liberation theology."42 Haiti was 
set to hold its first democratic election since Papa Doc Du-
valier’s initial victory in 1957; the CIA, meanwhile, in-
tended to fund candidates who opposed Aristide, who was 
calling for a boycott of the election by the poor.43 An esti-
mated 30-300 voters were killed on election day by troops 
led by a Service d'Intelligence National (SIN) commander, 
and the election was not held.44  The U.S. government 
ceased its funding of the Haitian military as a result, but 
the CIA continued funding SIN, an organization it had 
helped create with the stated goal of obtaining intelligence 
on drug trafficking.45 The CIA often trained SIN agents. 
They subsequently spied on supporters of Aristide, partic-
ipated in drug trafficking, and murdered as many as 5,000 
members of pro-democracy movements between 1986 and 
1991.46 The CIA, an American governmental organization, 
actively funded a group that engaged in violations of hu-
man rights, criminal acts, and drug trafficking; this is a 
clear-cut example of foreign interference harming the peo-
ple of Haiti. 
 
Perhaps unsurprisingly, the CIA’s involvement in Haiti's 
politics continued after what they perceived as a surprise 
election win by Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1990.47 Seven 
months after his inauguration, members of Haiti’s army 
and national police force staged a successful coup and dis-
missed Aristide from power. 48  “Key members” of the 
forces involved in the coup were paid for information by 
the CIA, despite their well-known participation in drug 
trafficking.49 The United States has denied playing a role 

 
42 Ibid, 318. 
43 Ibid. 
44 Ibid, 319. 
45 Ibid, 316-320. 
46 Ibid, 319-320. 
47 Ibid, 320. 
48 Ibid. 
49 Ibid. 
50 Ibid, 321. 
51 Ibid. 
52 Philippe R. Girard, “Operation Restore Democracy?,” Jour-
nal of Haitian Studies 8, no. 2 (2002): 70. 
53 Tarr, Michael, and Linda Robinson. “Haiti’s Bloody Message 
to Clinton: Restoring Democracy Is Harder Than It 

in the 1991 coup in Haiti. Nonetheless, CIA agents were 
stated to have been at the headquarters of the Haitian army 
during the coup. At the same time, key leader Raoul Cedras 
was previously supported by both the U.S. and France to 
oversee security during the previous year’s election; 
Cedras and fellow coup leader Michel Francois were both 
partially educated in the United States.50 Under the regime 
empowered by the coup, Haiti suffered from numerous hu-
man rights abuses that included extrajudicial killings, 
among other atrocities.51 The U.S., under the administra-
tion of President Bill Clinton, then embarked on “Opera-
tion Restore Democracy,” a military intervention designed 
to reinstall Aristide as the elected ruler of the nation and 
remove Cedras and his associates from power. 52  Sup-
ported by the United Nations, the broader mission to re-
store Aristide to rule also included the direct support of 
Canada.53 Operation Restore Democracy was cited as fail-
ing to install a “stable political system” in Haiti; part of this 
failure has been blamed on the fact that the United States 
forces and the CIA both shared sympathies for the coup 
regime that they were sent to remove from power and in-
vestigate for crimes committed.54  
 
Recently, a United Nations peacekeeping force, MI-
NUSTAH, intervened in Haiti from 2004 to 2017—the in-
ternational force comprised primarily of Brazilians. 55 
During this time, Haiti suffered from a cholera epidemic, 
later discovered to have originated from a Nepalese peace-
keeping base in 2010.56 In addition to bringing cholera to 
the nation, the force was noted for its sexual exploitation 
and abuse of Haitian women and girls, which resulted in 
numerous children being born to single Haitian mothers 
who suffered from social stigma.57 Two centuries after in-
dependence, Haiti once again faced harm from other 

Seems.” U.S. News & World Report 115, no. 16 (1993): 36. 
54 Girard, “Operation Restore Democracy,” 79. 
55 Federico Neiburg, “The Brazilian Army in Haiti – Foreign 
Intervention and Domestic Politics” Opinio Juris, January 5, 
2020, https://opiniojuris.org/2020/05/01/the-brazilian-army-in-
haiti-foreign-intervention-and-domestic-politics/. 
56 Bartels, Susan A., et al., “Cholera in the Time of MI-
NUSTAH: Experiences of Community Members Affected by 
Cholera in Haiti,” International Journal of Environmental Re-
search and Public Health 19, no. 9 (2022): 4974-2. 
57 Ibid; Vahedi, Luissa, et al., “‘It’s Because We Are “Loose 
Girls” That’s Why We Had Children with MINUSTAH Sol-
diers’: A Qualitative Analysis of Stigma Experienced by Peace-
keeper-Fathered Children and Their Mothers in Haiti.” Journal 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
2023 VOL. 7 NO. 1 
 

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nations. 
 
Haiti was the second country in the Americas to achieve 
independence. However, it is the poorest nation in the 
Western Hemisphere today.58 It is evident that since its 
founding, the nation has been dealt consistent blows, in-
tentionally and unintentionally, from foreign nations. Des-
salines’ vision of being “independent of all the other pow-
ers of the universe” never truly materialized for Haiti.59 In 
November 2022, Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau 
did not dismiss the possibility of a Canadian military inter-
vention in Haiti to help combat gang violence and con-
trol.60 Suppose there is a lesson to be learned from the dis-
tant and recent past. In that case, most, if not all, foreign 
involvement in Haiti usually results in some form of harm 
to the Haitian people. 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 

 
of Interpersonal Violence 37, no. 23-24 (2022): NP22674. 
58 Bartels et al., “Cholera,” 4974-1. 
59 Laurent Dubois and John D. Garrigus, Slave Revolution in 
the Caribbean, 1789-1804 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 
2006), 192/ 

60 Dylan Robertson, “Haitian political parties must all agree if 
Canada leads military intervention: Trudeau,” Global News, No-
vember 20, 2022, https://globalnews.ca/news/9293242/haitian-
political-parties-canada-military-intervention-trudeau/. 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
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