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Lessons from Austria-Hungary 
Kang Youwei’s Vision for China’s Reform in the Early 20th Century  

 
Nicholas Tsui 
University of Alberta 

 
Abstract 
 
This article analyzes how Kang Youwei (1858–1927), a reformer and intellectual in China, 
used examples from Austria-Hungary to support his plan to reform China. By using textual 
analysis of three articles Kang wrote in 1906, 1908, and 1912 about Austria-Hungary, 
which are collected in Kang Youwei Quanji, and by comparing them with modern studies, 
this article shows how Kang linked religion, politics, and the economy in Austria-Hungary 
to his political beliefs in monarchism, a centralized government, and his role as a Confucian 
reformer. It also argues that Kang used selected or exaggerated facts about Austria-Hungary 
to advocate for his political beliefs.  

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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Article 
 
Introduction 
 

The history of Austrian-Chinese communication can be traced back to the early 14th 
century. Odoric of Pordenone (1285/6–1331),1 born in Pordenone, present-day Italy, 
visited China and stayed in Beijing for three years.2 The British East India Company acting 
in agreement with King George III’s government, decided to send an embassy to China led 
by Lord George Macartney (1737–1806), a politically well-connected peer from Northern 
Ireland.3 However, the entire venture had cost the East India Company a small fortune, for 
which the company had received no return.4 While most European countries’ impression of 
China worsened after Lord George Macartney led the first official British diplomatic 
mission to China, the people in Habsburg Austria remained a favorable opinion of China, 
especially on Chinese art.  

While people in Habsburg Austria had great interest in China, elites and leaders of 
the Chinese Empire did not have much interest in foreign nations, including Austria. The 
Europeans had limited access to China in the late 18th century. Until 1842, Canton 
(Guangzhou) was the sole port of call for Western traders, a system known as the Canton 
System.5 However, the first Chinese person who lived in Habsburg Austria was recorded in 
1780, and was likely a sailor.6 The official connection between Austria and China came 
roughly a century later. In 1869, China established diplomatic relations with Habsburg 
Austria-Hungary. However, the Chinese Ambassador in Austria was based at Berlin, in what 
was then the German Empire, until 1902.7 Austro-Hungarian representation in East Asia 
followed a similar pattern. In 1883, the seat of Austria-Hungary’s diplomatic mission in 
East Asia was moved from Shanghai to Tokyo “to stress the importance that Japan had 
acquired in international relations in East Asia.”8 In 1896, the Austro-Hungarian 
government finally decided to establish a legation in Beijing and split the representation for 
China and Japan.9 By the late 19th century, the Chinese ambassador to Austria was based in 
Berlin, and the Austro-Hungarian representation in East Asia was in Tokyo. Both sides 
chose a more influential country in the region as the base for their diplomatic presence. 

Although the official connection between China and Habsburg Austria was limited, 
some Chinese intellectuals still visited Europe, including Austria, to seek inspiration for 

9 Ibid., 32. 

8 Michael S. Falser, Habsburg Going Global: The Austro-Hungarian Concession in Tientsin/Tianjin in China 
(1901-1917). (Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2022), 27. 

7 Ibid., 91. 
6 Kaminski, Österreich und China im Bild 1624-2016, 76. 

5 John D. Wong, “Introduction,” In Global Trade in the Nineteenth Century: The House of Houqua and the Canton 
System, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016.), 2. 

4 Ibid., 121. 
3 Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China. 3rd ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 2012), 120. 

2 Gerd Kaminski, Österreich und China im Bild 1624-2016 中奥关系史图解 [Austro-Chinese Relationship in 
Charts]. (Bacopa Verlag, 2016), 23. 

1 A. C. Moule, “A Life of Odoric of Pordenone,” T’oung Pao 20, no. 3/4 (1920): 288, 
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4526615. 

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modernization, particularly in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This was a period of 
crisis for China, marked by significant military defeats and internal instability. Having been 
defeated by Britain twice in the Opium Wars (1842 and 1860),10 Chinese leaders and 
intellectuals were concerned about the country’s future. As a result, the Qing government11 
made two major attempts to modernize China. The first attempt was the Self-Strengthening 
Movement, which took place from roughly 1861 to 1895. There were three phases in the 
Self-Strengthening Movement. The first phase took place  from 1861 to 1872, characterized 
by the idea of “use Western methods to defeat Western powers.”12 During this time, the 
focus was on setting up translation offices, modern schools, and sending students abroad to 
learn about Western technology, as well as training people in technology and foreign 
affairs.13 The second phase was from 1872 to 1885. Although national defense industries 
were still the main focus, more attention was also given to profit-making businesses such as 
shipping, railways, mining, and telegraphs.14 The third phase was from 1885 to 1895. The 
focus on building the navy continued. At the same time, the idea of developing light 
industries to make the country richer became more accepted.15 In 1894, the First 
Sino-Japanese War broke out. The Chinese Beiyang Fleet, which was established during the 
Self-Strengthening Movement, was defeated. In 1895, the Treaty of Shimonoseki was 
signed.16 The defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War marked the failure of the 
Self-Strengthening Movement, as the Beiyang Fleet was defeated by the Japanese.  

The Qing government’s second attempt at modernization was the Hundred Days’ 
Reform, led by Emperor Guangxu (1871–1908) in the summer of 1898. Influenced by Kang 
Youwei (1858–1927) and his supporters, Emperor Guangxu issued edicts calling for 
political and economic reforms. He ordered changes to China’s examination system, the 
upgrading of Peking College, and the opening of several modern schools. Emperor Guangxu 
also made economic reforms, such as ordering local officials to coordinate reforms in 
commerce, industry, and agriculture, and to increase the production of tea and silk for 
export.17 Several reformist thinkers, including Kang Youwei, were appointed as secretaries 
in the Grand Council so they could take part in important discussions and memorialize the 
emperor through their superiors.18 This reform effort failed due to Empress Dowager Cixi’s 
intervention.19 She was disturbed by some of the proposed changes that threatened to 
weaken the Qing ruling house, and was worried that the faction supporting Guangxu 
seemed influenced by both the British and the French. On September 21, 1898, Empress 
Dowager Cixi issued an edict claiming that the emperor had asked her to resume power, 
and she put Guangxu under palace detention.20   

20 Ibid., 221. 
19 Ibid., Glossary A61. 
18 Ibid., 221. 
17 Spence, The Search for Modern China, 220-221. 
16 Ibid., 348. 
15 Ibid., 284. 
14 Ibid., 282. 
13 Ibid., 280. 

12 The term “use Western methods to defeat Western powers.” is called 師夷長技以制夷 in Chinese. See Immanuel 
Hsu, 徐中約. Zhongguo Jindai Shi 中國近代史 [The Rise of Modern China], vol. 1. Translated from English. (Hong 
Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 2001), 280. 

11 The Qing dynasty was the ruling Chinese dynasty before the Republican Revolution in 1911. 
10 Spence, The Search for Modern China, Glossary A67. 

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The intervention of Empress Dowager Cixi not only led to the failure of the Hundred 
Days' Reform but also forced Kang Youwei into exile. Kang was born in Guangdong in 1858. 
He passed the imperial examination and became an Imperial Scholar (Jinshi進士) in 1885.21 
He was a key figure during the Hundred Days’ Reform in 1898. He was one of the reformist 
thinkers who was appointed as a secretary to the Grand Council by Emperor Guangxu. Kang 
tried to organize several reforms, including the proposal to reframe Confucianism as 
China’s version of a state religion.22 After the failure of the reform in 1898, he fled to Hong 
Kong with the help of the British Consulate in Shanghai.23 Soon after he arrived in Hong 
Kong, he moved to Japan with the permission of the Japanese Prime Minister Ōkuma 
Shigenobu (大隈重信).24 However, Ōkuma Shigenobu soon resigned as Prime Minister and 
the new Japanese government led by Yamagata Aritomo (山縣有朋) decided to change its 
diplomatic policy towards the Qing government,25 Kang was forced to leave Japan and 
moved to British Columbia, Canada in 1899.26 During his exile, he wrote the Book of the 
Great Unity (Datong Shu 大同書) in 1901, Chow finds that there are resonances between 
Kang’s thought of the Great Unity and the progressive theory of history found in British 
liberalism.27 Kang traveled to many countries during his exile, including the 
Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1904 and 1908.28  In 1911, a revolution occurred in China, 
leading to the overthrow of the Great Qing Empire by Republican revolutionaries. A new 
government, the Republic of China, was established in 1912.29 Kang spent 15 years overseas 
and eventually returned to China in 1913 after the revolution.30 

The Collection of Kang Youwei is the main primary source for this essay. This book is 
a compilation of articles and letters written by Kang Youwei. Among Kang Youwei’s 
writings, this essay will analyze articles about his tour of Austria-Hungary. Many of the 
historical facts mentioned in Kang’s articles reflect the situation in Austria-Hungary, 
including Austrian history, politics, and more. Kang also studied Austrian historical events, 
such as the Thirty Years’ War, Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and political issues 
such as the parliamentary conflict, the succession crisis, and Pan-Germanism. 

This paper will connect Kang’s work with the situation in Austria-Hungary and 
argue that Kang used the historical facts in Austria-Hungary selectively to advocate his 
political beliefs towards China. Kang’s articles are significant because they provide an 
outsider’s perspective, that of an intellectual from East Asia, on the Austro-Hungarian 
Empire, and examine how he connects the issues in Austria-Hungary to China. I analyze 
Kang’s views on the Austro-Hungarian Empire, including the Empire’s religious issues, 

30 Wu,  Kang Youwei Nianpu, 2: 559. 
29 Spence, The Search for Modern China, 261. 

28 Youwei Kang 康有为, Kang Youwei Quanji 康有为全集 [Collection of Kang Youwei]. Vols 8-9. Ed. Yihua Jiang 
and Ronghua Zhang, (Beijing: Zhongguo remin daxue chuban she, 2007), 9: 291. 

27 Chow, "Making the Twain Meet," 31. 
26 Ibid., 1: 268. 
25 Ibid., 1: 269. 
24 Ibid., 1:252. 
23 Wu, Kang Youwei Nianpu, 1: 251. 

22 Kathy Chow, "Making the Twain Meet: The Invention of Confucian Religion and Kang Youwei’s Political 
Theology." Political Theology 23 (2022): 32, https://doi.org/10.1080/1462317X.2021.2014625.  

21 Tianren Wu 吳天任, Kang Youwei Nianpu 康有為年譜 [Chronological Biography of Kang Youwei], (Guangzhou: 
Guangdong renmin chuban she, 2018), 1: 113. 

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political conflicts, issues of loyalty, and economy, especially how Kang selectively or 
mistakenly chose historical facts about the Austro-Hungarian Empire to support his 
political beliefs. This paper mainly examines three articles written by Kang. The first article 
is “Inspection on the Evolution of the Germanic States and Austria-Hungary” (1906),31 
primarily looks at the history of Germany and Austria-Hungary from Kang’s perspective. 
The second article “Complementary Record of the Austrian Trip” (1908),32 mainly discusses 
his trip to Austria and his thoughts on the Austrian monarchy, history, politics, and 
economy. The third article is “Inspection of Austrian Political Parties” (1912),33 written just 
after the 1911 republican revolution. This article examines Austria-Hungary's politics, 
particularly party politics in the early 20th century.34  

Religious conflict and Austrian Catholicism    
 

Religion and religious conflicts play a large role in Kang Youwei’s descriptions of 
Austrian history. He describes conflicts between “Popes and Emperors, Popes and Princes, 
Old Religion (Catholicism) and New Religion (Protestant)”35 in the Holy Roman Empire, 
stating, “[those] conflicts are all resolved by arms, with killings filling cities and blood 
flowing like rivers, displaying brutality.”36 He also highlighted the brutality of the Popes, 
arguing that the Popes’ brutality led to the religious conflicts.37 Kang’s description of 
religious conflict in the Holy Roman Empire does reflect the historical reality of significant 
population loss during the Thirty Years’ War. For instance, under Swedish occupation, the 
city of Mainz lost 40% of its population.38 However, Kang highlighted the casualties in the 
Thirty Years’ War not just to point out the facts, but to make a comparison with the 
religious conflicts in China and advocate his political ideas. 

After describing the religious conflicts in the Holy Roman Empire, he then turns to religious 
conflicts in ancient China, saying,  

The disputes within Confucianism and Buddhism are confined to debates of words 
and ideas, conducted with tolerance and gentleness in teaching, which is why they 
seem weak [compared to the conflicts in the Holy Roman Empire]. And now, 
philosophy is growing every day, and science is becoming clearer. Even though 
people [in China] are still not very educated, and religion is still needed to teach 
them, we can no longer treat people as foolish. And a hundred years from now, as 
conflicts between nations gradually subside, the ideals of Confucius concerning 
universal harmony and great unity, and the Buddhist spirit of transcending birth and 
death, may resonate even more deeply into human hearts.39  

39 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 253. 
38 Geoffrey Parker, The Thirty Years' War. (Oxford: Taylor & Francis Group, 1997), 147. 
37 Ibid. 
36 Ibid. 
35 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 253. 

34 Kang’s articles were originally written and published in Chinese. I have translated the passages into English 
myself. 

33 The original title in Chinese is “奧政黨考.” See Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9: 291.  
32 The original title in Chinese is “補奧遊記.” See Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 384.  
31 The original title in Chinese is “日耳曼沿革考 奧大利匈牙利沿革附.” See Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 235. 

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He made this specific comparison due to his preference for Confucianism. By comparing the 
brutal and violent religious conflicts in the Holy Roman Empire to the peaceful religious 
disputes in China and expressing his prediction for the future of the world, he aims to 
emphasize that the harmonious ideals in Confucianism and certain Buddhist ideas will 
dominate the future peaceful world. However, his description of religious disputes in China 
is not entirely correct, as the religious conflicts in ancient China were not always peaceful. 
For example, the Tang emperor Wuzong (r. 840–846), as one of China's most enthusiastic 
Taoist rulers, ordered the Huichang persecution of Buddhism.40 

Kang did not view the Empire’s close relationship with Catholicism positively: “The 
greatest harm to Austria lies in the union of religion and politics. The Roman Catholic 
Church keeps its people ignorant, and the Roman authority in Austria remains as strong as 
ever. The government follows the [Roman] Church’s command, to the extent that even if a 
newspaper publishes slight criticism of the Church, it will be shut down immediately.”41 To 
Kang, the close relationship between the Empire and Catholicism was one of the reasons 
that made Austria’s strength “difficult to restore.”42 He also emphasized the power that 
religious figures in Austria wielded compared to Prussia, stating that the Catholic Church 
prevented the Empire from reforming.43 Catholicism was not a religion that could help the 
country reform; instead, it weakened the nation. One reason he had a negative view of the 
Empire’s close relationship with Catholicism is that this connection weakened the 
Emperor’s power, and he had a preference for a more powerful monarch. He argued: “When 
the Austrian emperor wanted to reform, the church leaders would stop him. The people 
listen to the priests and hate the emperor. The emperor feels unsafe and do not dare to 
act.”44 To Kang, the Catholic Church in Austria was too powerful, and he preferred the 
emperor to hold more power. Kang’s preference for Protestantism is also a reason, as Chow 
states, Kang’s proposed reforms in 1898 illustrated his attempt to “fit Confucianism into a 
Protestant understanding of religion.”45 In other words, Protestantism was the model for 
Kang’s reform of Confucianism, and he naturally favored Protestantism over Catholicism. 
Thus, his favourable opinion of Protestantism led him to share a more critical attitude 
towards Catholicism in Austria. 

Although Kang did not have a positive view of Catholicism, he favorably described 
the Catholic practice of the veneration of Virgin Mary.46 Kang expressed his opinion that 
Christians venerating Virgin Mary’s statue were no different from Chinese people 
worshipping Guanyin,47 concluding that Chinese traditional customs were not necessarily 
bad.48 He argued that “People today want to give up the light [of the east] and learn from 
the darkness of the West. They do not know what is right or wrong, but only try to please 

48 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 398. 

47 Guanyin is a Buddhist bodhisattva. Originally called Avalokiteśvara in India, Guanyin was introduced to China 
and became popular in East Asia.   

46 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 398. 
45 Chow,"Making the Twain Meet," 31. 
44 Ibid. 
43 Ibid. 
42 Ibid. 
41 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9:294. 

40 Timothy H. Barrett, “THE MADNESS OF EMPEROR WUZONG,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 14 (2004): 173, 
http://www.jstor.org/stable/44160395. 

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foreigners.”49 His statement is connected to the specific historical background of the early 
20th century, when, starting from the Hundred Days’ Reform, Confucian moral rules based 
on “ritual” were seriously challenged by Western trends and reform thinkers.50 Kang, as a 
supporter of Confucianism, mentioned religious practices in Austria because he wanted to 
use the veneration of Virgin Mary in Austria to justify that it was acceptable for Chinese 
society to maintain ties with its own religions, such as Confucianism and Buddhism. From 
his perspective, Austria, as part of European society, accepted the veneration of the Virgin 
Mary, and therefore, it was acceptable for Chinese people to keep their old customs. 
Although he criticized Catholicism in Austria, he still used Catholic practice in Austria to 
justify his argument. In other words, he selectively used the historical facts and situation in 
Austria selectively when it suited him. 

Political Diversity in the Empire  
 

Ethnicity within the Empire was especially important in Kang’s essay. The topic of 
his chapter pointed out that, “Austria’s lack of strength compared to Prussia (German 
Empire) is due to its lack of linguistic unity.”51 Kang analyzed the different ethnic groups 
within the Empire and compared Austria to Germany, two states with similar cultures. He 
explained: 

The current territory of Austria consists of fourteen nations... Each region 
maintains its own language and script, making it impossible to unify. Thus, there 
are fourteen languages and ten writing systems, which interrupt governance 
and progress, leaving no viable solutions. If [the government] wishes to enforce 
unity through political and legal measures, the current trend of civil liberties 
prevents it. The Austrian monarch fears the people and dares not impose it 
forcibly... On the other hand, in Germany, the monarchy holds substantial power, 
allows the enforcement of linguistic unification. All of Germany only has four 
languages, and now everyone is gradually proficient in Prussian language 
(German). Austria had monarchical authority but dares not exercise it, marking 
a significant difference from Germany... Nevertheless, the harm caused by 
linguistic differences and lack of mutual understanding is also severe [in 
Austria].52 

Kang identified two reasons why Austria was weaker than Prussia (German Empire): the 
power of the monarch and linguistic diversity. Historian Bálint Varga argues that “the 
national and the imperial were not necessarily incompatible, but could mutually reinforce 
each other.”53 Kang obviously didn’t agree with Varga’s point. Instead, he agreed with a 

53 Bálint Varga, “Writing Imperial History in the Age of High Nationalism: Imperial Historians on the Fringes of the 
Habsburg Monarchy,” European Review of History: Revue Européenne d’histoire 24, no. 1 (2016): 91. 
doi:10.1080/13507486.2016.1217402. 

52 Ibid. 
51 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 256. 

50 Duan, Lian 段煉. "Qingmo Minchu de Daode Jiaolv ji Yingdui zhi Ce" 清末民初的道德焦慮及應對之策 [Moral 
Anxiety and Coping Strategies in the Late Qing and Early Republican Period]. Ershiyi Shiji 二十一世紀, no. 130 
(2012): 53, https://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ics/21c/media/articles/c130-200907054.pdf. 

49 Ibid. 

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more traditional idea that the late Habsburg Monarchy was in permanent crisis, its state 
unity eroded at the expense of rising nationalist movements.54 He argued that the diversity 
of languages threw the Empire into disorder, caused chaos in its military, and explained 
how Prussia defeated Austria in the Austro-Prussian War.55  

Kang then turned to discuss the problem of ethnicity in China. He emphasized the 
linguistic diversity in the Chinese military, and suggested that “soldiers from Fujian and 
Guangdong should all be taught standard pronunciation within their camps, as well as the 
soldiers from Manchu, Mongol, Hui, and Tibetan regions.”56 He particularly focused on 
ethnic and linguistic issues within Austria-Hungary because China faced a similar situation. 
China was also a country with significant ethnic and linguistic diversity. Ethnicities like Han 
Chinese as well as Mongols lived in the Manchu Qing Empire. Even among Han Chinese, 
different languages or dialects were used in different areas.  Another similarity he saw was 
a record of military failure. Austria was defeated in the Austro-Prussian War in 1866 while 
China was defeated in the First Sino-Japanese War in 1895. Kang naturally connected these 
similarities together. Kang wanted to ensure that China would not repeat Austria’s 
“mistake” and instead should work to unify its language. From Kang Youwei’s point of view, 
countries with unified ethnicity and language were stronger than those with significant 
diversity. However, it is important to note that there were more important reasons that led 
to Austria’s defeat in the Austro-Prussian War, as Beller argues. One reason was diplomatic: 
the problem was Austria’s isolation on the international great power level.57 The second 
reason was military innovation: “the superior tactics and training of the Prussian forces, 
especially the ultra-effective use of breech-loading rifles by the infantry.”58 Another reason 
was that it was “under the emperor’s jealously guarded prerogative of control of the 
military that the necessary reforms had failed to occur.”59 This is a significant point, as Kang 
argues that it was the lack of power of the monarch that led to the weakness of Austria. 
However, according to Beller, the emperor was one of the reasons that led to the failure of 
military reforms before the Austro-Prussian War. Moreover, none of Beller’s points argue 
that Austria’s defeat was related to linguistic or ethnic issues in the military.  

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was established due to the new constitution 
sanctioned in 1867, in which Hungary was allowed to have great autonomy under the 
crown, “with very different constitutions, different administrative and judicial systems, and 
even different qualifications for citizenship.”60 Kang provided his opinion on 
Austro-Hungarian relationships, 

Although the Hungarians acknowledge the Austrian Emperor as their king, 
Hungary maintains its own national structure, which is far from being a vassal 

60 Pieter M. Judson, The Habsburg Empire: A New History. (Harvard University Press, 2016), 262, 
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvjsf5rq. 

59 Ibid. 
58 Ibid., 117. 

57 Steven Beller, The Habsburg Monarchy 1815–1918. of New Approaches to European History. (Cambridge: 
Cambridge University Press, 2018), 116. 

56 Ibid., 8: 258. 
55 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8:257. 

54 Varga, “Writing Imperial History in the Age of High Nationalism: Imperial Historians on the Fringes of the 
Habsburg Monarchy,” 80. 

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state. The system [of Austria-Hungary] is similar to how Australia and Canada 
relate to Britain, except that Australia and Canada have British-appointed 
governors, while Hungary is governed entirely by Hungarians. Apart from the 
Austrian Emperor, not a single Austrian interferes in Hungary's internal affairs. 
Even the Emperor, holding a nominal title as king, cannot intervene in its 
internal governance. The only areas in which Austria exercises authority over 
Hungary are foreign affairs, military matters, and finance... This arrangement is 
nearly no difference from that of an alliance, with the Austrian Emperor serving 
as the alliance's leader… If other major powers benefit from Austria's 
weakening... then Hungary and Austria could be separated in a single day.61  

In this passage, Kang expressed his negative view of the system established after the 
Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867. From his description, the great autonomy of 
Hungary within the Empire would eventually lead to separation if other great powers 
desired it. Kang highlighted the Austria-Hungary relationship within the Empire to support 
his broader argument. Kang’s observation of Austria-Hungary is correct in some ways, as he 
realized that under the Compromise, “Austria and Hungary integrated in only three 
competencies, run by three joint ministries that were responsible for foreign affairs; for the 
armed forces; and for funding these joint activities.”62 Still, he exaggerated the degree of 
autonomy in Hungary. Although Kang claimed that the union between Austria and Hungary 
had “no difference from that of an alliance.”63 In fact, Austria and Hungary experienced a 
deeper integration than a simple personal union because of the Compromise.64 
Furthermore, at the legal level, the Austrian legislation does not say a word about the 
possible negative conflicts of the competences in relation to the Ministry of the Common 
Affairs, which allows its intervention into Hungarian political life.65 From Kang’s 
description, he was not a supporter of the idea of regional autonomy. To him, 
Austria-Hungary was not a successful state. He connected these two elements together to 
support his claim for a more centralized government.  

Kang concluded that Europeans did not understand the “method of unification,”66 
that “even after they take over another land, they still keep its name and government, and 
just make themselves the king”67. He argued that the lack of understanding of the “method 
of unification” was the reason Europeans kept fighting for a thousand years.68 Kang aimed 
to support his idea of a unified China by using the Hungarian example to illustrate to his 
readers that autonomy could lead to potential chaos. He wished to underline that China 
needed unification to avoid wars and conflicts. His claim is reasonable in the case of 
Austria-Hungary, but other European states had different strategies for consolidating 

68 Ibid. 
67 Ibid. 
66 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 394. 
65 Ibid., 825. 
64 Ibid., 835. 
63 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 394. 

62 Mate Paksy, “Toward a Better Understanding of Peripheral Nation-Building Strategies: A Critical Comparison of 
the Austro-Hungarian Ausgleich and the Canadian British North America Act (1867),” International Journal for the 
Semiotics of Law 33 (2020): 834, https://doi-org.login.ezproxy.library.ualberta.ca/10.1007/s11196-020-09736-3. 

61 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 394. 

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power. For instance, the civilizing mission (mission civilisatrice) is an important concept for 
the French.69 In other words, “assimilation” was actively practiced in French governance. 
Kang’s claim is an oversimplification, and he only emphasizes what he wants. His racial idea 
also provides an explanation for his idea of “unification.” In his Book of the Great Unity, he 
separated people into “white,” “yellow,” “brown,” and “black” races.70 In this article, Kang 
used Austrians to represent the “white” race, while using Chinese people to represent the 
“yellow” race. As he separated people too simply, he did not realize the diversity within the 
“race.” Although Kang argued the greatest difference between European states and China 
was that Europeans do not understand the “method of unification” while China does. In fact, 
China also experienced relatively long periods of division, bringing this claim into question. 
According to Zhou, the total number of years that China was under unification is 950—only 
45% of the time from 221 BCE to 1911 CE.71 In other words, the remaining 55% was spent 
in periods of division.  

Kang also wrote about party politics in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Kang argued 
that Austria was not strong domestically and pointed out the reason: “Austria is skilled in 
maintaining harmony in foreign affairs, but its domestic governance is ineffective because 
there are too many political parties in parliament, debates are too scattered, and the 
government lacks fairness and justice.”72 Kang further explained that Austria had the most 
political parties at that time, making compromise in parliament difficult due to the Empire’s 
ethnic diversity. According to Kang, the Austro-Hungarian parliament was in chaos, “The 
leaders of the German and Bohemian parties are all aggressive and domineering, holding 
the highest power.73 Some grab the Prime Minister by the throat, while others brandish 
swords to attack... This is no different from the chaos of the mobs during the French 
Revolution.”74 He then compared party politics in Austria-Hungary with those in other 
countries, such as Britain and the USA, and concluded that strong countries usually had 
fewer political parties.75 Kang also worried about China: “If China were to establish a 
constitution with political parties, I wonder how many parties there would be?”76 Kang 
further explained the diversity in China and concluded that “Given China’s vast size… [and] 
those who discuss politics and law often lack experience and simply follow the crowd, 
repeating ‘political parties,’ I cannot predict how much future danger, chaos, weakness, and 
decline this will bring to China.”77 Kang mentioned the various parties in Austria-Hungary 
to argue that such a system was not suitable for China. To Kang, countries with fewer 
political parties were stronger. He highlighted the disorder in the Austro-Hungarian 
parliament to illustrate that China would also become weak if it adopted a similar 
multi-party system. Kang’s observation that the parliament in Austria-Hungary was chaotic 

77 Ibid., 9: 291 
76 Ibid. 
75 Ibid. 
74 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9: 293 
73 The “German Party” here is referring to Alldeutsche Vereinigung. 
72 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9: 292 

71 Haiwen Zhou, "Unification and Division: A Theory of Institutional Choices in Imperial China," Annals of 
Economics and Finance 24, no. 1 (2023): 13, http://aeconf.com/Articles/May2023/aef240102.pdf. 

70 Chow, "Making the Twain Meet," 37. 

69 Krishan Kumar, “The French Empire: ‘IMPERIAL NATION-STATE,’” In Visions of Empire: How Five Imperial 
Regimes Shaped the World. (Princeton University Press, 2017), 429. 

31 



 

 

was correct in some ways. As Bader-Zaar pointed out, government agents were involved in 
election conflicts that resulted in fraud and sometimes violent clashes ending in 
bloodshed.78 While it is true that the Austro-Hungarian parliamentary system was chaotic 
in some aspects, it is questionable whether the parliamentary system led to Austria’s 
weakness. Roháč argues that the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire occurred 
particularly as a result of the removal of the possibility of bargaining through standard 
political processes, when the Reichsrat (Imperial Council) and the national diets were 
suspended during the First World War.79 Witt states that having a voice in the government 
convinced minorities that they were participating in the destiny of the state.80 In other 
words, the existence of the parliament allowed ethnic minorities to solve their problems 
within the imperial system, which actually benefited the Empire. Furthermore, Witt also 
points out that “Parliament’s ineffectiveness did not matter so much in this case; the 
importance was the equal value of all citizens to the Monarchy.”81 Kang clearly didn’t pay 
attention to this aspect; he focused more on the effectiveness of the concentration of 
government power. 

The timing of Kang’s article “Inspection of Austrian Political Parties” suggests his 
growing concerns about China’s future following the Republican Revolution. Although his 
last visit to Austria was in 1908, he wrote this article in 1912 as a response to the 
Republican Revolution.82 Before 1910, the Qing government restricted and controlled 
political parties in China. It was only in 1910 that the Manchu court agreed that a fully 
elected parliament should be convened in 1913.83 From Kang’s perspective, political parties 
had not been a significant issue before the Revolution. The Revolution made the formation 
of various political parties much easier. The number of political parties grew rapidly after 
the 1911 revolution. From February to October 1912, there were 85 political parties and 
groups officially registered with the Ministry of Civil Affairs. There were many more that 
were not registered or were registered later.84 Kang was worried about this growing 
factionalism and expressed his idea of “merging political parties like Britain and the US”85 in 
China, through his observations of Austrian politics in 1908.  

Kang observed the diversity within the Empire, including the Compromise between 
Austria and Hungary, the ethnic diversity within the Empire, as well as the diversity in 
parliament in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Kang was clearly not a supporter of these 
forms of diversity; he selectively and even mistakenly chose the facts in the Empire to 
justify his political idea of a more centralized and homogeneous government. 

85 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9: 291 

84 Yu-fa Chang 張玉法, "Minchu zhengdang de diaocha yu fenxi" 民初政黨的調查與分析 [A Study and Analysis of 
Political Parties in the Early Republican Period]. Jindaishi Yanjiusuo Jikan 近代史研究所集刊, no. 5 (1976): 
121-122 

83 Spence, The Search for Modern China, 263 
82 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9: 291  
81 Ibid. 

80 Katrina Witt, “The Politics of Managing Pluralism: Austria-Hungary 1867-1918,” Constellations 1, no. 1 (2009): 
86, https://doi.org/10.29173/cons6899. 

79 Dalibor Roháč, “Why did the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapse? A public choice perspective,” Const Polit Econ 
20, (2009): 174, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-008-9058-0. 

78 Birgitta Bader-Zaar, “Democratization and the Practices of Voting in Habsburg Austria, 1896–1914: New 
Directions in Research,” Austrian History Yearbook 53 (2022): 120, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0067237822000042. 

32 



 

 

 
Monarchical Power and Imperial Loyalty 
 

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was built upon loyalty to the Habsburg Monarchy. 
Kang Youwei highlighted the Habsburg monarch, particularly on the popularity of Emperor 
Franz Joseph: “What Austria can still preserve today is due to Emperor Franz Joseph’s long 
reign. By granting freedom to the people, he has earned their gratitude, making them 
reluctant to rebel against him.”86 He also pointed out the succession crisis in 
Austria-Hungary: “However, if the Emperor leaves no successor, a major upheaval may 
occur.”87 Kang then mentioned the death of the Emperor’s brother, Maximilian, who was 
Emperor of Mexico. He also discussed the possible heir to the throne, Otto,88 who had 
married the daughter of an earl. Kang viewed him as the only person who could save the 
Empire.89 Although some of the names and facts he referenced were inaccurate, Kang 
accurately recognized that Emperor Franz Joseph enjoyed “unprecedented popularity,”90 as 
well as the reality of a succession crisis in the Empire and the potential chaos it could bring. 

As discussed in the “Political Diversity in the Empire” section, Kang emphasized the 
weakness of the monarch’s power in the Empire. He also stated: “The Austrian Emperor’s 
authority, originally inherited from a unified tradition, was once immense. However, after 
significant conflicts between the monarch and civilians,91 the emperor has power but dares 
not use it.”92 Although Kang claimed that after the 1848 revolutions, the emperor dared not 
use his power, his claim is incorrect. The Sylvesterpatent (New Year's Eve Patent) in 1851 
overthrew the March Constitution and returned Austria to absolutism.93 Austria entered 
Emperor Franz Joseph’s neo-absolutist era. According to Beller, it was in the areas where 
Franz Joseph had reserved to himself the most influence, in foreign policy and the military, 
that Austria’s performance was to prove calamitous.94 First, after the 1848 revolutions, 
Emperor Franz Joseph dared to use his power in foreign policy and the military. Second, as 
discussed in the “Political Diversity in the Empire” section, Kang argued that the Austrian 
monarch’s lack of power led to its weakness. However, Beller told a different story: it was 
the areas where the emperor had the most influence, diplomacy and the military, that broke 
the neo-absolutist system. 

Kang compared Austria to Germany and emphasized the supreme power held by the 
German Emperor. He noted that freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, as promised 
in the Constitution of Germany, were merely symbolic and not actually shared by the 
people.95 He further explained his ideal system: “The monarch and the people govern 
together, benefiting one another…this system is truly appropriate. Germany, now the 

95 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9: 293 
94 Ibid. 
93 Beller, The Habsburg Monarchy 1815–1918. of New Approaches to European History, 86 
92 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 396 
91 Kang is referring to the 1848 revolutions.  
90 Judson, The Habsburg Empire: A New History, 341 
89 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9: 294 
88 Kang is mistaken, the heir to the throne was Archduke Francis Ferdinand (1863-1914).  
87 Ibid. 
86 Ibid., 9: 294 

33 



 

 

world's foremost rising power, serves as proof of this.”96 In other words, Kang advocated for 
a system similar to Germany’s, where the people held limited judicial and legislative power 
while the monarch retained greater authority, particularly in executive power. Kang’s 
opinion on Germany reflects German influence in China. From 1870 to 1895, Germany and 
China had close cooperation, and the two countries developed strong economic and trade 
relations.97 Starting from 1870, Germany became China’s first choice as a partner for 
cooperation in reform plans during the Self-Strengthening Movement.98 According to Yu, 
there are three reasons why China chose Germany. First, Germany had strong military 
technology. Second, at that time, Germany did not have imperial ambitions in China. Third, 
after the victory in the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871), China had a new image of 
Germany, which gave China a new model to follow for its own reforms.99 Among these three 
reasons, two of them are related to the military strength of Germany. The military strength 
of Germany left a deep impression on the reformers in China, which extended to Kang. 
Kang’s German preference also reflects German influence on the Japanese system. Kang saw 
Japan as a country that shared the same language and customs with China;100 he argued 
that reform should be fully based on Japan’s Meiji Restoration.101 Meanwhile, the Japanese 
political system had great influence from Germany, the Meiji Constitution (Constitution of 
the Empire of Japan) promulgated in 1889 was modeled on the German-Prussian 
constitution.102 Kang’s view of Japan, as well as the fact that Japan modeled Germany, 
resulted in Kang’s advocacy of the German model. 

Kang discussed Georg Ritter von Schönerer, the leader of the Austrian 
Pan-Germans.103 They advocated the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the 
unification of all German people with the Prussian-dominated German Empire.104 After 
1901, Schönerer lost much of his influence and in 1907 failed to win re-election to the 
Diet.105 Kang, however, exaggerated his influence, saying that Schönerer had a strong 
party.106 Historian Andrew Whiteside argues that the reason for the ultimate failure of 
Pan-Germanism to achieve its goals was Schönerer’s violent methods and inability to 
capture and hold the support of the young and workers.107 Kang didn’t see this, arguing that 

107 Morris, “Reviewed Work: The Socialism of Fools: Georg Ritter von Schönerer and Austrian Pan-Germanism by 
106 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9:291 
105 Ibid. 
104 Ibid. 

103 Wanen B. Morris, “Reviewed Work: The Socialism of Fools: Georg Ritter von Schönerer and Austrian 
Pan-Germanism by Andrew Whiteside,” Social Science Quarterly 57, no. 4 (1977): 936,  
http://www.jstor.org/stable/42859733. 

102 Bernd Martin and Peter Wetzler, “The German Role in the Modernization of Japan — The Pitfall of Blind 
Acculturation.” Oriens Extremus 33, no. 1 (1990): 77, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24048466. 

101 Ibid., 190 

100 Huijun Lin 林慧君, "Kang Youwei Wuxu Bianfa shiqi de Riben guan—yi Riben Bianzheng Kao wei kaocha 
zhongxin" 康有為戊戌變法時期的日本觀－以《日本變政考》為考察中心 [Kang Youwei’s View of Japan during the 
Hundred Days’ Reform: A Study Centered on A Study of Japan's Political Reform]. Chang Geng Keji Xuekan 長庚
科技學刊, no. 7 (2007): 187, https://doi.org/10.6192/CGUST.2007.12.7.13. 

99 Ibid., 166 
98 Ibid. 

97 Yu, Hefang 虞和芳. "Zhong-De guanxi fazhan de lishi yanjiu: 1861–1917" 中德關係發展的歷史研究：1861–1917 
[A Historical Study of Sino-German Relations: 1861–1917]. Ouzhou Guoji Pinglun 歐洲國際評論, no. 10 (2014): 
165 

96 Ibid. 

34 



 

 

“[the unification] is what the people desire and what the situation demands.”108 In fact, by 
the time Kang visited Austria-Hungary in 1906 and 1908, Schönerer and his party had 
already lost much of their influence. His exaggeration of the influence of Schönerer 
reflected his preference for the German system and showed that he was deeply influenced 
by ethnic ideas and nationalism. Thirty years after Kang’s visit, Austria was “incorporated” 
into Germany under the Nazis, which caused tragic results. After the Second World War, 
Austria became independent again, and was no longer a part of Germany. 

Although Kang repeatedly emphasized crises in Austria-Hungary and supported the 
German model, when he described Schönerer’s act of praising Emperor Wilhelm II in the 
Parliament, he described it as “arrogance.”109 This reaction can be attributed to Kang’s 
strong monarchist beliefs. In the Chinese context, Kang still supported the Qing Monarchy 
even after the Republic of China was proclaimed. According to Spence, General Zhang Xun 
led his army into Beijing in 1917 and declared the restoration of the abdicated Qing 
emperor Puyi, while Kang Youwei hurried to the Forbidden City in official robes to serve the 
new emperor.110 Kang’s enthusiasm for the Qing emperor extended to Austria-Hungary, 
where he expected Austro-Hungarian subjects to remain loyal and respectful to their 
emperor. 

Economic Development and Moral Contradictions 
 

Kang Youwei discussed Austria-Hungary’s economy using charts and statistics to 
analyze and compare it with other great powers in the early 20th century. His analysis 
included the amount of farmland, income across various sectors, and industrial output. 
Kang also compared the Empire’s economy with other great powers, focusing on banking, 
ports, and maritime affairs.111 After this analysis, Kang concluded that Austria-Hungary’s 
industry was not powerful enough, and its mining sector was also underproductive. He 
believed this was why Austria-Hungary was not as wealthy as France or Germany.112 
Although Austria-Hungary’s economy did not leave a strong impression on Kang, he still 
connected Austria’s weak economy to the “simplicity and honesty” of Austrian farmers.113 
To support his argument, he contrasted this with America, which he identified as having the 
world’s strongest economy but whose people also “steal, cheat, [and] fake” the most.114 
Kang suggested that economic growth could lead to moral decline, arguing that as a nation’s 
economy improves, its people’s character may worsen. Kang’s argument is connected to the 
situation in China. In the early 20th century, China struggled with its economy and sought 
modernization. Kang’s connection between Austria’s economy and the kindness of its 
people intended to show that, despite its weak economy, China could still have virtuous 
citizens. Despite criticizing American people as those who “steal, cheat, [and] fake” the 

114 Ibid. 
113 Ibid. 
112 Ibid., 8: 407 
111 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 8: 403-6 
110 Spence, The Search for Modern China, 272-3 
109 Ibid., 9: 291 
108 Kang, Kang Youwei Quanji, 9: 294 
Andrew Whiteside,” 936 

35 



 

 

most,115 he still argued that “If we follow this trend, then the world will become like the 
United States, moving quickly toward a peaceful and united future…Even if there are some 
problems along the way.”116 This reflects his contradictory idea towards modernization: 
worrying about the risk of moral decline accompanying modernization, but also viewing 
modernization as the only path to national strength. 

Conclusion 
 

Although Kang Youwei accurately observed certain historical facts about 
Austria-Hungary, he sought to validate his political ideas by using examples selectively or 
even inaccurately. Kang mostly emphasized the negative aspects of the Empire. He 
compared the Thirty Years’ War to religious disputes in ancient China, which he described 
inaccurately. He argued that the ideals of harmony in Confucianism, along with certain 
Buddhist principles, would dominate a future peaceful world. He criticized the Empire’s 
connection to the Catholic Church because of his preference for a powerful monarch as well 
as his favourable opinion towards Protestantism. Kang highlighted the ethnic and linguistic 
diversity of the Austro-Hungarian Empire because of the similarities between China and 
Austria-Hungary. He incorrectly blamed the Empire’s defeat in the Austro-Prussian War on 
linguistic and ethnic issues. He also exaggerated the degree of autonomy in Hungary. This 
all shows his preference for a more centralized government. Kang highlighted the chaos in 
the parliament, but in fact, the parliament allowed ethnic minorities to solve their problems 
within the imperial system, which was beneficial to the Empire’s stability. Kang’s comments 
on the parliament expressed his disapproval of the multi-party system, as well as his 
concern about the 1911 republican revolution. Kang also incorrectly described the 
neo-absolutist period, when it was through diplomacy and the military that the emperor’s 
influence most contributed to Austria’s weakness. By comparing the Austrian system to the 
German system, he expressed his preference for the German system, which reflects German 
influence in China as well as in Japan. He exaggerated the influence of Pan-Germanism in 
Austria, which shows that he was influenced by ethnic ideas and nationalism. 

Kang had complex feelings towards Austria-Hungary due to his different political 
beliefs. Although he expressed his disapproval of Catholic influence, he also justified his 
Confucian belief by describing the veneration of the Virgin Mary. Although he did not have 
an optimistic opinion of Austria’s future, he showed his disapproval of the praise for 
Emperor Wilhelm II in the Austrian Parliament. He was not impressed by the Austrian 
economy, but he highlighted the simplicity and honesty of Austrian farmers.  

Kang’s opinion of Austria-Hungary reflects his varied political beliefs. He was a 
monarchist figure, a Confucian reformer, and a supporter of a government with 
concentrated and centralized power. Although he did not have a strong influence on China 
after the republican revolution, looking at it today, China’s development largely followed 
what he had hoped. Although a monarchy did not return to China, two major political 
parties dominated China in the 20th century: the Nationalist Party during the Republic of 
China (1912–1949) and the Communist Party during the People’s Republic of China 

116 Ibid. 
115 Ibid. 

36 



 

 

(1949–), both following a pattern of Party-State system.117 The Chinese government in 
recent years has also spread its international influence through Confucianism, such as 
through the Confucius Institute. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

117 I use Dr. Yu Miin-ling’s definition of Party-State System (黨國體制) here. According to Dr. Yu Miin-ling, 
Party-State System means that in a country, “a single dominant political party seeks, or in reality manages to control 
the entire country’s resources and institutions. And it aims to extend the party’s will and authority into every 
government institution and even into every corner of the society.” See Miin-ling Yu 余敏玲, “Tong zhong you yi de 
liangan dangguo tizhi” 同中有異的兩岸黨國體制 [Similar Yet Different: The Party-State Systems across the 
Taiwan Strait]. Dianzi Qikan Jiyi 電子期刊記憶 (2013): 2. 

37 



 

 

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