(EASTERN) SUMBA AND ITS GENRES OF ORAL TRADITION B. Retang Wohangaral Abstract: This paper provides some information on the island of Sumba and its people. As a cultural community not possessing a writing system, the Sumbanese people preserve and transmit their tradition-based creations such as language, literature, music, games, mythology, and rituals, for generations through oral communications. The people s oral traditions, taking forms in some genres, have become inseparable parts of their lives. Though the vocabularies in daily usage are the same as the ones used in 'special' occasions, for instance, in rituals, the metaphorical construction of language of the laller demands 'special' attention. Key words: oral tradition, folklore, genre INTRODUCTION The term 'oral,' meaning "uttered in spoken words; transacted by word of mouth; spoken, verbal," (OED) frequently appears in combinations such as oral literature, oral narrative, oral testimony, and oral tradition. In this context, 'oral' is understood as 'using speech only,' and thus is contrasted with 'written/literate. ' Oral tradition, which is our topic in question, is simply defined as any kind of unwritten tradition transmitted through words (Finnegan, 1996:6). Vans ina proposes a more elaborating definition by stating that "[oral traditions] are 'unwritten' sources couched in a form of suitable for oral transmission, and that their transmission, and their preservation depends on the power of memory of successive generations of human beings" B. Retang WOhangara, 5.5., M.Hum. is a lecturer of the Faculty of Letters, Soegijapranata Catholic University, Semarang. 2 Celt, Volume 6, Number 1, July 2006: 1-16 (1973: 1). The traditions are still alive among the 'unlettered' folks, and continue to exist "at the very heart of the environment that gave rise to it" (1973:2). Another tenn used to cover all forms of 'orally transmitted tradition' and referring to a discipline of study as well as its subject matter is folklore. Finnegan defines folklore as the totality of tradition-based creations of a cultural community, expressed by a group or individuals and recognized as reflecting the expectations of community. Its standards and values are transmitted orally, by imitation or by other means. Its forms include, among others, language, literature, music, dance, games, mythology, rituals, customs, handicrafts, architecture and other arts (1996: 12). Based on its type, Brunvand divides folklore into three main groups, those are, verbal folklore, partly verbal folklore, and non-verbal folklore. Verbal folklore includes among others folk speech, traditional idioms, riddles, and folk poetry. Partly verbal folklore includes beliefs, folk games, dancing, customs, and rituals. Non-verbal folklore covers architecture, handicrafts, diets, andjewelries (1978:3). Wby is folklore worthily studied? As quoted by Oanandjaja (2002: 19), William R. Bascom, a folklorist of California University at Berkeley proposes the functions of folklore: a) as a projective system mirroring collective fantasies of a particular society; b) as a means of justifying the existing social structures and cultural institutions; c) as pedagogical devices; d) as a coercive tool in enforcing the existing norms in society. As a discipline, the study of folklore in Indonesia is relatively new. Danandjaya, a prominent figure pioneering the study offolklore in Indonesia, points out that Indonesian folklore indeed has been studied especially by the Dutch researches from various disciplines such as philology, musicology, anthropology, and theology. Even though providing abundantly 'raw' materials for further and deeper study on Indonesia folklore, they are fortunately not folklorist (2002: I 0). Citing Dundes, Danandjaya claims that the method applied by the researchers are called "a method based on the philosophy of collecting butterflies or foreign objects ... " (ibid.) This is because they only compiled the lore while did not have sufficient knowledge on its folk. As a result, their studies were speculative in nature for analyzing the lore by means of another social folk. A serious effort on writing an annoted bibliography of Indonesian folklore has been pioneered by Oanandjaja (1972), followed by other scholars such as Arintonpudja (1973) and Dakung (1973) and Kalangie-Pandey (1978). B.R. H'ohangara, (Eastern) Sumba and its Genres orOrat Tradition 3 Fortunately, the studies, except of Oanandj aj a, have not been published. In order to celebrate the International Book Year 1973, sponsored by the government ofindonesia and UNESCO, Oanandjaya organized a project to compile Indonesian folklore, especially of the Javanese and Sundanese.Along with the increasing concern with the Indonesian Folklore, the government encouraged to the establishment of the Archives of Indonesian Folklore. However, all the efforts in fact do not really trigger the extensive and deep study on Indonesia folklore. The recent institution dedicating to develop studies on Indonesia Folklore, Asosiasi Tradisi Lisan Indonesia (The Association ofindonesian Oral Tradition), struggles very hard for survival due to its lack of support and financial problems. The studies ofSumbanese folklore can be found, for instances, in the works of O.K. Wielenga (1909 and 1913), L. Onvlee (1925), Oembu Hina Kapita (1977, 1979, 1987) Marie Jeanne Adams (1970 and 1971), Janet Hoskins (1988), Christine Forth (1982), and Joel C. Kuipers (1998). Unfortunately, their valuable writings can be hardly accessed in Indonesia. Taro Goh (1991) wrote a Sumba Bibliography containing all the writings on Sumba, which are accessible in the libraries ofthe University of Lei den and other foreign universities. This paper is a brief introduction on the social contexts ofthe (eastern) Sumbanese people and a preliminary investigation on genres of their oral traditions. The classification of oral tradition hopefully will pioneer further and extensive researches on the rich and abundant cultural expressions of the given people. [The Lesser Sunda Islands ""-.. fl.· ...... ~t .. Map of Lesser Sunda Islands (JFreeman 1996) 4 Celt, Volume 6, Number I, July 2006: 1 -16 There seems to have been no record on Sumba before the 141h century. The 14th century Javanese chronicles, Negarakertagama, apparently considered Sumba as one of Javanese's (Majapahit) depedencies (Kartik 1999). However, it is unknown if there was a direct contact between the island and Java at this time. In the 171h century, the sultan ofBima considered Sumba to be within hisjurisdiction, but the evidences ofBima's actual control were also lacking. Dutch East India Company made an agreement with the ruler of Mangili (one of the former sub-districts of East Sumba) in 1756, though no direct or regular involvement in Sumba's affairs. In 1800, the Netherlands Indies Government took over the Company's interest in the region, and started posting its officials in the island in 1866. In order to succeed its campaign of pacification, the Dutch established an effective colonial administration in 1912 (Forth 1981 :58). Sumba, one of the three big islands (Flores, Sumba, Timor) of the Nusa Tenggara 1imur province, lies to southeast of Bali, west of Timor and south of Flores. However, Sumba is often confused with the island of Sumbawa, which in fact sits to its northwest. Sumba island covers an area of 12,297 km sq. (Forth 1981: 17), and consists of two districts, i.e., East Sumba (Sumba 1imur) and West Sumba (Sumba Barat). The capital of East Sumba is Waingapu, and of West Sumba, Waikabubak. Sumba, now is populated by about 350,000 people has been noted for its sandalwood horses breeding, thus known as Sandalwood island, impressive megalithic graves (ret i), hand woven textile, and still untouched, and white-sandy beaches. The East Sumba District with a total area of7,711 km sq. and now populated by 201,394 people consists of15 sub-districts (kecamatan), and 143 villages (desa) with Waingapu as the main gateway to Sumba Island. A. Subsistence and economy The nobility (maramba) still has a good deal of gold items, horses and other livestock. However much of their wealth has been decreased in recent years, due to a number factors, such as, external trades, the decreased demand for horses, plagues of locusts, and a series of epidemic diseases affecting livestock. The rest of population, for the most part, have always been and still relatively poor. The majority of them were farmers, though even the poorest own several horses or cattle and all households keep pigs and chicken. B.R. Wohangara, (Eastern) Sumba and its Genres orOral Tradition 5 Eastern Sumba is dry and infertile land. Maize is still the main staple product. Rice is also an important crop, since it is considered a superior foodstuff. Rice is used on ceremonial occasions and for ritual offerings. Other crops include green and root-vegetables, various sort of fruits and gourd, sorghum and millet, tobacco, and of course betel and areca, which are universally chewed and extremely important in social relationships. Animals, such as, pigs, chickens, and buffalos are slaughtered for ritual purposes, so that eating meat is relatively restricted to those occasions. Besides for ritual occasion, horses especially are used as prestations (wili tau) in transaction between affinal groups, as transport, and for trade. The notable handcraft is the weaving of decorated textiles, which used to be entirely in the hands of women, but now men are also involved for accelerating productivity of traditional cloth. The textiles (hinggi): loincloth, shoulder cloth (hinggi duku) and headcloth (tiara) for men and tubular skirt for women (lau) are dressed out in the special/important ceremonial occasions, used mainly as prestation in transactions between affinal groups, and as the shrouds of corpse. The traditional form of internal trade is tenned mandara in which a man seasonally exchanges with people in other parts of the island surplus products for items in short supply in his own area. Now only few people still practice mandara since the introduction of paranggang (weekly markets), the general stores owned by Chinese and of money as the modem exchange. Cash slowly takes over the exchange based on barter. B. House and village organization The basic pattern of traditional house is built of wood and thatch on piles some two feet above the ground. The center of the house is occupied by the hearth (au) or cooking area, flanked on the right (from a position facing the front of the house) by the great floor (kaheli bokulu) in which the major liturgical speeches (hamayangu) to the ancestors are performed, where the corpse is placed before burial, and where males guests are formally received on ceremonial occasions. The area on the left of the hearth is the informal as the domestic area of the house where food is prepared and female guests are received. Running along the front and back of the house are open verandahs (bangga) shaded by the thatched roof. If the back 6 Celt, Volume 6, Number I, July 2006: 1-16 verandah is an additional domestic area where daily activities take place and the household tasks are perfonned, the front verandah, like the kaheli bokulu, is a fonnal area largely reserved for ceremonial occasions. The floor of the house is constructed of slats with spaces between, through which food waste is dropped to the ground below where chickens and pigs scratch and root. A few houses are high enough off the ground to the house horses beneath them. Some houses are additionally provided with a high peak housing a loft. It is consecrated to a clan ancestral deity (marapu) and serves as a residence and a clan temple (umma marapu). Sacred relics and effigies are placed there. The spirit of deity is said to present there in the peak. Therefore it is restricted area, which may be entered only by senior members of the clan. Smaller houses are built near the agricultural lands (wuaka) some distance away. In the traditional fortified village (paraingu) consisting of thirty or more houses, every clan would nonnally maintain at least one house. Subsidiary villages and hamlets (kuataku) would be nonnally smaller. The houses are built close together and arranged in a straight row, and even two or more rows facing one another and the central, cleared, flat are known as village square (taluara). If there is only one row of houses, the graves of deceased villagers are placed opposite the houses on the other side of the village square, and where there are two or more rows, the graves are placed between the rows. The paraingu functions as the capital village and religious center, while kuataku tend to be largely functional units of residence, located close to rivers and other water sources and to areas of wuaka. The number of paraingu has decreased significantly, and it is caused by some factors such as the conversion ofthe marapu believers into major religions (mainly into Christianity), the migrations caused by the lure of'modemity' in the city, the cost of rebuilding the old and big umma marapu. The uncultivated areas beyond the fields and villages are called marada (the plains) and are used as grazing ground horses, buffalos, and cattle. Marada is considered as the outside characterized as an important boundary between inside and outside. c. Religion and religious organization The traditional religion centers on the cult of marapu that refers to the ancestors of clans (kabihu), of which Tunggu estimates as more than B.R. Wo/,angara, (Eastern) Sumba and its Genres of Oral Tradition 7 227 in eastern Sumba alone (2000:20). Although many 'natives' of eastern Sumba have converted into five 'approved' religions (Islam, Catholic, Protestant, Hindu, and Budha), the marapu followers, who believe that the dead ancestors continue showing "an interest in the welfare and conduct of their living descendants ... " (Hoskins 1988:30), still form about 65 percent of the total population (Sumba in Figures, 2004). Each clan has its own marapu, propitiated with offerings and liturgical speeches. It is regarded as protector of clan members and clan interests. Appeals to marapu are made by the priest (ama bokululmahamayangu) on the behalf of the clan members as a whole. Normally, each clan has its own priest, who is the eldest living male in the clan, wise and experienced in religious matters, and an expert in the symbolic and often indirect ritual language used in liturgies. They do not undergo any formal training. Their knowledge comes naturally with the wisdom and experience of old age and many years of listening to and observing rituals. D. Stratification Three basic classes in the society are the nobility (maramba) , commoners (Iau kabihu), and slave (ala). Ala class belongs to nobility, but certain of the large and wealthy commoner clans and lineages also own some. The classes are ideally endogamous, but intermarriage between nobility and commoners, and between commoners and ala may occur. Marriage between nobility and slaves is formally impossible. Ala is also classified into two: ala bokulu and ala kudu. Ala kudu is the lowest and humblest group in eastern Sumba, and derived mainly from captives of war. They can be bought and sold. Ala bokulu can be characterized rather as a class of retainers or hereditary servants. They can't be bought and sold. Ala bokulu are better treated than ala kudll, and many attain considerable influence as advisors and companions to their masters. Unlike ala klldll, they often live in the same house with their masters and form a strong bond of affection and loyalty. Female of ala bokulu serves as ala ngandi, those are, slaves brought along, who accompany their lamu rambu (mistress) when marrying and serving her in her husband's house. 8 Celt, Volume 6, Number I, July 2006: 1-16 E. Alliance Eastern Sumba is characterized by the operation of a system of asymmetric prescriptive alliances. The mother's brother's daughter (ana- na i tuya) is the most preferred spouse, while marry with the father's sister's daughter (ana-na i mamu) is absolutely forbidden. As typi'cal to societies practicing prescriptive alliance, the relationship between alliance groups, that is wife-givers (yiara) and wife takers (ana kawinni) are paired in a relation of complementary opposition. The wife-givers are classified as 'masculine' and superior and the wife-takers as feminine and inferior. When both parties for instance meet on the occasion of marriages and funerals, prestations are exchanged. The prestations given to wife takers such as horses and metal ornaments) are referred as masculine goods (banda mini), in contrast to the class of counter-prestations given by wife-givers to wife-takers (textiles and non-metal jewelry) are called feminine goods (banda kawinni). GENRES OF ORAL TRADITION OF EASTERN SUMBA The indigenous language used in everyday life by the majority of the eastern Sumbanese people (approximately 150,000 speakers) is Kambiara. Kambiara is classified as belonging to the Central Malayo-Polynesian (CMP) subgroup (Klamer) 998: I citing Blust). Though bahasa Indonesia is the formal language and language of instruction, for instance, in education and government, Kambiara is spoken and understood in the large part of eastern Sumba. While there are certain variations in custom and beliefs, and dialects, the culture of eastern Sumba, particularly of the Kambiara speaking parts is sufficiently homogenous. The genres of oral traditions in eastern Sumba can be roughly classified as follows: A. Li Ndai (old/ancient tale) or Li Marapu (matters concerning with marapu/the ancestor tale) Li Ndai is a form of ritual speech narrated by ratulwunangu marambalwunangu bokulu (religious leader) concerning with the creation of the earth, the history of the ancestors and certain locations, or clans. For instance, some myths generally describe that the first inhabitants ofSumbanese people" ... arrived by boat, or sometime from heavens, at the northernmost B.R. Wohangara, (Eastern) Sumba and its Genres of Oral Tradition 9 peninsula (Cape Sasar), and dispersed into kabihu, which migrated and populated the remainder of the islands" (Forshee 2001: 16). Umbu Hina Kapita (1979), a very productive Sumbanese writer on Sumbanese folklore, wrote a book on the history of some clans (kabihu) in eastern Sumba. Here is an example of texts on the history of the Kabihu Maru, Watu Bulu, and Matualangu (Kapita 1979:7-32). Due to the impossibility of presenting the complete and very long text in this short paper, on ly some lines are quoted for the purpose of showing the characteristics of eastern Sumba's Li Ndai. Na ina mangu lanangu The mother who owns the land Na ama mangu lukungu The father who owns the river Na matanangu haupu who own a heap of soil Namarumbangu hawalla who own a stalk of grass Na matimba wai kahingiru who take water from a clear spring Na hullu rumba muru who burn the green grass Na mataka wungangu lana paraingu who are the first comers in fortified village Na mataka mangilungu luku mananga who firstly arrive in the mouth of the river Ba dahal/aka papanjajarangu njarada When they have made their horses dancing [ Umbu Ndilu Buru [ Umbu Jara Tangga, [the one who is] Umbu Ndilu Buru, [the one who is] Umbu Jara Tangga [ Umbu Nggada Ndilu I umbu Ndilu Huru; [the one who is] Umbu Nggada Mdilu [the one who is] Umbu Ndilu Huru 10 Celt, Volume6,Number I,July2006: 1-16 Ba dahallaka papawilikungu rambahuda: when they have shown their whips I Umbu Lu I Umbu Jinga Lara, [the one who is] Umbu Jinga Lara I Umbu Kaka Manau; [the one who is] Umbu Kaka Manau Ba da pangga ndedi ndukapa when they walk before being delayed Ba da laku ndedi ndadikupa when they depart before being stopped La Ruhuku la Mbali in Ruhuku in Mbali La Enda la Ndau in Enda in Ndau Ba da ngiangupa la ruawa tiana [at first] they live in the stomach of the boat Ba da ngiangupa la lumbu Iiru they live under the shade of their sails Ba da lindipa wai ma wurra they go over the foaming sea Ba dangadupa wai mamuru they look at the blue sea Ba da maradangupa tehiku the sea is their open field Ba da landulangupa ngalingu, the waves are their mountains Ba da limangupa Iiru Sails are their hands Ba da wihingupa buhi Oars are their feet Pangga hi da ,akka and then they walk and arrive Laku hi da lundungu they turn up and get to B.R. Wo/tangara, (Eastern) Sumba and its Genres of Oral Tradition 11 La tana hupu haranguda [at] the land they are able to reach La mananga hupu hiwida [at] the estuary they are able to dock [their boat] La Kataka Lind; Watu in Kataka Lindi Watu La Haharu Malai in Haharu Malai The ritual speech is characterized with complicatedly figurative ways of speaking so that most of its audience does not understand most of the speeches. Li Ndai narratives are considered sacred, and thus need many prescriptions and conditions. Children and young people are forbidden from being present during their narration. They may normally only be narrated in the Marapu house. The procedure is so shaped with secrecy, danger, and the risk of causing the wrath of the clan ancestor. Animals, such as fowl, pig, or buffalo, must first be slaughtered for the ancestors and invocations are performed to 'win' the ancestors' hearts. In a field research in 2004, the writer ever faced the reluctance of an informant asked to tell the histories of some kabihu, and only wanted to proceed his story until a 'proper' ritual, that is, slaughtering a pig, was carried out. B. Lawiti Luluk (parallel with sayings or proverbs) A compilation of Lawiti Luluk is done by Kapita (1987). Lawit; Luluk appears in religious verses, everyday speech, in fixed expressions, and in narratives. Here are some examples of this genre: Na mapandoi pamanandangu He who creates beautifully Na ma/ala pakaworingu He who makes completely This couplet refers to the creator of human beings Ngia papata tibu mcnvalla The right place to take full-grown sugar cane Ngia papunggu kalu maihhi The right place to cut down ripened banana 12 Celt, Volume 6, Number I, July 2006: 1 -16 This couplet refers to the wife-givers (yiara) who are supposed to give a bride to wife-takers (ana kawinni) Na wallahu-ndakka lunggi He/she has spread out hislher hair Na bata-ndakka kajia He/she has turned hislher back to us This couplet refers to someone who has just passed away. Karuduku ndakku pitti I bow but get nothing Pajualangu ndakku tuama I extend my hands but reach nothing Meanwhile, this following couplet refers to someone who expresses his/her powerlessness Ngaru mapahamangu Mouths that speak the same [words] Limma mapamiarangu Hands that are parallel [to one and another] This couplet refers to a discussion in which the participants are looking for an agreement. C. Li pangerallgu (tales) There are mainly two kinds of Ii pangerangu. The first type is ana lalu (orphan tales). Ana lalu are stories about orphans characterized by the interruptions of songs in the course of the stories. The central characters in ana lalu are the eastern Sumba folkhero and heroine, Umbu- a title of respecting a male but is also used as a mark of respect for all class of people, and a term for a grandfather and forbear- Ndilu and Rambu- a title of respecting female but is also used as a mark of respect for all class of people- Kahi. There are other min')r characters such as Mada (usually younger brother to Ndilu) and apu Kammi. The second type of Ii pangerangu are fables and which often adopt the archetypal names in ana lalu, but are distinguished from ana lalu due to their spontaneity, and therefore allowing #.,,-;,,\, /~,~t'''A''~ B.R. Wol,angara, (Eastern) Sumba and its Genres orOral Traditr.t~)~;§ 'iL"'-,-""-- .. \-",;' addition and subtraction. Wielenga (1913) compiled tales such as'I.·.Qqd:.'·~~,.. Karoboe Toenoe. Karoboe Hamoe. Maka Ihi Naoe, and Na Woeya. A missionary linguist, Onvlee (1925) recorded some eastern Sumbanese's tales such as I Oembu Mada Dangu I Mili Kami. I Oembu Ndilu Buti, I Ramboe and Kahi Wai Kakalakoe. In a field research in Sumba on June 2005, the writer himsel f recorded some other tales such as I Umbu Miata. I Kapilandu, I Rambu Kahi Kapuala. I Tara Tibu, and I Umbu Buti dangu I Umbu Kapaki. D. Lawiti Ludu (songs lyrics) There are several kinds of lawiti ludu, songs, for instances, to accompany dancing (/udu rianja), to give spirits in dragging tombstones (Ludu yila watu), to harvest paddies (/udu parinna), to celebrate harvest time (ludu kanduku wuaka), and to express feelings of sorrow, dependency, humility, when one (usually male) loses his beloved, families, or family members (Iudu pahangu). The following ludu pahangu was recorded by Kapita (1977:145). A jiaya hi kuhi That's why I cry Kuhi-ka nyungga eri. I do cry my lover Lalu mijanguna I parandaingu [because] the promise has been broken Muda nda namuda It is too easy to forget La paimbu la I hama hada-mu [since] you want to find someone else who suits you better Tawurru la kawana-mu the ring on your right finger Mbadda ninya la wunggu Iimma-mu It has already been in your grip Tiara hapulanga The handkerchief [I gave you] Daingu ninya nggi la hakumu Is it still there in your pocket? 14 Celt, Volume 6, Number 1, July 2006: 1-16 E. DikanguJpadikangu (riddles) Samples of riddles are as follows: Ba anakiada-ya na hau lau, ma na-malua na-Iwlulu. When she was a child, she wore tubular skirt, but when she was grown up, she was naked. Solution: bamboo tree. Jak/w na he la pingngi Iwkuru i umbu Ndilu. ndanna he-a weli la pingngi-na, na he weli la Iwpuklw-na. If umbu Ndilu climbs a coconut tree, he doesn't climb it from its trunk but from its tip. Solution: a ring Nda paila-aya na pinggii-na. nda pa-ila-aya na Iwpulw-na Its stem is invisible, its top is invisible. Solution: the wind F. Piapaku (word-games). Here are three examples: Apu ku luala la wualw. ku lua fa wualw. ku papu lora. ku papu lora. kujulu wangu. kujulu wangu fa lumbu mbuamangu. la fumbu mbuamangu la hupu bangga. la hupu bangga la ru hawindu. la ruhamvindu la kilimbuanga. la kilimbunnga ai la laluara. Indaka-indalw wanna i labu limbi ngaru. jia duklw i dukku i marau Iwmbu fumbu ndakku fuppa inda-ya. Jajjalw-jajjalw wanna Ilwbeli langa mengilu. jia dukka i dukku i ana mbuti mburungu ndakku luppa jajja-ya. Happalw-happalw wanna i kuamalu malumbu. jia dukka i dukku i winnu muru maja ndakku luppa happa-ya. CONCLUSION In eastern Indonesia, including the island of Sumba, where literacy has still been limited to certain amount of people, oral traditions are lively and diverse. The indigenous languages in the region do not merely function as a means of education, but have become the essential vehicles for the preservation and transmission of cultural knowledge. The peculiar way of B.B. Wohangara, (Eastern) Sumba ~nd its Genres of Oral Tradition 15 using vocabularies, for instance, in ritual and social communication/speech, and religious invocations calls for further and extensive studies on the cultural expression of the given people. (Eastern) Sumba alone possesses 6 (six) genres of oral traditions. First, Li Ndai/Li Marapu concerning with the history of the clans and the tales of and the invocation to the ancestors who are believed as directly affecting the lives of the living, second, Lawiti Lulukused in religious rituals, in narratives, and in everyday speech, third, Li pangerangu referring to folktales, fourth, Lawiti Ludu (songs) performed in various occasions, fifth, Dikangu/padikangu (riddles) practiced as recreational activity, and sixth. Piapaku (word-games) which are sung or recited in staccato rhythms. BmLIOGRAPHY Adams, Marie Jeanne. Myths and Self-image among Kapunduk People of Sumba. Indonesia 10, 1970. ---. "History in a Sumba Myth". In Asian Folklore Studies Vol. 30, No.2, 1971. Arington-Pudja, I Gusti Ngurah. "Bibliografi Beranotasi Folklore Bali". Skripsi Sarjana Sastra Bidang Antropologi. Fakultas Sastra Universitas Indonesia, 1973. Brunvand, Jan Harold. The Study of American Folklore: an Introduction. New York: W. W., Norton & Co. Inc., 1978. Dakung, Sugiarto. "Bibliografi Beranotasi Folklore Sunda". Skripsi Sarjana Sastra Bidang Antropologi. Fakultas Sastra Universitas Indonesia, 1973 .. Danandjaja, James. An Annoted Bibliography of Javanese Folklore. Center for South and Southeast Asia Studies. California: University of Berkeley, 1972. Danandjaja, James. Folklore Indonesia: llmu Gosip. Dongeng. dan Lain-lain. Jakarta: Grafit~ 2002. Finnegan, Ruth. Oral Traditions and the Verbal Arts. 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