© 2025   Bob Simpson,  Premakumara de Silva.   This is an open access article distributed under the terms of 
the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction 
in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.

Article

DOI: 10.26812/caste.v6i1.2494

CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion
Vol. 6  No. 1  pp. 32-54

April 2025
ISSN 2639-4928

brandeis.edu/j-caste

Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account  
of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka

Bob Simpson1,  Premakumara de Silva2

Abstract

One of the essential features of the caste systems of South Asia is its link with 
occupational activity. In the Sri Lankan caste system, which evolved out a system 
of feudal service tenures linked to royal courts and Buddhist temples, the link 
with occupation is particularly strong. In this chapter we focus on the Berava 
or drummer caste with particular reference to southern Sri Lanka. Within the 
traditional social order, the Berava, on account of their occupational identity, 
have been given a lowly position and have suffered much discrimination and 
opprobrium. Yet, members of this caste have played a key role in the performance 
of rituals in which drumming is required. Based on historical and ethnographic 
evidence we offer an account of the ambivalent relationship between caste, ritual 
knowledge, performance and nationalism as it has changed over time.

Keywords

Caste, Caste Discrimination,  Traditions, Social and Cultural Change, Ethnicity, Nationalism

Introduction

This article is based on the ethnographic fieldwork conducted in southern Sri Lanka 
by the authors among members of the Berava or drummer caste. Carried out between 
the late 1970’s and the mid-1990’s, De Silva’s fieldwork took place in and around 
Bentara during the mid-1990s among Berava communities in the Bantara River valley 
and focused on their ritual practices (de Silva, 2000). Simpson’s doctoral fieldwork 
was done between 1979-80 among Berava communities in villages and hamlets in the 
Nilwala valley north of Galle. His completed thesis described how ritual knowledge and 
skills were passed back and forth between Berava families. In short, both researchers 
1Emeritus Professor of Anthropology, Durham University, UK
2Professor of Sociology, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka
E-mail: 1robert.simpson@durham.ac.uk, 2prema@soc.cmb.ac.lk



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  33

immersed themselves in the traditions of ritual knowledge and skill that were, at that 
time, the rich inheritance of these communities. The label ‘Berava’ associates the 
caste with the hereditary occupation of drumming but the families that we came to 
know were adept at a wide range of skilled and creative cultural activities including 
dancing, astrology, mask-making, creating ritual structures out of plant materials 
[gok kalāva], and making images of deities [deva] and demons [yakā or yakku] out 
of mud [rūpa] for various rituals as well as statues for Buddhist temples. They were 
also in command of a significant oral tradition of poems and incantations that enabled 
men from the caste to perform rituals and ceremonies to bring relief and protection 
to those facing the inexorable facts of death, decay and disorder. Yet, despite their 
extraordinary talents and skills, there seemed to be something of a contradiction in 
place. Whilst their daily work placed them at the heart of ritual and artistic production 
across the island, members of the caste occupied a lowly place in the caste hierarchy 
of Sinhalese society and, accordingly, were subject to the oppression and opprobrium 
that comes with this status.1 Indeed, the drum, the essential symbol of their oppression, 
figures in almost all ritual that takes place in Sri Lankan society. Without the drum 
there can be no ritual or ceremony. Our main objective in this article is to explore the 
social, political and economic drivers that underpin the contradictory juxtaposition 
of valorization and opprobrium experienced by the caste. In the final section of the 
article, we bring this contradiction up to date, so to speak, with a brief reflection on the 
more recent situation of members of the Berava caste.

Our way into the contradiction is via the concept of ambivalence. The term refers 
to a state in which strong but conflicting reactions, feelings, beliefs and attitudes are 
held simultaneously.2 Ambivalence is clearly an attitude that is experienced but it 
is also one that is felt towards someone or something. It is this relational aspect of 
ambivalence that we are keen to explore in our account—ambivalence towards what, 
felt by whom and for what reason? We focus on ambivalence in three sets of relations: 
society towards the Berava; the state towards the Berava and the Berava towards 
their own traditional inheritance. A further concept we would like to weave into the 
account is that of temporality. Ambivalence is not a static state but one that is finely 
tuned to the kaleidoscope of historical circumstance. The sources and constituents of 
ambivalence shift as different social and political realities have to be negotiated. In our 
account, we have tried to keep attuned to the wider landscapes in which day-to-day 
social and cultural life play out.

The period covered by our research was approximately 1978-1995. This was a 
tumultuous period in Sri Lankan history but, arguably, no less tumultuous than the 
periods that immediately preceded or followed it. In 1977, J.R Jayawardene was 
elected President following a landslide victory for the United National Party (UNP). 
With a strong mandate and little by way of opposition he embarked on a neoliberal 
transformation of the nation. Beneath a thin veneer of Buddhist morality and an 

1This contradiction has been highlighted by numerous commentators, for example Kapferer, 
1983, p. 54; Reed, 2010, p. 169; and Esler, 2024, p. 386.

2Word derives from Latin ambi- ‘on both sides’ and valentia ‘strength’. 



34 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

attempt to create a righteous, that is, a ‘Dharmista’ society, lay a solid core of self-
interested entrepreneurship and wealth creation based on open and unregulated 
markets. By the early 1980s, portents of trouble ahead were beginning to appear for 
the Jayawardene regime. The economic miracles promised did not materialize for the 
rural masses of the country. Disquiet was also fomenting among the Tamil community. 
The government’s response to both expressions of discontent was one of growing 
authoritarianism. In 1983, a period of serious instability began following the alleged 
rape of three Tamil schoolgirls in Jaffna by Sri Lankan soldiers. This was followed 
by the killing of thirteen Sri Lankan soldiers by Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam 
(LTTE), which triggered a pogrom in July 1983, which left up to 3000 Tamils dead and 
150,000 displaced (Piyadasa, 1984). Growing instability in one of its closest neighbors 
led the Indian government to coerce the Sri Lankan government into accepting an 
Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in 1987. The intervention proved to be disastrous, 
and the region descended into all-out war. After heavy losses, the IPKF withdrew in 
1990. The imposition of the IPKF and the violation of Sri Lankan sovereignty that 
this was seen to represent proved to be a powerful recruiting tool for the socialist 
Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). The JVP, routed during their 1971 uprising, had 
re-emerged as a nationalist movement appealing to rural and disenfranchised youth 
and championing Buddhism and Sinhala patriotism. Many young people joined the 
JVP in their campaign of strikes, disruption and guerilla warfare. The JVP took on 
the mantle of protectors and liberators of the ‘motherland’ and the saviors of Sinhala 
culture. However, as their campaign to overthrow the state gathered momentum, 
their methods became more violent and indiscriminate. This aspect of their strategy 
played an important role in the downfall of the second JVP insurrection (1987-89). 
The response of the state was swift and brutal and amidst a catastrophic loss of life the 
insurrection was brought to an end. 

The liberalization of the economy under the right wing United National Party, the 
opening up of the economy to global capitalist forces, and other factors exacerbated crises 
of social and political control for the government. The escalation of civil war between 
the government of Sri Lanka and separatist Tamil Tigers paved the way to a deepening 
of Sinhala Buddhist nationalist sentiment. Furthermore, the post-liberalization period 
removed many of the barriers that kept the country in a situation of relative isolation 
from global social, cultural, political, and economic processes. Elections in 1994 saw 
the Peoples’ Alliance (led by the SLFP) come to power, pledging an end to the war and 
a negotiated peace with the separatist LTTE, a commitment to clean, transparent and 
democratic governance, and advocacy of pro-poor economic policies. In the political 
sphere, it may even have outdone its predecessor in election-rigging and political 
corruption. It soon became clear that the pro-war lobby was powerful enough to ensure 
no concessions were made that could have led to negotiations for peace. By the end 
of the period that we cover in this article there was a seemingly irresistible downward 
slide into chronic and protracted political, economic and social crises.

The bigger historical picture is important for the account we develop below. On 
the one hand, these events had a significant impact on the ritual practices of the Berava. 



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  35

For example, de Silva points out that there has been a strong current of opinion which 
argues that the breakdown of kinship and village-based social organization, including 
caste, entails a concomitant decline in ritual performance (for example, see Gombrich 
& Obeyesekere, 1988). De Silva (2000), on the contrary, argues that rituals have not 
declined but instead have changed their goals and orientations. Indeed, he found that, 
among the Berava, a remarkable resilience was evident, notwithstanding the intrusion 
of neoliberal forces into Sri Lankan society following the opening up of the economy 
in 1978. Although these forces have undermined some aspects of communal and caste-
based healing rituals, an active sense of cultural nationalism has worked to preserve 
‘traditions’ and has even acted as a counter to the local impacts of global forces. So, on 
the one hand, healing rituals [tovil], have been drastically scaled down and privatized, 
on the other, they have emerged as self-conscious, cultural markers of national heritage 
and are regularly incorporated into cultural shows for mass audiences (de Silva, 2000). 
Simpson describes a similar transformation because of the banning of large gatherings 
during the 1980s insurrection. During this time, public healing rituals came under this 
ban and consequently were replaced by smaller scale ones carried out indoors and with 
fewer personnel (Simpson, 1997). Like de Silva, he also notes that the ritual practices 
of the Berava and other similar groups such as the Navandanno [blacksmiths], because 
of the caste’s connection with the past, have played a significant role in cultural 
politics nationally. In short, in the period in the run-up to independence and thereafter, 
the cultural capital of the Berava acquired a strategic significance. At various points, 
performance and performers deemed ‘traditional’ have been valorized as representing 
a link with an authentic, pre-colonial past and as such used as a reference point for 
contemporary Sinhala national identity.3 As we show in the section dealing with the 
ambivalence of members of the Berava caste towards their own heritage, the tension 
has been resolved for recent generations by a growing detachment from their own 
traditions. For them, the detachment provides a route to caste anonymity and the social 
mobility that this allows. 

Ambivalence I: Society towards the Berava
The Sinhalese caste system has proved something of a puzzle for scholars of South Asia 
society and culture.4 Unlike its Indian counterpart, there are no Brahmin or Kshatriya 
castes and it does not carry the same rigidity around ideas of purity and pollution. It 
also differs in that the most elevated caste, the Goyigama, or farmer caste is also the 
largest in numerical terms. Below the Goyigama are a cluster of smaller, service castes 
who are ranked below the Goyigamas in the Sinhala caste hierarchy. The social and 
economic marginality of the service castes was often reinforced by numerous social 
proscriptions and markers. For example: they were frequently without hereditary 
3In his account of cultural intimacy, Herzfeld (1997) makes a similar point: Marginals are often 
subject to a profound ambivalence. On the one hand they are celebrated as a pure expression 
of an authentic identity but on the other they are denigrated because they fail to satisfy modern 
expectations regarding values and behaviour.

4For an interesting discussion and overview on caste research in Sri Lanka see Esler, 2024. 



36 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

land title, had to follow a system of caste-specific family and personal names, had 
unavoidable service obligations towards higher status groups, faced restrictions on 
dress and appearance and were subject to subtle patterns of deference and demeanor in 
their day-to-day inter-caste social interaction. Estimates of the numbers who identify 
as members of the various service castes are notoriously difficult to arrive at. Caste 
as a category has not been identified in censuses since 1911 and anti-discrimination 
legislation over the decades has rendered caste even more demographically opaque 
(Silva et al., 2009). Based on the limited data available to them, Silva, Sivapragasam 
& Thanges estimated that about 20 to 30 per cent people in Sri Lanka are victims of 
caste-based discrimination which may serve as a rough proxy for the overall proportion 
of service castes present in Sri Lanka. Among these castes, the Berava are considered 
one of the lowest ranked and are one of the most numerous. In the southern part of the 
island, however, they constitute a small fraction of the total caste-identified population 
(Ryan, 1953, p. 291). More recently, Kapferer notes that in both urban and rural Sri 
Lanka, the Berava are viewed by other castes as close to the bottom of the caste order 
(1983, pp. 38-48). Their low rank is generally related to the nature of their ritual 
duties. A reason often cited by non-Berava people as a justification for the caste being 
positioned in the lower orders of society was that Berava men’s hereditary occupation 
of drumming at rituals and ceremonies brought them into routine contact with the 
skins of dead animals on their drums. Killing animals is abhorred within mainstream 
Buddhism and by extension, handling the products of this act are linked by some 
Buddhists with impurity on the one hand and impiety on the other. Their status is also 
linked to their role as providing ritual services to most of the other castes. These duties 
typically bring Berava ritualists and their families into contact with lower beings in the 
cosmic order such as demons and spirits [yaksha and bhuta] which further reinforces 
the low status of the caste.5 The logic underpinning this association is to be found in 
the hierarchical ordering of the Buddhist pantheon. The system operates according to 
jurisdictions (varama) held by gods over cosmic territories. These gods then bestow 
power on lesser deities and demons. As Obeyesekere has argued, this vision of the 
cosmic order serves as a model of, and a model for, the social organization of Lankan 
kingdoms (Obeyesekere, 1984). Throughout history, distinct caste groups were formed 
in accordance with the sort of ritual and other services they provided in royal and 
religious ceremonials as well as domestic rites. In addition to the Berava, the main 
service castes still found in the south of Sri Lanka today are as follows: metalworkers 
(Navandanno), lime burners (Hunu), palanquin bearers (Batgama), potters (Badahalla), 
washermen (Hena or Rada) and jaggery makers (Vahumpura).

Today, some of the ancient structures of feudal social organization are still evident. 
Historically, Sinhala Buddhist-dominated Sri Lanka fell into three culturally distinct 
regions: The ‘upcountry’ or Uda Rata, embraces the traditions of the central province; 
the ‘low-country’ or Pahata Rata, includes the traditions of the districts of Galle, Matara 
and Hambantota in the southern province, and the Sabaragamuwa tradition refers to the 
5The use of the term ‘low’ here is in keeping with the terminology in common usage in Sinhala 
Buddhist society, that is, they are referred to as an adu kulaya. 



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  37

arts developed in the central western region of Sri Lanka. In the history of Sri Lanka 
these regions emerged as ancient kingdoms and later provided the boundaries of the 
district authorities of the colonial administrations. The Berava caste communities in 
these regions have also developed distinct drumming and dancing traditions which are 
recognized through their ritual costumes as well as their technique, style and rhythm 
when performing (also see Sykes, 2018). These different traditions continue to provide 
important vehicles for regional identities in the present day. Indeed, the role of Berava 
men as performers in these areas continues to be important. Ancient patron/client 
structures of duties and loyalties have more recently been replaced by ones with local 
political elites and their strategic appeals to cultural heritage and its preservation.

Broadly speaking, Berava in their role as drummers fall into two categories: ritual 
drummers and funeral drummers. Ritual drummers could inherit land and sometimes 
be engaged in paddy cultivation as well as ritual service. From father to son, this 
traditional legacy has been passed down across the generations [paramparāva]. These 
drummers gave their services to temples, deity shrines and at communal rituals. 
Stylized bodily movements of the dancers are rhythmically controlled by the beat of 
the drum. The rhythmic harmony of the act is essential to the performance (Sykes, 
2018). On certain ritual occasions, for example in Buddhist temples, the drums are beat 
without the accompaniment of dance. However, dance cannot be performed without 
the beating of the drums. The Berava provide the offerings of sound [sabda pujā] and 
dance in temple rituals and village rites. An important duty for Berava drummers and 
dancers is to participate in the large ceremonial processions in which sacred regalia 
are paraded [perahera]. As Seneviratne points out, even in the midst of this duty their 
status vis-a-vis other castes is made public:

The very act of dancing in front of someone in certain contexts, of which the 
Perahera is one, places the dancers in a low position and the recipient of dance 
in a high position. This inequality is enhanced by the dancers worshipping the 
radala authorities every now and then in the moving Perahera, throughout its 
entire course. Further, during most of this course, the dancers also perform 
the remarkable feat of walking backwards from time to time, as much as they 
could while doing their dance too, another sign of honor accorded to a high-
status person to whom one does not turn one’s back. (1978, p. 151).

Unlike ritual drummers, the section of the Berava community involved with funeral 
drumming [mala bera] did not inherit land. Their association with the polluting effects 
of death and disposal marked them out as inferior, even within the caste. Whilst this 
hierarchical distinction was upheld inside the caste and ritual drummers would never 
undertake funeral drumming, it was of no consequence to outsiders. All Berava were 
seen as inferior by outsiders. The occupational identity of the Berava as the part of 
society where drummers are to be found is strong. By the time we carried out our 
fieldwork, many Berava men had never touched a drum. Nonetheless, the stigma 
attached to their profession, for both men and women, has persisted.



38 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

For several older Berava people that we worked with, the memories of caste 
oppression were still strong. Stories of exclusion, abuse and intimidation were common. 
By the time Simpson carried out his fieldwork in 1979, the most visible manifestations 
of caste prejudice had been greatly ameliorated through social and political activism. 
Berava men could now go about in public with their upper bodies covered and 
educational exclusion was mostly a thing of the past.6 However, humiliating traces 
of caste prejudice were still in evidence. Rules that set the community apart such as 
prohibitions on marriage outside a person’s caste or rules about who could sit together 
at a table to eat were still strongly observed. There was also the use of the ‘half chair’ 
[putuva bāgaya], a chair produced, as if from nowhere, on occasions when a Berava 
man visited the house of a Goyigama family. When all were seated, the Berava man 
would be head and shoulders below everyone else—but at least they had progressed 
from merely having to stand when in company. There were numerous occasions when 
out in public with his Berava associates Simpson also attracted opprobrium. Did he not 
realize that these people were low and ‘dirty’ [kilutuyi] and he shouldn’t be fraternizing 
with them? What might appear to an outsider as a flat and featureless social landscape 
was in fact filled with clues about status that often translated into appalling acts of 
prejudice.

De Silva also witnessed caste-based discrimination against Berava people in 
the Bentara area. For example, members of the caste were often in dispute with the 
politically and numerically dominant Goyigama caste. One contentious issue was that 
of schooling. A major grievance was that antagonism from other castes caused Berava 
children to leave school earlier than they otherwise would have done. In response, 
members of the caste started their own primary school with the help of a Berava man 
with good connections to national political parties. Similarly, members of the caste 
were forced to have their own temple because of high caste control of the existing 
village temple.

Yet, despite evidence of sustained caste prejudice, the role of the Berava in the 
areas in which they lived was one that was valued when it came to the services that 
men of the caste provided. For example, in the event of illness or misfortune for which 
supernatural forces are believed to be responsible, family members would approach 
a local ritual specialist, typically of the Berava caste. They would visit their houses, 
drink their tea and eat their biscuits and be polite and solicitous. Where a healing 
ceremony [tovil] was the resulting prescription, a troupe of dancers and drummers 
[kandāyama] would later attend the house where the patient [āturaya] lived and the 
performers would be treated to food, drink and generally welcomed into the home. 
Social etiquette would be observed on these occasions, but the hosts would go to some 
6The ‘Battle of the Banian’ is a now famous incident in which there was a violent confrontation 
between Goyigamas and Berava men over their children’s right to wear vests in public. Ryan 
reports events taking place near Tangalle in 1949 (Ryan, 1953, pp. 292–293). Simpson’s informants 
described similar events taking place in the 1960s, again sparked when a Berava child was assaulted 
in the street for going to school wearing a vest. S.A. Wickremasinghe, then Communist Party MP 
for Akuressa, was reported to have physically intervened in the confrontation and persuaded the 
Goyigama groups that their prejudices were unfair and unfounded. 



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  39

lengths to ensure that their guests, although beneath them in the caste hierarchy, were 
not offended or slighted in any way. One reason for this apparent putting aside of caste 
concerns was the fact that those who had come to repel misfortune and its agents were 
also capable of doing the opposite. Their knowledge of sorcery and other nefarious 
techniques made them feared for the harm they might do if offended.

Ambivalence II:  The State towards the Berava

In her book Dance and the Nation: Performance Ritual and Politics in Sri Lanka 
[2010] Susan Reed documents how the Kohomba Kankariya ritual was transformed 
from a small-scale village celebration of local deities into an ubiquitous and essential 
expression of Sinhalese national identity. Over the centuries the Kohomba Kankariya 
has served a range of functions: healing ritual, a way to fulfil a vow, an agricultural 
rite or simply fostering forgiveness and community solidarity. Crucially, the Kohomba 
Kankariya is associated with the up-country or Kandyan dance tradition. In the early 
twentieth century, Kohomba Kankariya dancers and drummers began to feature in 
the rituals that center on the Temple of the Tooth and as a part of the Esala Perahera 
procession (Reed, 2010, p. 99). Reed demonstrates how in the post-colonial period 
Kandyan dance became entwined with the political project of Sinhala Buddhist 
nationalism. A critical moment in this development was SWRD Bandaranike’s 
election in 1956. His success lay in his appeal to the Sinhala majority and the promise 
of a revitalization of the religion, culture and values that had atrophied under centuries 
of colonial rule. From this point onward there emerged a sense that Sinhala culture 
was unique and in need of protection. One of the first moves in this direction was 
the establishment of a Ministry of Cultural Affairs in 1956. According to Mantillake 
(2022), the dances drawn from the different dance traditions of the island became part 
of the national curriculum in schools in the 1950s. He identifies the Berava dancer 
and drummer Pani Bharata as playing a significant role in creating an entire repertoire 
of dances that reinforced an emerging sense of Sinhala national identity. Although 
presented as authentic and pre-colonial, Mantilleke argues that these dances, which 
celebrated everyday village activities, are largely invented and were formulated in the 
ferment of cultural revival that followed independence. These shifts in cultural policy 
had wide-ranging consequences for performers and their modes of performance. Put 
simply, healing rituals performed by hereditary Berava specialists became increasingly 
oriented toward heritage and exhibition delivered by middle-class, non-Berava elites. 
Reed also documents other critical transformations. The dynamic variability of dance 
traditions became increasingly standardized and prescribed as a result of textbooks, 
manuals and exams. Performers from the Berava caste were gradually squeezed out 
of their ritual inheritance in favor of high-caste exponents (Reed, 2010, p. 136). The 
inclusion of dance at Ordinary Level, Advanced Level in schools and later at degree 
level added further impetus to the dislocation of performance from its roots. Woven 
into this story is an account of the impact of these changes upon up-country Berava 
ritualists and their communities.



40 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

Whilst the fate of the up-country Berava has been documented in some detail, little 
has been written about the situation in the low-country. Although sharing common 
caste status, up-country and low-country Berava have significantly different traditions. 
Low-country Berava have not enjoyed the same levels of recognition and state 
patronage as their up-country counterparts. Berava from the southern provinces, carry 
the tradition of low country dance (pahata rata naetum) and an associated complex 
of rituals intended to deal with the malign effects of demons (tovil). Some artists from 
this tradition did achieve national and international recognition but not nearly to the 
extent of their up-country compatriots. For example, Polwatte Gomez was recognized 
as a celebrity within the communities around the Galle and Matara on account of the 
fact that he had performed in Europe as part of a cultural tour. In 1980, when Simpson 
met him, he was quite elderly and cut a very elegant figure. He was well known in his 
community, almost everybody claimed to be related to him and, on family occasions, 
he was treated with nothing short of divine reverence. Similarly, Edin Gurunanse was 
one of the most respected and reputed teachers (adura) in Southern Sri Lanka. With his 
excellent reputation, Edin was in considerable demand from various groups of ritual 
performers and clients from all over the island. He even performed his dance routines 
in several European countries and his reputation was further enhanced after winning a 
number of awards. He was an acknowledged teacher and attracted numerous students. 
He also served as a visiting lecturer at the Institute of Aesthetic Studies which was later 
to become the University of Visual and Performing Arts (UVPA) in the capital city of 
Colombo.

Among Simpson’s Berava associates back in 1978, it was also a source of great 
pride that a male relative had appeared at, or perhaps taught at the Institute of Aesthetic 
Studies (saundarya āyatanaya). This was not only because of their caste background 
but also because low-country dance and drumming was often overlooked in favor 
of the more established and celebrated Kandyan dance traditions in State-sponsored 
institutions. Another source of pride for those involved in traditional arts and crafts 
was to be recognized with a Kala Bhushana. This entailed the award of a medal, a 
certificate and a small cash prize. Personal details and a photograph of those receiving 
the award also then appeared in a souvenir publication. The cover of the 1986 brochure 
shows a collage of drums, masks and ritual paraphernalia. Included among the items 
on the cover is an ola leaf book (pus kola pot) and stylus (panhinda). These books 
contain the poems (kavi) in which ritual instructions and their justification are to be 
found; these verses are jealously guarded and passed down in families. In 1988, the 
Kala Bushana, was awarded to Edin Gurunanse.

The Kala Bhushana was instigated in the mid-1980s as a way of recognizing 
local artists for their long service and significant contribution to the passing on of 
traditional knowledge and skills. The first Kala Bhushana event took place on 22 
May 1984 at President J.R. Jaywardene’s residence. At the inaugural event 53 temple 
artists, drummers, dancers and astrologers were feted. The date was significant as it 
coincided with National Heroes Day. In the 1980s the scheme was targeted explicitly 
at the grassroots carriers of traditional knowledge and skill. From the pictures in 



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  41

the early brochures, many of the men were elderly and wearing the national dress. 
Perusal of the hereditary family names (vāsagama), which often contain clues as to 
caste identity, would suggest that several recipients were of the Berava and other low 
castes. When, on a subsequent field trip in the mid-90s, Simpson spent time with his 
Berava associates, they would proudly point to relatives who had been recognized 
by this prestigious national award. That those being recognized with the award were 
rather distant kin was not an issue. There were always rumblings about political bias 
in the selection of candidates, but the important point was that they were Berava and 
it was their traditional occupations that were being celebrated. In the foreword to the 
1986 Kala Bhushana award brochure, President J.R Jayawardene joins three points 
crucial to the political ideology of his government. First, is an invocation of a link 
to the ancient kingdoms of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa and the twelfth century 
King, Parakramabahu. Second, the assertion that economic success is the foundation 
of national greatness. Third, that traditional Sinhala arts and crafts are crucial to this 
vision. At various points in the opening comments other ministers identify traditional 
knowledge and skills as integral to J.R. Jayawardene’s vision of the Dharmista society, 
that is, one based upon an essentially Sinhala Buddhist conception of righteousness. 
Indeed, the patrons of the event repeatedly return to a link between the current 
impoverished morality of society and the way in which traditional art and artists have 
been neglected. The Kala Bhushana was thus a powerful way to reinforce the idea 
of a Dharmista society by enlisting and celebrating the purveyors of Sinhala cultural 
traditions as essential to it.

The award of the Kala Bhushana as state recognition of individual contribution 
to the arts continues but in more recent times its form is rather different. In 2017, the 
award was given to 200 people deemed to have made a significant contribution to 
contemporary culture. The difference between the early days of the award and the 
present day is threefold. There is recognition that the arts scene is ethnically diverse 
(although still dominated by Sinhalese), there is greater recognition of women’s roles 
and there has been a shift towards literature, music and drama. This was no doubt 
a sign that the lifeblood of Sri Lankan public culture was now drawn from a rather 
different source than back in the 1970s.

During our periods of research, the cultural contribution of the Berava caste began 
to have greater economic significance with the growth of tourism as a foreign exchange 
earner. In response to the demand for souvenirs and local cultural performances, 
our networks of Berava ritualists began to provide their services to tourists. The 
influences of the tourist industry on Berava activity are particularly significant on 
the south-western coastal belt which is highly popular with tourists. Men of the caste 
would perform short versions of ritual episodes billed as ‘authentic’ and ‘traditional’ 
for visiting tourists. The remuneration from such activities was often considerably 
greater than that from their usual duties. Whereas once caste members carried out 
mask making, dancing, drumming, weaving and so forth as a matter of obligation 
under the system known as rājakāriya (duty to the king), their activities had taken on 
new significance as marketable commodities. For example, masks are no longer only 



42 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

carved and painted for ceremonial use but also produced in direct response to the high 
tourist demand for these colorful items. When it comes to dancing, non-Berava and 
even non-Sri Lankans perform ritual episodes in tourist, diplomatic, and entertainment 
venues nationally and internationally (Reed, 2010; see also Simpson 1993 and 1997). 
Several local cultural shows that de Silva viewed during 1996–1997, were sponsored 
by ‘idealists’ who wished to preserve ‘traditional arts’ for coming generations (de 
Silva, 2000). The troupes performing in these events were invariably presented as 
‘authentic’ traditional ritualists. Today, performers in the South experience both a 
State-governed renaissance of their ritual traditions and a gradual adoption of a market 
for their services as a result of tourism and migration. Together these form the drivers 
of much contemporary practice.

A further impact of State-level policy on local ritual practice is to be found in 
the field of education. Since the 1960s traditional ritual knowledge and skills have 
become progressively incorporated into formal educational curricula across all stages 
of education. The effect has been to standardize what were previously dynamic 
traditions. In 1978, the first problem that the government had to deal with when 
institutionalizing traditional ritual performance was that none of those who could 
teach dance had any higher educational background themselves. Most of them had 
not even finished O-level exams. The Ministry of Education solved the ‘lack of 
qualification problem’ among the teaching staff by honoring them with a university 
degree at the master’s level and then employing them as university lecturers. The 
first generation of teachers were men of the Berava caste who had been initiated as 
dancers and drummers. Teachers also tended to be drawn from a small number of 
recognized masters who were mostly of the ‘up-country’ or Kandyan tradition (Reed, 
2002). It was only much later that opportunities for low-country performers arose. 
With their new titles and positions came higher salaries and also an elevated social 
status. As Susan Reed notes, the trouble faced by traditional Berava ritualists in this 
situation led to tensions. In one group were the performers whose work was grounded 
in the community and closer to traditional service provision. In the other group were 
performers who were becoming cut off from their roots and whose performance was 
driven by a different aesthetic and economic rationality. The emphasis on theory and a 
more academic approach to music and dance meant that performers from higher castes 
were able to dominate the field (Reed, 1998, p. 261). Nevertheless, Reed reports that 
some Berava men, despite their lack of qualifications were able to make progress in 
the formal education sector. Consequently, the social status and public recognition of 
the Berava caste overall was improved. Furthermore, Berava men found success in 
a variety of new roles: as teachers at the university, dancers of nationally acclaimed 
traditional dances, members of national and provincial dance troupes, members of the 
Sri Lankan Army dance troupe, as judges at competitions held at the growing number 
of dance schools (kalā yatana) as members of the Arts Council, as well as the many 
opportunities created as teachers in public schools, dance schools and cultural centers 
established throughout the country under the Ministry of Cultural Affairs.



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  43

With the introduction of formal education criteria, the hereditary link between 
the Berava and their traditions of knowledge and skill were weakened, and it no 
longer gave them privileged access to state-level opportunities. The landscape of 
qualification and recognition had changed substantially. Protests were forthcoming 
from those in the Berava community who felt that they were being dispossessed of the 
intellectual property of their birthright. Many of those recruited to teach the traditional 
arts on the basis of their A-level exams in traditional arts alone had not come through 
an apprentice-type of education as dancers and what they were able to teach was 
thought to be distinctly second rate by those engaged in village ritual activity. With 
the aim of meeting these criticisms, the Institute of Aesthetic Studies established an 
exclusive entry based on a practical test on 1 May 1974 for ten talented students from 
the Berava community. The arrangement was highly contentious and, after one year, 
it was decided that everyone should be recruited on the basis of formal qualifications 
alone (Nurnberger, 1998). As a result, despite their claims to an authentic heritage, 
men of the Berava caste lost their demand for a more open access to the formalized 
education system. An important consequence of these developments was what Susan 
Reed has described as the ‘classicization’ and ‘rationalization’ of practices which ‘once 
regarded solely as the province of low-caste Berava males became respectable within 
the context of Sinhala nationalism’ (Reed, 2002, p. 247). In theory if not in actuality, 
this transformation of dancing and drumming signaled a sanitization of the ‘traditional 
arts.’ Many of the negative associations of Berava activity became recast as valuable 
and much lauded expressions of a national heritage to be shared by all Sri Lankans.

Ambivalence III: The Berava towards their Own Traditions

In the previous sections we have given some indication of the ambivalence which is 
expressed towards the Berava caste by society and state: a complex mixing of cultural 
valorization and social opprobrium. In this section we turn to the implications that this 
has had for the Berava in relation to their own traditions and heritage. Even though 
others might be slow to recognize the considerable contribution members of the caste 
made to Sri Lankan culture, they themselves would nonetheless take great pride in 
their own community and the preservation of its traditions. Key to the reproduction of 
tradition has been inter-marriage between families of performers. Intra-caste marriages 
enabled apprenticeships to take place, not only in ritual performance but also in a 
wide range of other artistic and craft skills. This system of exchange and co-operation 
between families was often cemented by marital alliances. Women invariably played a 
key role in these alliances and although they were not ritual practitioners themselves, it 
was clear to us that they were in regular contact with, and often had good knowledge of 
ritual practice. In short, for the highly visible work of Berava men to occur, the much 
less visible work of women was absolutely crucial. If men were the warp of tradition 
then women were its weft. The typical pattern was for women to move to the village 
of a husband known as a dīga marriage, and for her children to move back to her 
natal village to study with her kinsmen, and more often than not, one of her brothers, 



44 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

that is, their maternal uncle (mama). Simpson argued that this close interweaving of 
marriage, apprenticeship and performance ensured the continued dynamism of the 
ritual tradition and its recognition in the wider community (Simpson 1984, 1993 and 
1997). The practice of endogamy within groups of performance elites within the caste 
has contributed significantly to the emergence of distinct ritual traditions across the 
south of the island. For example, de Silva documents the distinctive features of the 
Bentara tradition. Berava ritualists from this area developed rites connected with 
the cult of the god Devol Deviyo. Propitiating this god is associated with relief of 
illness and meting out retribution for wrong doing. Yet, even within the region, the 
traditions relating to this deity are not homogenous. There are many families of ritual 
specialists involved in Devol Deviyo cults and each one exhibits minor variations in 
ritual procedures, style and repertoire. So, the closer one looks at tradition, the more its 
overall coherence dissolves, rather like a pointillist painting, into distinct and partial 
fragments.

In an attempt to understand this dynamic in practice, Simpson argued that the 
knowledge and skills of the Berava should be seen as cultural capital or, indeed, a 
kind of intellectual property. Like other kinds of intellectual property, knowledge and 
skills are owned with people claiming their legitimacy as its owners; here based on 
apprenticeship with named teachers (gurunānse) and a pedigree extending back in 
time (paramparāva). Value and prestige are maintained through mechanisms that 
limit access to the caste’s patrimony. Paramount among these is the passing on of 
knowledge between kin and typically between an uncle and a nephew (māma-baena). 
Another mechanism in play is that of secrecy and avoidance of sharing knowledge 
indiscriminately. In this regard, one Berava associate described two classes of 
knowledge: an inner class (aetul pantiya) and an outer one (pita pantiya). The outer 
class is one that everyone has access to. For example, at the time of fieldwork much 
oral tradition had been collected and made into book form by a publishing house 
specializing in vernacular traditions—the Modern Pot Sappuva based in Nugegoda. 
Whilst this material was viewed as legitimate by many of our Berava associates, it 
was not considered to be workable in any practical setting. For that, ‘inner’ knowledge 
passed down by a teacher to his pupil was the only way ritual practice could have any 
efficacy. Such distinctions open up further sources of ambivalence. In claiming to be 
the carriers of a tradition which purports to be timeless and unchanging, male Berava 
ritualists are believed to reproduce ancient rituals as they were performed in the time 
of the ancients or in illo tempore as Mircea Eliade once referred to it (Eliade, 1954). 
Yet, in practice, each ritual performance is an occasion for innovation and dynamic 
creativity in which different strands of tradition are brought into play. Indeed, one 
could say in the passing on of knowledge and skills across the generations, tradition 
is better understood as the history of creativity rather than as a static and faithfully 
reproduced corpus. Given this tension, the market for ritual services that Berava men 
provide fosters competition within the caste. Jealousy is common as are allegations of 
others’ inauthenticity and lack of proper knowledge or technique. It is not unknown for 
performers to steal items of performance from one another (horamera). The resulting 



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  45

dynamism of the performance tradition in the south carries significant kudos for the 
caste within the wider society. However, the same claims also generate a tendency 
towards fission and tension between different groups within the caste.

The connections that members of the caste believe themselves to have with 
authentic sources of knowledge whilst providing the grounds for distinction is also 
a source of great pride. This pride was demonstrated in a poem recited to Simpson in 
1979. The poem was shared with him by Arlis Gurunnanse of Walawe. He proudly 
claimed that it had been in his family for generations and he offered it as an account of 
the importance of the caste in terms of its origins and the role that its activities play in 
society.7 For example, rather than using the term Berava, which associates them with 
the drum, they would often refer to themselves as the Nekati Kulaya, a designation 
which associates them with the more elevated profession of astrology. 

Their glory spread in the world like a ‘gtiya,’ they are truly great 
We provided water to the Holy Bodhi tree, rewarded with fields and lands 
The two castes ’Royal’ and ‘Brahmin,’ no other castes-- we won the hearts of kings 
 
සිටිය විලසට කුලය උසමිටි වලසට වබදුනිය වපර කලා 
 රිය පිළිවෙල බමුණු කුල වලස දැන් අවේ වම් පිළිවෙළා 
ගිරිය සිඳිනට ෙැසූෙත් වමාර අපට සමයයි නයිවදලා 
බැරිය සමවෙනු බිලිය අවුලා ලබ්බ ඉණ බැඳ අලිබලා 
 
The castes is divided into low and high, according to their positions 
Our present position is correct, as the Brahmin caste 
Even if the ‘Nayides’ scream until their throats crack 
They cannot be equal, by -----, wearing the gourd on the waist and guarding elephants 
(නයිවේ-attached to the names of artificers, specially of goldsmiths and silversmiths) 
 
දැවලන් බිලිවයන් මසුන් මැරුකල ඇසුත් වනාවපවනයි සම රූ 
වතලින් කුරුරජ තුමන් ආෙත් අවේ පිළිවෙළමයි ෙරු 
අලින් ෙස්බැඳ කපන වපාල් අතු මදින අයටත් සිත් යුරූ 
කලින් තිබු පිළිවෙළක් නැත වෙන අපට ෙැඩි උන්වෙන් ෙරූ 
 
When some men catch fish with the net and hook, they go blind 
Even if king Kuru came from far, still our customs are the best 
For those who polish coconut fronds they cut by tethering elephants on trees 
No other greater way for them than what we had in the past 
(Kuru- name of a country and a king found in the Buddhist literature) 
 
ෙනන් තෙ ඇත වකාටස් වෙන වෙන වබදුනු කටයුතු නිසි  වලසා 
ෙනන් සත ස  නැකැත් සත දැන ෙ  න් වෙන් ෙන දෑ යසා 
දනන්  ට වසත් යාෙ සමගින් ෙයන කර වබර නද වෙනා 
පනම් වෙන රැකි ඇදුරු වකාටසක් බමුනු කුලවයන් වව් යසා 
 
There are more parts to describe, divided according tasks, duly 
Knowing the science of numbers and astrology, the effects of the planets 
For the people with the ‘yaga’ and to the accompaniment of the sound of drums 
A kind of the artists maintained with gifts, descending from the Brahmin caste 
 
සතර වෙද දැන ෙදඹ බමුණන් උතුම් වොවිකුලවයන් කකා 
අතර තුරුෙන් දනන්වෙන් අඩු බතක් දුන්වනාත් උන් වනාකා 
එතර කරමින් සියළු පිරිපත යාෙ කර මිනිසුන් රැකා 
අතර දඹදිෙ වබෝෙ පැෙතුනි වබෝෙ සම්පත් ලැබ වනකා 
 
Knowing four Vedas, Gandharva Brahmins, eating (depending on) from the great Govi caste 
If some food is given now and then for ma low cast, not eating it 
Putting an end to all disasters, performing yaga for protecting people 
Existed in the Dambadiva mostly, receiving much wealth and crops 

There are more parts to describe, duly divided according to their tasks, 
Knowing the science of numbers and astrology, the effects of the planets
For the people with the yaga and to the accompaniment of the sound of drums
A kind of the artists maintained with gifts, descending from the Brahmin caste

And later …

දැනට සිරිලක සුදුසු විලසට අඹා බලි ෙ  රු ෙ වයාදා 
දිනට සුදු පිලි පැලඳ ෙනිමින් සුරත ෙෙනය වෙන නදා 
කනට සුමුහිරි මගුල් වු ෙචවනන් යාෙ කර සත වරෝ මුදා 
බසට  ැසිවරන ඔවුන් වබරො නිමන් පැෙවතයි සිරිවිඳා 
 
At this time, making Bali images portraying the planets 
Clad in pure white cloth, making the tinkling bells sound held in the hand 
Doing the ‘yaga’ uttering sweet words to the ear, relieving people from their diseases 
 with the words, they are known as ‘Berava’ 
 
මුතුන් මිත්තන් පටන්වනාකඩෙ නැකැත් සත දැන සිටි නිසා 
වදතුන් විට දැන ෙනිති සිහිකර සුදු වලසට වබාල්ලන් තියා 
කතුන් ෙනුවදනු සෑම නැකතුත් පැෙසු  න්දා බලි තියා 
උතුම් වොවිකුල මැතිඳු පෙසයි ඒයින් උන් ට නැක තියා 

 
Since the time of ancestors continuously, they had known the science of astrology, 
Remembering the science of numbers, two or three times, placing white shells 
As they prescribed auspicious moments for marriages of women, offering ‘bali’ 
The great men of the Govi caste call them ‘Nakatiya. 
 
පතල වොවිකුල දනන්වෙන් බත් කන්වන පිරිසිදු පත්වකාවළ් 
වකාතල වකටිවයන් කටට ෙත්කර වබාන්වන පිරිසිදු වු  ජවල් 
ෙතල තඹවලරු පිඟන් දුන්නත් අපිරිසිදුයයි ප කවළ් 
සිතල බැලුවොත් බමුණු පිලිවෙල තාම නැත උන් ප කවල් 
 
From the famous people of the Govi caste, they consume rice in a ‘patkole’ (leaf) 
They drink water by pouring from a ‘kotale’ (clay-jug) into the mouth 
Fine copper plates are given; they put them away saying unclean 
If you think about this, the ways of Brhamins they have not yet given up 
 
ෙසන එක වබර නරක ෙැඩකැයි සිතති අඩුකුල දන රැසා 
නසන ලද අවප මුනිදු වකවලසුන් අරාවුන් සඳ විදුරැසා 
ෙසන සුරවලාෙ ෙදඹ වදව්පුත් සමෙ වනාවයකුත් වදවි රැසා 
අසන  ට වලස ව ොසය පැතිවරන ෙැසුවෙ නැතිෙද වබරරැසා 
 
The people of the low castes think playing drums as a bad thing 
When our Buddha after destroying ‘keles’ (defilements) occupying the crystal seat 
Various kinds of deities in heaven living with the ‘Gandharva Gods 
Did they not play many drums making a loud noise for hearing? 
 
පුෙත වනාදැනම උපත වබරො වකවරති අප ස සම රූ 
පැෙත ඒනවපර සිටන් සිරිතල බමුණුමයි අප සත දැරූ 
නැෙත නැෙතත් වසායා බැලුවෙමි වලාකු අයද අප ැර නැති යුරූ 
ෙසතව ාත් අප මිසක් වනාෙලත උතුම් වොවිකුල වනාම සරූ 
 

Since the time of ancestors continuously, they had known the science of astrology, 
Remembering the science of numbers, two or three times, placing white shells
As they prescribed auspicious moments for marriages of women, offering bali
The great men of the Govi caste call them Nakatiya.

Throughout the poem links are made with ancient Brahmin castes or bamunu who 
were responsible for bringing ritual knowledge and novel forms of religiosity into Sri 
Lanka during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (K.M. De Silva, 2005, p. 123). 

වොතන කිවියර තාල පද දැන නටන අය ට මිතුරුො 
වකාතන ව පළ  ර උනත් වපර කිෙ රැවෙන වොස් වබර රුසිලො 
තතන තනියන කියන නටනට ෙැසී වබරපද පතුරුො 
එතන සිට ලක තුමන් උන්  ට නමක් වබරො පැෙරුො 
 
The poet, skilled in the tunes and words making friends with the dancers, 
Wherever there is a procession, going there carrying the drum happily 
Beating the drum resounding ‘tatana, tana, tana’, accompanying dance 
Since then the kings of Lanka, awarded them the title of ‘Berava’ 
 
සුෙන් මුනිෙර පුදට වොවිකුල දනන්  ට උන් වබර ෙසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වපර සිට ඉවසන් බුහුමන් කර යසා 
නරන්  ට වසසු ෙැසුෙත් වබර වනාක  ා උන්වෙන් කිසිවලසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වදපයින් පටන් වපර සිරිතක් වලසා 

 
After playing the drum for the people of Govi caste, as offering to the omniscient Buddha 
They took off the drum over the head paying high respects 
Even if they play the drum for other people, would not eat anything from them 
Following ancient traditions, took off the drum from the feet 
 
අමන සම රු සිතති අඩුවකට පනා වනාෙසනෙට ඉවස් 
ෙමන පමණකි උතුරු සළුෙත් බමුණු සුදුෙත් ඇඳ යවස් 
අමන පැලඳුන් වනාරිටු දුටු දුටු අඳින කුලයට නිසිවලවස් 
පමණ වත්වරයි ව ා ඳට මියතත් බමුණුෙට උන් සැක වකවස් 
 
Some persons look down on them as they do not wear combs on their heads 
They walk clad in white ‘shoulder band’ like Brahmins 
Wearing weird ornaments according to diverse castes 
Even if they die, they will know their status as Brahmins, there’s no doubt 
 
පැත්ත කට වනාෙ ඇත්ත පෙසමි තර  වනාෙනිව් නයිවදලා 
ෙත්තු රජකම වමරට නිරිවඳෝ ආදිකළ කටයුතු බලා 
සත්තමයි ඔය ෙංස අටෙන අයට ෙැඩි අප වලාක්කලා 
උත්ත මයි වොවිකුලය සිරිලක අවපන් උන් ට ෙරුකළා 
 
Without getting to a side I will tell the truth, Nayides, do not be offended 
Kings of this Lanka, ascended throne, having seen the work of ancients 
I swear! Our leaders are greater than those who boast of their caste 
The Govi caste is the highest in Sri Lanka and we too paid respect them 
 
විජය රජකල පටන් වොවිකුල මුනිඳු තනතුරු ලබමිනා 
ෙැටිය වලස කිත් පතල විය ලක උතුම් අයමැයි සැබවිනා 
එජය දුමි දුට ෙතර ලැබු අප අනගි ෙම්වපත් වපර දිනා 
රජය බමුණුය වදකුල වසසු නැත අපිත් නිරිඳුන් සිත්වෙනා 
 

7We are extremely grateful to Emeritus Prof. Udaya Meddegama, Department of Sinhala, 
University of Peradeniya who translated the poem into English. The full version of the poem 
is reproduced in Appendix One.



46 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

Some persons look down on them as they do not wear combs on their heads
They walk clad in white scarves like Brahmins
Wearing weird ornaments according to diverse castes
Even if they die, they will know their status as Brahmins, there’s no doubt

The fact that there were waves of migration from South India in earlier centuries 
is well established. Indeed, there are strong similarities between the Tamil drummer 
caste known as the Paraiyar and the Berava. The Sinhala word for drum is bera which 
has strong etymological connections with the Tamil word parai. It is believed that 
some of these early migrants would have been Brahmins bringing with them ritual 
knowledge relating to a new panoply of deities and demons. Yet, there are no Brahmin 
castes in Sinhalese society today. Obeyesekere makes the case for the transition of 
these early immigrants into the Goyigama caste as elites (Obeyesekere, 2015). At the 
time of our fieldwork, some Berava people held the view that they were the present-
day heirs of the knowledge that these long-ago migrant Brahmins brought to Sri Lanka 
and perhaps even their direct descendants. Rather tantalizingly, Obeyesekere makes 
the point in his concluding remarks that Brahmins ‘might have descended the caste 
ladder’ and have links with drummers (Obeyesekere, 2015, p. 30). In defense of their 
claim to an earlier elevated status, some pointed out that rules about commensality 
and caste endogamy were not about them defiling the purity of others but, rather, 
preventing others defiling the purity that came with their Brahminic origins.

Given the backdrop of ongoing caste discrimination alongside internal conflicts 
and schisms it is hardly surprising that across the generations ambivalence towards 
their ritual inheritance has grown for many Berava youth. Some parents actively 
discouraged their sons from taking up hereditary professions. Sometimes it was 
the other way around with sons rejecting their parents’ desire that they carry on the 
tradition. Leaving behind the occupational markers of caste might also be accompanied 
by name changes which removed any possible caste identification. Historically, Berava 
were not allowed to use names associated with the higher castes. Similarly, the family 
names (vāsagama) when spelt out in full might reveal an association with drumming 
or astrology. Such changes enabled a degree of caste anonymity which could facilitate 
upward social mobility through employment and/or education. 

Berava Today

In this article we have drawn on our combined ethnographic experience of Berava 
families in the South of Sri Lanka to understand the emergence and consequences 
of the ambivalence expressed towards the caste. Our account documents a particular 
period in the island’s history in which efforts to construct a post-independence, national 
identity took some distinctive turns. Berava as a caste group in Sinhala society have 
gradually managed to uplift their status and living conditions using opportunities 
offered by the Sri Lankan welfare state, including free education and opportunities 
arising from patronage politics and market mechanisms. These opportunities, however, 
have not benefited all members within the caste evenly and there are pockets where 



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  47

poverty, landlessness, low human dignity, unemployment and poor living conditions 
in general exist side by side with continued discrimination, for example, in access 
to education. However, some members of the Berava caste have clearly benefited 
from the neo-liberalization of the economy post-1977 and the deployment of Sinhala 
cultural traditions as part of an ethno-nationalist rhetoric of renewal. The Berava caste, 
as the established and active carriers of the knowledge and skills that underpinned 
these traditions were inevitably drawn into this project. The ambivalence stems from 
the fact that their traditional role [community ritualists providing dancing, drumming 
and other ritual duties] and status [socially marginalized and discriminated against] 
was at odds with what they were now expected to provide. Over the decades that our 
account covers, a gradual bifurcation is evident. One direction of pull is for Berava 
performers to be drawn into aspects of performance that are formalized, elite and 
disconnected from their roots. The promotion of dance and drumming as mainstream 
subjects in education at all levels has played a major role in this process. It has 
provided significant career opportunities for some Berava ritualists. Whilst these 
opportunities are lucrative and carry status, they are inevitably selective and have the 
effect of distancing performers from their own communities. Similarly, tourism has 
provided markets for commoditized elements of ritual tradition in the form of cultural 
performances and the mass sale of ‘devil dance’ masks. Whereas ritual service as 
carried out by Berava, men were traditionally paid for with crops, goods and services, 
and sometimes also land, today ritualists are firmly part of the cash economy. A third 
area of demand for these commoditized aspects of culture is in the burgeoning media 
industry where ritual music and dance is often used to evoke nostalgic representation 
of village life and times. 

There is however a pull in a very different direction, and one that takes later 
generations completely away from traditional activities. Separation from the traditions 
of the caste, whether by intent or necessity, is the experience of the majority of Berava 
young men. Essentially, Berava boys were trapped in a dilemma in that for many of 
them to reproduce the work of their fathers meant also to reproduce a problematic 
caste identity. Simpson, for example, makes a connection between a lingering social 
opprobrium and the desire to leave traditional professions in the 1970s and 80s; a 
strategy fraught with ambivalence. A clear effect of this move is that in the 1990s 
the younger generation experienced fewer stigmas than their forefathers. Some of the 
occupations that were moved into by recent generations involve skills developed as 
part of their caste inheritance. For example, occupations such as carpentry, masonry, 
bakery, art production, printing and tailoring may have benefited from the general 
skill sets that exist in the communities that they grew up in. Other destinations for 
employment have been the armed forces and particularly during the 30-year war 
fought against the Tamil Tigers. Garment factories, domestic service in gulf countries 
and menial security duties have also been important destinations for those choosing or 
compelled to move away from hereditary occupations.8 From more recent anecdotal 
8Similar arguments can be found in Seneviratne (1978), Silva (1992), Gunasekere (1994), 
Simpson (1996) Sorensen (1996) and Reed (2010).



48 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

evidence collected by the authors from the communities in which they worked, these 
latter occupations are the ones that the majority of Berava men and women have 
ended up in. Commenting on this shift in occupational focus, Jabbar notes that in 
the ‘practice of hereditary caste occupations…it appears that the type of work and 
status available under the modern occupational hierarchy continues to reflect a caste 
dimension’ (Jabbar, 2005, p. 16). However, on a visit in 2003 to the village where 
he had worked in the early 1980s, Simpson met the son of an important family of 
ritualists who had qualified as a doctor and recently married a woman of the same 
caste who was also a qualified doctor. Even a generation ago, such an achievement 
would have been unheard of. 

What is apparent from this brief overview of recent trends in occupational 
activity is that changing socio-economic circumstances have resulted in intra-caste 
differentiation among Berava families. Whilst a small minority of Berava families 
have continued as carriers of their rich heritage, there has been a ‘progressive backing 
away from hereditary, stigmatized occupations among the [Sinhala] lower castes…
such that the vestiges of caste-based identity are rapidly being expunged’ (Simpson, 
1997, p. 44). In recent decades larger structural forces have also been in play. As Silva 
has argued, the abandonment of inherited caste occupation is part of a broader shift 
‘from caste to a high order of ethnicity’ in the reckoning of identities (Silva, 1999, p. 
202). The over-shadowing of caste-based identities by a more unified Sinhala and, 
indeed, Buddhist identity, has been accelerated during the thirty-five-year civil war 
that pitted the Sri Lankan state against the separatist aspirations of the Tamil Tigers. 
However, whilst caste identities may have been eclipsed by the rise of a powerful 
ethno-nationalism, the traces are not easily expunged and particularly for the service 
castes. As it was for previous generations of the Berava community, caste identity 
continues to be a source of ambivalence. It is one in which pride and the celebration 
of achievement often sit uncomfortably beside concealment and the negation of caste 
associations.

Appendix One
සීරු වෙස්නා දනන්වේ කුල ෙනන කලක් වෙයි. ඒ බැවින් වනක් ගුවනන් යුත් 
අපවෙ ෙඳඹ කුලයන් නම් ෙනාලා දමන්ටත් අෙසර දුනව ාත් වම් උතුම් වූ වොවින්වෙන් 
 
There will be a time for praising the caste of ‘seeruvesna’ people. Therefore to have praised the names of our 
‘Gandabmba’- Gandharva or musicians’-castes, if we are permitted by these great ‘Farmers’--- 
 
ඔත් ගුණ පැෙසුෙ තතු ඇති වමම  වපාත 
සත්තලි වදකකට විකුණමි අඩු නැත 
ෙත්කම් ඇති අය අරවෙන බැලුවොත 
සත්තලි වදක ෙටිනාකම  ැඟි යත 

 
This book in which I state the true qualities 
I will sell for seven ’Sattali’, no less 
If those who can afford, bought it and read it 
They will understand it is really worth seven sattali’ 
 
වමදිය තුළ වපර පැෙසු මිනිසුන් එකම මිනිසුන් සැබවිනා 
වමදිය සම්මත නිරිදු කළ ලක් කිරිය ව ්තුෙ විලසිනා 
වයදිය වකාටසක් වෙදඟ දැනෙත් බමුණු යයි නම් ෙරුෙනා 
 දිය පව්කළ ෙැඩිය වකාටසක් අදම කුලෙල් වෙන් වුණා 
 
It is really true; men in this world are same 
As the reason, the actions of the ‘sammata’ ancient kings of this Lanka 
Some of them learned in Vedanga, were named Brahmins, respectable 
Those who committed much sin, were segregated as low castes 
 
යාෙ බමුණුය ෙදඹ බමුනුය ඔවුන් නිසි නිසි නම් ලබා 
යාෙ වකරුමට ඇදුරු වකාටසක් වෙනස්වුණු බෙ බලි අඹා 
යාෙ වපාත් පත් වෙදඟ වපාත් පත් රැවෙන බැලුවෙෝ ලඟ තබා 
යාෙ පිළිවෙල වවමලස වපනුණිය පළමු පැෙසිය ම  බඹා 
 
Receiving appropriate names such as ‘Brahmins of rituals, Brahmins of song and dance 
A special group of artists to perform ‘yaga (rituals)’ by making ‘bali’ images 
They kept with them books on ‘yaga’ and ‘Vedanga’ 
This is how the tradition of ‘yaga’ evolved, first taught by Mahabrahma 
 
වමසිරිලක රජ පැමිණි නිරිවඳෝ යාෙ බමුණන් වෙන්නො 
අසිරි සලසන යාෙ කරුො නැෙත සත ට දන්නො 
විසිරි උන්වෙන් වබෝෙ පැෙවතන දැනුත් බමුනන් ඉන්නො 
අසිරිමත් උන් කවුද වසායමුය අඩඟු සිත් තන්නො 
 

Kings of this Sri Lanka, having invited Brahmins for yaga 
Having performed ‘yaga’ and letting the people know 
Some Brahmins still exist scattered, descending from them, 
Let us trace, who they are, focusing our minds 

There will be a time for praising the caste of Seeruvesna people. Therefore to have 
praised the names of our Gandharva (musician castes), if we are permitted by these 
great Farmers.

---

සීරු වෙස්නා දනන්වේ කුල ෙනන කලක් වෙයි. ඒ බැවින් වනක් ගුවනන් යුත් 
අපවෙ ෙඳඹ කුලයන් නම් ෙනාලා දමන්ටත් අෙසර දුනව ාත් වම් උතුම් වූ වොවින්වෙන් 
 
There will be a time for praising the caste of ‘seeruvesna’ people. Therefore to have praised the names of our 
‘Gandabmba’- Gandharva or musicians’-castes, if we are permitted by these great ‘Farmers’--- 
 
ඔත් ගුණ පැෙසුෙ තතු ඇති වමම  වපාත 
සත්තලි වදකකට විකුණමි අඩු නැත 
ෙත්කම් ඇති අය අරවෙන බැලුවොත 
සත්තලි වදක ෙටිනාකම  ැඟි යත 

 
This book in which I state the true qualities 
I will sell for seven ’Sattali’, no less 
If those who can afford, bought it and read it 
They will understand it is really worth seven sattali’ 
 
වමදිය තුළ වපර පැෙසු මිනිසුන් එකම මිනිසුන් සැබවිනා 
වමදිය සම්මත නිරිදු කළ ලක් කිරිය ව ්තුෙ විලසිනා 
වයදිය වකාටසක් වෙදඟ දැනෙත් බමුණු යයි නම් ෙරුෙනා 
 දිය පව්කළ ෙැඩිය වකාටසක් අදම කුලෙල් වෙන් වුණා 
 
It is really true; men in this world are same 
As the reason, the actions of the ‘sammata’ ancient kings of this Lanka 
Some of them learned in Vedanga, were named Brahmins, respectable 
Those who committed much sin, were segregated as low castes 
 
යාෙ බමුණුය ෙදඹ බමුනුය ඔවුන් නිසි නිසි නම් ලබා 
යාෙ වකරුමට ඇදුරු වකාටසක් වෙනස්වුණු බෙ බලි අඹා 
යාෙ වපාත් පත් වෙදඟ වපාත් පත් රැවෙන බැලුවෙෝ ලඟ තබා 
යාෙ පිළිවෙල වවමලස වපනුණිය පළමු පැෙසිය ම  බඹා 
 
Receiving appropriate names such as ‘Brahmins of rituals, Brahmins of song and dance 
A special group of artists to perform ‘yaga (rituals)’ by making ‘bali’ images 
They kept with them books on ‘yaga’ and ‘Vedanga’ 
This is how the tradition of ‘yaga’ evolved, first taught by Mahabrahma 
 
වමසිරිලක රජ පැමිණි නිරිවඳෝ යාෙ බමුණන් වෙන්නො 
අසිරි සලසන යාෙ කරුො නැෙත සත ට දන්නො 
විසිරි උන්වෙන් වබෝෙ පැෙවතන දැනුත් බමුනන් ඉන්නො 
අසිරිමත් උන් කවුද වසායමුය අඩඟු සිත් තන්නො 
 

Kings of this Sri Lanka, having invited Brahmins for yaga 
Having performed ‘yaga’ and letting the people know 
Some Brahmins still exist scattered, descending from them, 
Let us trace, who they are, focusing our minds 



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  49

This book in which I state the true qualities
I will sell for seven sattali, no less
If those who can afford, bought it and read it
They will understand it is really worth seven sattali 

සීරු වෙස්නා දනන්වේ කුල ෙනන කලක් වෙයි. ඒ බැවින් වනක් ගුවනන් යුත් 
අපවෙ ෙඳඹ කුලයන් නම් ෙනාලා දමන්ටත් අෙසර දුනව ාත් වම් උතුම් වූ වොවින්වෙන් 
 
There will be a time for praising the caste of ‘seeruvesna’ people. Therefore to have praised the names of our 
‘Gandabmba’- Gandharva or musicians’-castes, if we are permitted by these great ‘Farmers’--- 
 
ඔත් ගුණ පැෙසුෙ තතු ඇති වමම  වපාත 
සත්තලි වදකකට විකුණමි අඩු නැත 
ෙත්කම් ඇති අය අරවෙන බැලුවොත 
සත්තලි වදක ෙටිනාකම  ැඟි යත 

 
This book in which I state the true qualities 
I will sell for seven ’Sattali’, no less 
If those who can afford, bought it and read it 
They will understand it is really worth seven sattali’ 
 
වමදිය තුළ වපර පැෙසු මිනිසුන් එකම මිනිසුන් සැබවිනා 
වමදිය සම්මත නිරිදු කළ ලක් කිරිය ව ්තුෙ විලසිනා 
වයදිය වකාටසක් වෙදඟ දැනෙත් බමුණු යයි නම් ෙරුෙනා 
 දිය පව්කළ ෙැඩිය වකාටසක් අදම කුලෙල් වෙන් වුණා 
 
It is really true; men in this world are same 
As the reason, the actions of the ‘sammata’ ancient kings of this Lanka 
Some of them learned in Vedanga, were named Brahmins, respectable 
Those who committed much sin, were segregated as low castes 
 
යාෙ බමුණුය ෙදඹ බමුනුය ඔවුන් නිසි නිසි නම් ලබා 
යාෙ වකරුමට ඇදුරු වකාටසක් වෙනස්වුණු බෙ බලි අඹා 
යාෙ වපාත් පත් වෙදඟ වපාත් පත් රැවෙන බැලුවෙෝ ලඟ තබා 
යාෙ පිළිවෙල වවමලස වපනුණිය පළමු පැෙසිය ම  බඹා 
 
Receiving appropriate names such as ‘Brahmins of rituals, Brahmins of song and dance 
A special group of artists to perform ‘yaga (rituals)’ by making ‘bali’ images 
They kept with them books on ‘yaga’ and ‘Vedanga’ 
This is how the tradition of ‘yaga’ evolved, first taught by Mahabrahma 
 
වමසිරිලක රජ පැමිණි නිරිවඳෝ යාෙ බමුණන් වෙන්නො 
අසිරි සලසන යාෙ කරුො නැෙත සත ට දන්නො 
විසිරි උන්වෙන් වබෝෙ පැෙවතන දැනුත් බමුනන් ඉන්නො 
අසිරිමත් උන් කවුද වසායමුය අඩඟු සිත් තන්නො 
 

Kings of this Sri Lanka, having invited Brahmins for yaga 
Having performed ‘yaga’ and letting the people know 
Some Brahmins still exist scattered, descending from them, 
Let us trace, who they are, focusing our minds 

It is really true; men in this world are the same
As the reason, the actions of the ancient kings of this Lanka
Some of them know of the Veda and were named respectable Brahmins,
Those who committed much sin, were segregated as low castes

සීරු වෙස්නා දනන්වේ කුල ෙනන කලක් වෙයි. ඒ බැවින් වනක් ගුවනන් යුත් 
අපවෙ ෙඳඹ කුලයන් නම් ෙනාලා දමන්ටත් අෙසර දුනව ාත් වම් උතුම් වූ වොවින්වෙන් 
 
There will be a time for praising the caste of ‘seeruvesna’ people. Therefore to have praised the names of our 
‘Gandabmba’- Gandharva or musicians’-castes, if we are permitted by these great ‘Farmers’--- 
 
ඔත් ගුණ පැෙසුෙ තතු ඇති වමම  වපාත 
සත්තලි වදකකට විකුණමි අඩු නැත 
ෙත්කම් ඇති අය අරවෙන බැලුවොත 
සත්තලි වදක ෙටිනාකම  ැඟි යත 

 
This book in which I state the true qualities 
I will sell for seven ’Sattali’, no less 
If those who can afford, bought it and read it 
They will understand it is really worth seven sattali’ 
 
වමදිය තුළ වපර පැෙසු මිනිසුන් එකම මිනිසුන් සැබවිනා 
වමදිය සම්මත නිරිදු කළ ලක් කිරිය ව ්තුෙ විලසිනා 
වයදිය වකාටසක් වෙදඟ දැනෙත් බමුණු යයි නම් ෙරුෙනා 
 දිය පව්කළ ෙැඩිය වකාටසක් අදම කුලෙල් වෙන් වුණා 
 
It is really true; men in this world are same 
As the reason, the actions of the ‘sammata’ ancient kings of this Lanka 
Some of them learned in Vedanga, were named Brahmins, respectable 
Those who committed much sin, were segregated as low castes 
 
යාෙ බමුණුය ෙදඹ බමුනුය ඔවුන් නිසි නිසි නම් ලබා 
යාෙ වකරුමට ඇදුරු වකාටසක් වෙනස්වුණු බෙ බලි අඹා 
යාෙ වපාත් පත් වෙදඟ වපාත් පත් රැවෙන බැලුවෙෝ ලඟ තබා 
යාෙ පිළිවෙල වවමලස වපනුණිය පළමු පැෙසිය ම  බඹා 
 
Receiving appropriate names such as ‘Brahmins of rituals, Brahmins of song and dance 
A special group of artists to perform ‘yaga (rituals)’ by making ‘bali’ images 
They kept with them books on ‘yaga’ and ‘Vedanga’ 
This is how the tradition of ‘yaga’ evolved, first taught by Mahabrahma 
 
වමසිරිලක රජ පැමිණි නිරිවඳෝ යාෙ බමුණන් වෙන්නො 
අසිරි සලසන යාෙ කරුො නැෙත සත ට දන්නො 
විසිරි උන්වෙන් වබෝෙ පැෙවතන දැනුත් බමුනන් ඉන්නො 
අසිරිමත් උන් කවුද වසායමුය අඩඟු සිත් තන්නො 
 

Kings of this Sri Lanka, having invited Brahmins for yaga 
Having performed ‘yaga’ and letting the people know 
Some Brahmins still exist scattered, descending from them, 
Let us trace, who they are, focusing our minds 

Receiving appropriate names such as ‘Brahmins of rituals, Brahmins of song and dance’
A special group of artists to perform yaga (rituals) by making bali images
They kept with them books on yaga and Vedanga
This is how the tradition of yaga evolved, first taught by Mahabrahma

සීරු වෙස්නා දනන්වේ කුල ෙනන කලක් වෙයි. ඒ බැවින් වනක් ගුවනන් යුත් 
අපවෙ ෙඳඹ කුලයන් නම් ෙනාලා දමන්ටත් අෙසර දුනව ාත් වම් උතුම් වූ වොවින්වෙන් 
 
There will be a time for praising the caste of ‘seeruvesna’ people. Therefore to have praised the names of our 
‘Gandabmba’- Gandharva or musicians’-castes, if we are permitted by these great ‘Farmers’--- 
 
ඔත් ගුණ පැෙසුෙ තතු ඇති වමම  වපාත 
සත්තලි වදකකට විකුණමි අඩු නැත 
ෙත්කම් ඇති අය අරවෙන බැලුවොත 
සත්තලි වදක ෙටිනාකම  ැඟි යත 

 
This book in which I state the true qualities 
I will sell for seven ’Sattali’, no less 
If those who can afford, bought it and read it 
They will understand it is really worth seven sattali’ 
 
වමදිය තුළ වපර පැෙසු මිනිසුන් එකම මිනිසුන් සැබවිනා 
වමදිය සම්මත නිරිදු කළ ලක් කිරිය ව ්තුෙ විලසිනා 
වයදිය වකාටසක් වෙදඟ දැනෙත් බමුණු යයි නම් ෙරුෙනා 
 දිය පව්කළ ෙැඩිය වකාටසක් අදම කුලෙල් වෙන් වුණා 
 
It is really true; men in this world are same 
As the reason, the actions of the ‘sammata’ ancient kings of this Lanka 
Some of them learned in Vedanga, were named Brahmins, respectable 
Those who committed much sin, were segregated as low castes 
 
යාෙ බමුණුය ෙදඹ බමුනුය ඔවුන් නිසි නිසි නම් ලබා 
යාෙ වකරුමට ඇදුරු වකාටසක් වෙනස්වුණු බෙ බලි අඹා 
යාෙ වපාත් පත් වෙදඟ වපාත් පත් රැවෙන බැලුවෙෝ ලඟ තබා 
යාෙ පිළිවෙල වවමලස වපනුණිය පළමු පැෙසිය ම  බඹා 
 
Receiving appropriate names such as ‘Brahmins of rituals, Brahmins of song and dance 
A special group of artists to perform ‘yaga (rituals)’ by making ‘bali’ images 
They kept with them books on ‘yaga’ and ‘Vedanga’ 
This is how the tradition of ‘yaga’ evolved, first taught by Mahabrahma 
 
වමසිරිලක රජ පැමිණි නිරිවඳෝ යාෙ බමුණන් වෙන්නො 
අසිරි සලසන යාෙ කරුො නැෙත සත ට දන්නො 
විසිරි උන්වෙන් වබෝෙ පැෙවතන දැනුත් බමුනන් ඉන්නො 
අසිරිමත් උන් කවුද වසායමුය අඩඟු සිත් තන්නො 
 

Kings of this Sri Lanka, having invited Brahmins for yaga 
Having performed ‘yaga’ and letting the people know 
Some Brahmins still exist scattered, descending from them, 
Let us trace, who they are, focusing our minds 

Kings of this Sri Lanka, having invited Brahmins for yaga
Having performed yaga and letting the people know
Some Brahmins still exist scattered, descending from them, 
Let us trace, who they are, focusing our minds
වොතන කිවියර තාල පද දැන නටන අය ට මිතුරුො 
වකාතන ව පළ  ර උනත් වපර කිෙ රැවෙන වොස් වබර රුසිලො 
තතන තනියන කියන නටනට ෙැසී වබරපද පතුරුො 
එතන සිට ලක තුමන් උන්  ට නමක් වබරො පැෙරුො 
 
The poet, skilled in the tunes and words making friends with the dancers, 
Wherever there is a procession, going there carrying the drum happily 
Beating the drum resounding ‘tatana, tana, tana’, accompanying dance 
Since then the kings of Lanka, awarded them the title of ‘Berava’ 
 
සුෙන් මුනිෙර පුදට වොවිකුල දනන්  ට උන් වබර ෙසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වපර සිට ඉවසන් බුහුමන් කර යසා 
නරන්  ට වසසු ෙැසුෙත් වබර වනාක  ා උන්වෙන් කිසිවලසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වදපයින් පටන් වපර සිරිතක් වලසා 

 
After playing the drum for the people of Govi caste, as offering to the omniscient Buddha 
They took off the drum over the head paying high respects 
Even if they play the drum for other people, would not eat anything from them 
Following ancient traditions, took off the drum from the feet 
 
අමන සම රු සිතති අඩුවකට පනා වනාෙසනෙට ඉවස් 
ෙමන පමණකි උතුරු සළුෙත් බමුණු සුදුෙත් ඇඳ යවස් 
අමන පැලඳුන් වනාරිටු දුටු දුටු අඳින කුලයට නිසිවලවස් 
පමණ වත්වරයි ව ා ඳට මියතත් බමුණුෙට උන් සැක වකවස් 
 
Some persons look down on them as they do not wear combs on their heads 
They walk clad in white ‘shoulder band’ like Brahmins 
Wearing weird ornaments according to diverse castes 
Even if they die, they will know their status as Brahmins, there’s no doubt 
 
පැත්ත කට වනාෙ ඇත්ත පෙසමි තර  වනාෙනිව් නයිවදලා 
ෙත්තු රජකම වමරට නිරිවඳෝ ආදිකළ කටයුතු බලා 
සත්තමයි ඔය ෙංස අටෙන අයට ෙැඩි අප වලාක්කලා 
උත්ත මයි වොවිකුලය සිරිලක අවපන් උන් ට ෙරුකළා 
 
Without getting to a side I will tell the truth, Nayides, do not be offended 
Kings of this Lanka, ascended throne, having seen the work of ancients 
I swear! Our leaders are greater than those who boast of their caste 
The Govi caste is the highest in Sri Lanka and we too paid respect them 
 
විජය රජකල පටන් වොවිකුල මුනිඳු තනතුරු ලබමිනා 
ෙැටිය වලස කිත් පතල විය ලක උතුම් අයමැයි සැබවිනා 
එජය දුමි දුට ෙතර ලැබු අප අනගි ෙම්වපත් වපර දිනා 
රජය බමුණුය වදකුල වසසු නැත අපිත් නිරිඳුන් සිත්වෙනා 
 

The poet, skilled in the tunes and words making friends with the dancers, 
Wherever there is a procession, going there carrying the drum happily
Beating the drum resounding ‘tatana, tana, tana’, accompanying dance
Since then the kings of Lanka, awarded them the title of Berava 

වොතන කිවියර තාල පද දැන නටන අය ට මිතුරුො 
වකාතන ව පළ  ර උනත් වපර කිෙ රැවෙන වොස් වබර රුසිලො 
තතන තනියන කියන නටනට ෙැසී වබරපද පතුරුො 
එතන සිට ලක තුමන් උන්  ට නමක් වබරො පැෙරුො 
 
The poet, skilled in the tunes and words making friends with the dancers, 
Wherever there is a procession, going there carrying the drum happily 
Beating the drum resounding ‘tatana, tana, tana’, accompanying dance 
Since then the kings of Lanka, awarded them the title of ‘Berava’ 
 
සුෙන් මුනිෙර පුදට වොවිකුල දනන්  ට උන් වබර ෙසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වපර සිට ඉවසන් බුහුමන් කර යසා 
නරන්  ට වසසු ෙැසුෙත් වබර වනාක  ා උන්වෙන් කිසිවලසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වදපයින් පටන් වපර සිරිතක් වලසා 

 
After playing the drum for the people of Govi caste, as offering to the omniscient Buddha 
They took off the drum over the head paying high respects 
Even if they play the drum for other people, would not eat anything from them 
Following ancient traditions, took off the drum from the feet 
 
අමන සම රු සිතති අඩුවකට පනා වනාෙසනෙට ඉවස් 
ෙමන පමණකි උතුරු සළුෙත් බමුණු සුදුෙත් ඇඳ යවස් 
අමන පැලඳුන් වනාරිටු දුටු දුටු අඳින කුලයට නිසිවලවස් 
පමණ වත්වරයි ව ා ඳට මියතත් බමුණුෙට උන් සැක වකවස් 
 
Some persons look down on them as they do not wear combs on their heads 
They walk clad in white ‘shoulder band’ like Brahmins 
Wearing weird ornaments according to diverse castes 
Even if they die, they will know their status as Brahmins, there’s no doubt 
 
පැත්ත කට වනාෙ ඇත්ත පෙසමි තර  වනාෙනිව් නයිවදලා 
ෙත්තු රජකම වමරට නිරිවඳෝ ආදිකළ කටයුතු බලා 
සත්තමයි ඔය ෙංස අටෙන අයට ෙැඩි අප වලාක්කලා 
උත්ත මයි වොවිකුලය සිරිලක අවපන් උන් ට ෙරුකළා 
 
Without getting to a side I will tell the truth, Nayides, do not be offended 
Kings of this Lanka, ascended throne, having seen the work of ancients 
I swear! Our leaders are greater than those who boast of their caste 
The Govi caste is the highest in Sri Lanka and we too paid respect them 
 
විජය රජකල පටන් වොවිකුල මුනිඳු තනතුරු ලබමිනා 
ෙැටිය වලස කිත් පතල විය ලක උතුම් අයමැයි සැබවිනා 
එජය දුමි දුට ෙතර ලැබු අප අනගි ෙම්වපත් වපර දිනා 
රජය බමුණුය වදකුල වසසු නැත අපිත් නිරිඳුන් සිත්වෙනා 
 



50 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

After playing the drum for the people of govi caste, as offering to the omniscient Buddha
They took off the drum over the head paying high respects
Even if they play the drum for other people, they would not eat anything from them
Following ancient traditions, took off the drum from the feet

වොතන කිවියර තාල පද දැන නටන අය ට මිතුරුො 
වකාතන ව පළ  ර උනත් වපර කිෙ රැවෙන වොස් වබර රුසිලො 
තතන තනියන කියන නටනට ෙැසී වබරපද පතුරුො 
එතන සිට ලක තුමන් උන්  ට නමක් වබරො පැෙරුො 
 
The poet, skilled in the tunes and words making friends with the dancers, 
Wherever there is a procession, going there carrying the drum happily 
Beating the drum resounding ‘tatana, tana, tana’, accompanying dance 
Since then the kings of Lanka, awarded them the title of ‘Berava’ 
 
සුෙන් මුනිෙර පුදට වොවිකුල දනන්  ට උන් වබර ෙසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වපර සිට ඉවසන් බුහුමන් කර යසා 
නරන්  ට වසසු ෙැසුෙත් වබර වනාක  ා උන්වෙන් කිසිවලසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වදපයින් පටන් වපර සිරිතක් වලසා 

 
After playing the drum for the people of Govi caste, as offering to the omniscient Buddha 
They took off the drum over the head paying high respects 
Even if they play the drum for other people, would not eat anything from them 
Following ancient traditions, took off the drum from the feet 
 
අමන සම රු සිතති අඩුවකට පනා වනාෙසනෙට ඉවස් 
ෙමන පමණකි උතුරු සළුෙත් බමුණු සුදුෙත් ඇඳ යවස් 
අමන පැලඳුන් වනාරිටු දුටු දුටු අඳින කුලයට නිසිවලවස් 
පමණ වත්වරයි ව ා ඳට මියතත් බමුණුෙට උන් සැක වකවස් 
 
Some persons look down on them as they do not wear combs on their heads 
They walk clad in white ‘shoulder band’ like Brahmins 
Wearing weird ornaments according to diverse castes 
Even if they die, they will know their status as Brahmins, there’s no doubt 
 
පැත්ත කට වනාෙ ඇත්ත පෙසමි තර  වනාෙනිව් නයිවදලා 
ෙත්තු රජකම වමරට නිරිවඳෝ ආදිකළ කටයුතු බලා 
සත්තමයි ඔය ෙංස අටෙන අයට ෙැඩි අප වලාක්කලා 
උත්ත මයි වොවිකුලය සිරිලක අවපන් උන් ට ෙරුකළා 
 
Without getting to a side I will tell the truth, Nayides, do not be offended 
Kings of this Lanka, ascended throne, having seen the work of ancients 
I swear! Our leaders are greater than those who boast of their caste 
The Govi caste is the highest in Sri Lanka and we too paid respect them 
 
විජය රජකල පටන් වොවිකුල මුනිඳු තනතුරු ලබමිනා 
ෙැටිය වලස කිත් පතල විය ලක උතුම් අයමැයි සැබවිනා 
එජය දුමි දුට ෙතර ලැබු අප අනගි ෙම්වපත් වපර දිනා 
රජය බමුණුය වදකුල වසසු නැත අපිත් නිරිඳුන් සිත්වෙනා 
 

Some persons look down on them as they do not wear combs on their heads
They walk clad in white cloth like Brahmins
Wearing weird ornaments according to diverse castes
Even if they die, they will know their status as Brahmins, there’s no doubt

වොතන කිවියර තාල පද දැන නටන අය ට මිතුරුො 
වකාතන ව පළ  ර උනත් වපර කිෙ රැවෙන වොස් වබර රුසිලො 
තතන තනියන කියන නටනට ෙැසී වබරපද පතුරුො 
එතන සිට ලක තුමන් උන්  ට නමක් වබරො පැෙරුො 
 
The poet, skilled in the tunes and words making friends with the dancers, 
Wherever there is a procession, going there carrying the drum happily 
Beating the drum resounding ‘tatana, tana, tana’, accompanying dance 
Since then the kings of Lanka, awarded them the title of ‘Berava’ 
 
සුෙන් මුනිෙර පුදට වොවිකුල දනන්  ට උන් වබර ෙසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වපර සිට ඉවසන් බුහුමන් කර යසා 
නරන්  ට වසසු ෙැසුෙත් වබර වනාක  ා උන්වෙන් කිසිවලසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වදපයින් පටන් වපර සිරිතක් වලසා 

 
After playing the drum for the people of Govi caste, as offering to the omniscient Buddha 
They took off the drum over the head paying high respects 
Even if they play the drum for other people, would not eat anything from them 
Following ancient traditions, took off the drum from the feet 
 
අමන සම රු සිතති අඩුවකට පනා වනාෙසනෙට ඉවස් 
ෙමන පමණකි උතුරු සළුෙත් බමුණු සුදුෙත් ඇඳ යවස් 
අමන පැලඳුන් වනාරිටු දුටු දුටු අඳින කුලයට නිසිවලවස් 
පමණ වත්වරයි ව ා ඳට මියතත් බමුණුෙට උන් සැක වකවස් 
 
Some persons look down on them as they do not wear combs on their heads 
They walk clad in white ‘shoulder band’ like Brahmins 
Wearing weird ornaments according to diverse castes 
Even if they die, they will know their status as Brahmins, there’s no doubt 
 
පැත්ත කට වනාෙ ඇත්ත පෙසමි තර  වනාෙනිව් නයිවදලා 
ෙත්තු රජකම වමරට නිරිවඳෝ ආදිකළ කටයුතු බලා 
සත්තමයි ඔය ෙංස අටෙන අයට ෙැඩි අප වලාක්කලා 
උත්ත මයි වොවිකුලය සිරිලක අවපන් උන් ට ෙරුකළා 
 
Without getting to a side I will tell the truth, Nayides, do not be offended 
Kings of this Lanka, ascended throne, having seen the work of ancients 
I swear! Our leaders are greater than those who boast of their caste 
The Govi caste is the highest in Sri Lanka and we too paid respect them 
 
විජය රජකල පටන් වොවිකුල මුනිඳු තනතුරු ලබමිනා 
ෙැටිය වලස කිත් පතල විය ලක උතුම් අයමැයි සැබවිනා 
එජය දුමි දුට ෙතර ලැබු අප අනගි ෙම්වපත් වපර දිනා 
රජය බමුණුය වදකුල වසසු නැත අපිත් නිරිඳුන් සිත්වෙනා 
 

Without getting to a side I will tell the truth, people, do not be offended
Kings of this Lanka, ascended the throne, having seen the work of ancients 
I swear! Our leaders are greater than those who boast of their caste
The Govi caste is the highest in Sri Lanka and we too paid respects to them

වොතන කිවියර තාල පද දැන නටන අය ට මිතුරුො 
වකාතන ව පළ  ර උනත් වපර කිෙ රැවෙන වොස් වබර රුසිලො 
තතන තනියන කියන නටනට ෙැසී වබරපද පතුරුො 
එතන සිට ලක තුමන් උන්  ට නමක් වබරො පැෙරුො 
 
The poet, skilled in the tunes and words making friends with the dancers, 
Wherever there is a procession, going there carrying the drum happily 
Beating the drum resounding ‘tatana, tana, tana’, accompanying dance 
Since then the kings of Lanka, awarded them the title of ‘Berava’ 
 
සුෙන් මුනිෙර පුදට වොවිකුල දනන්  ට උන් වබර ෙසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වපර සිට ඉවසන් බුහුමන් කර යසා 
නරන්  ට වසසු ෙැසුෙත් වබර වනාක  ා උන්වෙන් කිසිවලසා 
අරන් ෙැලවිය වබරය වදපයින් පටන් වපර සිරිතක් වලසා 

 
After playing the drum for the people of Govi caste, as offering to the omniscient Buddha 
They took off the drum over the head paying high respects 
Even if they play the drum for other people, would not eat anything from them 
Following ancient traditions, took off the drum from the feet 
 
අමන සම රු සිතති අඩුවකට පනා වනාෙසනෙට ඉවස් 
ෙමන පමණකි උතුරු සළුෙත් බමුණු සුදුෙත් ඇඳ යවස් 
අමන පැලඳුන් වනාරිටු දුටු දුටු අඳින කුලයට නිසිවලවස් 
පමණ වත්වරයි ව ා ඳට මියතත් බමුණුෙට උන් සැක වකවස් 
 
Some persons look down on them as they do not wear combs on their heads 
They walk clad in white ‘shoulder band’ like Brahmins 
Wearing weird ornaments according to diverse castes 
Even if they die, they will know their status as Brahmins, there’s no doubt 
 
පැත්ත කට වනාෙ ඇත්ත පෙසමි තර  වනාෙනිව් නයිවදලා 
ෙත්තු රජකම වමරට නිරිවඳෝ ආදිකළ කටයුතු බලා 
සත්තමයි ඔය ෙංස අටෙන අයට ෙැඩි අප වලාක්කලා 
උත්ත මයි වොවිකුලය සිරිලක අවපන් උන් ට ෙරුකළා 
 
Without getting to a side I will tell the truth, Nayides, do not be offended 
Kings of this Lanka, ascended throne, having seen the work of ancients 
I swear! Our leaders are greater than those who boast of their caste 
The Govi caste is the highest in Sri Lanka and we too paid respect them 
 
විජය රජකල පටන් වොවිකුල මුනිඳු තනතුරු ලබමිනා 
ෙැටිය වලස කිත් පතල විය ලක උතුම් අයමැයි සැබවිනා 
එජය දුමි දුට ෙතර ලැබු අප අනගි ෙම්වපත් වපර දිනා 
රජය බමුණුය වදකුල වසසු නැත අපිත් නිරිඳුන් සිත්වෙනා 
 People of the Govi caste, obtaining positions since the time of King Vijaya
Their glory spread in the world like a ‘gotiya,’ they are truly great
We provided water to the Holy Bodhi tree, rewarded with fields and lands
The two castes ’Royal’ and ‘Brahmin,’ no other castes—we won the hearts of kings

Their glory spread in the world like a ‘gtiya,’ they are truly great 
We provided water to the Holy Bodhi tree, rewarded with fields and lands 
The two castes ’Royal’ and ‘Brahmin,’ no other castes-- we won the hearts of kings 
 
සිටිය විලසට කුලය උසමිටි වලසට වබදුනිය වපර කලා 
 රිය පිළිවෙල බමුණු කුල වලස දැන් අවේ වම් පිළිවෙළා 
ගිරිය සිඳිනට ෙැසූෙත් වමාර අපට සමයයි නයිවදලා 
බැරිය සමවෙනු බිලිය අවුලා ලබ්බ ඉණ බැඳ අලිබලා 
 
The castes is divided into low and high, according to their positions 
Our present position is correct, as the Brahmin caste 
Even if the ‘Nayides’ scream until their throats crack 
They cannot be equal, by -----, wearing the gourd on the waist and guarding elephants 
(නයිවේ-attached to the names of artificers, specially of goldsmiths and silversmiths) 
 
දැවලන් බිලිවයන් මසුන් මැරුකල ඇසුත් වනාවපවනයි සම රූ 
වතලින් කුරුරජ තුමන් ආෙත් අවේ පිළිවෙළමයි ෙරු 
අලින් ෙස්බැඳ කපන වපාල් අතු මදින අයටත් සිත් යුරූ 
කලින් තිබු පිළිවෙළක් නැත වෙන අපට ෙැඩි උන්වෙන් ෙරූ 
 
When some men catch fish with the net and hook, they go blind 
Even if king Kuru came from far, still our customs are the best 
For those who polish coconut fronds they cut by tethering elephants on trees 
No other greater way for them than what we had in the past 
(Kuru- name of a country and a king found in the Buddhist literature) 
 
ෙනන් තෙ ඇත වකාටස් වෙන වෙන වබදුනු කටයුතු නිසි  වලසා 
ෙනන් සත ස  නැකැත් සත දැන ෙ  න් වෙන් ෙන දෑ යසා 
දනන්  ට වසත් යාෙ සමගින් ෙයන කර වබර නද වෙනා 
පනම් වෙන රැකි ඇදුරු වකාටසක් බමුනු කුලවයන් වව් යසා 
 
There are more parts to describe, divided according tasks, duly 
Knowing the science of numbers and astrology, the effects of the planets 
For the people with the ‘yaga’ and to the accompaniment of the sound of drums 
A kind of the artists maintained with gifts, descending from the Brahmin caste 
 
සතර වෙද දැන ෙදඹ බමුණන් උතුම් වොවිකුලවයන් කකා 
අතර තුරුෙන් දනන්වෙන් අඩු බතක් දුන්වනාත් උන් වනාකා 
එතර කරමින් සියළු පිරිපත යාෙ කර මිනිසුන් රැකා 
අතර දඹදිෙ වබෝෙ පැෙතුනි වබෝෙ සම්පත් ලැබ වනකා 
 
Knowing four Vedas, Gandharva Brahmins, eating (depending on) from the great Govi caste 
If some food is given now and then for ma low cast, not eating it 
Putting an end to all disasters, performing yaga for protecting people 
Existed in the Dambadiva mostly, receiving much wealth and crops 

The castes is divided into low and high, according to their positions
Our present position is correct, as the Brahmin caste
Even if the goldsmiths and silversmiths (nayide) people scream until their throats crack
They cannot be made equal to us by wearing a gourd on the waist and guarding elephants



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  51

Their glory spread in the world like a ‘gtiya,’ they are truly great 
We provided water to the Holy Bodhi tree, rewarded with fields and lands 
The two castes ’Royal’ and ‘Brahmin,’ no other castes-- we won the hearts of kings 
 
සිටිය විලසට කුලය උසමිටි වලසට වබදුනිය වපර කලා 
 රිය පිළිවෙල බමුණු කුල වලස දැන් අවේ වම් පිළිවෙළා 
ගිරිය සිඳිනට ෙැසූෙත් වමාර අපට සමයයි නයිවදලා 
බැරිය සමවෙනු බිලිය අවුලා ලබ්බ ඉණ බැඳ අලිබලා 
 
The castes is divided into low and high, according to their positions 
Our present position is correct, as the Brahmin caste 
Even if the ‘Nayides’ scream until their throats crack 
They cannot be equal, by -----, wearing the gourd on the waist and guarding elephants 
(නයිවේ-attached to the names of artificers, specially of goldsmiths and silversmiths) 
 
දැවලන් බිලිවයන් මසුන් මැරුකල ඇසුත් වනාවපවනයි සම රූ 
වතලින් කුරුරජ තුමන් ආෙත් අවේ පිළිවෙළමයි ෙරු 
අලින් ෙස්බැඳ කපන වපාල් අතු මදින අයටත් සිත් යුරූ 
කලින් තිබු පිළිවෙළක් නැත වෙන අපට ෙැඩි උන්වෙන් ෙරූ 
 
When some men catch fish with the net and hook, they go blind 
Even if king Kuru came from far, still our customs are the best 
For those who polish coconut fronds they cut by tethering elephants on trees 
No other greater way for them than what we had in the past 
(Kuru- name of a country and a king found in the Buddhist literature) 
 
ෙනන් තෙ ඇත වකාටස් වෙන වෙන වබදුනු කටයුතු නිසි  වලසා 
ෙනන් සත ස  නැකැත් සත දැන ෙ  න් වෙන් ෙන දෑ යසා 
දනන්  ට වසත් යාෙ සමගින් ෙයන කර වබර නද වෙනා 
පනම් වෙන රැකි ඇදුරු වකාටසක් බමුනු කුලවයන් වව් යසා 
 
There are more parts to describe, divided according tasks, duly 
Knowing the science of numbers and astrology, the effects of the planets 
For the people with the ‘yaga’ and to the accompaniment of the sound of drums 
A kind of the artists maintained with gifts, descending from the Brahmin caste 
 
සතර වෙද දැන ෙදඹ බමුණන් උතුම් වොවිකුලවයන් කකා 
අතර තුරුෙන් දනන්වෙන් අඩු බතක් දුන්වනාත් උන් වනාකා 
එතර කරමින් සියළු පිරිපත යාෙ කර මිනිසුන් රැකා 
අතර දඹදිෙ වබෝෙ පැෙතුනි වබෝෙ සම්පත් ලැබ වනකා 
 
Knowing four Vedas, Gandharva Brahmins, eating (depending on) from the great Govi caste 
If some food is given now and then for ma low cast, not eating it 
Putting an end to all disasters, performing yaga for protecting people 
Existed in the Dambadiva mostly, receiving much wealth and crops 

When some men catch fish with the net and hook, they go blind
Even if king Kuru* came from far, still our customs are the best
For those who polish coconut fronds they cut by tethering elephants on trees
No other greater way for them than what we had in the past
(*Kuru- name an ancient king found in Buddhist literature)

Their glory spread in the world like a ‘gtiya,’ they are truly great 
We provided water to the Holy Bodhi tree, rewarded with fields and lands 
The two castes ’Royal’ and ‘Brahmin,’ no other castes-- we won the hearts of kings 
 
සිටිය විලසට කුලය උසමිටි වලසට වබදුනිය වපර කලා 
 රිය පිළිවෙල බමුණු කුල වලස දැන් අවේ වම් පිළිවෙළා 
ගිරිය සිඳිනට ෙැසූෙත් වමාර අපට සමයයි නයිවදලා 
බැරිය සමවෙනු බිලිය අවුලා ලබ්බ ඉණ බැඳ අලිබලා 
 
The castes is divided into low and high, according to their positions 
Our present position is correct, as the Brahmin caste 
Even if the ‘Nayides’ scream until their throats crack 
They cannot be equal, by -----, wearing the gourd on the waist and guarding elephants 
(නයිවේ-attached to the names of artificers, specially of goldsmiths and silversmiths) 
 
දැවලන් බිලිවයන් මසුන් මැරුකල ඇසුත් වනාවපවනයි සම රූ 
වතලින් කුරුරජ තුමන් ආෙත් අවේ පිළිවෙළමයි ෙරු 
අලින් ෙස්බැඳ කපන වපාල් අතු මදින අයටත් සිත් යුරූ 
කලින් තිබු පිළිවෙළක් නැත වෙන අපට ෙැඩි උන්වෙන් ෙරූ 
 
When some men catch fish with the net and hook, they go blind 
Even if king Kuru came from far, still our customs are the best 
For those who polish coconut fronds they cut by tethering elephants on trees 
No other greater way for them than what we had in the past 
(Kuru- name of a country and a king found in the Buddhist literature) 
 
ෙනන් තෙ ඇත වකාටස් වෙන වෙන වබදුනු කටයුතු නිසි  වලසා 
ෙනන් සත ස  නැකැත් සත දැන ෙ  න් වෙන් ෙන දෑ යසා 
දනන්  ට වසත් යාෙ සමගින් ෙයන කර වබර නද වෙනා 
පනම් වෙන රැකි ඇදුරු වකාටසක් බමුනු කුලවයන් වව් යසා 
 
There are more parts to describe, divided according tasks, duly 
Knowing the science of numbers and astrology, the effects of the planets 
For the people with the ‘yaga’ and to the accompaniment of the sound of drums 
A kind of the artists maintained with gifts, descending from the Brahmin caste 
 
සතර වෙද දැන ෙදඹ බමුණන් උතුම් වොවිකුලවයන් කකා 
අතර තුරුෙන් දනන්වෙන් අඩු බතක් දුන්වනාත් උන් වනාකා 
එතර කරමින් සියළු පිරිපත යාෙ කර මිනිසුන් රැකා 
අතර දඹදිෙ වබෝෙ පැෙතුනි වබෝෙ සම්පත් ලැබ වනකා 
 
Knowing four Vedas, Gandharva Brahmins, eating (depending on) from the great Govi caste 
If some food is given now and then for ma low cast, not eating it 
Putting an end to all disasters, performing yaga for protecting people 
Existed in the Dambadiva mostly, receiving much wealth and crops 

There are more parts to describe, duly divided according tasks
Knowing the science of numbers and astrology, the effects of the planets
For the people with the yaga and to the accompaniment of the sound of drums
A kind of the artists maintained with gifts, descending from the Brahmin caste

Their glory spread in the world like a ‘gtiya,’ they are truly great 
We provided water to the Holy Bodhi tree, rewarded with fields and lands 
The two castes ’Royal’ and ‘Brahmin,’ no other castes-- we won the hearts of kings 
 
සිටිය විලසට කුලය උසමිටි වලසට වබදුනිය වපර කලා 
 රිය පිළිවෙල බමුණු කුල වලස දැන් අවේ වම් පිළිවෙළා 
ගිරිය සිඳිනට ෙැසූෙත් වමාර අපට සමයයි නයිවදලා 
බැරිය සමවෙනු බිලිය අවුලා ලබ්බ ඉණ බැඳ අලිබලා 
 
The castes is divided into low and high, according to their positions 
Our present position is correct, as the Brahmin caste 
Even if the ‘Nayides’ scream until their throats crack 
They cannot be equal, by -----, wearing the gourd on the waist and guarding elephants 
(නයිවේ-attached to the names of artificers, specially of goldsmiths and silversmiths) 
 
දැවලන් බිලිවයන් මසුන් මැරුකල ඇසුත් වනාවපවනයි සම රූ 
වතලින් කුරුරජ තුමන් ආෙත් අවේ පිළිවෙළමයි ෙරු 
අලින් ෙස්බැඳ කපන වපාල් අතු මදින අයටත් සිත් යුරූ 
කලින් තිබු පිළිවෙළක් නැත වෙන අපට ෙැඩි උන්වෙන් ෙරූ 
 
When some men catch fish with the net and hook, they go blind 
Even if king Kuru came from far, still our customs are the best 
For those who polish coconut fronds they cut by tethering elephants on trees 
No other greater way for them than what we had in the past 
(Kuru- name of a country and a king found in the Buddhist literature) 
 
ෙනන් තෙ ඇත වකාටස් වෙන වෙන වබදුනු කටයුතු නිසි  වලසා 
ෙනන් සත ස  නැකැත් සත දැන ෙ  න් වෙන් ෙන දෑ යසා 
දනන්  ට වසත් යාෙ සමගින් ෙයන කර වබර නද වෙනා 
පනම් වෙන රැකි ඇදුරු වකාටසක් බමුනු කුලවයන් වව් යසා 
 
There are more parts to describe, divided according tasks, duly 
Knowing the science of numbers and astrology, the effects of the planets 
For the people with the ‘yaga’ and to the accompaniment of the sound of drums 
A kind of the artists maintained with gifts, descending from the Brahmin caste 
 
සතර වෙද දැන ෙදඹ බමුණන් උතුම් වොවිකුලවයන් කකා 
අතර තුරුෙන් දනන්වෙන් අඩු බතක් දුන්වනාත් උන් වනාකා 
එතර කරමින් සියළු පිරිපත යාෙ කර මිනිසුන් රැකා 
අතර දඹදිෙ වබෝෙ පැෙතුනි වබෝෙ සම්පත් ලැබ වනකා 
 
Knowing four Vedas, Gandharva Brahmins, eating (depending on) from the great Govi caste 
If some food is given now and then for ma low cast, not eating it 
Putting an end to all disasters, performing yaga for protecting people 
Existed in the Dambadiva mostly, receiving much wealth and crops 

Knowing four Vedas, Gandharva Brahmins, eating from the great Govi caste
If some food is given now and then for a low caste, not eating it
Putting an end to all disasters, performing yaga for protecting people
Existed in the Dambadiva mostly, receiving much wealth and crops

දැනට සිරිලක සුදුසු විලසට අඹා බලි ෙ  රු ෙ වයාදා 
දිනට සුදු පිලි පැලඳ ෙනිමින් සුරත ෙෙනය වෙන නදා 
කනට සුමුහිරි මගුල් වු ෙචවනන් යාෙ කර සත වරෝ මුදා 
බසට  ැසිවරන ඔවුන් වබරො නිමන් පැෙවතයි සිරිවිඳා 
 
At this time, making Bali images portraying the planets 
Clad in pure white cloth, making the tinkling bells sound held in the hand 
Doing the ‘yaga’ uttering sweet words to the ear, relieving people from their diseases 
 with the words, they are known as ‘Berava’ 
 
මුතුන් මිත්තන් පටන්වනාකඩෙ නැකැත් සත දැන සිටි නිසා 
වදතුන් විට දැන ෙනිති සිහිකර සුදු වලසට වබාල්ලන් තියා 
කතුන් ෙනුවදනු සෑම නැකතුත් පැෙසු  න්දා බලි තියා 
උතුම් වොවිකුල මැතිඳු පෙසයි ඒයින් උන් ට නැක තියා 

 
Since the time of ancestors continuously, they had known the science of astrology, 
Remembering the science of numbers, two or three times, placing white shells 
As they prescribed auspicious moments for marriages of women, offering ‘bali’ 
The great men of the Govi caste call them ‘Nakatiya. 
 
පතල වොවිකුල දනන්වෙන් බත් කන්වන පිරිසිදු පත්වකාවළ් 
වකාතල වකටිවයන් කටට ෙත්කර වබාන්වන පිරිසිදු වු  ජවල් 
ෙතල තඹවලරු පිඟන් දුන්නත් අපිරිසිදුයයි ප කවළ් 
සිතල බැලුවොත් බමුණු පිලිවෙල තාම නැත උන් ප කවල් 
 
From the famous people of the Govi caste, they consume rice in a ‘patkole’ (leaf) 
They drink water by pouring from a ‘kotale’ (clay-jug) into the mouth 
Fine copper plates are given; they put them away saying unclean 
If you think about this, the ways of Brhamins they have not yet given up 
 
ෙසන එක වබර නරක ෙැඩකැයි සිතති අඩුකුල දන රැසා 
නසන ලද අවප මුනිදු වකවලසුන් අරාවුන් සඳ විදුරැසා 
ෙසන සුරවලාෙ ෙදඹ වදව්පුත් සමෙ වනාවයකුත් වදවි රැසා 
අසන  ට වලස ව ොසය පැතිවරන ෙැසුවෙ නැතිෙද වබරරැසා 
 
The people of the low castes think playing drums as a bad thing 
When our Buddha after destroying ‘keles’ (defilements) occupying the crystal seat 
Various kinds of deities in heaven living with the ‘Gandharva Gods 
Did they not play many drums making a loud noise for hearing? 
 
පුෙත වනාදැනම උපත වබරො වකවරති අප ස සම රූ 
පැෙත ඒනවපර සිටන් සිරිතල බමුණුමයි අප සත දැරූ 
නැෙත නැෙතත් වසායා බැලුවෙමි වලාකු අයද අප ැර නැති යුරූ 
ෙසතව ාත් අප මිසක් වනාෙලත උතුම් වොවිකුල වනාම සරූ 
 

At this time, making Bali images portraying the planets
Clad in pure white cloth, making the tinkling bells sound held in the hand
Doing the yaga uttering sweet words to the ear, relieving people from their diseases
with the words, they are known as Berava

දැනට සිරිලක සුදුසු විලසට අඹා බලි ෙ  රු ෙ වයාදා 
දිනට සුදු පිලි පැලඳ ෙනිමින් සුරත ෙෙනය වෙන නදා 
කනට සුමුහිරි මගුල් වු ෙචවනන් යාෙ කර සත වරෝ මුදා 
බසට  ැසිවරන ඔවුන් වබරො නිමන් පැෙවතයි සිරිවිඳා 
 
At this time, making Bali images portraying the planets 
Clad in pure white cloth, making the tinkling bells sound held in the hand 
Doing the ‘yaga’ uttering sweet words to the ear, relieving people from their diseases 
 with the words, they are known as ‘Berava’ 
 
මුතුන් මිත්තන් පටන්වනාකඩෙ නැකැත් සත දැන සිටි නිසා 
වදතුන් විට දැන ෙනිති සිහිකර සුදු වලසට වබාල්ලන් තියා 
කතුන් ෙනුවදනු සෑම නැකතුත් පැෙසු  න්දා බලි තියා 
උතුම් වොවිකුල මැතිඳු පෙසයි ඒයින් උන් ට නැක තියා 
 
Since the time of ancestors continuously, they had known the science of astrology, 
Remembering the science of numbers, two or three times, placing white shells 
As they prescribed auspicious moments for marriages of women, offering ‘bali’ 
The great men of the Govi caste call them ‘Nakatiya. 
 
පතල වොවිකුල දනන්වෙන් බත් කන්වන පිරිසිදු පත්වකාවළ් 
වකාතල වකටිවයන් කටට ෙත්කර වබාන්වන පිරිසිදු වු  ජවල් 
ෙතල තඹවලරු පිඟන් දුන්නත් අපිරිසිදුයයි ප කවළ් 
සිතල බැලුවොත් බමුණු පිලිවෙල තාම නැත උන් ප කවල් 
 
From the famous people of the Govi caste, they consume rice in a ‘patkole’ (leaf) 
They drink water by pouring from a ‘kotale’ (clay-jug) into the mouth 
Fine copper plates are given; they put them away saying unclean 
If you think about this, the ways of Brhamins they have not yet given up 
 
ෙසන එක වබර නරක ෙැඩකැයි සිතති අඩුකුල දන රැසා 
නසන ලද අවප මුනිදු වකවලසුන් අරාවුන් සඳ විදුරැසා 
ෙසන සුරවලාෙ ෙදඹ වදව්පුත් සමෙ වනාවයකුත් වදවි රැසා 
අසන  ට වලස ව ොසය පැතිවරන ෙැසුවෙ නැතිෙද වබරරැසා 
 
The people of the low castes think playing drums as a bad thing 
When our Buddha after destroying ‘keles’ (defilements) occupying the crystal seat 
Various kinds of deities in heaven living with the ‘Gandharva Gods 
Did they not play many drums making a loud noise for hearing? 
 
පුෙත වනාදැනම උපත වබරො වකවරති අප ස සම රූ 
පැෙත ඒනවපර සිටන් සිරිතල බමුණුමයි අප සත දැරූ 
නැෙත නැෙතත් වසායා බැලුවෙමි වලාකු අයද අප ැර නැති යුරූ 
ෙසතව ාත් අප මිසක් වනාෙලත උතුම් වොවිකුල වනාම සරූ 
 



52 CASTE:  A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 6, No. 1

Since the time of ancestors continuously, they had known the science of astrology, 
Remembering the science of numbers, two or three times, placing white shells
As they prescribed auspicious moments for marriages of women, offering bali
The great men of the Govi caste call them Nakatiya.

දැනට සිරිලක සුදුසු විලසට අඹා බලි ෙ  රු ෙ වයාදා 
දිනට සුදු පිලි පැලඳ ෙනිමින් සුරත ෙෙනය වෙන නදා 
කනට සුමුහිරි මගුල් වු ෙචවනන් යාෙ කර සත වරෝ මුදා 
බසට  ැසිවරන ඔවුන් වබරො නිමන් පැෙවතයි සිරිවිඳා 
 
At this time, making Bali images portraying the planets 
Clad in pure white cloth, making the tinkling bells sound held in the hand 
Doing the ‘yaga’ uttering sweet words to the ear, relieving people from their diseases 
 with the words, they are known as ‘Berava’ 
 
මුතුන් මිත්තන් පටන්වනාකඩෙ නැකැත් සත දැන සිටි නිසා 
වදතුන් විට දැන ෙනිති සිහිකර සුදු වලසට වබාල්ලන් තියා 
කතුන් ෙනුවදනු සෑම නැකතුත් පැෙසු  න්දා බලි තියා 
උතුම් වොවිකුල මැතිඳු පෙසයි ඒයින් උන් ට නැක තියා 

 
Since the time of ancestors continuously, they had known the science of astrology, 
Remembering the science of numbers, two or three times, placing white shells 
As they prescribed auspicious moments for marriages of women, offering ‘bali’ 
The great men of the Govi caste call them ‘Nakatiya. 
 
පතල වොවිකුල දනන්වෙන් බත් කන්වන පිරිසිදු පත්වකාවළ් 
වකාතල වකටිවයන් කටට ෙත්කර වබාන්වන පිරිසිදු වු  ජවල් 
ෙතල තඹවලරු පිඟන් දුන්නත් අපිරිසිදුයයි ප කවළ් 
සිතල බැලුවොත් බමුණු පිලිවෙල තාම නැත උන් ප කවල් 
 
From the famous people of the Govi caste, they consume rice in a ‘patkole’ (leaf) 
They drink water by pouring from a ‘kotale’ (clay-jug) into the mouth 
Fine copper plates are given; they put them away saying unclean 
If you think about this, the ways of Brhamins they have not yet given up 
 
ෙසන එක වබර නරක ෙැඩකැයි සිතති අඩුකුල දන රැසා 
නසන ලද අවප මුනිදු වකවලසුන් අරාවුන් සඳ විදුරැසා 
ෙසන සුරවලාෙ ෙදඹ වදව්පුත් සමෙ වනාවයකුත් වදවි රැසා 
අසන  ට වලස ව ොසය පැතිවරන ෙැසුවෙ නැතිෙද වබරරැසා 
 
The people of the low castes think playing drums as a bad thing 
When our Buddha after destroying ‘keles’ (defilements) occupying the crystal seat 
Various kinds of deities in heaven living with the ‘Gandharva Gods 
Did they not play many drums making a loud noise for hearing? 
 
පුෙත වනාදැනම උපත වබරො වකවරති අප ස සම රූ 
පැෙත ඒනවපර සිටන් සිරිතල බමුණුමයි අප සත දැරූ 
නැෙත නැෙතත් වසායා බැලුවෙමි වලාකු අයද අප ැර නැති යුරූ 
ෙසතව ාත් අප මිසක් වනාෙලත උතුම් වොවිකුල වනාම සරූ 
 

From the famous people of the Govi caste, they consume rice from a leaf (patkole)
They drink water by pouring from clay-jug a (kotale) into the mouth
Fine copper plates are given; they put them away saying unclean
If you think about this, the ways of Brahmins they have not yet given up

දැනට සිරිලක සුදුසු විලසට අඹා බලි ෙ  රු ෙ වයාදා 
දිනට සුදු පිලි පැලඳ ෙනිමින් සුරත ෙෙනය වෙන නදා 
කනට සුමුහිරි මගුල් වු ෙචවනන් යාෙ කර සත වරෝ මුදා 
බසට  ැසිවරන ඔවුන් වබරො නිමන් පැෙවතයි සිරිවිඳා 
 
At this time, making Bali images portraying the planets 
Clad in pure white cloth, making the tinkling bells sound held in the hand 
Doing the ‘yaga’ uttering sweet words to the ear, relieving people from their diseases 
 with the words, they are known as ‘Berava’ 
 
මුතුන් මිත්තන් පටන්වනාකඩෙ නැකැත් සත දැන සිටි නිසා 
වදතුන් විට දැන ෙනිති සිහිකර සුදු වලසට වබාල්ලන් තියා 
කතුන් ෙනුවදනු සෑම නැකතුත් පැෙසු  න්දා බලි තියා 
උතුම් වොවිකුල මැතිඳු පෙසයි ඒයින් උන් ට නැක තියා 

 
Since the time of ancestors continuously, they had known the science of astrology, 
Remembering the science of numbers, two or three times, placing white shells 
As they prescribed auspicious moments for marriages of women, offering ‘bali’ 
The great men of the Govi caste call them ‘Nakatiya. 
 
පතල වොවිකුල දනන්වෙන් බත් කන්වන පිරිසිදු පත්වකාවළ් 
වකාතල වකටිවයන් කටට ෙත්කර වබාන්වන පිරිසිදු වු  ජවල් 
ෙතල තඹවලරු පිඟන් දුන්නත් අපිරිසිදුයයි ප කවළ් 
සිතල බැලුවොත් බමුණු පිලිවෙල තාම නැත උන් ප කවල් 
 
From the famous people of the Govi caste, they consume rice in a ‘patkole’ (leaf) 
They drink water by pouring from a ‘kotale’ (clay-jug) into the mouth 
Fine copper plates are given; they put them away saying unclean 
If you think about this, the ways of Brhamins they have not yet given up 
 
ෙසන එක වබර නරක ෙැඩකැයි සිතති අඩුකුල දන රැසා 
නසන ලද අවප මුනිදු වකවලසුන් අරාවුන් සඳ විදුරැසා 
ෙසන සුරවලාෙ ෙදඹ වදව්පුත් සමෙ වනාවයකුත් වදවි රැසා 
අසන  ට වලස ව ොසය පැතිවරන ෙැසුවෙ නැතිෙද වබරරැසා 
 
The people of the low castes think playing drums as a bad thing 
When our Buddha after destroying ‘keles’ (defilements) occupying the crystal seat 
Various kinds of deities in heaven living with the ‘Gandharva Gods 
Did they not play many drums making a loud noise for hearing? 
 
පුෙත වනාදැනම උපත වබරො වකවරති අප ස සම රූ 
පැෙත ඒනවපර සිටන් සිරිතල බමුණුමයි අප සත දැරූ 
නැෙත නැෙතත් වසායා බැලුවෙමි වලාකු අයද අප ැර නැති යුරූ 
ෙසතව ාත් අප මිසක් වනාෙලත උතුම් වොවිකුල වනාම සරූ 
 

The people of the low castes think playing drums as a bad thing
When our Buddha after destroying bad deeds (keles) occupying the crystal seat
Various kinds of deities in heaven living with the Gandharva Gods
Did they not play many drums making a loud noise for hearing?

දැනට සිරිලක සුදුසු විලසට අඹා බලි ෙ  රු ෙ වයාදා 
දිනට සුදු පිලි පැලඳ ෙනිමින් සුරත ෙෙනය වෙන නදා 
කනට සුමුහිරි මගුල් වු ෙචවනන් යාෙ කර සත වරෝ මුදා 
බසට  ැසිවරන ඔවුන් වබරො නිමන් පැෙවතයි සිරිවිඳා 
 
At this time, making Bali images portraying the planets 
Clad in pure white cloth, making the tinkling bells sound held in the hand 
Doing the ‘yaga’ uttering sweet words to the ear, relieving people from their diseases 
 with the words, they are known as ‘Berava’ 
 
මුතුන් මිත්තන් පටන්වනාකඩෙ නැකැත් සත දැන සිටි නිසා 
වදතුන් විට දැන ෙනිති සිහිකර සුදු වලසට වබාල්ලන් තියා 
කතුන් ෙනුවදනු සෑම නැකතුත් පැෙසු  න්දා බලි තියා 
උතුම් වොවිකුල මැතිඳු පෙසයි ඒයින් උන් ට නැක තියා 

 
Since the time of ancestors continuously, they had known the science of astrology, 
Remembering the science of numbers, two or three times, placing white shells 
As they prescribed auspicious moments for marriages of women, offering ‘bali’ 
The great men of the Govi caste call them ‘Nakatiya. 
 
පතල වොවිකුල දනන්වෙන් බත් කන්වන පිරිසිදු පත්වකාවළ් 
වකාතල වකටිවයන් කටට ෙත්කර වබාන්වන පිරිසිදු වු  ජවල් 
ෙතල තඹවලරු පිඟන් දුන්නත් අපිරිසිදුයයි ප කවළ් 
සිතල බැලුවොත් බමුණු පිලිවෙල තාම නැත උන් ප කවල් 
 
From the famous people of the Govi caste, they consume rice in a ‘patkole’ (leaf) 
They drink water by pouring from a ‘kotale’ (clay-jug) into the mouth 
Fine copper plates are given; they put them away saying unclean 
If you think about this, the ways of Brhamins they have not yet given up 
 
ෙසන එක වබර නරක ෙැඩකැයි සිතති අඩුකුල දන රැසා 
නසන ලද අවප මුනිදු වකවලසුන් අරාවුන් සඳ විදුරැසා 
ෙසන සුරවලාෙ ෙදඹ වදව්පුත් සමෙ වනාවයකුත් වදවි රැසා 
අසන  ට වලස ව ොසය පැතිවරන ෙැසුවෙ නැතිෙද වබරරැසා 
 
The people of the low castes think playing drums as a bad thing 
When our Buddha after destroying ‘keles’ (defilements) occupying the crystal seat 
Various kinds of deities in heaven living with the ‘Gandharva Gods 
Did they not play many drums making a loud noise for hearing? 
 
පුෙත වනාදැනම උපත වබරො වකවරති අප ස සම රූ 
පැෙත ඒනවපර සිටන් සිරිතල බමුණුමයි අප සත දැරූ 
නැෙත නැෙතත් වසායා බැලුවෙමි වලාකු අයද අප ැර නැති යුරූ 
ෙසතව ාත් අප මිසක් වනාෙලත උතුම් වොවිකුල වනාම සරූ 
 Without knowing the history of the origin of Berava, some people ridicule
According to ancient traditions, we are Brahmins bearing the science
I have examined again and again, except us, there are no other ‘big shots’
If we live with no regrets, the great Govi caste will not be thriving

Without knowing the history of the origin of Berava, some people ridicule 
According to ancient traditions, we are ‘Brahmins’ bearing the science 
I have examined again and again, except us, there are no other ‘big shots’ 
If we live with no regrets, the great Govi caste will not be thriving 
 
කැමති රටකින් පැමිණ උතුවමක් කලත් රජකම් ලවක් ෙරු සරු 
ඇමති යුෙරජ ෙනිති තනතුරු ලබති වොවිකුල උතුම් වු ෙරු 
නැමති ෙරුතර උතුම් මැතිදුන් දැනුත් ඇත ලක තුවල් අතිෙරු 
ඒමැතිෙරු  ට උසස්ෙන්නට වව්ය වනාෙත් වව්ය නපුරු 
 
If a powerful person came from another country and became king of Lanka 
The respectable Govi caste receives the positions of ‘minster’ and ‘viceroy’ 
There are even today such great persons highly respected in Lanka 
Those gentlemen must be promoted, if not that will be vicious 
 
මුනිදු  ට වපර කරපුවස්ෙය උතුම් අයෙල් මයි කවළ් 
පනිඳු මුචලිඳු දරන ෙැබ ෙැඩ උන්න සඳ ඌමයි කවළ් 
දිනිදු කුලයුත් අනඳ වතරිදුන් මුනිදු  ට වස්ෙය කවල් 
ෙනිඳු සිව් අත් සුරිදු වස්ෙය සකස් පුර වදාර දි  කවල් 

 
In the past only the noble persons served the Buddha 
While Buddha sat in the coils of Mucalinda cobra, he himself served Buddha 
 Venerable Ananda, born in the Solar clan, himself attended upon Buddha 
Gods Ganesh, Skara and Brahma served Buddha at the gate of the city of Sankassa 
 
වකවරන පිළිවෙල වම අපි දැන් බලි රජුන් බමුණන් කල වල සා 
වපාරණ සිරිලක විසුෙ පඬුෙස් රජුට පැමිණුනි දිවි වදාසා 
 රන වලස වසත් යාෙ කල එම මලලරජු දිවි වදාස නසා 
උරන වනාෙ වමම කරුණු ප දා වදමැයි දැනෙනු වනාෙලසා 
 

The system of our Bali performances, in the same way as ancient kings and Brahmins 
In the past, King Panduvas of Lanka was afflicted with ‘Divi dos’ 
The King of Malala country, performed the Yaga; to remove that effect of ‘Divi dos’ 
I will explain these matters, kindly listen, do not take offence. ( දිවිවදාස් -evil effects of perjury) 

If a powerful person came from another country and became king of Lanka
The respectable Govi caste receives the positions of minister and viceroy 
There are even today such great persons highly respected in Lanka
Those gentlemen must be promoted, if not that will be wicked

Without knowing the history of the origin of Berava, some people ridicule 
According to ancient traditions, we are ‘Brahmins’ bearing the science 
I have examined again and again, except us, there are no other ‘big shots’ 
If we live with no regrets, the great Govi caste will not be thriving 
 
කැමති රටකින් පැමිණ උතුවමක් කලත් රජකම් ලවක් ෙරු සරු 
ඇමති යුෙරජ ෙනිති තනතුරු ලබති වොවිකුල උතුම් වු ෙරු 
නැමති ෙරුතර උතුම් මැතිදුන් දැනුත් ඇත ලක තුවල් අතිෙරු 
ඒමැතිෙරු  ට උසස්ෙන්නට වව්ය වනාෙත් වව්ය නපුරු 
 
If a powerful person came from another country and became king of Lanka 
The respectable Govi caste receives the positions of ‘minster’ and ‘viceroy’ 
There are even today such great persons highly respected in Lanka 
Those gentlemen must be promoted, if not that will be vicious 
 
මුනිදු  ට වපර කරපුවස්ෙය උතුම් අයෙල් මයි කවළ් 
පනිඳු මුචලිඳු දරන ෙැබ ෙැඩ උන්න සඳ ඌමයි කවළ් 
දිනිදු කුලයුත් අනඳ වතරිදුන් මුනිදු  ට වස්ෙය කවල් 
ෙනිඳු සිව් අත් සුරිදු වස්ෙය සකස් පුර වදාර දි  කවල් 

 
In the past only the noble persons served the Buddha 
While Buddha sat in the coils of Mucalinda cobra, he himself served Buddha 
 Venerable Ananda, born in the Solar clan, himself attended upon Buddha 
Gods Ganesh, Skara and Brahma served Buddha at the gate of the city of Sankassa 
 
වකවරන පිළිවෙල වම අපි දැන් බලි රජුන් බමුණන් කල වල සා 
වපාරණ සිරිලක විසුෙ පඬුෙස් රජුට පැමිණුනි දිවි වදාසා 
 රන වලස වසත් යාෙ කල එම මලලරජු දිවි වදාස නසා 
උරන වනාෙ වමම කරුණු ප දා වදමැයි දැනෙනු වනාෙලසා 
 

The system of our Bali performances, in the same way as ancient kings and Brahmins 
In the past, King Panduvas of Lanka was afflicted with ‘Divi dos’ 
The King of Malala country, performed the Yaga; to remove that effect of ‘Divi dos’ 
I will explain these matters, kindly listen, do not take offence. ( දිවිවදාස් -evil effects of perjury) 



Cultural Ambivalence:  A Socio-Historical Account of the Berava Caste of Southern Sri Lanka  53

In the past only the noble persons served the Buddha
While Buddha sat in the coils of the Mucalinda cobra, he himself served Buddha
Venerable Ananda, born in the Solar clan, himself attended upon Buddha
Gods Ganesh, Sakra and Brahma served Buddha at the gate of the city of Sankassa

Without knowing the history of the origin of Berava, some people ridicule 
According to ancient traditions, we are ‘Brahmins’ bearing the science 
I have examined again and again, except us, there are no other ‘big shots’ 
If we live with no regrets, the great Govi caste will not be thriving 
 
කැමති රටකින් පැමිණ උතුවමක් කලත් රජකම් ලවක් ෙරු සරු 
ඇමති යුෙරජ ෙනිති තනතුරු ලබති වොවිකුල උතුම් වු ෙරු 
නැමති ෙරුතර උතුම් මැතිදුන් දැනුත් ඇත ලක තුවල් අතිෙරු 
ඒමැතිෙරු  ට උසස්ෙන්නට වව්ය වනාෙත් වව්ය නපුරු 
 
If a powerful person came from another country and became king of Lanka 
The respectable Govi caste receives the positions of ‘minster’ and ‘viceroy’ 
There are even today such great persons highly respected in Lanka 
Those gentlemen must be promoted, if not that will be vicious 
 
මුනිදු  ට වපර කරපුවස්ෙය උතුම් අයෙල් මයි කවළ් 
පනිඳු මුචලිඳු දරන ෙැබ ෙැඩ උන්න සඳ ඌමයි කවළ් 
දිනිදු කුලයුත් අනඳ වතරිදුන් මුනිදු  ට වස්ෙය කවල් 
ෙනිඳු සිව් අත් සුරිදු වස්ෙය සකස් පුර වදාර දි  කවල් 

 
In the past only the noble persons served the Buddha 
While Buddha sat in the coils of Mucalinda cobra, he himself served Buddha 
 Venerable Ananda, born in the Solar clan, himself attended upon Buddha 
Gods Ganesh, Skara and Brahma served Buddha at the gate of the city of Sankassa 
 
වකවරන පිළිවෙල වම අපි දැන් බලි රජුන් බමුණන් කල වල සා 
වපාරණ සිරිලක විසුෙ පඬුෙස් රජුට පැමිණුනි දිවි වදාසා 
 රන වලස වසත් යාෙ කල එම මලලරජු දිවි වදාස නසා 
උරන වනාෙ වමම කරුණු ප දා වදමැයි දැනෙනු වනාෙලසා 
 

The system of our Bali performances, in the same way as ancient kings and Brahmins 
In the past, King Panduvas of Lanka was afflicted with ‘Divi dos’ 
The King of Malala country, performed the Yaga; to remove that effect of ‘Divi dos’ 
I will explain these matters, kindly listen, do not take offence. ( දිවිවදාස් -evil effects of perjury) 

The system of our Bali performances, in the same way as ancient kings and Brahmins
In the past, King Panduvas of Lanka was afflicted with the evil effects of perjury 

(divi dos)
The King of Malala country, performed the yaga; to remove these effects
I will explain these matters, kindly listen, do not take offence.

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