v05_no02_issu 01_challenge_december94.pdf v6_aug95_challenge.pdf chal_v6n1august 1995 .pdf chal_v10n1winter_spring 1999.pdf v11_no02_spring05_challenge.pdf v01_n01_challenge_july90.pdf chal_v10n1winter_spring 1999.pdf chal_v2n1_may1991.pdf v05_no02_issu 01_challenge_december94.pdf v11_spring_11_challenge.pdf v11_spring_11_challenge.pdf v6_aug95_challenge.pdf v6_aug95_challenge.pdf v6_aug95_challenge.pdf v02_n01_challenge_may91.pdf chal_v6n1august 1995 .pdf chal_v10n1winter_spring 1999.pdf v6_aug95_challenge.pdf chal_v10n1winter_spring 1999.pdf v05_no02_issu 01_challenge_december94.pdf v11_no02_spring05_challenge.pdf chal_v10n1winter_spring 1999.pdf v01_n01_challenge_july90.pdf v6_aug95_challenge.pdf chal_v1n1_july1990.pdf v11_spring_11_challenge.pdf v12_no01_challenge_spring06.pdf chal_v12n1_spring06.pdf chal_v10n1winter_spring 1999.pdf chal_v13n1_spring07.pdf disparities in health care among african americans sadia javaid narviar c. barker ali shahid shagufta jabeen rahn kennedy bailey meharry medical college abstract many variables determine the quality of health care received by persons of color in the united states. differences in disease detection, diagnosis, and management of health care outcomes in african americans date back to slavery. there are race differences, gender differences, and epidemiological differences in the treatment of african americans in our health care system. diseases such as prostate and colorectal cancer, infant mortality, chronic diseases like hypertension and diabetes all are very high among african americans as compared to white americans. the high rate of infectious diseases like pneumonia and aids are consistently higher among african americans. contributing factors for these occurrences are a lack of regular sources for primary care, social, financial, cultural, insurance related and linguistic barriers that increases the burden of disease and unresolved disparities in the u.s. healthcare system. elimination of these healthcare disparities must take place in order to better manage healthcare and provide unbiased equal care and quality of life to all americans. this article examines factors leading to healthcare disparities and identifies essential tasks to improve the quality of care received by african americans and other racial minority groups. health care disparities among african americans many variables determine the quality of healthcare received by persons of color in the united states. these variables include the type of health care system; health care delivery and setting in which services are provided; and type of health care provider and finances. each of these variables affect the quality of health care provided to minorities within the united states. currently our healthcare system is plagued with inequality in diagnosis and treatment across racial and ethnic lines, especially as it relates to african americans and occurrences of over diagnosis of certain mental illnesses, or under diagnosis. health care disparities among racial and ethnic minorities are well documented in the united states (ayanian 2000) and there are noted differences among population groups. these differences in health care often are called “disparity” or “inequity” or “inequality”; and are the result of several contributing factors such as social, economic and environmental disadvantage. historically african americans have not always received equity in health care, access to health care and equality in treatment, which has led to poorer overall health status than caucasians. the institute of medicine (iom) report on unequal treatment confirmed the existence of racial and ethnic disparities in healthcare and deemed them unacceptable because of the consequent negative health outcomes (smedley 2001). the iom report has defined inequity in health care in terms of access, clinical needs, preferences, javaid 19 please address all correspondence to sadia javaid: sadiajavaid@aol.com and appropriate interventions in the kathleen g. sebelius, secretary of health and human services, confirms the importance of health equity for the nation (smedley 2001). health disparities are defined as differences in health outcomes and these differences are determined by social, demographic, environmental, and geographic attributes (carterpokras 2002). health inequalities, which is sometimes used interchangeably with the term health disparities, is more often used in scientific and economic literature to refer to summary measures of population health associated with individualor group-specific attributes such as income, education, or race/ethnicity (asada 2010). the 2011 census bureau estimates that there are approximately 40.9 million african americans living in the u.s., comprising 13 percent of the total population. the african american population is not homogenous and includes individuals whose ancestors were brought to the u.s. as slaves, as well as recent immigrants from other countries. of the approximately 3 million foreign-born african americans, the majority were born in the caribbean (54 percent) or africa (34 percent). the african american population is not equally dispersed throughout the u.s., but is concentrated in new york, california, and the south (us census bureau 2004). table 1 shows national population projections through 2050, and minority groups continue to reflect lower population group numbers. the low numbers of minority groups, particularly african americans, in these projections raises serious questions for the authors especially as we note that disparities are associated largely to a matter of socioeconomic status differences among race/ethnic groups and that public policies link health insurance to employment or citizenship. using today’s economy as a measure, african americans will continue to be under-represented in health care for heart disease, stroke, cancer, diabetes, obesity, hiv/aids, prenatal care, immunizations, asthma, and mental health services, primarily due to poor or inadequate economic access to care. this is reiterated by mukamel (2007), palacio (2002), and smedley (2003) in their report that non-caucasian patients are less likely than caucasian patients are to receive appropriate medical treatment across a variety of conditions and treatment types. 3 literature to refer to summary measures of population health associated with individualor group-specific attributes such as income, education, or race/ethnicity (asada 2010). the 2011 census bureau estimates that there are approximately 40.9 million african americans living in the u.s., comprising 13 percent of the total population. the african american population is not homogenous and includes individuals whose ancestors were brought to the u.s. as slaves, as well as recent immigrants from other countries. of the approximately 3 million foreign-born african americans, the majority were born in the caribbean (54 percent) or africa (34 percent). the african american population is not equally dispersed throughout the u.s., but is concentrated in new york, california, and the south (us census bureau 2004). table 1 shows national population projections through 2050, and minority groups continue to reflect lower population group numbers. table 1: national population projections, 2008 – 2050 (us census bureau 2008) the low numbers of minority groups, particularly african americans, in these projections raises serious questions for the authors especially as we note that disparities are associated largely to a 66 46 14 15 1.6 2 5.1 9.2 15 30 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 2008 2050 %  p e rc e n t  o f  t o ta l  u .s .  p o p u la ti o n non‐hispanic
white african
american american
indian
/
alaska
native asian hispanic/latino 20 challenge obesity obesity is one of the most common examples of diseases where disparities are evident in the united states. seven out of 10 african americans ages 18 to 64 are obese or overweight, and african americans are 15 percent more likely to suffer from obesity than the caucasian population. recent increases in obesity likely result from the interaction of biologic, social, and cultural factors with an environment char¬acterized by sedimentary behaviors and an abundance of high-calorie foods (french 2001; kuczmarski and flegal 1994). cancer the incidence rate of cancer among african americans is 10 percent higher than caucasians. african american men are 50 percent more likely to have prostate cancer than white men are; and they are more likely to suffer from colorectal cancer than any other racial group is (ahrq 2009). forty-eight percent of the african american adult population suffers from a chronic disease compared to 39 percent of the general population (mead 2008). table 2 shows that african americans have consistently higher cancer death rates. african americans are more likely to develop and die from cancer than any other racial or ethnic group. african americans typically are diagnosed at later stage of development, tend to have fewer screening examinations than whites do, and are less likely to communicate about their symptoms and illnesses with health care professionals. in addition, their five-year survival rate is substantially less when compared to whites at any stage or form of cancer. every year mortality rates in african americans due to colorectal cancer are disproportionately higher than they are for white americans. colorectal cancer incidence rates among african american men and women are about 17 percent higher than in white men and women. african-american women have a lower incidence rate of breast cancer than white women. yet african american women are more likely to die of breast cancer than white women are (american cancer society 2008). 5 table 2: cancer: age-adjusted death rates per 100,000 persons by race & hispanic origin: u.s., 2005 african americans are more likely to develop and die from cancer than any other racial or ethnic group. african americans typically are diagnosed at later stage of development, tend to have fewer screening examinations than whites do, and are less likely to communicate about their symptoms and illnesses with health care professionals. in addition, their five-year survival rate is substantially less when compared to whites at any stage or form of cancer. every year mortality rates in african americans due to colorectal cancer are disproportionately higher than they are for white americans. colorectal cancer incidence rates among african american men and women are about 17 percent higher than in white men and women. african-american women have a lower incidence rate of breast cancer than white women. yet african american women are more likely to die of breast cancer than white women are (american cancer society 2008). aids and pneumonia the rate for new cases of aids in african americans was almost 10 times higher than the rate for caucasians (ahrq 2009). in 2006, 76.9 percent of african american patients with 0 50 100 150 200 250 all
races white african
 american american
 indian/alaska
 native asian/pacific
 islander hispanic total javaid 21 aids and pneumonia the rate for new cases of aids in african americans was almost 10 times higher than the rate for caucasians (ahrq 2009). in 2006, 76.9 percent of african american patients with pneumonia, 75.8 percent of asian patients with pneumonia, and 74.2 percent of hispanic patients with pneumonia received recommended hospital care. this is compared to 81.5 percent of white patients (ahrq 2009). diabetes mellitus adult african americans have approximately twice the risk as caucasians of developing diabetes mellitus. african americans have a 20 percent higher mortality rate from cardiovascular disease than caucasians. during the period 2003-2006, only 54.6 percent of all adults with diagnosed diabetes had their hemoglobin a1c under optimal control. there also was a substantial gap between african americans and whites for this measure; 43.0 percent of americans had their hemoglobin a1c controlled, compared with 60.5 percent for whites (ahrq 2009). hypertension hypertension among african americans is 42 percent compared to 28.8 percent among whites. african americans have 20 percent higher rates of mortality from cardiovascular disease than caucasians. they are also much more likely to die of heart disease and stroke than their white counterparts are. coronary heart disease and stroke are not only the leading causes of death in the united states, but also account for the largest proportion of inequality in life expectancy between whites and african americans, despite the existence of low-cost, highly effective preventive treatment approaches (cdc 2011). infant mortality the 2007 preterm birth rate for non-hispanic african american infants (18.3 percent) was 59 percent higher than the rate for non-hispanic white infants (11.5 percent) and 49 percent higher than the rate for hispanic infants (12.3 percent). infants born to african american women are 1.5 to 3 times more likely to die than are infants born to women of other races and ethnicities (cdc 2011). table 3 outlines measures for which african americans have poorer outcomes than white americans do. figure 1 provides a chart of health care quality and access over time for core measures using the most recent and oldest data used in the nhdr. only 53 core report measures could be tracked over time for blacks. african americans receive less preventive care. they are seen less by medical specialists and have fewer technical and expensive procedures ordered by doctors, especially by non-ethnic minority doctors. in order to eliminate health care disparities, health care professionals first must address those variables that cause inequities within our health care system. 22 challenge 7 are 1.5 to 3 times more likely to die than are infants born to women of other races and ethnicities (cdc 2011). table 3 outlines measures for which african americans have poorer outcomes than white americans do. figure 1 provides a chart of health care quality and access over time for core measures using the most recent and oldest data used in the nhdr. only 53 core report measures could be tracked over time for blacks. african americans receive less preventive care. they are seen less by medical specialists and have fewer technical and expensive procedures ordered by doctors, especially by non-ethnic minority doctors. in order to eliminate health care disparities, health care professionals first must address those variables that cause inequities within our health care system. figure 1: change in black-white disparities over time for all core measures improving: black-white difference becoming smaller at an average annual rate greater than 1 percent. same: black-white difference not changing. worsening: black-white difference becoming larger at an average annual rate greater than 1 percent. (source: national healthcare disparities report (ahrq 2010) 8 table 3: measures for which african americans were worse than whites in most recent year and their trends over time topic blacks worse than whites and getting better diabetes hospital admissions for short-term complications of diabetes per 100,000 population hiv and aids new aids cases per 100,000 population age 13 and over functional status preservation and rehabilitation female medicare beneficiaries age 65 and over who reported ever being screened for osteoporosis with a bone mass or bone density measurement cancer breast cancer diagnosed at advanced stage per 100,000 women age 40 and over breast cancer deaths per 100,000 female population per year adults age 50 and over who ever received colorectal cancer screening colorectal cancer diagnosed at advanced stage per 100,000 population age 50 and over colorectal cancer deaths per 100,000 population per year diabetes hospital admissions for lower extremity amputations per 1,000 population age 18 and over with diabetes maternal and child health children ages 2-17 who had a dental visit in the calendar year children ages 19-35 months who received all recommended vaccines mental health and substance abuse adults with a major depressive episode in the last 12 months who received treatment for depression in the last 12 months people age 12 and over treated for substance abuse who completed treatment course respiratory diseases adults age 65 and over who ever received pneumococcal vaccination hospital patients with pneumonia who received recommended hospital care supportive and palliative care high-risk long-stay nursing home residents with pressure sores short-stay nursing home residents with pressure sores adult home health care patients who were admitted to the hospital hospice patients who received the right amount of medicine for pain timeliness adults who needed care right away for an illness, injury, or condition in the last 12 months who got care as soon as wanted emergency department visits where patients left without being seen access people with a usual primary care provider people with a specific source of ongoing care (ahrq 2010: chapter 10, priority populations) lack of insurance health care insurance supports the quality the care provided to patients and is a venue to better healthcare outcomes for consumers. in the united states, many racial and ethnic minorities javaid 23 lack of insurance health care insurance supports the quality the care provided to patients and is a venue to better healthcare outcomes for consumers. in the united states, many racial and ethnic minorities and low-income populations do not have insurance or are under insured. as such, they experience serious disparities and access to health care. people who have health insurance receive more preventive care, regular checkups, and screenings; consequently, they die less prematurely than those individuals who are uninsured or under insured. more than 1 in 3 hispanics and american indians and less than 1 in 5 african americans are uninsured. by comparison, only about 1 in 8 white americans are without health insurance (holly 2008). see figure 2 below. it t is also noteworthy that african americans go without health insurance for greater periods than their white counterparts do (james 2010). low income/ poverty four in 10 low-income americans do not have health insurance, and half of the nearly 46 million uninsured people in the united states are poor. about one-third of the uninsured have a chronic disease, and they are 6 times less likely to receive care for a health problem than the insured. in contrast, 94 percent of upper-income americans has health insurance (us census bureau 208). people with low incomes have poorer health outcomes and are more likely to die prematurely (adler 2002). in general, poor populations have reduced access to high-quality care. while people with low incomes are more likely to be uninsured, income-related differences in quality of care that are independent of health insurance coverage also have been demonstrated (denavas-walt 2006). between 2009 and 2010, the poverty rate increased for non-hispanic whites from 9.4 percent to 9.9 percent and for african americans from 25.8 percent to 27.4 percent (denavas-walt, proctor, and smith 2011). 9 and low-income populations do not have insurance or are under insured. as such, they experience serious disparities and access to health care. people who have health insurance receive more preventive care, regular checkups, and screenings; consequently, they die less prematurely than those individuals who are uninsured or under insured. more than 1 in 3 hispanics and american indians and less than 1 in 5 african americans are uninsured. by comparison, only about 1 in 8 white americans are without health insurance (holly 2008). see figure 2 below. it t is also noteworthy that african americans go without health insurance for greater periods than their white counterparts do (james 2010). figure 2: lack of health insurance low income/ poverty four in 10 low-income americans do not have health insurance, and half of the nearly 46 million uninsured people in the united states are poor. about one-third of the uninsured have a chronic disease, and they are 6 times less likely to receive care for a health problem than the 24 challenge lack of regular source of care approximately 19 percent of all u.s. adults are without usual sources of care and 53 percent of uninsured adults have no usual source of care (james 2010). thirty five percent of african americans report that they do not have regularly scheduled doctor visits or do not see a primary care doctor for their health problems, as compared to 25 percent white americans. the lack of regular source of care is attributable primarily to insurance and financial stability. in 2008, the percentage of people with a specific source of ongoing care was 77.5 percent for poor people and 92.1 percent for high-income people (hargraves 2002). lack of financial resources minority americans without insurance earn less money than uninsured whites do. in 2001, more than half of uninsured whites had an income greater than 200 percent of the poverty level, or $17,180 annually for a single person. by contrast, only one third of uninsured african americans have an income greater than the poverty level (hargraves 2002). structural barriers: inadequate transportation african americans have low incomes and most of them live below the poverty threshold. lack of transportation and access to hospitals or clinics play a major role in african americans’ failure to access proper health care providers (spector 2002). health literacy literacy is lower among minority groups. poor literacy contributes to poor communication with health care providers, lack of understanding, medical noncompliance, diagnosis and treatment. it also leads to poor health outcomes and prognosis. therefore improved literacy, effective communication and cultural understanding can lead to better understanding between health care providers and consumers. knowledge of personal health and awareness of one’s own health status also contribute to improved health outcomes and resources to care for african americans and other minority groups. stigma many african americans have a negative perception of healthcare because of their personal history or racism. for many african americans, their fear and lack of trust in doctors, personal and observed experiences, and repeated failures of doctors to treat equitably and judiciously compounds myths, stereotypes and stigma associated with the healthcare system. spector reported that some african americans perceive the healthcare system as a degrading, demeaning or humiliating experience. long wait lines, medical jargon, racism, feelings of identity loss, and a sense of helplessness also contribute to resentment and fear of health clinics (spector 2002). lack of culturally competent health care providers the lack of understanding of african american culture also is a factor that widens the gap between health care providers and african american patients. culturally competent physicians can help decrease the communication barriers between patients and clinicians (spector 2002). javaid 25 possible solutions differences in health care based on race, ethnicity, or economics can be reduced when there is a realistic assessment of how disparities impede medical outcomes and acknowledgement of the role of health care providers in standing up against inequity within the health care system. creating better outreach to african americans, improving patientphysician relationships, and understanding the rudiments of culture, environment, economics, socialization patterns and language are key indices towards overcoming disparities. becoming proactive in access to care, affordable insurance practices, and changes in public policy on state, national and local levels are first steps towards meeting this goal. special programs that are universally available to everyone and that target african american communities are essential to reduce disparities. references adler, nancy e. and katherine newman. 2002. “socioeconomic disparities in health: pathways and policies. health affairs 21 (2):60-76. ahrq. 2008. national healthcare disparities repor, 2008. retrieved december 03, 2011 (http://www.ahrq.gov/qual/nhdr08/chap4b.htm#low). ahrq (agency for healthcare research and quality). 2009. ahrq activities to re duce racial and ethnic disparities in health care. ahrq publication no. 09(10)-p008. retrieved december 03, 2011 (http://www.ahrq.gov/qual/dis parities.htm). ahrq. 2009. key themes and highlights from the national healthcare disparities report. retrieved november 29, 2011 (http://www.ahrq.gov/qual/nhdr09/key.htm). ahrq. 2010. national healthcare disparities report, 2010, chapter 10.priority popu lations. retrieved december 03, 2011 (http://www.ahrq.gov/qual/nhdr10/ chap10.htm). american cancer society. 2008. “cancer disparities: key statistics.” retrieved de cember 03, 2011 (http://www.cancer.org/cancer/news/features/cancer-dispar ities-key-statistics). asada, yukiko. 2010. “a summary measure of health inequalities for a pay-for-pop ulation health performance system.” preventing chronic disease 7(4):a72. retrieved november 29, 2011 (http://www.cdc.gov/pcd/issues/2010/ jul/09_0250.htm). ayanian, john z., joel s. weissman, eric c. schneider, jack a. ginsburg, and alan m. zaslavsky. 2000. “unmet health needs of uninsured adults in the united states.” journal of the american medical association (jama) 284 (16): 2061-2069. carter-pokras, olivia and claudia baquet. 2002. “what is a ‘health disparity’?” public health reports 117(5): 426–434. cdc (centers for disease control and preventiion). 2011. fact sheet-cdc healt dis parities and inequalities report-u.s., 2011. retrieved december 03, 2011 (http://www.cdc.gov/minorityhealth/reports/chdir11/factsheet.pdf). denavas-walt, carmen, bernadette d. proctor, and jessica c. smith, u.s. census bu reau, current population reports, p60-239. 2011. income, poverty, and health insurance coverage in the united states: 2010. washington, d.c: u.s. gov ernment printing office. 26 challenge denavas-walt, carmen, bernadette d. proctor, and cheryl hill lee, u.s. census bu reau, current population reports, p60-231. 2006. income, poverty, and health insurance coverage in the united states: 2005. washington, d.c: u.s. gov ernment printing office. french, simone a., mary story, and robert w. jeffery. 2001. “environmental influences on eating and physical activity.” annual review of public health 22: 309–335. hargraves, j. lee. 2002. the insurance gap and minority health care, 1997-2001. tracking report no. 2, center for studying health system change. retrieved december 03, 2011 (http://hschange.org/content/443/#1). kirby, james b. and toshiko kaneda. 2010. “unhealthy and uninsured: exploring racial differences in health and health insurance coverage using a life ta ble approach.” demography 47 (4):1035-1051. kuczmarski, robert j. katherine m. flegal, stephen m. campbell, and clifford l. johnson. 1994. “increasing prevalence of overweight among us adults: the national health and nutrition examination surveys, 1960 to 1991.” journal of the american medical association (jama) 272 (3): 205–211. mead, holly, lara cartwright-smith, karen jones, christal ramos, kristy woods, and bruce siegel. 2008. racial and ethnic disparities in u.s. health care: a chartbook, the commonwealth fund. retrieved november 29, 2011 (http://www.com monwealthfund.org/publications/chartbooks/2008/mar/racial-and-ethnic disparities-in-u-s--health-care--a-chartbook.aspx#notes). mukamel, dana b.. david l. weimer, thomas c. buchmueller, heather ladd, and al vin i. mushlin. 2007. “changes in racial disparities in access to coronary ar tery bypass grafting surgery between the late 1990s and early 2000s.” medi cal care 45 (7): 664-671. palacio, herminia, james g. kahn, t. anne richards, and stephen f. morin. 2002. “ef fect of race and/or ethnicity in use of antiretrovirals and prophylaxis for oppor tunistic infection: a review of the literature.” public health reports, 117 (3): 233-251. smedley, brian d., adrienne y. stith, and alan r. nelson, eds. 2003. unequal treat ment: confronting racial and ethnic disparities in health care. washington, dc: national academies press. spector, rachel e. 2002. “cultural diversity in health and illness.” journal of transcul tural nursing 13 (3): 197-199. u.s. census bureau. 2004. interim projections by age, sex, race, and hispanic origin: 2000-2050, detailed data files. retrieved december 03, 2011 (http://www.cen sus.gov/ipc/www/usinterimproj/). u.s. census bureau. 2008. national population projections 2008. retrieved decem ber 03, 2011 (http://www.census.gov/press-release/www/releases/archives/ population/012496.html). javaid 27 28 challenge v11_spring_11_challenge.pdf chal_v11n2spring 2005.pdf v11_no02_spring05_challenge.pdf chal_v12n1_spring06.pdf differences in types of intimate partner violence: implications for public policy anne carroll baird morehouse college abstract intimate partner violence has been recognized as a serious social problem in the united states since the 1970s, when the leaders in the women’s movement became alarmed at victimization of women in their own homes by their husbands or boyfriends (dobash and dobash 1992). women still make up 70 percent of all intimate partner homicides, and are twice as likely to be killed by an intimate partner as men are (catalano, smith, snyder, and rand 2009). the anti violence against women acts of 1994 and subsequent years have led to more uniform state policies on domestic violence and other violence against women, but have been used to justify intrusion into private homes, particularly with mandatory arrest laws (davis, o’sullivan, farole, and remple 2008). the law has not been successful at specific deterrence (peterson 2008), but it has been more effective at punishment (dixon 2008). treating all domestic violence cases as though they were the same also has implications for treatment programs (peterson 2008; saunders 2008). in this article, i consider the importance of making distinctions among types of intimate partner violence, the effects of failure to do so, along with implications for research, advocacy, and treatment. perception versus reality the model of intimate partner violence that prevails in the media and public perception is that of the controlling male who inflicts increasingly harsh physical, emotional, and psychological harm on his partner until either she successfully leaves or he kills her (johnson 2008). this prototype also sees women as equally at risk, regardless of social class, race, ethnicity, where they live, or other structural and cultural factors (nixon 2010; richie 2000). reconciliation to save the marriage or relationship is viewed as an unsafe and foolish option (baker 2001; lehrner and allen 2009). the research literature indicates that this model applies to small, but extremely dangerous proportion of partner violence, but it continues to be generalized to the whole (johnson and ferraro 2000). contrary to the prevailing view, research reveals that while men predominate in inflicting serious injuries and using coercive tactics, both men and women are perpetrators, and both men and women are victims of partner violence (archer 2000; felson and cares 2005; lauritsen and heimer 2008; straus, gelles and steinmetz 1981; tjaden and thoennes 1998). moreover, partner violence is not limited to heterosexual relationships, but is experienced in both male and female same sex relationships (renzetti 1992). partner violence often includes rape and sexual assault. although men primarily commit these acts, women also commit them against men (laruitsen and heimer 2008). even though partner violence does occur across categories of race, class, and ethnicity, both victims and perpetrators come disproportionately from the unemployed, minority, and other marginalized groups (coker 2004; dixon 2008; richie 2000; sokoloff and pratt 2005). baird 1 please address all correspondence to: abaird@morehouse.edu different types of partner violence kuchschnitt and colleagues (2004:84) observe that recent research is finding that male perpetrators of violence against their partners are heterogeneous, and that their characteristics support theoretical explanations. the delineation of different types of male perpetrators can be compared with nonviolent men to further understanding of the trajectories leading to partner violence (kuchschnitt, mclaughlin, and petrie 2004). researchers need to measure specific behavior, including hitting, shoving, or demeaning. productive typologies should characterize the context of the violence, which is the interaction between the spouses and the nature of their relationship (michalski 2005). johnson (1995; 2005) developed a typology based on the attempt to exert control over one’s partner and the use of violence. his types are coercive controlling violence, violent resistance, situational couple violence, and a fourth type, which involves mutual coercion. the first two types are most readily adaptable for categorizing motive, relationship, and behavior. coercive controlling violence, which he also calls intimate terrorism, refers to the type of violence that most fits the prevailing stereotype of the violent, controlling male. intimate terrorism aims at complete physical and psychological domination and control of one’s partner. a man usually commits this type of violence, and this type of victimization is highly prevalent among women living in shelters. intimate terrorism is also the prototype for the mobilization of the antiviolence against women movement. in this type of violence, the partner inflicts such emotional and psychological harm that a woman would prefer the physical violence to the shame and abuse. when a woman kills her coercive controlling partner, it is more likely to be in a direct fight for her life, rather than lying in wait or killing him in his sleep (stark 2007). the type of partner violence that is most common is situational couple violence, which is mutual violence. in this type of violence disagreements escalate and conflicts advance to violence. it usually does not escalate over time in the marriage or relationship, but is more likely to be one-time or occasional event. a man may become violent only one time, be remorseful, and never repeat the violence. this type of violence can have painful effects on the couple and any children present, but it is entirely different from coercive controlling violence. johnson stresses, however, that situational couple violence can also be deadly. he cautions that although each of the types of partner violence can vary in frequency and severity “… from relatively minor acts of violence to homicidal assaults, intimate terrorism is the type most likely to be frequent and brutal (johnson 2005:1127). the utility of typologies distinguishing between coercive controlling violence and situational couple violence can be a vital tool in advising people seeking help in a relationship. if a woman is a victim of intimate terrorism, advising her to seek couples counseling could put her at even greater risk, and would only give her coercive controlling partner another opportunity to frame the problem as being her fault, or as residing in the victim (stark 2007). shelters and agencies are designed to help women, get out of dangerous coercive controlling relationships, where they have a high probability of being killed. what is being done, however, is that in order to try to prevent the deaths of victims in these 2 challenge coercive controlling relationships, victims of partner violence in general are urged to get out of the relationship (mills 1999). most victims seeking help fall in the category of situational couples’ violence. they may want to stay in their relationship and could be encouraged to seek either couples counseling or some other type of intervention. not only shelters and social service agencies encourage women to leave the relationship. this extends to the offices of some prosecutors and court services, where it may be considered a victory when a woman leaves her partner, regardless of the context, her needs and wants, or the fit with her lived experience (ford 1991). both ford (2003) and baker (2001) argue that victims are denied agency when they are presented only the option of ending the relationship, often under threat of losing custody of their children. a number of typologies of intimate partner violence are being developed. the extent to which they lead to better understanding, treatment, and prevention will depend on how well they represent the realities of people and their relationships. typologies can be most useful as tools for comparison, but they are best used as guides, not as rigid categories, which would defeat the purpose of recognizing differences. with a better understanding of motivations and relationships, victims can make decisions on the most appropriate action in their situation. research, violence perceptions, and social movements the violent, controlling male perpetrator is consistent with media representations and public perception, but this prototype is also engrained in theoretical paradigms and research, in public policy, particularly in the united states, legal and criminal justice systems (peterson 2008; davis et al. 2008; mills 1999). until recently, partner violence as a single type was predominant in both theoretical approaches and empirical research (felson and cares 2005; sokoloff and pratt 2005). this stems in part from the fact that early partner violence research had roots in the women’s movement, and established radical feminism as the leading theoretical framework (felson and cares 2005). centered in the operation and effects of male patriarchy and social change, radical feminism explains partner violence as an attempt by males to maintain dominance and control over women, within an established system of male privilege (dobash and dobash 1979). in this perspective, because only men are motivated to dominate and control, only men are perpetrators of partner violence. from the standpoint of radical feminism, men are perpetrators of violence and control and women are victims, hence their reluctance to consider different types of partner violence in terms of motive, relationship, severity of violence, and context. the antiviolence movement and sameness one of the issues that delayed the development of partner violence subcategories was the opposition of some activist scholars and agencies (cavanaugh and gelles 2005), fearing that focusing on differences would either dilute the anti-violence movement or blame the victim if women were included in typologies (nixon and humphreys 2010). the assertion that partner violence could happen to anyone was important to the movement. nixon and humphreys state that sameness is one of the key mobilizing tools of social movements. in order for a movement to recruit new members and thrive, baird 3 it must have a common appeal that supporters share. there must be common values, goals, or problems about which members feel strongly. in the case of the antiviolence against women movement, this means that new recruits and financial supporters must be able to identify with the victim (nixon and humphreys 2010). for this to happen, the victim must appear to be like them. this is evidenced in publications and websites of antiviolence advocacy organizations. moreover, the antiviolence movement’s ideology of change promotes the theme that partner violence could happen to any woman, regardless of who they are, where they live, their income, education, race/ethnicity, or station in life. black feminists contend, however, that individuals experience each of the status factors differently and in different combinations. failure to consider this was a main factor for feminists who lobbied for the violence against women act and accepted its incorporation into the crime act (daly 1994). they were not conscious of differences, or of how these differences could interact in the lives of victims of partner violence (richie 2000). scholar-activists wanted change; their research, their community advocacy, and the treatment programs they sponsored in women’s shelters reflected this goal. these programs initially focused on the need for men to recognize male dominance as the cause of their violence. these activists sought to change institutions, and carefully guarded the public impression of “battered women” in their scholarship and community advocacy. radical feminists view society as a system in which men, not women, are the perpetrators of violence because men have the power and want to maintain it. some activist scholars cautioned that if women were seen as perpetrators of violence, they could then be blamed for their own victimization suffered at the hands of their male partners (mccloskey 2007). therefore, work for change maintained a single focus, which was not to the advantage of most victims of partner violence or for development of treatment programs for their abusers (strolovitch 2006). they were less concerned about determining the victim’s relationship and the meaning of violence to her life than about initiating social change that would protect women from battery. (baker 1999; daly 1994). antiviolence agencies and scholar-activists were inclined to account for any women’s violence in their research findings entirely as a form of resistance to violence committed against them. thus, they would agree with johnson (2005) that women sometimes used violent resistance, but unlike johnson, they interpreted any violence by women as a way of resisting a violent, controlling male partner. intersectionality collins (1998) has pointed to the need for considering how various structural factors, such as race/ethnicity, class, and gender, jointly produce inequalities, and how these interlocking intersections affect intimate partner violence. collins also emphasizes the importance of recognizing the lived experiences of people if we are to understand their behavior. this would counteract the tendency to focus on a single type of partner violence. treating all types of partner violence as the same has led to the similar treatment of men, and increasingly of women, who engage it (hirschel, buzawa, patavina, and faggiant 2008). this holds, regardless of the relationship, the context, or the wishes of the people involved. moreover, it has encouraged the treating of all partner violence as fitting the pattern of the violent, coercive, controlling male. using the intersection4 challenge ality paradigm could be especially useful in determining what approach to treatment would work best for a given individual. johnson (2005) attempts to resolve the question of whether women can be violent by distinguishing context. researchers using data from shelters and agencies are sampling from a population of victims of coercive controlling, violent men. for most of these women, intimate terrorism is a reality in their everyday life. it is uncertain what proportion of perpetrators fit in this category, but there are estimates of 10 to 20 percent (johnson 2005; archer 2003). data from surveys such as national crime victimization survey and the national violence against women survey find a smaller proportion of coercive, controlling men, since their samples drawn from the population as a whole, rather than from shelters and hospital emergency rooms. the consequences of not differentiating among types distinctions among types and contexts of partner violence have far-reaching implications for theory and research, public policy and prevention, as well as for treatment of victims and offenders. (cramer 2009; dixon 2008; nixon and humphreys 2010; saunders 2008). similarly, failure to make these distinctions among types of intimate partner violence has multiple consequences, both intended and unintended. the prototype of the violent coercive male has been used to justify warrant-less arrest laws for probable cause in cases of partner violence. such laws now exist in all states, varying by state on whether warrant-less arrest is mandatory, preferred, or allowed (buzawa and buzawa 2008). treating all intimate partner violence calls to police the same in the decision to arrest contributes to an increase in female and dual arrests and in the number of people who have criminal records (hirschel et al. 2008). since young african american men have high rates of previous arrest and incarceration, these laws disproportionately affect them. moreover, young african american women who have been incarcerated for minor drug offenses are afraid to call the police if they are being assaulted because they know that they have a high likelihood of being arrested (richie 1996; 2005). some states and police districts include preferred arrest in cases of violence for other people who live in the household, regardless of their relationship to the perpetrator. the first violence against women act was passed in 1994 as a part of the violent crime control and law enforcement act. through this act, congress has provided funding for programs for the criminal justice system and encouraged new policies, such as presumptive arrest for domestic violence. thus, the net continues to widen, such that private behavior is increasingly criminalized and placed in the public domain. (davis et al. 2008; davis, smith, and taylor 2003). conclusion distinguishing among types of offenders could reduce unnecessary arrest. it could also reduce the criminal justice and other economic costs of intimate partner violence. treatment programs hold promise for situationally violent couples, but not for coercive controlling cases. in addition, providing appropriate types of treatment intervention for situationally violent couples could ease emotional stress and later potential for violence of children involved, having a positive impact on communities. baird 5 references archer, john. 2000. “sex differences in aggression between heterosexual partners: a meta-analytic review.” psychological bulletin 126: 651-680. baker, katharine k. 2001. “dialectics and domestic abuse.” the yale law journal 110: 1459-1491. bograd, michelle. 1999. “strengthening domestic violence theories: intersections of race, class, sexual orientation and gender.” journal of family therapy 25: 275-289. 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2008. “mandatory domestic violence arrest and prosecution policies: re cidivism and social governance.” criminology and public policy 7 (4): 663-670. dobash, rebecca e. and russell p. dobash. 1998. rethinking violence against women. thousand oaks ca: sage. —. 1979. violence against wives: a case against the patriarchy. new york: free press. —. 1992. women, violence and social change. london: routledge. 6 challenge felson, richard b. and alison c. cares. “gender and the seriousness of assaults on intimate partners and other victims.” 2005. journal of marriage and family 67 (5): 1182-1195. felson, richard b. and kelsea jo lane. 2010. “does violence involving women and intimate partners have a special etiology?” criminology 48 (1): 321-338. felson, richard b., jeffrey ackerman, catherine a. gallagher. 2005. “police interven tion and the repeat of domestic assault.” criminology 42: 563-588. ford, david a. 2003. “coercing victim participation in domestic violence prosecu tions.” journal of 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violence: moving beyond criminal justice interventions.” criminology and public policy 7: 537-544. peterson, richard r. 2004. the impact of manhattan’s specialized domestic violence court. new york: new york city criminal justice agency, inc. richie, beth e. 2000. “a black feminist reflection on the antiviolence movement.” signs 25: 1133-1137. —.1996. compelled to crime: the gender entrapment of battered black women. new york: routledge. saunders, daniel g. 2008. “group interventions for men who batter: a summary of program descriptions and research.” violence and victims 23(2): 156-172. schwartz, jennifer, darrell j. steffensmeier, ben feldmeyer. 2009. “assessing trends in women’s violence via data triangulation: arrests, convictions, incarcera tions, and victim reports.” social problems 56: 494-525. sokoloff, natalie j. and christina pratt, eds. 2005. domestic violence at the margins: readings on race, class, gender and culture. princeton: rutgers university press. stark, evan. 2007. coercive control: the entrapment of women in personal life. new york: oxford university press. stover, carla smith, miriam berkman, rani desai, and steven marans. 2010. “the efficacy of police-advocacy intervention for victims of domestic violence: 12 month follow-up data.” violence against women 16: 401-425. straus, murray a., richard j. gelles, and susanne k. steinmetz. 1981. behind closed doors: violence in the american family. garden city, ny: doubleday. strolovitch, dara z. 2006. “do interest groups represent the disadvantaged? advo cacy as the intersection of race, class, and gender.” journal of politics 68 (4): 894-910. tjaden, patricia and nancy thoennes. 1998. prevalence, incidence, and consequences of violence against women: findings from the national violence against women survey. washington dc: u.s. department of justice. 8 challenge v12_no01_challenge_spring06.pdf chal_v13n1_spring07.pdf v13_no1_spring07_challenge.pdf prostate cancer in african american males: psychological effects of diagnosis and prostatectomy m. rehan puri ernest a. gbadebo – goyea narviar c. barker c. freeman rahn k. bailey meharry medical college abstract prostate cancer is the most common cancer in men regardless of race or ethnicity, but it is more common in african american men than in white men ( american cancer society 2008). it is less common in hispanic, asian, pacific islander, and native american men. several studies have reported diminished and poorer quality of life (i.e., disease-specific physical health and functional status) for african american men who have undergone standard treatments for prostate cancer when compared to white men. however, limited research is available on psychological adjustments to prostate cancer and even less is known about racial differences in psychological functioning after treatment. problems most often reported by african american men after prostate cancer diagnosis or a radical prostatectomy are impotence, sexual dysfunction, erectile dysfunction, urinary frequency and psychological problems related to sadness, worry, nervousness, loneliness, loss, and diminished perceptions of “manhood”. treatment for prostate cancer requires thoughtful decision making, which often is influenced by patient age at diagnosis, tumor stage, co-morbidities and treatment choice; because the type of treatment chosen may lead to adverse effects and modification in sexual behavior, especially after a radical prostatectomy. introduction in 2007 in the united states (most recent data available), 223,307 men developed prostate cancer, and 29,093 men died from the disease (american cancer society 2008). this represents 10 percent of those affected by prostate cancer. from 2000 to 2006 the number of new cases of prostate cancer among men in the united states decreased by 2.4 percent per year. the number of deaths from prostate cancer has decreased by 4.1 percent per year from 1994 to 2006 (andersen 2002). each year thousands of men continue to be diagnosed with prostate cancer. it was estimated that about 192,280 men would be diagnosed with this disease in 2009 (american cancer society, 2008). african american men have the highest incidence of prostate cancer among all men in the world and have substantially greater mortality compared with white men ( american cancer society, 2008). in addition to being at increased risk for developing prostate cancer and dying from this disease, african american men also have an increased risk of experiencing poorer quality of life (qol) after diagnosis than do white men. for example, eton and colleagues (2001) found that after controlling for treatment type, comorbidities, and age, african american men reported significantly lower levels of physical functioning when compared with white men. similar findings please address all correspondence to ernest a. gbadebo-goyea: eggoyea@hotmail.com gbadebo-goyea 41 were reported by lubeck and colleagues (borm, fransen, and lemmens 2007) who found that after controlling for demographic factors, african american men reported significantly lower physical functioning when compared with white men. consistent with these findings, campbell and colleagues (borm, fransen and lemmens 2007) found that african american men were associated with lower emotional and physical functioning in a sample of men who were newly diagnosed with prostate cancer (campbell et al. 2004). among men who undergo radical prostatectomy, the primary complication is impotence (andersen 2002; borm, fransen, and lemmens 2007) which occurs in 20 percent 50 percent of patients who had a nerve procedure done. approximately 15 percent 20 percent of patients experience stress incontinence and < 2 percent experience permanent incontinence after undergoing nerve-sparing procedures (ukoli, lynch, and adams-campbell 2006; table 1 and 2). a primary symptom associated with metastatic disease which occurs in 50 percent-75 percent of patients is pain (clark, wray, brody, ashton, and watkins 1997; classen, butler, koopman, miller, dimiceli, and giese-davis 2001; d’amico, whittington, and malkowicz 1998; diblasio et al. 2008). among 40 percent-55 percent of patients with advanced disease, fatigue and decreased physical function are reported (classen et al. 2001; d’amico, whittington, and malkowicz 1998). hence, patients must engage in thoughtful decision-making regarding treatment; and physician and patient must consider age at diagnosis, tumor stage and co-morbidities (gehlert et al. 2008; gray, fitch, phillips, labrecque, and fergus 2000; holland 2003). there is a need for more intensive research on the effects of radical prostatectomy on the quality of life of african american men. literature review most prostate cancer literature focuses on health-related quality of life (hrqol). a recent prospective study of 1,201 patients at nine university-affiliated medical centers found that type of treatment resulted in different patterns in qol outcomes (sanda et al. 2008). hormonal therapy in combination with either radiotherapy or brachytherapy was associated with the least effective outcomes as measured by qol domains using the expanded prostate cancer index composite (epic-26); also added was sexual function, urinary irritation, vitality and hormonal function (sanda et al. 2008). nerve-sparing techniques that leave the nerves controlling erection intact were associated with better prostatectomy outcomes, but all forms of treatment had some adverse effects on sexual functioning (sanda et al. 2008). urinary incontinence and bowel function also were among the qol outcomes affected by prostate cancer treatment in this study. the qol results reported in the sanda et al. 2008 study are consistent with the pattern of difficulties related to sexual, urinary, and bowel function reported in previous studies in the prostate cancer literature (eton, lepore, and helgeson 2001; litwin, hays, fink, and ganz 1995; purnell et al. 2010; wei et al. 2002). among the limited literature comparing qol by race and ethnicity, african american men report more problems with urinary function and being more irritated by their sexual impairment than non-hispanic white men do 5 years after diagnosis, despite the fact that their sexual functioning was actually better than that of whites (johnson et al. 2004). similar results were found in a previous study of 1,178 (14 percent 42 challenge black) newly diagnosed patients from the national, observational cancer of the prostate strategic urologic research endeavor (capsure) database, which also showed lower baseline health-related quality of life for african american patients and slower improvements in functioning after treatment when compared to whites (lubeck, kim, grossfeld, ray, penson, and flanders 2001). the latter study also observed younger age, less income and educational attainment, and more advanced disease in african american patients than in white patients (lubeck, kim, grossfeld, ray, penson, and flanders 2001). african american patients also showed significantly less health-related quality of life factors even after controlling for age, education, and income in multivariate analyses. advanced prostate cancer is usually treated with hormonal therapy rather than surgery, and is associated with extremely poor qol outcomes (lubeck et al. 2001; sanda et al. 2008) hence, it is possible that african american health-related qol post-treatment is a function of poorer pre-morbid functioning that is associated with advanced disease. in addition to qol, the study by sanda and colleagues (2008) assessed satisfaction with treatment outcomes and found that african american patients were significantly less satisfied with their treatment than are patients from other racial and ethnic groups (sanda et al. 2008). collectively these studies suggest that african american men are experiencing greater disruption in hrqol and are less satisfied with their prostate cancer treatment when compared to white men. health-related quality of life is the psychological impact of cancer diagnosis and treatment in prostate cancer survivors. the multiple adverse effects of prostate cancer and its treatment can cause considerable distress. as kunkel and colleagues (2000) observed, “faced with the diagnosis of a deadly disease, men simultaneously must confront threats to their sexuality and masculinity” and “must deal with treatment-related complications in the context of other age-related losses: health, energy, retirement, and deaths of peers and family members” (kunkel, bakker, myers, oyesanmi, and gomella 2000). an estimated 10 percent to 33 percent of prostate cancer patients have clinically significant psychological distress and depression (pirl and mello 2002; roth et al. 1998; zabora, brintzenhofeszoc, curbow, hooker, and piantadosi 2001) including major depression and anxiety. men treated for prostate cancer are at increased risk of developing clinical depression (jenkins, carmody, and rush 1998; pirl and mello 2002; rosenblatt and mellow 1995), and this increased risk appears to be of particular concern in men undergoing androgen deprivation therapy (diblasio et al. 2008). anxiety also is common in prostate cancer patients (clark, wray, brody, ashton, and watkins 1997; roth et al. 1998), with peak anxiety reported following diagnosis and just prior to treatment. symptoms related to traumatic stress (i.e., posttraumatic stress disorder) also have been reported in prostate cancer patients, including intrusive thoughts that remind the patient of the trauma of cancer. often cancer patients attempt to avoid thinking about the trauma of cancer as a means of coping (kornblith, herr, ofman, and scher 1994). several factors make it difficult to identify and treat prostate cancer patients for psychological distress. for all cancer patients, a lack of communication between oncologists and their patients about emotional concerns (pollak et al. 2007), stigmatization and devaluation of mental health treatment (holland 2003), and the belief that psychological problems are a “natural” part of the cancer experience (spiegel 1996) represent barriers to appropriate assessment and intervention for psychological distress. for men with gbadebo-goyea 43 prostate cancer a particular barrier is the tendency to underreport emotional distress and refuse psychiatric treatment because of the social stigma attached to a cancer that affects sexual functioning (kunkel, bakker, myers, oyesanmi, and gomella 2000). for african american men who may already be dealing with the affects of sexual dysfunction and their perception of diminished “manhood”, to compound these emotions with the admission of psychological trauma and or depression frequently is more than they are willing to handle. consequently, denial and or rejection of these emotions frequently surface. prostate cancer patients also are unlikely to disclose their illness due to low perceived need for support, fear of stigmatization, attempts at avoidance coping (i.e., minimizing the impact of illness), and concern about burdening others (gray, fitch, phillips, labrecque, and fergus 2000). there also is some evidence that there is stigma attached to seeking emotional support for african american cancer patients (matthews, sellergren, manfredi, and williams 2002). while several studies have described psychological distress in prostate cancer patients in general, very little is known about the psychological adjustment of african american men to prostate cancer. however, the poorer health-related quality of life that has been reported in the literature suggests that psychological functioning may be worse for african american men than it is for white men. in their study, lubeck and colleagues (2001) found that in addition to poorer health status and physical functioning including by more bodily pain, african american prostate cancer patients had poorer emotional functioning and self-esteem and more health-related distress than white men did. both african american and white patients saw improvements in physical and mental health functioning 1 year following treatment, though pain remained worse for african american men, and they had slower rates of improvement. this latter finding is significant because pain has been associated with increased risk of depression and anxiety (kunkel, bakker, myers, oyesanmi, and gomella 2000), and african american cancer patients have been shown to receive inadequate pain management treatment (payne, medina, and hampton 2003; smedley, stith, and nelson 2003). in another study that examined quality of life in african american prostate cancer patients, campbell and colleagues found that cancer-related self-efficacy (i.e., confidence in one’s ability to manage disease-specific symptoms) was positively associated with physical and mental health functioning (campbell et al. 2004; campbell et al. 2007). in a small number of research studies, african american prostate cancer patients have been shown to experience significantly poor health-related quality of life that includes psychological functioning, but more research is needed to confirm these findings. in light of the documented psychological and other quality of life needs of men with prostate cancer, several researchers have noted a relative dearth of studies that reported on effective interventions to address these needs (campbell et al. 2007; weber and sherwill-navarro 2005). however, most of the literature in this area has been conducted with female breast cancer patients (andersen 2002). there are studies that report on the effectiveness of national prostate cancer support groups founded in the early 1990s, such as “us too” and “man to man” (watson et al. 2003), (thaxton, emshoff, and guessous 2005) although there is evidence that men with cancer are much less likely to participate in these groups than are women (krizek, roberts, ragan, ferrara, and lord 1999). men who do attend these groups are often educated, older, and white. 44 challenge when men do participate in support groups they generally report positive outcomes like increased knowledge about prostate cancer, decreased uncertainty, and support from other group members (watson et al. 2003; wei et al. 2002). these groups typically provide information on disease and cancer treatment and provide participants the opportunity to engage in shared problem-solving, which facilitates a sense of group cohesiveness and offers tools for coping (weber and sherwill-navarro 2005). there also is some research evidence that men place greater value on content and information provided in these groups rather than on emotional support (watson et al. 2003). self-help groups led by laymen who usually have had experience with prostate cancer are very different from theoretically-based supportive-expressive or cognitive behavioral therapy groups that have been tested using randomized, controlled designs (classen et al. 2001). in one of the few group therapy studies on prostate cancer patients, penedo and colleagues (2006) reported that a group-based, cognitive-behavioral, stress management intervention group increased participants’ understanding and coping strategies, and improved quality of life for a diverse group of 191 prostate cancer patients. in a separate analysis, they reported improved stress management. while cognitive behavioral therapies tend to emphasize the correction of maladaptive thoughts and beliefs in order to alleviate symptoms of distress, supportive-expressive therapy focuses on “the creation of a supportive environment in which participants [are] encouraged to confront their problems, strengthen their relationships, and find enhanced meaning” (classen et al. 2001). in a study of 125 women with metastatic breast cancer, women in the supportive-expressive group therapy arm exhibited significant reduction in traumatic stress symptoms; and when their final assessment prior to death was removed from the research analyses, reductions in both traumatic stress and total mood disturbance were observed (classen et al. 2001). women with the greatest mood disturbance at baseline saw the greatest improvement in the 12 months following randomization. these promising results suggest that supportive-expressive group therapy also may be beneficial for men with prostate cancer. however, there are no studies reporting on supportive-expressive group therapy in prostate cancer patients and no studies on racial differences. purnell and colleagues (2010) reviewed a nationally controlled, randomized clinical trial conducted by the university of rochester cancer center community clinical oncology program research base, which was designed to test supportive-expressive group therapy intervention in prostate cancer patients (purnell et al. 2010). they compared the baseline psychological functioning of african american and white prostate cancer patients and examined the effect of supportive expressive group therapy on psychological adjustment for african american men. they found racial disparities in baseline psychological adjustment to prostate cancer, with african american men reporting higher levels of traumatic stress (impact of events scale), coping through cognitive avoidance (minimac cognitive avoidance), and exhibiting hopelessness/helplessness (mini-mac hopelessness/helplessness) when compared to white men in the clinical trial. african american men in the intervention also reported higher coping through cognitive avoidance, a result that was replicated in an additional analysis showing that cognitive avoidance in african american men was higher than in any other patient groups. these results suggest that african american men have poorer psychological adjustment to prostate cancer and that targeted interventions are needed to address their specific needs (purnell et al. 2010). gbadebo-goyea 45 discussion the purpose of this review article was to determine the baseline psychological functioning of african american men who have prostate cancer. the research literature supports baseline racial differences in psychological functioning on reports of poorer emotional functioning and health-related distress in african american men when compared to white men (lubeck et al. 2001). the limited research in this area addresses the specific impact of traumatic stress and coping difficulties in psychological functioning for prostate cancer patients. studies show that african american men are less likely to report emotional distress. mood disturbance (i.e., depression and anxiety) often abates for cancer patients within one year of diagnosis and treatment. in addition, in relatively low levels of mood disturbance, there also is no evidence that intervention had any effect on mood disturbance in african american men. this finding is consistent with results on metastatic breast cancer patients before their final assessment prior to death was removed from study analyses (classen et al. 2001). african american men generally are not comfortable sharing personal information with strangers or in a mixed-race setting. this addresses the importance of culturally appropriate, targeted interventions for african american male cancer patients in order to address their interpersonal needs (powe et al. 2007). african american men may be in greater need for these interventions because of poorer psychological functioning. specific interventions to address psychological distress and overall quality of life for african american prostate cancer patients should be tailored to meet the specific needs of african american men. the same principle holds for interventions involving men in general. it already is known that men with cancer are less likely to seek help from support groups than women do; and that those men who do participate are primarily interested in content and education rather than emotional support for the disease (krizek, roberts, ragan, ferrara, and lord 1999; watson et al. 2003; weber and sherwill-navarro 2005). to the extent that group interventions are desirable for their efficiency, their [group] effectiveness with men may be enhanced by an emphasis on the provision of information and education rather than on the expression of emotion. when african american men are the targets of such intervention, the information should be specific to their experience and should potentially address the psychosocial stressors associated with race that likely compound the immediate stressor of cancer diagnosis and treatment. culturally appropriate suggestions for coping (i.e., use of familiar community resources like churches, social and fraternal organizations for support) also might be incorporated with opportunities for individual psychotherapeutic intervention when individuals express interest. such culturally appropriate, targeted interventions need to be tested for effectiveness in african american and other racial and ethnic minority male cancer populations. an emphasis on stress and coping is inherently relevant to emerging theoretical models that propose a role for psychosocial stressors in the development of both breast and prostate cancer in african americans (ellison et al. 2001; gehlert et al. 2008). specific to prostate cancer, ellison and colleagues (2001) suggested that the chronic stress associated with experiences of racism and discrimination may compound the physiological responses that predispose african american men to higher rates of prostate cancer. they also noted that inadequate coping resources result in the subjective perception of stress. african american men appear to react to the diagnosis of prostate cancer as a significant 46 challenge stressor akin to traumatic events experienced by individuals with posttraumatic stress disorder (kornblith, herr, ofman, and scher 1994). this may be due to the extent to which individuals with cancer experience unwanted thoughts regarding their disease and/or try to avoid thinking about cancer. this pattern of behavior is consistent with a traumatic stress response. in addition, african american men have fewer resources to cope with stress, have greater cognitive avoidance and exhibit a sense of helplessness and hopelessness. while each of these coping difficulties are shown to negatively impact adjustment in prostate cancer patients (roesch, adams, hines, and palmores 2005), helplessness and hopelessness also are consistently linked to depression in cancer patients (brothers and andersen 2008; reich, lesur, and perdrizet-chevallier 2008) . african american men that underwent radical prostatectomy consistently reported sexual and urinary symptoms (krizek, roberts, ragan, ferrara, and lord 1999; kunkel, bakker, myers, oyesanmi, and gomella 2000; litwin, hays, fink, and ganz 1995; lubeck et al. 2001; matthews, sellergren, manfredi, and williams 2002; payne, medina, and hampton 2003) and have demonstrated that irrespective of the treatment, progressive disease is related to more bodily pain, less vitality/energy and poorer social and emotional well-being than diseases in remission. pain and fatigue are physical symptoms that are significant predictors frequently reported among older age men at diagnosis; occur more in advanced stages of the disease; and often lasts for longer duration after prostatectomy in african american males (penedo et al. 2004; penedo et al. 2006).while entirely speculative and beyond the scope of this review, it is possible that increased stress response and negative coping styles also may contribute to prostate cancer severity and recurrence, including psychological distress. research examining biological pathways involved in the stress response and cancer progression of african american men is needed to confirm this hypothesis. conclusion with 98 percent of african american men expected to survive at least five years after their diagnosis with prostate cancer, it is vital to understand how they adjust to and cope with the disease. the literature suggests that african american men have poorer physical and functional qol following standard treatments for prostate cancer. studies have revealed potentially significant disparities in psychological functioning at baseline between african american and white prostate cancer patients. supportiveexpressive therapy as an intervention for psychological distress experienced by african americans with prostate cancer appears to be a viable option. however, a multi-integrative approach is needed to improve the understanding of psychological adjustment to prostate cancer in a particularly vulnerable group such as african american men. this review solidifies the need for additional research on qol, psychological adjustment, and psychosocial interventions to improve long-term functioning in african american male prostate cancer survivors. in particular, these results point to the potentially efficacious use of informational and educational interventions that are culturally appropriate and targeted towards african american men. gbadebo-goyea 47 references american cancer society. 2008. cancer facts and figures 2008. retrieved december 6, 2011 (http://www.cancer.org/research/cancerfactsfigures/cancer-facts-fig ures-2008). andersen, b. l. 2002. “biobehavioral outcomes following psychological interventions for cancer patients.” journal of consulting and clinical psychology 70: 590-610. borm, g. f., j. fransen, and w. lemmens. 2007. “a simple sample size formula for analysis of covariance in randomized clinical trials.” journal of clinical epide 13   conclusion with 98 percent of african american men expected to survive at least five years after their diagnosis with prostate cancer, it is vital to understand how they adjust to and cope with the disease. the literature suggests that african american men have poorer physical and functional qol following standard treatments for prostate cancer. studies have revealed potentially significant disparities in psychological functioning at baseline between african american and white prostate cancer patients. supportive-expressive therapy as an intervention for psychological distress experienced by african americans with prostate cancer appears to be a viable option. however, a multi-integrative approach is needed to improve the understanding of psychological adjustment to prostate cancer in a particularly vulnerable group such as african american men. this review solidifies the need for additional research on qol, psychological adjustment, and psychosocial interventions to improve long-term functioning in african american male prostate cancer survivors. in particular, these results point to the potentially efficacious use of informational and educational interventions that are culturally appropriate and targeted towards african american men. table 1: frequency of symptoms and problems in african 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research.” geriatric nursing 26:166-175. wei, j. t., r. l. dunn, h. m. sandler, p. w. mclaughlin, j. e. montie, and m. litwin. 2002. “comprehensive comparison of health-related quality of life after con temporary therapies for localized prostate cancer.” journal of clinical oncol ogy 20: 557-566. zabora, j., k. brintzenhofeszoc, b. curbow, c. hooker, and s. piantadosi. 2001. “the prevalence of psychological distress by cancer site.” psycho-oncology 10: 19 28. gbadebo-goyea 51 family and religion in luba life: centrality, pervasiveness, change and continuity tshilemalema mukenge coins of hope foundation abstract the luba people who are the focus of this article live the eastern kasai province of the democratic republic of congo (drc). the luba established one of the great pre-colonial empires of the central congo savannah. it stretched from the eastern congo river to lake tanzania and northwest to the convergence of the lulua and kasai rivers.1 the family occupies a central place in the personal life of each luba man or woman and in the social, economic, and political organization of luba society. anthropological studies from as early as the 1950s have stressed the central position of the family in the social organization of african societies (radcliffe-brown and forde 1953). the purpose of this article is to review the principal elements of the organizational structure of luba society that convey power and importance to the luba family. luba people’s conception of the purpose and role of the family, of values and norms that inspire and regulate their behaviors as family members, as well as the actual changing forms of their familial behaviors across the time can inform us on these elements (van caeneghem 1956; mukenge 1967; 2002). calling on the author’s previous fieldwork among the luba and other early studies, this article examines, in anthropological and historical contexts, religion and worldview as pivotal in defining relationships between family and other social institutions. a list of selected references is included. the centrality of the family institution the family and the individual achievement requires strength, hard work and supernatural blessings. the family plays a key role in the luba philosophy of achievement. the family assumes the responsibility to instill the respect and the desire for these values into its members. the family is the principal agent of socialization. it provides the nurturing through childcare, protection against disease and evil doers, and care for the dying, all of which are necessary for building strength. hard work occupies an important place in the luba system of socialization. luba parents teach their children the spirit of achievement by involving them in achieving activities of adults, insistently exhorting them to achieve, and rewarding those who do achieve with praise. through a religion based in ancestral veneration, the family provides the potential achiever with supernatural assurance that encourages sustained action, and supernatural explanations that help them cope with failures. the importance of the family in the life of an individual also manifests itself in other ways. for example, the family confers legitimacy, social recognition, status, and acceptability. for instance, a child born outside of marriage did not have a welcome place in the family of either parent unless the child was legitimized by marriage after the birth. for this reason, a girl’s virginity before marriage was mandatory. if she became pregnant before marriage, both families exerted pressure on the boy to marry her. this marriage act would save her family from disgrace, but more importantly, it would give the unborn child a chance to be fully accepted into his corporate family group. please address all correspondence to tshilemalema mukenge: tlmukenge@aol.com mukenge 21 marriage stability is also emphasized in luba society. with legitimacy, it explains the importance placed on the faithfulness of the married woman. in traditional luba society, the unfaithful wife could be beaten to death, not only by her husband but also by his brothers and sisters. when her life was spared, she was either repudiated or forced to pay considerable fines to her in-laws for reinstatement and make a sacrificial offering to the husband’s ancestors. a man caught in adulterous action with a married woman could also be justifiably put to death. the family provides the individual with his identity and determines his rights and privileges in society. to identify himself to others, a luba person would give his name, his father’s name, and his grandfather’s name. he would also outline the lineages to which he belongs through his father. family membership entitles him to free use of the land that belongs to the lineage. although the importance of love in marriage is acknowledged, a luba person does not marry for love alone. he marries to establish a family with many children. and the children are not desired for selfish reasons, but as a contribution to the perpetuation and expansion of the patrilineage. marriage, the act by which families are formed, requires an agreement between the groom’s family and the bride’s family. when concluded, a marriage is not a contract between the two spouses but an alliance between their two families, expected to last even beyond the lives of the spouses. for most young men, marriage would be impossible without the family. marriage requires that the groom’s family pay a dowry (bridewealth) to the bride’s family. in luba villages, the amount of wealth required for marriage is generally too high for a young man to accumulate it by his own efforts. in most cases, he has to rely on the wealth of his father, other close relatives, or the bridewealth that his sisters and female cousins will bring in when they marry. because of this practice, young boys are spared the anxiety of growing up wondering how they will obtain the necessary bridewealth for their marriages. because of established rules of assigning the bridewealth from the marriages of female relatives, each boy knows, long before the age of majority, which female relative will bring in, through marriage, the bridewealth that will enable him to marry a wife. the traditional family took care of its members through marriage in two additional ways: the levirate and the sororate. in levirate, a man marries the widow of a deceased brother. in sororate, a man marries the sister of his deceased wife. through these practices, the marriage is preserved with a substitute wife or husband. in either case, the children of the deceased continue to have two parents. in addition to the fact that in levirate or sororate one of the biological parents continues to live with them, luba children are raised in such a way that the loss of a parent does not become a major disruption in their lives. indeed, during their parents’ lifetime, children are raised as sons and daughters of many fathers and mothers. in luba villages, daily meals are shared with children and adults from other families, mutual visits are frequent among relatives who live in distant locations, and fostering is practiced without formalities or protocol. family, religion and ecology the luba are patrilineal, that is, they trace descent, inherit property, and obtain citizenship through the father’s line. they practice patrilocality as well. generally, when a man marries, he and his wife settle among the members of his paternal lineage. be22 challenge cause of patrilineal descent and patrilocal residence, the luba family venerates the ancestors of the husband. three spirits venerated are those of a man’s paternal grandfather, his paternal grandmother, and his father. the shrines that house the two male spirits are placed on the east side of the senior wife’s house. the tree that symbolizes the dwelling of the female spirit is situated on the west side of her house. the presence of these spiritual forces transforms the senior wife’s house into a powerful location. where tradition is maintained in luba society, the senior wife’s house faces south. the major rivers in the area run south to north. as rivers are reputed to carry scourges, the upstream orientation of this spiritually powerful house constitutes a strategic placement for protection of the community’s welfare. family, economy and religion the luba are primarily agriculturalists. production is organized through the nuclear family household, whether monogamous or polygamous. husbands, wives, and children have their own fields. the products of their fields belong to them collectively under the supervision of the husband-father. unlike production, consumption always involves the larger community. consumers include members of the extended family, particularly the man’s patrilineal family because of the rules of patrilineal descent and patrilocal residence. a luba expression describing this practice can be translated as, “food is cultivated by one, but consumed by many.” corn (maize) is the main food crop in lubaland. the first corn harvest of the season is offered to the ancestral spirits and everyone present shares a meal. corn represents the subsistence phase of agricultural production. but the luba do not work in their fields for subsistence alone. they also work to accumulate wealth. they invest proceeds from produce sales to buy livestock, usually chickens and goats. they use some profits from produce and livestock sales to pay dowries for themselves and their relatives. at each step in the wealth accumulation process, the individual is expected to offer his first earnings to the elder who represents the ancestors. in the case of acquiring a first wife, this offering is symbolic. the representative of the ancestral spirits receives the wife as a present, performs a ritual blessing and returns her to the husband. through this practice, the representative of the ancestors metaphorically carries out his duty as the elder to acquire a wife for his junior relatives. the family and the political system given the importance attached to the family, all the founders of luba chiefdoms are typically portrayed as family men who immigrated to the area with their wives, children, and a few followers, mostly close relatives. even the evolution of the chiefdoms after the arrival of the immigrants is simply a collection of family histories. luba chiefdoms are subdivided into political segments that oral tradition traces to conflicts between the founders’ children over their fathers’ power and wealth. the various political segments comprising the chiefdom are assigned political functions based on whether the members of the segment descended from the founder’s senior wife or from his other wives. for example, only members of the segment descending from the senior wife are traditionally allowed to contend for the office of paramount chief. and when they do, they must receive investiture from authorized descendants of the founder’s other wives to be accepted as legitimate leaders. segments of the chiefdom are subdivided along family lines into smaller units mukenge 23 that are populated by individual families descended from the founders. their members have free access to the land by virtue of their family membership. even among those who are eligible for the office of paramount chief by their descent, only family men can become chiefs. the luba cannot conceive of a chief without a family. only a strong man can compete for political office. a strong man is a family man first and a wealthy man second. moreover, the resources necessary to obtain the chief’s position is much more than one individual, however wealthy, can take on alone. the cooperation and material support of other family members is indispensable. thus, access to the chieftaincy is also a family strategy. the triple role of religion enabling religion plays three major roles in the life of practitioners: enabling, integrating, and sublimating. the domain of religion includes beliefs in the existence of invisible supernatural forces whose powers make things happen within the human communities. the universe and all that exists in it were created and sustained by the supreme being (mvidi mukulu), who is the ultimate source of all blessings that human beings enjoy on earth, including health, family, wealth, and power. at creation, god placed a bit of his divine essence in every individual, the principle of life. at death, the principle of life becomes a pure spirit, freed from the limitations of the human body. thereafter, the principle of life recovers a stronger level of the vital force placed in it by god at creation. pure spirits therefore occupy an intermediate position between the supreme god who possesses the highest level of divine power and human beings who possess the lowest level of divine power. one special category of pure spirits is that of ancestors. given the greater portions of god’s power invested in them, ancestors are closer to god than their living descendants are. also, as family members and past human beings, the ancestors continue to be involved in the daily life of their earthly relatives. because of this privileged position of being closer to god yet still involved in the affairs of the living, the ancestors are the immediate providers of blessings for the members of their terrestrial family. the ancestors expect to be recognized by the recipients of these blessings, and they punish the disobedient and greedy ones who refuse to share with relatives. the luba value legitimate children and wealth acquired through one’s own hard work. the greatest blessings they attribute to the ancestral spirits are the capacity to procreate and to work. having many children, acquiring wealth through one’s own efforts or the work of a son, and the marriage of a daughter are major occasions for sacrificing to the ancestral spirits. failure to do so can be punished by the ancestral spirits with sterility, miscarriages, unsuccessful harvests and hunts, illness, and inability to work or to find a job. integrating luba religious beliefs and ancestral veneration rituals foster cohesion among the members of the extended family. in luba worldview, human life begins as an act of solidarity among several past, present, and future generations of the extended family. for example, a baby’s conception may have been enabled by offerings made by the grandfather to the spirit of his own grandfather. many other acts of solidarity are exhib24 challenge ited in the handling of wealth and the sharing of sacrificial meals. handling wealth. the ancestors obligate those who become prosperous to share their possessions with them through the elders who represent them among the living. each time a person brings in a present, the recipient elder welcomes him and accepts the gift. he introduces the donor to the ancestral spirits and offers sacrifices for the blessing of the donor’s family and all his undertakings. encouraged by these acts, the donor will pursue his productive activities, confident in the future and determined to succeed. the ancestors have also provided mechanisms for some obligations to be fulfilled symbolically, as in the case of the obligation to transfer the first wife to the elder representing the ancestors. instead of an actual marriage, the elder symbolically accepts the wife, offers sacrifices to the ancestral spirits, and returns her to her husband. to prevent exploitative accumulation of wealth by the beneficiary of bridewealth tributes by ancestral right, the ancestors obligate him to transfer wealth from his own work to another, and becoming the beneficiary of a bridewealth creates an obligation to reciprocate. the normal use of bridewealth is to obtain a wife for a family member. the ancestral norm obligates a man whose bridewealth is paid by anyone other than his own father to reciprocate with the bridewealth that comes to him from his first daughter’s marriage. sharing sacred meals. whenever a sacrifice is made to a particular spirit, it is assumed that the spirit will share the feast with other spirits of his kind, say other male spirits or the spirits of other paternal grandmothers. the luba believe that these spirits actually partake of the meal mystically. similarly, the person who offers sacrifices to the ancestral spirits will always invite his others to participate in the meal. actually, sacred meals are occasions for communion by members of a group even larger than the extended family. in terms of ancestral rights and obligations, a man’s extended family includes his paternal grandfather and all his descendants all way down to the man’s own grandchildren and those of his siblings and cousins. however, when a man makes sacrifices of roosters to his ancestors, he invites to the feast not only those present from among the members of his extended family, but also representatives from certain families with which he shares common ancestry at a higher level. when he sacrifices a goat, he invites representatives from families with which he is united in a broader context. women and children consume sacrificial meals prepared in honor of the spirit of the paternal grandmother. in some lineages, all wives and children are authorized to take part in the feast. in others, only the senior wives and their children are. ranking as in other religions, ancestral veneration is a reflection of society in many respects. the luba society is organized based on descent. the extended family supersedes the nuclear family. seniority is the major criterion for ordering relationships among relatives. the ancestral spirits occupy a position of preeminence as senior members of the extended family. ancestral veneration is an extension of the respect that every luba person owes his or her elders. in other words, ancestral veneration is the elevation of family eldership to a supernatural, divine, rank. the luba value procreation. desirable procreation takes place in marriage. only through marriage can procreation contribute to the expansion and perpetuation of the lineage. luba ancestors protect marriage and legitimate procreation by prohibiting mukenge 25 the infidelity of the wife, by forbidding the man to house his legitimate wife, especially the senior wife, in a home he has reviled with extra-marital relations, or to return to her wife the same day he has had sexual intercourse with another woman. the luba practice polygamy. because of the rule of seniority, the first wife occupies a position of preeminence in respect to her co-wives. ancestral veneration reinforces the preeminence of the senior wife by making her house their headquarters. the shrines for the male ancestors and the tree symbolizing the principal female ancestor are located in her courtyard. she is the only one whose children replace the father in receiving the tributes owed him by his children for their power to work and to procreate. marriage stability is a high value among the luba. when there are serious disputes between spouses, relatives of both sides intervene as counselors in order to prevent divorce. divorce is only easily accepted in case of adultery (of the wife) and witchcraft. luba ancestors do not prohibit divorce, repudiation, or abandonment of wife or husband. a man who wants to bring back a repudiated wife must first verbally express his apologies to the ancestral spirits in front of the shrines and pay fines by sacrificing a rooster to them. likewise, a woman who disrupts the marriage bond by running away cannot reenter the conjugal house without primarily apologizing to the principal female ancestor for her misconduct and paying appropriate fines. from the preceding discussion, we observe that luba religion is above all a family religion. the spirits (ancestors), the ministers (elders, senior wives), and the congregation (junior relatives, junior wives, children) are all members of the same family community, notably, the paternal extended family. the matters of faith (belief in the ancestral spirits’ power to grant life or to take life from their descendants) and morality (obligation to share one’s wealth with one’s relatives) are family virtues and good family relations. so are the notions of divine blessing (having many successful relatives, many faithful and fertile wives, and many healthy and prosperous children) and eternal life (going to live with the ancestors in the world of spirits). the sanctions for violating religious precepts (sterility, miscarriages, and infant mortality) and the reparations required (reconciliation) are also embedded in family life. the occasions for offering sacrifices to the spirits (marriage of the first wife, birth of a child, the release of a relative from prison, the presentation of wives and children to the guardian spirit), are familial events. it thus appears that ancestral veneration is a sublimation of, as well as an instrument for the preservation ad integration of the extended family. change and continuity luba culture is not what most luba people would like it to be. the social fabric of luba society has been disrupted in many ways by the colonial administration (18851960), the south kasai government (1960-1965), the mobutu regime (1965-1997), and the ongoing political anarchy (1997-present). other changes came about gradually as people adapted their behaviors to the changing situations and several customs became obsolete. nevertheless, the luba still hold on to old ways in many respects. structural disruptions changes in the social fabric are among the most disruptive. before colonization, luba country was divided into autonomous chiefdoms of various sizes. colonization put an end to their autonomy by subjecting the customary chief to the authority of 26 challenge colonial agents, by setting new rules for gaining access to and staying in the position of chief, and by superimposing new administrative structures on those already in place. to various degrees, the chiefdoms lost part of their major sources of power, that is, control over the land. the colonial administration expropriated indigenous lands for the benefit of european companies, christian missionary organizations, and the colonial administration itself. in connivance with colonial companies, the colonial administration also imposed new land uses designed to benefit the european colonizers at the expense of the indigenous populations. this was the case with the cultivation of certain crops, particularly cotton, and a new land tenure system called paysannat. the end of the colonial rule in the congo (1960) is perhaps most remembered for the bloody conflicts in many regions of the country. the luba were victims of these conflicts in parts of the kasai province and in the katanga province. forced to seek refuge in their own homeland, but refusing to give up their leadership status, some luba leaders from the troubled areas established autonomous villages, thereby undermining even further the authority of some customary chiefs. going even further, kalonji albert, the architect of the autonomous south kasai state (1960-1963), proclaimed himself mulopwe, chief of chiefs, an imposition the luba people of kasai had never experienced. his attempts to legitimize himself by arranging a post-factum investiture by customary chiefs still violated the traditional rules and procedures of power transfer. in the traditional system, the authority to hand over power to any candidate was the prerogative of certain notables, particularly the ntite, rather than chiefs. kalonji appointed customary chiefs to head his newly created administrative entities, arrondissements and communes, thereby creating inequality among the chiefs by assigning some chiefs to higher functions than others. this policy also impinged upon the preexisting hierarchies by elevating some sub-chiefs to functions similar to those assigned to their paramount chief. the advent of the mobutu regime in 1965 undermined the traditional structures further. mobutu’s regime was so centralized that even customary chiefdoms came to be controlled from the central government in kinshasa, the capital. locally, customary chiefdoms were administered by appointed officials. some chiefdoms were organized into administrative entities headed by customary chiefs who were recognized and installed by government officials. others were regrouped into territorial units headed by elected officials also recognized and invested by government representatives. today, chiefdoms constitute administrative entities called groupements and headed by customary chiefs without any particular administrative function. their position is primarily ceremonial. gradual change as time went on, the luba adopted new behavior patterns in response to new situations. highly motivated to achieve but confronted by resource limitations in their homeland, the luba learned very early to migrate to other lands in search of better opportunities. agriculture is everyone’s pursuit in lubaland, but arable land is limited. as the population increased and the prospects for achieving higher status through farming decreased, many people moved farther away onto the lands of neighboring ethnic groups, notably, the kanyok, the kete, the luntu, and the lulua. thus, luba villages were established in these lands far before the era of colonial exploration in kasai, the mukenge 27 1870s. further luba migrations to other territories occurred in response to the demands of the colonial administration. luba territory was an important reservoir of manpower for colonial recruiters. through this recruitment, the luba participated in the opening of administrative stations, missions, and military camps. they contributed to the building of the irebu-katanga-dilolo railroad. when colonial mining companies needed miners in katanga (union minière), in lubaland itself (minière de bakwanga), and in other parts of kasai (forminière, cikapa), luba workers were brought in along with recruits from other regions. the luba unreservedly embraced these colonial innovations. before long, they voluntarily migrated to other colonial towns, as the luba perceived in them opportunities for social mobility through wage labor and education. in luba villages, the populations welcomed the new methods of cultivation introduced by the colonial administration when these methods proved more profitable than the traditional ones. the luba spirit of achievement includes the ambition to exercise political power. the colonial regime was an obstruction to this ambition. its interference with traditional rules for ascending to the position of chief forced some candidates, previously powerful, into exile where they had to accept reduced power. when the idea of the congo becoming politically independent came about, the luba embraced it enthusiastically. at the dawn of independence, faced with rejection by their fellow countrymen almost everywhere, the luba created their own state from the ground up. when the congo reunited from the splits of the early 1960s, the luba fought to gain the status of province for their former state. when the new province was enlarged to include neighboring regions belonging to different ethnic groups, the luba fought to keep the provincial capital in their own territory. cultural obsolescence some luba customs have phased out with the passage of time. in the betrothal system, parents no longer give their daughters to grooms before at least a substantial part of the bridewealth has been paid. the nature of the goods used in the bridewealth has changed as well. the necklaces and the cowrie shells (once used as currency) had already disappeared by the 1950s. today, even the goats are rarely used for payment. likewise, the belief that the achiever should pay his elder his first returns from chicken and goat farming is now subject to reinterpretation. a gift from one’s work suffices to meet the obligation. nowadays, husbands separate from their wives away and bring them back in reconciliation without paying any fines to the ancestors. likewise, wives return to husbands they have deserted without paying fines to the family guardian spirit for having disrupted the conjugal bond. cultural continuity the luba culture has changed in many respects but it has also remained the same in many others. bukola, the ability to realize great things throughout one’s life through hard work, continues to dominate in the luba conception healthy living. today, as in the past, the luba separate possessions from achievement. for instance, wealth from inheritance or from a gift brings glory to the benefactor who created it rather than to the beneficiary who exhibits it. at the consecration of an achiever the sources of his accomplishments are meticulously examined to make sure that he actually owes his success to his own hard work rather than somebody else’s. the luba have embraced 28 challenge wage labor wherever they have had a chance to do so. however, agriculture remains in high esteem in luba villages where yields are judged high enough to justify the effort. extension agents are amazed by the enthusiasm among luba farmers for successful experiments with new crop varieties. the ancestral lands are still the object of emotional attachment. individuals claim membership in their villages of origin even if they have never lived there. family and lineage building still stand out as the most culturally valued contribution one can make to the community. for a luba man, marrying a luba woman and having many children remains the ideal. since they came to the kasai in the latter part of the 19th century, christian missionaries have fought to impose monogamy. for the luba, polygamy is still a morally normal form of marriage, although no longer widely practiced as before. missionaries introduced christian marriage; the colonial administration authorized the official (civil) marriage; but the luba, baptized or not, still hold on to traditional marriages that involve the payment of the bridewealth by the groom’s family to the bride’s family. actually, traditional marriage is a prerequisite for christian or civil marriage. one has to prove that the bridewealth has been taken care of in order to obtain permission to proceed with the christian or civil marriage. in spite encroachments by the colonial administration and the post-colonial governments of the congo, the luba continue to fight for the position of the customary chiefdoms. many still evoke the traditional criteria as the only legitimate form of access to the chieftaincy. among other things, only members of lineages that descend from the chiefdom founder and his senior wife can legitimately compete for the chief’s position. the birth order of the founder’s sons, through whom descent is traced, is still used to establish rights to rule. old forms of supernatural beliefs persist as well. chickens and goats are still the only animals acceptable in rituals. herbalists and shamans continue to be called upon to heal the sick, especially those suffering from diseases for which modern medicine has no cure. diviners, sometimes called by honorific modern professional titles such as “doctor,” are regularly consulted by for help with their personal problems or those of their loved ones. double allegiance when given a chance or when forced to, and depending on the circumstances, people have combined new ways of doing things with old ones. for instance, today in the congo, people marry by the payment of the bridewealth, the performance of christian ceremonies, and including the spouse’s name on official documents as required by law. sometimes they have moved between the two realms to various degrees. some have striven to excel in agriculture in the countryside, moved to the city seeking to excel in paid jobs, and returned to agriculture in the village when success in urban centers appeared problematic. they have venerated the ancestral spirits secretly, while attending a catholic mass, a protestant service, or a community prayer group, which is the most recent novelty. when they could afford it, they have sought the services of herbalists or shamans as well as those of trained medical professionals. the belief in witchcraft seems to have increased. the evangelical pastor is now the seer who discovers the witch during trance and removes the witchcraft from the victim by performing exorcism. more people than before pursue opportunities for social mobility in entrepreneurship, professions and in all fields and at all levels of labor market, but have not given up on commukenge 29 peting for political office in the traditional system. today, as in the past, stories are still being told about bloody fights for the position among rival chiefdom segments. and, as a relatively recent case suggests, ambitions for the office of traditional chief is not confined to people who lived all their lives in their native homeland or those without any other avenue for socio-economic mobility. a case in point is that of a university professor and lawyer who gave up his professions and abandoned his wife and children to go back to his village for a lengthy competition for the position of chief of his home chiefdom. these incidents speak to the nature of culture in human history. the luba empire* *retrieved june 12, 2011 from http://media-2.web.britannica.com/eb-media/85/77385004-d9b3790e.gif. 18 the luba empire 2 references bamuinikile, mudiasa. 1975. le bukole et son impact sur la société luba. lubumbashi, mémoire de licence, université nationale du zaïre, kinshasa. ben-jochannan. 1991. african origin of the major western religions. baltimore: black classic press. collins, robert o., ed. 1994. problems in african history: the pre-colonial centuries. new york: marcus wiener publishing, inc. 2 retrieved june 12, 2011 from http://media-2.web.britannica.com/eb-media/85/77385-004-d9b3790e.gif. 30 challenge end note 1. the lubilanji (sankuru) is the largest of four major rivers crossing luba territory, hence their designation luba lubilanji, which distinguishes them from other luba groups who live in kasai (luba kanyok, luba songye, luba luntu, and luba luluwa) and in katanga (luba hemba, luba lolo and luba kalundwe or luba of mutombo mukulu). all these groups claim descent from the luba empire of the 16th to the 19th centuries. see the map at the end of the article. references bamuinikile, mudiasa. 1975. le bukole et son impact sur la société luba. lubumbashi, mémoire de licence, université nationale du zaïre, kinshasa. ben-jochannan. 1991. african origin of the major western religions. baltimore: black classic press. collins, robert o., ed. 1994. problems in african history: the pre-colonial centuries. new york: marcus wiener publishing, inc. david, rosalie. 2002. religion and magic in ancient egypt. london: penguin books. ejizu, christopher i. n.d. “african traditional religions and the promotion of commu nity-living in africa. retrieved june 16, 2012 (http://afrikaworld.net/afrel/ community.htm). faik-nzuji, clementine. 1967. essai de méthodologie pour l’étude des proverbes luba du kasaï. mémoire de licence, école normale moyenne du sacré-cœur, kinshasa. frobenius, leo. 1983. mythes et contes populaires des riverains du kasaï. bonn: inter nationes. translated by claude murat. wiesbaden: f. steiner. fu-kiau, kimbwandènde kia bunseki. 2001. african cosmology of the bântu-kongo: principles of life and living. brooklyn, ny: athelia henrietta press. fu-kiau, kimbwandènde kia bunseki. 1991. self-healing power and therapy: old teaching from africa. new york: vantage press. kopytoff, igor. 2008. “ancestors as elders in africa.” retrieved november 1, 2008 (http://lucy.ukc.ac.uk/era/ancestors/kopytoff.html). mbiti, john. n.d. “general manifestations of african religiosity. an exploratory paper at the first meeting of the standing committee on the contributions of africa to the religious heritage of the world.” retrieved august 8, 2007 (http://afri kaworld.net/afrel/mbiti.htm). mukenge, léonard. 1967. “croyances religieuses et structures socio-familiales en so ciété luba bwena muntu, bakishi, milambu.” cahiers économiques et so ciaux 1:3-95. kinshasa: institut de recherches économiques et sociales (ires). mukenge, tshilemalema. 2002. culture and customs of the congo. westport, ct: greenwood press. olupona, jacob k., ed. 1991. african traditional religion in contemporary society. st. paul, mn: paragon house. olupona, jacob k., ed. 2000. african spirituality: forms, meanings, and expressions. new york: the crossroads publishing company. radcliffe-brown, a. r. and d. forde. 1953. systèmes familiaux et matrimoniaux en afrique. paris: presses universitaires de france. mukenge 31 ray, benjamin c. 2000. african religions: symbol, ritual, and continuity. 2nd edition. upper saddle river, nj: prentice hall. reefe, thomas q. 1981. the rainbow and the kings. berkeley: university of california press. rooke, andrew. 1980. “reincarnation in african traditional religion”. sun rise mag azine, november 1980. retrieved october 13, 2009 (http://www.theosophy nw.org/theosnw/world/africa/af-rook2.htm). skinner, elliott p., ed. 1973. peoples and cultures of africa. garden city, ny: double day/natural history press. tempels, placide, r. p. 1965. la philosophie bantoue. paris: présence africaine. turaki, yusufu. 2000. “africa traditional religious system as basis of understanding christian spiritual warfare,” retrieved january 13, 2011 (http://www.laus anne.org/nairobi-2000/west-african-case-study.html). van caeneghem, r. 1956. la notion de dieu chez les baluba du kasaï. bruxelles: aca démie royale des sciences d’outre-mer. vansina, jan. 1966. kingdoms of the savanna. madison: the university of wisconsin press. visonà, monica blackmun, robin poynor, herbert m. cole, michael d. harris, and rowland abiodun. 2001. a history of art in africa. new york: prentice hall 32 challenge v6_aug95_challenge.pdf v02_n01_challenge_may91.pdf organizational membership and business success: the importance of networking and moving beyond homophily colbert rhodes the university of texas, permian basin john sibley butler the university of texas, austin abstract the homophily principle is that similarity breeds connection and affects the structure of personal networks in all kinds of social structures. the result is that networks become very homogeneous. the “birds of a feather flock together” limit social worlds because they restrict the movement of information received by people, the attitudes they form, and the interactions in which they engage. research has shown that homophily is strongest in race and ethnic interactions, followed by divides in age, religion and gender. this paper examines organizational membership, business networking and homophily among entrepreneurs engaged in classic enterprises such as retail and service industries. the search for information and resources to improve entrepreneurial enterprises is a major task of the self-employed. using a sample of black entrepreneurs, this work examines the impact of networking outside of the structure of homophily. we ask if this networking is perceived as improving the overall operation of the business. we examine the characteristics of entrepreneurs and how these characteristics affect the decisions to move outside of familiar homophily networks. granovetter’s network theory of strong/ weak ties is used to describe the process of networking in both types of voluntary organizations. homophily, which captures networks among people who are similar along a certain dimension, has added significantly to our understanding of why and how “birds of a feather flock together” (mcpherson, miller and smith-lovin 1982 1986; woodard 1988) and influence social structure. this literature is expansive, and can be divided into scholars concerned with status homophily and value homophily (lazarsfeld and merton 1954). our work falls into the value homophily, since we are concerned with how breaking “sameness” networks leads to better value creation for firms. this is measured by their membership in a black or white voluntary organization and the networking opportunities that emerge from their choice of affiliation. entrepreneurs who own classical enterprises, such as retail and personal services, experience many competitive challenges. research has shown that when race is a variable, black entrepreneurs choose to network in non-black voluntary organizations to acquire support, contacts, useful information and credibility (ostgaard and bach 1996), and to find out about new products and when to enlarge a market (falemo 1989). networks are organized systems of relationships that can be defined as a specific kind of relationship that links sets of persons, objects or events (nelson 1988; szarka 1990). most network research has been conducted on large owner manager manufacturing firms (golden and dollinger 1993; human and provan 1997) which conduct business in local and regional markets. little research has been conducted on networking by small rhodes 33 please address all correspondence to john.butler@mccombs.utexas.edu entrepreneurial firms in rural and low population urban areas, who sell a large variety of products in more varied markets and rely on primary groups and close personal ties, or homophily, for information and resources. research has shown the importance of homophily on the structure of founding entrepreneurial teams; it has its greatest impact on the composition of the group (ruef, aldrich and carter 2003). an entrepreneur may be defined as an individual who, when he/she sees an opportunity will manage risks to establish and maintain a business (bygrave and hofer 1991). although the findings have implications for all entrepreneurs, a black sample allows us to draw on the rich literature that stresses issues of homophily within the context of ethnic enterprises. this literature examines interaction between defined “ethnic” firms and organizations of the larger society. a voluntary organization is defined as a formal organization irrespective of size in which membership is optional (mcpherson, miller and smith-lovin 1982; 1986; woodard 1988). these organizations are classified by purpose into instrumental or task oriented, and expressive or social oriented. the purpose of this paper is to develop conceptual characteristic frameworks that are associated with a black entrepreneur’s membership in a black or non-black voluntary organization and how the ethnicity of voluntary organizational membership influences the type of social and business networking. theoretical considerations the entrepreneurship literature has many examples, or cases, of the importance of “birds of a feather” flocking together, or homophily. for example, research on ethnic enclaves shows how people with the same nationality produce enclaves where interdependency among a broad range of businesses satisfies their mutual needs and furthers coordination and cooperation to reduce competition. this enclave effect has been prominent in america, where immigration has been one of the defining elements of the country (butler 1991; butler and wilson 1988; greene 1997; portes and bach 1985; rhodes and butler 2004). many enclave communities are often at the pre-enclave stage where there is not a broad representation of businesses for interdependency among firms to occur. these communities have sub-economies that range in their development between enclave and pre-enclave economies (butler and wilson 1988). despite the stage of development, there are protected market advantages based on ethnic loyalty that produces a captive market for labor and customers, facilitates ease of communication, encourages financial networking and creates trust in business dealings (light and rosenstein 1995). an entrepreneur may have dense strong expressive tie networks composed of immediate family, relatives, and friends who share known information. there are also extended, less dense networks, with indirect weak ties to other aggregations and individuals in distant areas of a social system where new information is available (dubini and aldrich 1991; granovetter 1973; 1983; light and rosenstein 1995). membership in non-ethnic voluntary organizations may lead to instrumental weak tie contacts and new resources; membership in ethnic voluntary organizations may lead to both instrumental tie contacts and expressive strong tie contacts. the latter is more likely to provide access to widely known resources (lin, ensel and vaughn 1981; marsden 1988; mcpherson, miller and smith-lovin,1986). 34 challenge a debate exists over when strong and weak ties offer network advantages or disadvantages. lin et al (1981) argued that since weak ties may link individuals to persons of higher social status, they could provide more and varied resources to individuals of lower social status. other researchers contend that weak ties are not as effective for persons in vulnerable positions or those of lower socioeconomic status in society (burt 1992; granovetter 1983; ibarra 1993). both burt(1992) and ibarra (1993) have pointed out the advantage of weak ties may not apply to minorities networking in non-ethnic voluntary organizations because bias may limit the instrumental value of bridging ties to other parts of the social system that are linked to more densely connected individuals in the network. other researchers found business owners who had strong tie networks with fewer diverse secondary networks had higher performing businesses than those in less dense weak tie networks with access to diverse information (larson 1990; ostgaard and bach 1996). educational attainment of an entrepreneur affects network structure. better educated entrepreneurs look outside their immediate environment to seek a broader set of network relationships from which to acquire information and resources (aldrich, reese and dubini 1989; donckels and lambrecht 1997); diversity of networks are associated with greater profitability (ostgaard 1996). blacks who have more education and higher status occupations are more likely to join voluntary organizations than their co-racialists of lower ses status (woodard 1988). in addition, the more educated are even more likely to join non-black organizations. through investing in interpersonal relationships with family and friends, a person acquires social capital (coleman 1988) that may be tapped when assistance is needed. the provision of advice and help to an individual indicates prior exchange relationships that create network resources (hofferth and iceland 1998). ethnic entrepreneurs, as do those from the majority group, acquire social capital in the employment of family members, friends and co-ethnics as paid, low paid or unpaid employees whose involvement is influenced by the degree of mutual solidarity among family and community members ( butler and greene 1997; greene and butler 1996). american entrepreneurs of chinese (zhou 1992), cuban (portes and bach 1985), korean (min 1988), pakistani/ ismaili ( greene 1997) and japanese (levine and rhodes 1981) ancestry rely on the employment of family and co-ethnics, or homophily, who make long term contributions to the development of their businesses (upton and heck 1997). the employment of relatives is often a necessity when discrimination reduces job opportunities outside the ethnic community (levine and rhodes 1981). entrepreneurs in the homophily tradition , which gives less emphasis to financial success, maybe more involved in the life and organizations of their community and are more concerned about contributing to the welfare of the community (chaganti and greene 2002). cummings (1999) shows that entrepreneurs who conducted their business outside of the black community were consistently more successful than blacks who limited their business solely to members of the black community. the customer base of entrepreneurs, in the tradition of homophily, is influenced by their decision of whether to immerse themselves primarily into their community and its organizations or to integrate into the dominant society. immersion into the culture and institutions of the ethnic community provides ethnic resources and loyalty (greene rhodes 35 1997) and the trust of co-ethnic customers based on shared experiences (fukuyama 1995). the protected market theory states that racial communities create ethnic solidarity and ethnic social networks (cummings 1999; light and rosenstein 1995) that encourages an ethnic entrepreneur to fulfill the special needs of their co-ethnic customers. in contrast dyer and ross (2000) found black entrepreneurs operating in a homophily tradition had an ambivalent attitude toward co-ethnic customers. this is because they perceived those who, on the one hand provided the benefit of ethnic loyalty and, on the other the drawback of expected preferential treatment. when upwardly mobile immigrants, as self-employed japanese, became more culturally integrated in american society they were more likely to attract white customers and to improve business performance by joining mixed ethnic organizations (woodrum, rhodes and feagan 1980). the type of business strategy employed influences the kinds of scanning behavior entrepreneurs use to make contacts. a marketing strategy that emphasizes service to the customer requires an external focus by acquiring information on customer needs (kohli and jaworski 1990; pineda, lerner, miller and phillips 1998; slater and narver 1994). the type of information sought and most frequently found come from person-toperson networking (brush 1992) through individuals affiliated with different organizations (falemo 1989). we bring this literature to bear on our modeling of homophily entrepreneurship, including fund raising, resources from governmental agencies, customer generation outside of the homophily group, and paid or non-paid employers. methods sample the respondents are black american small business owners living in texas. they were initially selected from lists of entrepreneurs recorded with the black chambers of commerce. eighty percent of the sample of 133 respondents was collected from two neighboring cities forming a total metropolitan area population of 237,132 (u.s. census bureau 2002). in city 1 the total population is 121,123, with a black population of 5,593, that represents 4.6 percent of the population of the city and 45 percent of the total black sample. in city 2, the total population is 116,009, of which the black population number is 8,101 or 7 percent. this represents 35 percent of the sample. four percent of the sample came from a city of 242,628 with a black population of 18,602 or 7.6 percent of the population of the city. the remaining 16 percent came from small rural communities of 25,000 or less, where the black population was less than 1 percent. in cities 1, 2, and 3, the black business was located primarily in areas with large black populations where most of the customers were black with a geographically adjacent hispanic population. in the rural communities of 25,000 or less, the small black population did not form a community. they were dispersed in different sections of the towns where black entrepreneurs did business with a variety of ethnic groups. the samples were drawn from numerically and proportionally small black populations that do not represent the overall percentage of the u.s. black population seen in urbanized areas and in the emerging black high tech and manufacturing industries in large cities. the businesses in the sample represent the traditional lines of retailing and personal service businesses. the demographic characteristics of the sample included 62 percent males and 36 challenge 38 percent females, marital status, 65 percent married and 35 percent single, and a mean education level of 13.7 years. instrument a self-administered survey was distributed to the respondents. the survey consisted of 80 questions that included multiple indicators of concepts ranging from family background and socialization to business ownership, organizational affiliation, and involvement. the survey also measured motivation for going into business, personality characteristics, community, and family support for business activity, prior entrepreneurial experiences of respondents, and those of family members. factors associated with successful business operation, strategies used in business and subjective perceptions of business performance were included. dependent variables there are two indicators of networking through voluntary organization membership based on the ethnicity of the organization. the first indicator reads, “do you currently belong to any organizations that are predominately composed of members who are african american?” the response categories were yes and no with 51 percent answering yes and 49 percent answering no and 9 no responses. the second indicator of networking through voluntary organizations reads, “do you currently belong to any predominately non-african american organizations? since all the non-african american organizations were white, we will hereafter refer to them as white voluntary organizations. the respondent categories were yes and no with 35 percent answering yes and 65 percent answering no and 20 no responses. independent variables statistical analyses were performed on the relationship between all the measures in the survey with the organizational affiliation measures. among the statistically significant measures used in the analysis, the following concepts and their indicators predicted variations in one or both of the dependent variables. an item that reads, “how many years of schooling have you received?” measured level of educational attainment. the response was number of years of education. one relative assistance measure reads, “do any of your relatives assist you in cooking and/or doing housework?” “yes” and “no” were the response categories. another relative assistance measure reads, “do any of your relatives work in the family business as paid employees?” the response categories were yes and no. the following three questions have response categories of much help, some help, and no help. “any help you may have received from immediate family members?” “any help you received from friends that are a member of your ethnic group?” “any help from government programs in the united states?” “thinking of your customers, in general, about what percent of your customers fit into the following groups?” the response categories are african american, caucasian, mexican american, asian, and other. “considering how long you have been in business, how successful do you think you have been so far?” the response categories are very successful, moderately successful, moderately unsuccessful, and very unsuccessful. “which best describes your business strategy, low prices, better service, better selection, better quality, better advertising, target customers, superior location, better facilities, unique service/ product?” the response categories are one for the most important, 2 for the second most important and 3 for the third most important. rhodes 37 statistical analysis the two dependent variable response categories are yes and no and are coded 0 and 1. binary dependent variables make logistic regression an appropriate type of analysis. the independent variables were measured either on a continuous scale or when dichotomized by yes or no responses were made into dummy variables. the cultural context of this study provides insight into how the race of voluntary organizational membership affects group social interaction. this study was conducted in a small to medium sized west texas towns with a black population of 7.6 percent or less where the cultural context included a strong historical business enclave that flourished during the decades of legal segregation. this business legacy, especially for middle age blacks, represents a strong community enterprise model. because of historical and current experiences, including the end of legal segregation, social networking through predominately white voluntary associations has increased. therefore, larger numbers of black entrepreneurs belong to white voluntary organizations. results we begin the analysis by examining the characteristics of entrepreneurs associated with the choice to move from homophily, or continue to flock with the familiar group. this is done in figure 1, which presents the characteristics of two conceptual models designed to describe the relationships of independent variables that are associated with the choice of the race of voluntary organizational affiliation. in model a, the dependent variable is membership in a white voluntary organization. the first characteristic shows that entrepreneurs with a higher educational level have an increased likelihood of joining a predominantly white voluntary organization than a predominantly black voluntary organization. the second characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who received help from immediate family members have an increased likelihood of joining a predominately black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. the third characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who received help from black friends have an increased likelihood of joining a white voluntary organization than a black voluntary organization. the fourth characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who received help with cooking and housework from relatives have an increased likelihood of joining a white voluntary organization than a black voluntary organization. the fifth characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who received help from government agencies have a decreased likelihood of being a member of a white voluntary organization than a black voluntary organization. the sixth characteristic shows that entrepreneurs whose relatives worked as paid employees have an increased likelihood of joining a white voluntary organization over a black voluntary organization. the seventh characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who have a higher percentage of caucasian customers have an increased likelihood of belonging to a white voluntary organization than a black voluntary organization. in model b, membership in a black voluntary organization is the dependent variable. the first characteristic shows a weaker positive association between less education and membership in a black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. the second characteristic shows that when customer service is a primary marketing strategy respondents have an increased likelihood of belong to a black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. the third characteristic shows 38 challenge that a higher percentage of black customers are associated with an increased likelihood of belonging to a black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. the fourth characteristic shows that respondents who perceived their businesses as not too successful have an increased likelihood of belonging to a black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. figure 1. characteristics associated with membership in a voluntary organization according to ethnicity model a. characteristics associated with membership in a predominately white voluntary organization 1. higher educational attainment (+) --------------------------------- 2. help from immediate family (-) ------------------------------------ 3. help from friends in ethnic group (+) ----------------------------- membership in 4. help in cooking & housework from relatives (+) ---------------- predominately 5. relatives work as paid employees (+) ----------------------------- white voluntary 6. u. s. government programs (-) ------------------------------------- organizations 7. high percentage of caucasian customers (+) --------------------- model b. characteristics associated with membership in predominately black voluntary organization 1. lower level of educational attainment (+) ----------------------- membership in 2. marketing strategy of service to customer (+) ------------------ predominately 3. high percentage of black customers (+) ------------------------ black voluntary 4. perception of business success (-) -------------------------------- organizations these early results can be grounded in the granovetter’s theory that describes how different social networking contacts are made, and the distinction between strong and weak tie strengths (granovetter 1973). he argued that social networks are composed of clusters of people who differ by two types of tie strength, weak instrumental ties, or strong expressive ties. he emphasized that weak instrumental ties are efficient only when they form low-density bridges to clusters of low intimacy acquaintances that provide access to new ideas and different information that stimulate innovation and mobility. in strong tie high density (i.e. cohesive) networks, composed of family and friends, there is ease of interaction because they are motivated to help each other with specific contributions and information that is widely known (granovetter 1973 1983). strong ties provide most of the influence, speed, and credibility of information flows and are the primary factor in decision-making; weak ties provide novel information. individuals will use the interplay of both weak and strong tie networks of unequal strength to attain results and to mediate the demands of competing political, professional, and ethnic groups for their allegiance. in a community where homophily is high, there can be structural restraints on opportunities which affect success. the racial characteristics of the voluntary organization membership and its tie strength may affect the benefits an entrepreneur receives. black americans who join a predominantly white voluntary organization are more likely to acquire weak instrumental tie networks with whites. this links them to members of rhodes 39 a social system that crosses bounded groups and social categories that can provide them with new information and resources. black entrepreneurs who remain in networks of homophily may prefer membership in black voluntary organizations. this will enable them to have a mixture of weak instrumental ties and strong expressive tie relationships, the latter from which they are more likely to acquire commonly held information. further analysis reveals interesting theoretical predictions. table 1 presents the independent variable characteristics measures associated with the dependent variable “do you currently belong to any predominantly white voluntary organizations?” the findings indicate that for each additional year of education, the respondent is 1.38 times more likely to be a member of a predominately white voluntary organization. those respondents who received help from immediate family members are only .189 times as likely (or 5.28 less likely to be a member of a predominately white voluntary organization). similarly, those who receive help from government programs are .216 times as likely (4.63 times less likely) to be a member of predominately white voluntary organizations. respondents who report they receive much help from friends who are members of their ethnic group are 4.57 times more likely to belong to predominately white voluntary organizations. respondents who indicated that they received help with cooking and/or housework from a relative are 4.11 times more likely to be members of predominately white voluntary organizations. respondents who have relatives working in the business as paid employees are 4.35 times more likely to be a member of a predominately white voluntary organization. ______________________________________________________ table 1. determinants of membership in predominantly white voluntary organizations by self-employed black americans independent variables b coef model odds ratio education .321*** 1.379 help from immediate family -1.664** .189 friends in ethnic group 1.559** 4.754 u.s. government programs -1.533* .216 received assistance in cooking and housework from relatives 1.414* 4.114 relatives work as paid employees 1.469* 4.346 percentage of white customers .014* 1.014 r2 (nagelkerke) .420 n 133 ______________________________________________________________ ***p=<.0001 **p=<.001 *p=<.05 the percentage of white customers has a positive effect on joining a predominately white organization. for each percentage increase in the proportion of white customers there is a 1.4 percent increase in the odds of the respondents being a member of a predominately white voluntary organization. this is a multiplicative term, meaning 40 challenge that 50 percent difference in the percentage equates to a 2.02 times increase in the odds (e.0141*50 = 2.02). the accuracy of the model indicates that because of disproportionate respondents in each group, we should compare our modest prediction accuracy to the maximum by-chance accuracy rate. this simple guessing should enable us to guess at least 70 percent of the group membership accurately (the size of the largest group). our model has an accuracy rate of 81.2 percent; that is an increase of approximately 16.2 percent and is much better at predicting the non-membership group (90.3 percent) than it is the membership group (60 percent). the full model has a modified r square (nagelkerke) of .420. ______________________________________________________________ table 2. determinants of membership in predominantly black voluntary organizations by self-employed african americans b coef. independent variables model odds ratio years of schooling .1374** 1.147 service .7261* 2.067 percentage of black customers .0112** 1.011 perceptions of business success -.7738** .461 r2 (nagelkerke) .169 n 133 __________________________________________________________ *p=<.1 **p=<.05 in table 2 the dependent variable, membership in predominately black voluntary organizations, is regressed on years of education, business strategy of providing service, percentage of customers who are black and perceptions of business success. fewer years of education has a significant positive effect on being a member of a predominately black organization. each year of education increases the logistic odds by 14.73 percent of belonging to a predominately black organization. this is a multiplicative term, so to compare two people, one of whom has four more years of education, we take the original coefficient from the model (.1374) and multiply it by 4, which equals .5496. to determine the odds ratio we exponentiate this value, e.5496 = 1.73. thus, a person with four additional years of education is 1.73 times more likely to be a member of a black voluntary organization. respondents who value service as a key component of their business strategy are 2.06 times as likely to be a member of a predominately black voluntary organization. for each percentage increase in the proportion of respondents who have a higher percentage of black customers, the odds of the entrepreneur being a member of a predominately black voluntary organization increases by 1.01. this is a multiplicative term meaning that a 50 percent difference in percentage of customers who are black american translates into an increase in the likelihood of 1.75 times (e (.0112*50) =1.75). perceptions of business success is coded into a dummy variable where, “if the respondents consider their business very successful” is coded 1, and coded 0 if the rhodes 41 respondent answered moderately successful, moderately unsuccessful, or very unsuccessful. missing values are also coded 0. respondents who state that they consider their business very successful are 2.17 times less likely to be a member of a predominately black voluntary organization. the by-chance accuracy rate for this model is just over 50 percent. our model has an accuracy rate of 66.92 percent, which is an increase of about 33.6 percent--a very respectable increase in accuracy. the full model has modified r square (nagelkerke) of .169. discussion and conclusion the findings show the characteristics associated with a black entrepreneur’s grounding in volunteer organizations that are characteristic of homophily or the movement away from homophily. we examined whether or not they had membership in a black or white voluntary organization and, how granovetter’s theory of strong and weak ties can apply to social and business networking in these voluntary organizations (granovetter 1985: 95) (johansson and monsted 1997) that differ by race. social capital is a group level sociological measure which in the present study shows that social resources and advice are provided for a black entrepreneur by a selfhelp network of supportive kin, peers and community subgroups (fratoe 1988). the findings show a positive association between black friends who provided help with the business and membership in white voluntary organizations. friends encouraged black entrepreneurs to expand their networks outside of the black community to further their business. relatives who worked as paid employees in a respondent’s firm are associated with an entrepreneur’s membership in a white voluntary organization. ethnic minority entrepreneurs acquire important social capital in the use of family members, friends and co-ethnics as paid, low paid or unpaid employees that furthers community mutual solidarity ( butler and greene 1997; greene and butler 1996). relatives and friends in an entrepreneur’s social support network recognized a black group’s inequality in social capital resources in comparison to other ethnic groups (fratoe 1988) and encouraged networking in a white voluntary organization. lin et al (1990) observed that a segment of black entrepreneurs who wished to achieve social mobility outside the black social structure joined white voluntary organizations to acquire contacts that could provide them with new opportunities. in contrast, help and advice from immediate family members is associated with an entrepreneur’s affiliation with a predominately black voluntary organization. immediate family members may encourage offspring to join strong expressive-tie high density black voluntary organization networks where connections between co ethnics provides ease of access to information and opportunities, and to avoid possible rejection and discrimination that may occur with membership in white voluntary organizations. a positive association existed between increased education and membership in white voluntary organizations. better educated black entrepreneurs have a wider network, which allows them to rely less on the information and resources only from of co-racialists in black voluntary organizations. some post-secondary education and increased public school integration has led to greater interaction with whites, which by definition lead to increase racial interaction. . better educated black entrepreneurs use instrumental weak tie connections through membership in white voluntary organi42 challenge zations because they are more efficient in acquiring bridges to new contacts and new information outside the black community. lower educational levels have an association with membership in black voluntary organizations. less educated blacks may not have interacted with whites in post secondary educational institutions and would feel more comfortable in black voluntary organizations where expressive strong ties and instrumental weak ties provided access to information to assist in serving customers in the ethnic community. the mean educational level of respondents is 13.7 years. the lack of college degrees among the respondents suggests persons with higher educational levels are likely to leave a small, limited resource, black community for large metropolitan areas where there are greater opportunities in emerging high-capitalized black information technology and manufacturing businesses (bates 1993;1997). the findings showed black entrepreneurs who had received help from the u.s. government were less likely to belong to white voluntary organizations. black entrepreneurs who turned to government agencies for help did not feel it was necessary to network in white voluntary organizations for new opportunities. since there was no significant association between receiving help from the government and membership in black voluntary organizations, this suggests that assistance from the government reduced the need to network in voluntary organization whether white or black. while we did not ask on the survey what type of government aid was given, the researchers observed that the government gave technical advice, but provided few financial loans. in small black communities with traditionally underfinanced retail and personal service businesses the government was often hesitant to provide loans because of high failure rates (bates 1993). blacks who reported their businesses were unsuccessful were more likely to have membership in predominantly black voluntary organizations than white voluntary organizations. most respondents were reluctant to provide financial information on their survey. a reviewer may dismiss self-reports of success without supporting annual sales and financial returns; however, no consensus exists over whether objective measures are sufficient to define business performance (murphy, trailer and hill 1996). some researchers contend that subjective evaluations do not differ much from much from objective measures (venkatraman and ramanujam 1986) and they remove response bias due to participants not answering sensitive financial questions (besser 1999). among the objective definitions are staying in business (van de ven, hudson and schroeder 1984; reid 1991) the amount of sales and financial returns (duchesneau and gartner 1990; kalleberg and leicht 1991; tigges and green 1994) and the introduction of new and quality products (venkatraman and ramanujam 1986). objective financial measures are criticized because small business owners may be unwilling to reveal accurate and specific information related to their financial condition and they do not always equate financial performance with business success (kotey and meredith 1997). subjective views of success include personality characteristics and managerial skills (ibrahim and goodman 1986), an internal focus and belief that one has control over business results (brockhaus 1980) and the personal satisfaction of owning a business (solymossy 1997) irrespective of financial returns (cooper and artz 1995). the respondents in the present study operated small, under-financed, traditional personal service and retail businesses located primarily in small black communities rhodes 43 including some mixed racial areas with a clientele of moderate socioeconomic status. respondents had a limited opportunity to grow and improve business performance. under these conditions objective measures of financial success are less important than subjective perceptions (bates 1993). black entrepreneurs whose marketing strategy was to provide personal service to customers are more likely to belong to black voluntary organizations. membership in a co-racial organization provided greater ease of communication and trust across a wide range of strong and weak tie networks that could contribute to customer loyalty and a statement of ethnic communal solidarity. since small black business owners and members of black voluntary organizations had many shared cultural experiences, they could identify with and through personalized service satisfy their particular needs. no significant relationship exists between one particular marketing strategy and membership in a white voluntary organization. it may be a black entrepreneur will satisfy white customer needs through a variety of marketing strategies with not one standing out as important. when black entrepreneurs have a large percentage of white customers, they are more likely to join predominantly white voluntary organizations. in this environment they can make instrumental weak tie contacts to more distant parts of the social system to acquire new information, new resources and attract more customers by learning of the needs of their white customers. a drawback is that interaction in white voluntary organizations may put constraints on ease of interaction leading to superficial and less dense expressive relationships. black entrepreneurs who have a high percentage of black customers are more likely to join black voluntary organizations where they have both expressive strong tie and instrumental weak tie relationships that produce information and resources widely known in a small black community. the future of black business growth is for entrepreneurs to enter the emerging markets. however, there is still a role for small traditional black businesses. boyd (1990) has pointed out that the presence of traditional small undercapitalized business in communities where blacks represent a small proportion of the population has important non-economic value because they act as role models for youth and aspirant entrepreneurs and support the value of work. wilson (1987) viewed traditional black business as moderating the impact of economic down turns by supporting customary norms and reducing the psychological impact of separation from the larger society. this study has shown that a large number of black small business owners have membership in white voluntary organizations, a situation that would have been unheard of in the recent memory of older respondents. formerly, whites could do business within the black community while blacks were restricted to the black community. since a number of respondents had a large percentage of white customers this would suggest there is some degree of social and economic racial integration in the communities studied. this is not to deny that when engaging in traditional black business enterprises, institutional discrimination continues to limit black business development in comparison to other ethnic groups (butler and wilson 1988; butler 1991; woodard 1988; 1997). 44 challenge implications for further research scholarship has recognized a need to conduct further research on the prospective dimension of membership in a voluntary organization and entrepreneurial networking; where a researcher would actually follow an entrepreneur in their acquisition and use of contacts; and how these contacts would affect the kind of resources acquired (beggs and hurlbert 1997). of course, variation by homophily groups would also be 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hiv-infected african american men aged 21 to 60, a survey was administered to assess: socio-demographic indicators, health care utilization patterns, stigma, and self-efficacy relative to perceived attitudes toward their hiv healthcare providers (ahhcp). fifty-seven percent reported not seeking health care when needed and 51 percent reported having missed appointments. results revealed correlations between time spent by healthcare provider (hcp), ability to access care, lack of hcp commitment, and denial of care. self-efficacy was correlated to the total ahhcp score and its subscales. this study provides important contextual perspectives on healthcare utilization barriers among hiv-infected african men in an urban setting. to reduce access barriers for hiv-infected patients, health care providers must understand better the patients’ perspectives on the difficulties of accessing care and navigating the healthcare system. introduction current hiv/aids regimens encompass an array of complex treatment and processes that involve frequent interactions between the patient and the healthcare delivery system. therefore, the relationship between healthcare providers and the hiv/ aids patient is important to consider at both the personal and structural systems level. a visit to a primary healthcare setting by individuals living with hiv/aids provides an opportunity to address concerns openly about the hiv disease creating a working and trusting relationship with the hiv-infected patient. patient contentment with healthcare is an important element of quality healthcare. many healthcare managers are eager to learn how their staff members are interacting with patients at the point of healthcare delivery with the physician and nurse in the examination room, and with other staff and non-medical personnel while healthcare is being administered. patients’ attitudes towards their healthcare provider influence hivinfected individuals embrace self-management strategies and become proactive in their own care. this study advances previous work in the area of personal and structural barriers to healthcare service utilization among hiv-infected african american males in an urban setting--a subpopulation that experiences a disproportionate rate of hiv/aids cases and burden in the u.s. buseh 1 please address all correspondence to aaron g. buseh: aaronbg@uwm.edu challenges to healthcare delivery systems there is compelling evidence that racial and ethnic minorities experience increasing disparities in the morbidity and mortality rates of diseases and poorer health outcomes compared with their white counterparts (mead, cartwright-smith, jones, et al. 2008). multiple complex factors contributing to differences in health outcomes are reported in literature. these factors are embedded in a healthcare system that is primarily based on market justice principles that negate the existence of inequalities and various levels of vulnerabilities among racial/ethnic groups. minorities are in poorer health, experience substantial obstacles to receiving care, are more likely to be uninsured, and are at greater risk of receiving care of poor quality than other americans (mead, cartwrightsmith, jones, et al. 2008). access to healthcare services has been identified as the link between the healthcare system and population that the system serves (ahrq 2009; thiede, akweongo, and mcintyre 2007). within organizational analysis of the healthcare delivery system, the concept of utilization suggests that confirmation of access to healthcare services has been achieved by the patient (shi and singh 2008). the volume and type of services, ease of accessibility, cost, patient perceptions, the patient interaction with their healthcare providers and acceptability of services are all indicators having bearing on access and utilization of services (mcintyre, thiede, and birch 2009). while the availability of insurance is critical for entry into the u.s. healthcare system, having insurance is not the panacea to obtaining optimal quality care. other systems and/or structural challenges must be considered including the concepts of “acceptability” and “accommodation” (marcinowicz, konstantynowicz and chlabicz 2008). the concept of “acceptability” represents the relationship between the client’s attitudes about providers and providers’ attitudes about acceptable client characteristics (e.g. perceptions of competence of care, previous family experiences, language, and providers’ ability to deliver culturally sensitive and appropriate care) (marcinowicz, et al. 2008). there are limited studies elucidating the concept of “acceptability” in healthcare. acceptability is an important concept that influences outcomes such as utilization patterns and contentment with care, and cost-effectiveness in specific settings (marcinowicz, et al. 2008). accommodation is part of the quality of healthcare dimension from a systems perspective. accommodation refers to the relationship between how services are organized (e.g., hours of operation, appointment systems) and the client’s ability to be accommodated to these factors (kullgren, and mclaughlin 2010; shi, and singh 2008). for many individuals who are living with hiv/aids, convenience of the services will decrease barriers to utilizing healthcare services. gaining an understanding of the factors that facilitate or hinder hiv-infected african men from fully utilizing healthcare services even when covered by healthcare insurance is essential to maximize care. research identifying and describing the experiences and perceptions of hiv-positive african american men regarding healthcare utilization has implications for designing interventions that empower these men and enhance their quality of life. patient attitudes, satisfaction and acceptability of healthcare services the acceptability of health services is an essential barrier to overcome in healthcare. it is defined as the communal and cultural detachment between healthcare 2 challenge systems and their users (goudge, gilson, russell, et al. 2009; hausmann-muela, muela, and nyamongo 2003; marcinowicz, et al. 2008). in the case of hiv/aids, this detachment could result in failure to make an accurate diagnosis or non-compliance if an explanation is given that is not understood about one’s condition. avedis donabedian a health systems expert, in describing the elements of the concept of acceptability, stresses the following facets: the patient-provider relationship, the amenities of care, patients’ preferences regarding the effects, risks and cost of care and what patients consider to be fair and equitable (donabedian 2003). for many, living with hiv/aids requires frequent visits into the healthcare delivery system and interaction with diverse members of the health care team. patient’s perceptions and attitudes towards health care can be operationalized as the determinants, system and consequences of belief, values and action (groudge et al. 2009). effective management and high-quality care for hiv-infected patients is characterized by productive interaction between health care team and patients, and the complexities of treatment for hiv and co-morbid conditions. poor provider-patient interaction may lead to inadequate understanding of illness, inappropriate treatment actions, ‘provider shopping,’ and at times breakdown in cooperation, with patient ‘giving up’ on the health care system (goudge, et al. 2009). to establish continuity of care, healthcare providers should embrace strategies in which they interact personally with patients. such interactions involve mutual respect, concern, friendliness, courtesy, reasonable waiting times, and ease of reaching the provider when care is deemed necessary by the client (ahrq 2009). while many healthcare providers may perceive scientific and technical aspects of care as the basis of delivering high quality care, patients are heavily influenced by a healthcare provider interpersonal behavior (napoles, gregorich, santoyo-olsson, et al 2009). for people who are living with a stigmatizing condition such as hiv/aids, empathy is an important part of their plan of care. comfort, empathy, and the experience of the doctor are recognized as important components of the doctor-patient relationships which could enhance patient contentment with healthcare received (napoles, et al. 2009). seeking compassion, comfort and encouragement in the patient-healthcare provider relationship are coping mechanisms utilized by patients suffering from chronic diseases such as cancer, diabetes, heart diseases, and hiv/aids (wagner et al. 2001). to date, evidence-based research suggest that greater contentment with a healthcare provider is related to higher levels of adherence to prescribed hiv medication and treatment regimens (russell, krantz, and neville 2004). in a study examining attitudes toward healthcare providers and appointment attendance in hiv/aids patients, bodenlos et al., 2007) found that attitudes toward healthcare providers, social support, and medication status were associated with appointment attendance. in the u.s., healthcare delivery is fragmented and market driven allowing for limited physician time with patients during a visit to the healthcare setting. in an effort to promote self-care management and behavioral changes integral to the maintenance of therapeutic regimens for hiv-infected individuals, it is crucial to employ methods to engage in positive patient-practitioner interactions with the goal of enhancing positive attitudes toward healthcare providers. interactions are more likely to be fruitful if patients are proactive, knowledgeable about their condition and able to conbuseh 3 verse about their own care strategies (wagner et al 2001). it is important to explore and examine the perceptions and attitudes of hiv-infected african american men towards their healthcare providers and determine how such attitudes affect their care or treatment outcomes. stigma, self-efficacy and perceptions of care in healthcare settings individuals who are hiv infected and/or living with aids face an array of stigmatizing and prejudicial behaviors in almost every aspect of their lives including their place of employment, healthcare settings, insurance company interactions, educational institutions, and place of residence (buseh, kelber, stevens, and park 2008; neal, lichtenstein, and brodsky 2010). although nurses and doctors take oaths and pledge to care for everyone, professionals may have prejudicial attitudes which inadvertently percolate into how they plan and deliver care to diverse groups. african american men have reported facing triple discriminating behaviors from the public and healthcare providers due to their race, sexual orientation and hiv sero-positive status (buseh, stevens, mcmanus, et al 2006). stigmas can also potentially affect hiv medication compliance among african americans. in focus groups conducted with black men who have sex with men (msm) in new york, participants were asked to detail their experiences with medical institutions and providers (galvan, davis, banks, and bing 2008). according to galvan and colleagues, in addition to their accounts of blatant racial and sexual orientation bigotry experienced, they also spoke of specific institutional barriers to healthcare. the social stigma associated with going to a certain clinic known for hiv care, long waiting times before one can see providers, problems with patient confidentiality and the uncongenial approach of healthcare staff were all factors influencing their decreased frequency of accessing healthcare services (galvan et al. 2008). stigma has increasingly been suggested as a phenomenon to address in efforts to reduce the spread of hiv/aids while educating people about the importance of seeking early treatment (auerbach and beckerman 2010). because people who are living with hiv/aids experience disease-related stigma in almost all aspects of their lives, an array of strategies must be incorporated when evaluating the attitudes of clients in an hiv healthcare setting (bodenlos et al. 2004). some patients may be sensitive based on previous stigmatizing experiences in other encounters; they may interpret their interactions with the healthcare provider based on their experiences associated with this stigma. stigma may also prevent hiv-infected individuals from absorbing, accepting or disclosing their diagnosis (derlega, winstead, gamble, et al. 2010). it may prevent clear communication between healthcare providers and their patients especially in cases where the provider lacks the skill or feels inadequately trained to discuss the diagnosis or treatment modalities (chaudoir and fisher 2010). self-efficacy refers to one’s belief in his or her capacity to adapt and carry out difficult behaviors that are prerequisite to cope with abnormal situations along the human functioning continuum (bandura 1977; schwarzer and born 1997). self-efficacy reflects one’s own confidence in their ability to set goals, invest efforts, maintain persistence and resilience, while overcoming setbacks to achieve control over behavior and social environment (schwarzer and born 1997). hiv-infected people cope with daily hassles as well as experiences of stressful changes in factors influencing quality of their 4 challenge lives including physiological and psychological changes. researchers have demonstrated that self-efficacy plays a substantial role in an array of life events spanning public health behavioral outcomes (nordfjaern, hole, and rundmo 2010). an understanding of the relationship between self-efficacy and provider-patient relationships has the potential to inform interventions thus improving quality of life among people living with hiv/aids. purpose the goal of this study is to advance knowledge in the area of personal and structural barriers to healthcare service utilization among hiv-infected african american males in an urban setting. specific aims were to: (a) identify and describe healthcare utilization patterns and barriers to healthcare relative to their perceived attitudes toward their health care provider; (b) describe the interpersonal and attitudinal factors that characterize perceived attitudes toward healthcare providers; and (c) analyze relationships among selected participant factors and situational variables relative to attitudes towards healthcare providers. methods this study uses a cross sectional, correlational descriptive design to explore and examine selected personal and structural barriers to healthcare service utilization among hiv-infected african american males in an urban setting. sample participants were recruited through collaboration with a local communitybased organization (cbo) devoted to the health and social wellbeing of african americans. participants comprised a convenience sample (n = 117) of african american adult males from a large midwestern city who self-identified as having been diagnosed with hiv infection. a snowball sampling approach was also used to recruit interested participants. the mean age of participants was 42.62 years (sd = 8.25; range 21 to 60 years). approximately half of the participants received the diagnosis of hiv ten or more years ago from time of the interview. an additional 28 percent had been diagnosed for 5-10 years (m=13.17 years, sd=7.63). almost one quarter of the men in the sample (22.6 percent) had not graduated from high school; 27 percent were high school graduates; thirty-eight percent reported some college education, and 12 percent were college graduates. over half (68.5 percent) was not in the workforce at the time of the study; the median annual income category was $5,000$9,000 with 38 percent reporting an annual income of less than $5,000. three quarters of the participants received supplemental security income (ssi) or social security for disability (ssd). over half (57.3 percent) identified their sexual orientation as bisexual or homosexual; 82 percent were single. in relation to disease progression, 36.6 percent described their condition as asymptomatic hiv, 45.5 percent as symptomatic hiv, and 17.9 percent as having full blown aids. sixty percent reported currently taking antiretroviral medications. forty-two percent indicated using illicit drugs in the last 6 months. almost all (94.8 percent) received health insurance through a government program. fifty-seven percent reported not being able to obtain healthcare when it was needed. procedures a community-based organization (cbo) advertised the project, which alerted buseh 5 prospective participants. interested volunteers initiated contact with the investigator to inquire about the study and scheduled an interview time and place that was mutually convenient. the study questionnaire administered by the investigators and took approximately one hour to complete. participants were provided a modest incentive for their time and effort, a $30 gift card. the university institutional review board committee approved all procedures, and all participants provided informed consent prior to data collection. instruments and measures the instruments used in this study have been previously tested, used in african american populations and shown to have adequate reliability. socio-demographic characteristics. relationships of individual level variables associated with the construct “attitudes toward hiv health care providers” were examined. to provide a description of the sample, participants were asked their age, education, employment, income, sexual orientation, marital status, insurance, years since hiv diagnosis, disease progression self-rated as (asymptomatic, symptomatic, or full-blown aids) and if they are currently taking antiretroviral medications. healthcare utilization. questions representing the variable healthcare utilization were developed by the university of california los angeles center for hiv identification, prevention and treatment services (ucla 2009). health care utilization was operationalized as the response to five distinct questions assessing if: (1) the participant has a usual source of routine primary care (i.e., clinic) where they seek care; (2) they receive the necessary health care; (3) they have ever been refused medical treatment; (4) they feel their doctor or health care provider should be more strongly committed to the treatment of hiv/aids; and (5) their health care provider devotes enough time to their treatment. these questions do not represent a scale as shown with the other concepts. stigma. the degree of stigma experienced by participants was assessed using the hiv stigma scale (sowell et al. 1997). in response to 13 questions, participants were asked to indicate how often they experienced thoughts and feelings of being stigmatized or put in jeopardy because of their illness. using a 4 point likert-type scale with (1 = not at all to 4 = often) a total score, representing a single hiv stigma construct, was calculated by computing the sum of the 13 items; the possible range of scores was 13 to 52, with higher scores indicating increased stigma. in this study, stigma scores ranged from 13 to 49 (m = 26.84 sd = 8.90). the cronbach’s alpha for the overall hiv stigma scale in this study was 0.89. general self efficacy scale (gse). general self-efficacy is understood as personal competence to deal efficiently with stressful and difficult situations. the general self-efficacy scale, designed for the general adult population (schwarzer and jerusalem 1995) uses a 4 point likert-type scale with (1 = not at all true to 4 = exactly true). a possible range of scores for the sum of the 10 items ranged from 10 to 40 with higher scores indicating a higher level of self-efficacy. in this sample the mean=27.56 (sd=7.36) with a cronbach’s alpha of 0.93. attitudes toward hiv healthcare providers. the attitudes toward hiv health care providers (ahhcp) instrument is a 19-item scale that assesses patient’s attitudes toward their health care providers. this scale examines perceived attitudes of patients towards their health care provider, considering factors such as the relationships, interaction dur6 challenge ing visits, and stigma experienced during a healthcare visit (bodenlos et al. 2004). individual items from the questionnaire were scored using a six-point likert-style rating system (ranging from 1 = strongly disagree to 6 = strongly agree). items on the scale were both positively and negatively worded, with higher scores indicative a more positive attitude toward the hiv health care provider. the ahhcp instrument provides two subscales: professionalism and emotional support. the chronbach’s alpha for the overall scale in this sample was .95 and the subscales of professionalism and emotional support yielded an internal consistency of .89 and .91 respectively. data management and analysis all data were coded, entered, verified, and analyzed using spss version 18.1 for windows®. means, standard deviations, and frequency distributions were used to describe the participants’ socio-demographic and contextual characteristics. item analysis was performed using frequency distributions and means. to examine the relationship between individual (social demographic) characteristics, health care utilization, stigma, and self-efficacy, and attitudes toward hiv health care providers, a series of analysis were executed. bivariate correlations were computed to examine the relationships between all of the measures and attitudes toward hiv health care providers total score, and the subscales of professionalism and emotional support. a hierarchical linear regression was performed to assess the relationship of measures of health care utilization, stigma and self efficacy in explaining attitudes toward hiv health care providers controlling for the individual characteristics of age, income, and disease progression, length of time since diagnosis, taking antiretroviral medication, self efficacy and stigma. insurance source, education, employment, sexual orientation, and marital status were excluded from the regression models due to the homogeneity of the sample. results healthcare and healthcare utilization patterns participant responded to a series of questions regarding their healthcare utilization and patterns. sixty-seven (57.3 percent) of the participants indicated they did not seek health care when needed. the reasons given most frequently for not seeking healthcare when needed included: feeling they were too sick to go in; not being sick enough to seek health care; difficulty in getting an appointment; health care cost too much; and inconvenient hours (table 1). sixty (51 percent) of the respondents indicated that they have missed at least one appointment with their hiv healthcare provider. the reasons most frequently given were they forgot their appointment (75 percent); could not get an appointment (35 percent) and did not have transportation (32 percent). participants were asked about their usual source of care when they have a health problem (i.e. physician practice, clinic, emergency room). sixty-two (53 percent) of the participants indicated multiple sites; 55 (47 percent) indicated only one source. for comparison, data were clustered into two groups, those with one usual source of healthcare provider and those with multiple providers. three reasons for not seeking healthcare that revealed differences between these two groups are: (a) participant having one usual source of provider perceived that they are receiving the best available healthcare (m=5.18, sd=1.44) scoring significantly higher than those with multiple providers with a m=4.48 (sd=1.72, t=2.27 df =108 p =.025); (b) participants with one provider scored significantly higher in their perception that their medical team does not buseh 7 judge them (m=5.04, sd=1.68) as compared to those with multiple providers (m=4.21, sd=1.81,t=2.53, df=114 p =.013); (c) additionally, participants with one provider scored significantly higher in their belief that their team knows about new hiv treatments (m=5.52 sd=.93, n=54) than those with multiple providers (m=5.10, sd =1.29), t =2.00 df =115 p =.048). mental health is a major challenge facing people living with hiv/aids. approximately three quarters (n = 89) of the african american men in this study reported seeking help from a psychiatrist, psychologist or social worker. participants were asked why they had received help and were instructed to indicate all of the reasons that applied. among those 89 participants seeking mental healthcare, the most prevalent reasons were depression (80 percent), anxiety (67 percent), relationship problems (52 percent), drug/alcohol abuse (46 percent), and suicidal ideation attempt (30 percent). interpersonal and attitudinal factors that characterizes perceived attitudes towards hiv healthcare providers the use of antiretroviral is essential in enhancing the quality of life of those that are hiv infected. persons who are taking antiretroviral need consistent monitoring and interaction with their healthcare provider. seventy (60 percent) of the participants reported currently taking antiretroviral drugs. a two way manova was computed to examine the association of taking antiretroviral medication and the number of healthcare providers (single vs. multiple providers) with the two sub-scales of attitudes towards healthcare providers; professionalism and emotional support. there was a significant interaction effect between the number of providers and use of antiretroviral medication (f (2,112) =5.47 p =0.005), therefore the data were stratified by antiretroviral use for further analysis. for those not taking antiretroviral medication, there was a significant difference between the groups of single versus multiple providers (f (2, 44) =8.098, p =.001) concerning their attitude toward healthcare providers. participants with only one source of healthcare provider scored significantly higher in the both of the ahhcp subscales; emotional support (f (1, 45) =13.85 p < 0.0005; partial ή²=0.245), and professionalism (f (1, 45) =14.57 p < 0.0005; partial ή²=0.263) compared to those who receive care at multiple sites. for the participants taking antiretroviral medication, there was no difference between the groups (f (2, 67) =0.016, p =.580, partial ή²=0.016). 8 challenge participants were asked if they feel that they can access their healthcare provider whenever needed. fifty (43 percent) of the participants indicated that they feel that they can always see a healthcare provider when they need to. these 50 participants scored significantly higher than those who feel they can only see a hcp sometimes or not at all in their attitude toward healthcare provider total score as well as the subscales of professionalism and emotional support. relationships among selected demographic and healthcare utilization factors pearson’s correlations were computed in order to examine the association of demographic characteristics and healthcare utilization variables with the total attitude 15 scored significantly higher in the both of the ahhcp subscales; emotional support (f (1, 45) =13.85 p < 0.0005; partial �²=0.245), and professionalism (f (1, 45) =14.57 p < 0.0005; partial �²=0.263) compared to those who receive care at multiple sites. for the participants taking antiretroviral medication, there was no difference between the groups (f (2, 67) =0.016, p =.580, partial �²=0.016). table 1: patterns and barriers to health care utilization among hiv-infected african american men reasons for not getting health care (n=67) n percent reasons for missing appointment (n=60) n percent i was too sick to go in 21 31 forgot about appointment 45 75 i was not sick enough to bother 19 28 t can get another appointment 21 35 too difficult to get an appointment 19 28 did not have transportation 19 32 it cost too much 18 27 too busy to go 17 28 inconvenient office hours 16 24 too sick to go in 16 27 i was afraid to go 13 19 too hard to get there 12 20 i didn't think it would help 12 18 will stay sick anyway 11 18 i did not care enough 9 13 couldn't afford to go 10 17 i did not feel respected 8 12 had to make money 10 17 i needed to get high 7 10 embarrassed to go to hiv clinic 8 13 other reasons 3 4 afraid to go 7 12 didn't want others to know 6 10 didn't think it was necessary 6 10 didn't think a doctor could help 4 7 your privacy will be violated 4 7 figured doctor would not care 3 5 had more fun things to do 2 3 being with friends is more important 2 3 16 participants were asked if they feel that they can access their healthcare provider whenever needed. fifty (43 percent) of the participants indicated that they feel that they can always see a healthcare provider when they need to. these 50 participants scored significantly higher than those who feel they can only see a hcp sometimes or not at all in their attitude toward healthcare provider total score as well as the subscales of professionalism and emotional support. table 2: attitudes toward hiv health care providers (ahhcp) based on perception of being able to see a health care provider when needed cannot always see a hcp (n=67) can always see a hcp (n=50) mean (sd) mean (sd) t (p) df=115 professionalism 4.91 (0.97) 5.45 (0.92) 3.04 (0.003) emotional support 4.77 (1.00) 5.46 (0.99) 3.69 (<0.0005) attitude toward health care providers (total scale) 4.83 (0.96) 5.45 (0.94) 3.53 (0.001) relationships among selected demographic and healthcare utilization factors pearson’s correlations were computed in order to examine the association of demographic characteristics and healthcare utilization variables with the total attitude toward hiv healthcare providers scale and the subscales of professionalism and emotional support. there were no significant correlations between the socio-demographic variables and the ahhcp total scale. the measures of healthcare utilization were all significantly correlated to the ahhcp total scale. indicators that were positively correlated to the ahhcp were (a) having a usual source of routine primary care (b) being able to access care when needed, and (c) having a hcp who spends enough time with them. the strongest positive correlations were between the hcp buseh 9 toward hiv healthcare providers scale and the subscales of professionalism and emotional support. there were no significant correlations between the socio-demographic variables and the ahhcp total scale. the measures of healthcare utilization were all significantly correlated to the ahhcp total scale. indicators that were positively correlated to the ahhcp were (a) having a usual source of routine primary care (b) being able to access care when needed, and (c) having a hcp who spends enough time with them. the strongest positive correlations were between the hcp spending enough time with both of the subscales emotional support (r =.380, p <.01), and professionalism (r=.337, p <.01) as well as the total ahhcp scale (r=.372, p <.01), followed by the ability to access care when needed with emotional support (r =.312, p<.01), professionalism (r=.217, p <.01) and the total scale (r=.303, p <.01). participants perceiving lack of health care provider commitment and having been denied care when needed were negatively correlated to the total attitude toward hiv healthcare providers scale and the subscales of professionalism and emotional support. self-efficacy was significantly correlated to the ahhcp total score and the subscale of emotional support. stigma was not correlated with the total ahhcp scale and the two subscales of professionalism and emotional support. participant and situational factors to examine the contribution of healthcare utilization, stigma and self-efficacy to the total attitude toward hiv healthcare providers scale adjusted for socio-demographic variables, hierarchical multiple regressions was performed. in the first step the socio-demographic characteristics of age, length of time since diagnosis, income, years of education and taking antiretroviral medication were entered as control variables and explained 10.2 percent of the variance with taking antiretroviral medications a significant factor. the health care utilization variables explained another 28.0 percent of the variance with usual source of routine primary care, perceived lack of md commitment, denied medi17 spending enough time with both of the subscales emotional support (r =.380, p <.01), and professionalism (r=.337, p <.01) as well as the total ahhcp scale (r=.372, p <.01), followed by the ability to access care when needed with emotional support (r =.312, p<.01), professionalism (r=.217, p <.01) and the total scale (r=.303, p <.01). participants perceiving lack of health care provider commitment and having been denied care when needed were negatively correlated to the total attitude toward hiv healthcare providers scale and the subscales of professionalism and emotional support. self-efficacy was significantly correlated to the ahhcp total score and the subscale of emotional support. stigma was not correlated with the total ahhcp scale and the two subscales of professionalism and emotional support. table 3: correlations of relationships between selected socio-demographic variables, health care utilization, stigma, self efficacy and attitudes toward hiv health care provider (n= 117) variables/characteristics total scale professionalism sub-scale emotional support subscale current age -.057 -.120 -.014 length of time since diagnosis -.120 -.158 -.089 self rated clinical stage of disease .048 .046 .046 income .140 .132 .141 years of education .126 .125 .121 taking antiretroviral medications .096 .101 .087 usual source of routine primary care .263** .282** .241** perceived lack of md commitment -.344** .297** -.361** denied medical treatment -.224* -.193* -.239** can access care when needed .303** .271** .312** hcp spends enough time with you .372** .337** .380** stigma -.159 -.157 -.155 general perceived self efficacy .188* .171 .191* note: *p<0.05 **p<0.01 10 challenge cal treatment and the physician spending enough time being statistically significant. stigma explained 0.7 percent and finally self-efficacy explained another 3.4 percent. the model explained 42.2 percent of the variance in the total attitudes towards healthcare provider. discussion hiv-infected urban african american men’s attitudes toward their health care providers does it matter? yes, hiv/aids patients must be able to see the art of ‘humanism’ when interacting with their healthcare providers. healthcare providers have been criticized for not treating their clients holistically; rather, providing healthcare that focus almost exclusively on the technological aspects of care (shaw, ibrahim, reid, ussher, and rowlands 2010). the growing awareness of the concern for physicians and nurses to practice with empathy has led to emphasis on holistic healthcare delivery. this stresses the need for education and training of healthcare providers in the care of the total human being including addressing issues of health literacy (smith, dixon, trevena, et al. 2009). from our study, a number of interpersonalattitudinal factors emerged that were associated with the participants healthcare utilization patterns and perceptions toward healthcare providers. these factors have implications for hiv healthcare providers. participants reported several personal and structural reasons for not seeking health care: too sick to go for care, not sick enough to bother going in, too difficult to get an appointment, and inconvenient office hours. while it may be somewhat difficult to address all the personal challenges of these participants, factors related to scheduling appointments, costs of care, office hours and patients feeling respected within the healthcare setting can be addressed. patient perceptions of need included perceived difficulties or 18 participant and situational factors to examine the contribution of healthcare utilization, stigma and self-efficacy to the total attitude toward hiv healthcare providers scale adjusted for socio-demographic variables, hierarchical multiple regressions was performed. in the first step the socio-demographic characteristics of age, length of time since diagnosis, income, years of education and taking antiretroviral medication were entered as control variables and explained 10.2 percent of the variance with taking antiretroviral medications a significant factor. table 4: summary of hierarchical regression for variables predicting attitudes toward hiv health care provider: adjusted for socio-demographic characteristics (n = 117) attitudes towards hiv health care provider—total scale measures and variables ∆r² � step 1 socio-demographic variables .102 current age -.093 length of time since diagnosis -.143 self rated clinical stage of disease .139 income .091 years of education .009 taking antiretroviral medications .291* step 2 health care utilization variables .280 usual source of routine primary care .247** perceived lack of md commitment -.175* denied medical treatment -.195* can access care when needed .128 md spends enough time .210* step 3 .007 stigma -.050 step 4 .034 self efficacy .198* r²=.422 f(13,94)=5.28 p<.0001 the health care utilization variables explained another 28.0 percent of the variance with usual source of routine primary care, perceived lack of md commitment, denied medical treatment and buseh 11 delays in obtaining care and problems getting care as soon as it is deemed necessary. although patients may not always be able to evaluate their own need for care, tribulations and challenges obtaining care when patients perceived that they are ill or injured plausibly reflect considerable barriers to care (ahrq 2009). over half of the participants reported missing appointments with their healthcare provider. prominent among these reasons were: forgot appointment, did not have transportation, too busy to go, could not afford to get care, embarrassed to go to an hiv clinic, and did not want others to know. many of these factors are amendable by system changes. the most frequent reason given by the participants for missing appointments was “forgetting their appointment.” this area could be addressed by having personnel place a reminder telephone call to patients 24-48 hours before their scheduled appointment emphasizing the need for the patient to keep his appointment. alternately, an automated phone system could be established in healthcare settings that automatically sends an appointment reminder to patients. providing transportation is another area that can be addressed to decrease missed appointments. in a study that examined attitudes towards health care providers relative to appointment attendance, investigators found that tangible support (transportation) facilitated appointment attendance (bodenlos, et al. 2007). the impact of taking antiretroviral medication emerged as a noteworthy factor in this study. taking medications contributed positively to the total ahhcp in the regression analyses. participants who were taking antiretroviral medications may have been spending more time with their healthcare providers and thus, may have developed a rapport with these providers. future studies with hiv-infected african american men should include “adherence” to evaluate the influence of attitude towards health care providers in adhering to their medication and treatment regimens. bodenlos and colleagues (2007) found that patients being prescribed haart medications were more likely to have better appointment attendance. participants in this study who were taking antiretroviral medication reported comfort with both single and multiple providers unlike those not on medications who preferred single providers. having a usual source of routine care and having a hcp who spends adequate time with the participants contributed to a more positive attitude toward the total ahhcp scale. the challenges of healthcare access noted in this subpopulation are not unique to the participants in this study. along with the millions of people in the u.s. that lack health care insurance, many americans also lack a usual source of care. people with a usual source of care are reported to experience enhanced health outcomes and reduced disparities (ahrq 2009). the 2009 national health care disparities report written by the agency for health care research and quality reported that people with a primary healthcare home are less costly to the healthcare system than those individuals who do not have a regular site for their healthcare (ahrq 2009). having a usual source of primary care provider is also associated with greater trust and confidence in a person’s healthcare provider and good patient-provider communication (ahrq 2009). trust also plays a central role in all medical relationships and is an important contributor to optimistic beneficial outcomes (musa, schulz, harris, et al. 2009). from patient-centered care, the doctor-patient relationship changed to a costumer-supplier of services, as is the case in other fields of the consumer society 12 challenge (siebzehner, balik, and matalon, 2008.). a primary care home provides a milieu in which the same provider can learn in-depth about the patient diverse health care needs over time and appropriately coordinate services with secondary care levels (specialists) to better meet the patient needs (glazier, and redelmeier 2010). finally, having a primary healthcare home is purported to be associated with receipt of continuity of superior quality health care and management of chronic diseases (hennessey, suter, and harrison 2010). the need for appreciating patient satisfaction with health care and attitudinal factors that influence healthcare outcomes including adherence and quality of life among hiv-infected individuals is even more crucial amidst the call for current u.s. healthcare reforms. for many individuals with hiv/aids, comfort, empathy, and consolation may be much more important than the success of the technological aspects of the care. assessing and evaluating hiv-infected patients’ attitudes and perceptions towards their healthcare providers is an essential means to learn about the many interpersonal aspects of health and health care. mental health care is one of the major challenges in the management of people living with hiv/aids. approximately three quarters of the african american men in our study reported seeking help from a psychiatrist, psychologist or social worker. the most prevalent reasons for care were depression, anxiety, relationship problems, drug/ alcohol abuse, and suicidal ideation/attempt. mental health care must be integrated in hiv/aids related care. without effective treatment of mental disorders, hiv treatment outcome is poor. many of the participants in our study of hiv-infected african men were suffering from triple diagnosis of mental illness, hiv, and substance misuse. triply diagnosed patients, individuals living with hiv, and diagnosed mental health and substance abuse disorders, account for at least 13 percent of all hiv patients (weaver and conover 2009). in our study, stigma does not resonate among the participants as a statistically significant factor in influencing their attitudes towards their health care providers. the lack of statistical significance between the attitudes toward health care providers and stigma in this sample is in dissonance with past research studies that have shown significant relationships and influence of stigma in quality of life of hiv-infected african american men (buseh, kelber, stevens, and park 2008; rintamaki, scott, kosenko, and jensen 2007). in examining the experiences of male patient perceptions of hiv stigma in health care contexts, rintamaki and colleagues (2007) outlined a variety of behaviors performed by health care personnel that men in that study perceived to be indicative of hiv stigma, ranging from ambiguous nonverbal cues (e.g., minimal eye contact) to blatant discrimination (e.g., physical abuse of hiv-positive patients). in the bivariate analysis, general perceived self-efficacy resonated as having a significant association with the total ahhcp scale and the subscale of emotional support. in the regression analysis, self-efficacy contributed to a more positive attitude towards the hiv health care provider total score. self-efficacy is an important psychosocial construct that is increasingly becoming a core construct for people living with hiv/aids— confidence to carry out a behavior necessary to reach a desire goal (parsons, rosof, and mustanski 2008). self-efficacy can be incorporated into the healthcare provider-patient relationships enhancing communication; the ability of patients to ask questions and seek buseh 13 clarification is beneficial to all parties. interactions with hiv-infected patients are more likely to be productive if patients are active, informed participants in their care (wagner, et al 2001). hiv patients must have the information, skills, confidence and trust, to make use of the resources being provided to them. one of the barriers to care in this study was hcp not spending enough time with the men during visits. greater time per patient visit in which the health care provider can occasionally sit and converse with the patient, is one suggestion for implementing structural changes that may foster more positive interactions (johnson et al 2006). greater patient centered care for hiv-infected urban african american men is advocated. greater patient-focused interventions in disease management have been shown to enhance hcp skills that improve patient-provider visits (harrington, nobele, and newman 2004). finally, to streamline the communication during visits to a healthcare setting, hiv-infected men can be encouraged to make lists of questions for the provider a process, if mutually agreed upon, that would have a beneficial effect on the providerpatient relationship and interaction, thereby improving self-efficacy and adherence to treatment protocols. such a patient centered focus has implications for primary care in that co-morbid conditions could be addressed early through positive patient-provider interactions. limitations although results from this study provide insights for hypothesis-generation about interpersonal and attitudinal factors influencing health care utilization in urban hiv-infected african american men, a larger study with a representative sample from diverse locales is warranted to more fully describe the phenomena of interest and provide generalizable implications for practice and policy in relation to this subpopulation. in future studies of hiv-infected african american men, investigators should include a more diverse sample from within this racial group. methodologically, a longitudinal design would capture time series changes in quality of life for african american men with hiv and more fully explain the factors involved across the trajectory of hiv disease. a cross-sectional correlational design does not allow for assessment of causality and change overtime on factors influencing ahhcp. results of this study should be interpreted with caution. the sample was convenience, non-random, and geographically limited. subjects were drawn from a cbo that primarily served african americans, thus generalizability of these results to other hiv infected african american men who are not connected to their community is limited. the survey instrument did not include data related to clinical assessment markers (e.g., cd4 cell count, hiv viral load) that would strengthen predictions of ahhcp. in future studies, socio-demographic indicators like those collected in this study might be combined with clinical indicators to examine how healthcare utilization variables interact with changes in clinical outcome data to affect the ahhcp and subsequently quality of life in this subpopulation. conclusions the data obtained from the current study provides important contextual perspectives on health care utilization barriers among hiv-infected african men in an urban setting. key findings from this study point to the fact that hiv patient and provider interactions do encompass an array of different aspects of care, including whether pa14 challenge tients have a usual source of care, perception of physician commitment, and whether the health care provider spends enough time with their patients. this provider-patient relationship also includes whether patients were able to get appointments or health care they needed in a timely manner, whether they feel respected and listened to, and whether they understand the care that is being provided to them. large scale controlled studies should be carried out with african american men living with hiv/aids to assess their attitudes toward their healthcare providers and how such attitudes influences their health care outcomes including adherence to treatment regimens, appointment visits, and other health care utilization patterns. with increasing competition in healthcare marketplace, there will be a greater demand for health care professionals to incorporate patient contentment within their plan of care. effective hiv care requires productive interactions between informed patients and organized and well-equipped healthcare teams and settings. in order to reorganize healthcare systems to reduce access barriers hiv-infected patients, the patients’ perspectives on the difficulties of accessing care and navigating the health care system needs to be understood. productive interactions between the healthcare provider and patient is essential for all individuals who are ill and may be even more important for individuals who are hiv-infected african american urban men because of limited access to resources and their vulnerable states of living with a stigmatizing condition. acknowledgements funding for this project was made possible the university of wisconsin-milwaukee, graduate school research growth initiative (rgi) research award, proposal no. 01-075. we would like acknowledge the support of the community based organization (black health coalition of wisconsin)—specifically dr. patricia mcmanus, executive director and mr. jim addison, director, hiv/aids taskforce of black health coalition of wisconsin for making serving as the bridge between us and the participants. we would also like to acknowledge mr. larry ponder (study field recruiter) for his efforts on the project especially during the recruitment phase. finally, we would like to thank the african american men who participated in this study; without their willingness to participate in the study, implementation of the project would not have been 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economics of health equity, edited by d. mcintyre and g. mooney. cambridge: cambridge university press. university of california los angeles center for hiv identification, prevention and treatment services. 2009. perception of neighborhood scale. retrieved may 22, 2009 (http://www.chipts.ucla.edu/assessment/ib/list_scales/percep tion of neighborhood.htm). wagner, e.h., b.t. austin, c. davis, m. hindmarsh, j. schaefer, and a. bonomi. 2001. “improving chronic illness care: translating evidence into action.” health af fairs 20(6): 64-78. weaver, m.r. and c.j. conover. 2009. “cost-effectiveness analysis of integrated care for people with hiv, chronic mental illness and substance abuse disorders.” journal of mental health policy and economics 12(1): 33-46. 18 challenge challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 african american college students’ attitudes toward hiv/aids: implications for historically black colleges and universities _____________________________________________________ sandra e. taylor department of sociology and criminal justice clark atlanta university tara jones department of medical sociology university of alabama – birmingham _____________________________________________________ abstract this paper investigated african american college students’ responses to a set of interview questions selected from a larger survey instrument in an exploratory study of basic attitudes about hiv/ aids. forty-two participants responded to an interview schedule in an investigation of student attitudinal domains regarding the hiv/ aids epidemic. results show that while most students’ attitudes were consistent with expectations, a number of students expressed attitudes that are counterproductive in the fight against hiv/aids. given the epidemic within the african american community, such findings appear ominous and implore strategies, in particular, from the institution whose primary function is the education of its populace. unless aggressive steps are taken to address the problem across college and university campuses, there can be no lessening of the epidemic’s impact within this community, and thereby no positive impact toward the goal of u.s. lowered rates consistent with recent global trends. ______________________ please direct all correspondence to sandra e. taylor, department of sociology and criminal justice, clark atlanta university, 223 james p. brawley drive, s.w., atlanta, ga 30314 or email to: staylor@cau.edu. taylor, jones 1 1 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 introduction while hiv/aids cases have declined worldwide, ironically, the leading world superpower is not experiencing this optimistic trend. according to the world health organization (2007), 33.2 million people were estimated to have hiv in 2007 compared to 39.5 million who lived with the virus in 2006. in the united states, the hiv/aids epidemic has not hit a similar leveling, in part due to the high numbers of cases affecting the african american population. and within this particular population, a further irony is the number of black college students infected with hiv. while black college students represent only a very small proportion of hiv/aids cases overall, the significance lies in the african american numbers versus those in the caucasian community, and in research showing gaps in knowledge between these two groups. in one study of ethnicity and sex differences in aids-related variables of knowledge, fear, and homophobia, the authors found that african american students had significantly lower scores on these measures (waldner, sikka, & baig, 1999). moreover, and irrespective to race or ethnicity, one would not expect such disparities from a sector focused on higher education. it is too often presumed that college campuses, replete with readily attainable informational resources, insulate their students from health-related risks, including hiv/aids. the daunting statistics indicating an increase in hiv infections among african american young adults do not exclude the college populace. one might reason that at institutions of higher learning, students are somehow more “educated” about risk factors associated with contracting hiv, and thereby, less likely to engage in high-risk behaviors. however, cases of new hiv infection (84 male college students, 73 of whom were african american) revealed in an epidemiologic investigation involving 34 schools in north carolina, show that college status is not an insulator. rates of newly reported hiv infection among african american college student men who have sex with men were similar to their non-student counterparts (cdc, 2004). this research further showed that the majority of study participants did not perceive themselves to be at risk for hiv infection despite the elevated rates of high-risk behaviors. related literature on hiv/aids and college students indicates that while this population is knowledgeable about prevention measures and risky behaviors, students tend to underestimate 2 challenge 2 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 their vulnerability. in one sample of 649 african american male and female college students (aged 18-25 years) attending various 4-year institutions in a major southeastern metropolitan area, inconsistencies in knowledge and behavior were observed. data indicate that while this population overall adheres to certain hivpreventive behaviors, they nevertheless violate other important hivprevention practices (taylor, dilorio, stephens, & soet, 1997). for example, while the college women were more likely than college men to use measures that help prevent hiv transmission, both groups reported practices that expose them to risk, including engaging in sex without knowledge of a partner’s sexual history. in an earlier study of african-american male college students, only 26% of respondents were steady condom users despite knowledge of the risk of not taking precautions (johnson, hinkle, gilbert & gant, 1992). hence, a significant gap emerges between students’ knowledge and their actions resulting in new cases of hiv infection. reasons for the failure of african-american college students as well as young african-americans in general to follow safer sex guidelines tend to center around their perceptions of being invincible and somehow being disconnected from the reality that they might contract hiv. however, other studies suggest that the gap between student knowledge and behavior might be attributed to factors outside of the invincibility/invulnerability explanation. included among these other factors are lapses in judgment (often due to alcohol or other substances), and believing that physical characteristics and appearance can inform one about their partner’s hiv status. in light of the fact that college experiences can include experimentation with mind-altering substances, education and training campaigns attempt to appropriately emphasize the high risks involved with consumption and dating. much of the literature has stressed the need for prevention and information messages that are tailored to the populations that appear increasingly vulnerable, including african american college students. while empirical evidence in accounting for the gap between student knowledge and behavior has not been consistent, also inconsistent are factors explaining the gap between hiv rates of black and white college students. research by waldner, sikka, & baig (1999) show that aids knowledge scores were significantly lower for african american university students compared to caucasian taylor, jones 3 3 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 students. african american students demonstrated higher rankings of homophobia as well. davis et al (2007) found that although it appeared that white students were more aware of hiv facts than african american students, this effect could be explained through sexual status (sexually active students versus abstaining students, with the sexually active students reporting less knowledge). a possible factor in the disproportionate number of black students contracting the virus is the increase of hiv/aids in certain u. s. regions. reif, geonnotti, and whetten (2006) document that a substantial increase in aids cases in the deep south occurred from 2000-2003. in contrast, other regions experienced more stable rates for this same time period. given that black students are disproportionately located in the south and data suggesting colleges as potentially high transmission areas in the rural southeast (hightow, leone, macdonald (2003), the regional hypothesis becomes a feasible one. an epidemic of infection occurring in some north carolina college students involving african american men who have sex with men is described by hightow et al (2005) in terms of an atrisk, accessible population deserving further hiv prevention interventions. in this study of state surveillance records examining new hiv diagnoses in men 18-30 years old, risk behavior for hivinfected men enrolled in college was compared with hiv-infected male non-enrollees. newly diagnosed hiv infection was found in men in 37 colleges located in north carolina or surrounding states and a sexual partner network investigation linked 21 colleges, 61 students, and 8 partners of students (hightow et al, 2005). as a result, the authors describe an epidemic of hiv infection occurring in north carolina college students that has captured the attention of both researchers and practitioners as well as college and university officials. the study clearly reveals that college students can no longer be viewed as a categorically low risk population, in part due to the nature of developmental stages associated with this age group. the culture of late adolescence (including the college population) and the accompanying thought processes do not necessarily nor consistently coincide with the wider culture. that is, this population may tend to view sexual phenomena in ways different from other groups. specifically, they may hold different views on what constitutes sex or particular sexual behaviors. for 4 challenge 4 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 example, while penile-vaginal intercourse is viewed as “having had sex,” oral-genital or penile-anal intercourse is not viewed as constituting “sex” as perceived by certain college students (sanders & reinisch, 1999). similarly, bogart et al (2000) found that vaginal intercourse and anal intercourse were considered sex by a group of undergraduates (n=233) under most circumstances. however, this same group categorized oral intercourse as sex contingent upon the gender and viewpoint of the actor, and whether orgasm occurred. this specific study by bogart et al (2000) assessed the impact of four factors on respondents’ judgment of whether hypothetical actors would consider a particular behavior to be “sex.” the subjects read 16 scenarios featuring a male and female and judged whether each actor would consider the described behavior to be sex. the views of the subjects indicate the realm of differences related to what constitutes sex for this population. these findings suggest, as pointed out by the authors, that items in behavior surveys need to be clearly delineated to avoid subjective interpretations by respondents. many studies on hiv/aids and adolescent/young adult age groups have repeatedly illuminated the inconsistencies that abound in defining “sex” for the college population. the training of students in alleviating attitudes and behaviors that run counter to controlling the hiv/aids epidemic is certainly the purview of the education sector, but also begs for the input of the religious/faith sector. in light of the stigma and fear associated with hiv/aids, strategies to combat the epidemic within both sectors have been severely hampered. these key social institutions within the african american community represent crucial sectors in impacting the problem, but have only recently begun to engage in more aggressive initiatives toward addressing the problem. given the increased numbers of african american college and college-aged students who have contracted hiv, and in light of knowledge and attitudinal gaps, efforts toward understanding the nature of this population’s psyche relative to the epidemic would seem feasible. within this context, an investigation into specific domains of hiv/aids was conducted in illuminating themes that adversely affect safer behaviors. taylor, jones 5 5 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 methods this research included a sample of african american college students (n=42) who regularly attended a series of hiv/aids education and prevention activities at a southeastern historically black university. activities ranged from awareness seminars and forums to health fairs showcasing innovations in hiv/aids, with a major focus on training and education for prevention. although a total of 166 participants responded to the larger survey instrument from which subsequent interview questions were extrapolated, complete interviews were conducted with forty-two students in comprising the content analysis for this study. of the 42 respondents, the average age of the sample was 20 .2 years with a median of 19 years and a range of 18 – 29. they ranged from freshmen to seniors and all self-identified as black or african american. a majority of women in comparison to men were included (26 or 61.9% and 16 or 38.1% respectively). the larger research used a survey instrument consisting of open-ended and structured questions to ascertain basic thoughts and actions of college students. these questions represent part of an extensive instrument designed to collect an array of measures on college students’ attitudes and behaviors toward hiv/aids. specific items were selected for content analysis in order to more closely investigate the students’ attitudes on critical issues related to combating hiv/aids. the intent was to examine the students’ overall disposition toward hiv/aids (i.e., whether internally-driven (including the expression of accurate information and knowledge of prevention indicative of high self-efficacy) or externally-driven (including the expression of inaccurate information and/or responses indicative of low self-efficacy). this analysis uncovered in-depth data on three important domains related to college students’ thoughts and feelings regarding hiv/aids and involve statements alluding to 1. fear, 2. conspiracy theories, and 3. a gay disease. questions that showed significant unexpected responses (e.g., assuming you had put yourself at risk, would you consent to testing if convenience and confidentiality were guaranteed?) were extrapolated for the interview schedule. this follow-up to responses resulted in the dichotomy of internallydriven students (those who would be expected to engage in safer sex/risk reducing behaviors, and thereby contributing to combating 6 challenge 6 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 the epidemic) versus externally-driven students (those who would be expected to attach lesser importance to these same behaviors, thereby exacerbating the problem). the three specific themes that emerged from the interview schedule including 1. students’ fear of individual hiv/aids test results, 2. students’ belief that the epidemic is part of a conspiracy, and 3. students’ association of hiv/aids with the gay population indicate a need for enhanced programs that teach education and prevention within a culturally-specific context. results and discussion the domains related to college students’ thoughts and feelings regarding hiv/aids and the resulting themes provide insights as to how african american college students might be inclined to violate risk reduction and safer sex practices. for this population, perceptions appear to be their reality. hence, messages about hiv/ aids prevention must be centered in situational contexts, in an effort to reach these students based on their experiences, views, and ways of life. the themes unveiled corroborate past findings indicating the need for enhanced hiv/aids education for an array of populations. the theme of “students’ fear” captures sentiments of how afraid some students are to be tested even in the face of grave risk. for example, one student explained, “if i find out i have it, then what? so i would just rather not know.” while the overwhelming majority of students (78%) stated that they would be tested if they had put themselves at risk, this leaves far too many behind still not understanding the importance of hiv testing. additionally, a few students who alluded to the “what you don’t know can’t hurt you” syndrome made statements indicative of their experience with a large burden of other concerns that would appear to place a concern about their possible contraction of hiv as a minimal priority. for example, one student stated, “right now, i’m dealing with trying to stay in school and keep my place . . . i just don’t have time to do all these things that might give me another problem.” while this student represents a minority view of the total population studied, the finding shows the myriad of complexities involved in the development of strategies for hiv/aids education and prevention. taylor, jones 7 7 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 the “conspiracy” domain is particularly interesting but perhaps is best understood from an african american historical context. still, given persons who feel that they are helpless to control their hiv status because of a master plan, consistent preventive measures are unlikely. bogart & thorburn (2005) show that hiv/ aids conspiracy beliefs are a barrier to prevention and may represent negative attitudes about condoms among black men. while only six of the 42 respondents for this analysis discussed the epidemic in terms of a conspiracy designed by the “powers-to-be,” five of the six had very strong opinions on how the virus emerged. one response captures the expressions of this group: “i do think that genocide is being committed to rid society of certain people.” another student stated, “i believe it is a plan to wipe out all black people because it mysteriously surfaced in africa to a large extent recently, and the worst effects are on africa.” still another stated, “i have proof that there was a plan . . . we need to know what they did and what they are still trying to do.” these statements indicate how attitudes and perceptions shape behaviors; hence, hiv/aids training and education specialists must consider the sentiments of this group in designing effective prevention messages. although hiv/aids awareness and prevention campaigns have done much to educate society in general about the epidemic, there still tends to be an association of hiv/aids almost exclusively with the gay community. this is particularly disturbing when college students make such blanket associations. this third domain, “gay association” surfaces as a theme from the content analysis in that students do not necessarily view all groups as being at risk. for example, 8 of the 42 students (or 19.0%) indicated “gays” to the question, “what populations or groups of people are most at risk for hiv-infection?” (the expected responses and those which had been communicated via training seminars and forums center around the point of “any persons who put themselves at risk or engage in risky behaviors.”) while the vast majority of student respondents answered in the expected direction, unacceptable numbers continue to believe that they are not at particular risk, when in fact (according to selfidentified behaviors), they are indeed. several students’ responses can be interpreted in terms of their inability or unwillingness to view hiv/aids as an equal opportunity disease. overall, in addition to uncovering consequential attitudes, results from this analysis pose 8 challenge 8 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 an important question: if students who are motivated to attend hiv/ aids awareness and prevention activities show adverse attitudes, do those not attending harbor even more severe attitudes? this and similar questions are posed for further study. the fact that college and university students are at particular risk for the transmission of hiv has resulted in a number of programs and activities to address this problem. across america, historically black colleges and universities as well as majorityserving institutions of higher education, have housed an array of projects initially including awareness efforts. more recently, however, these efforts have begun to focus more on prevention initiatives, acknowledging the platforms that have been made during the early nineties addressing awareness. given the seriousness of the hiv/aids epidemic within the african american community generally, and the numbers of hivinfected african american college students in particular, specific strategies can be suggested. first, the major social institutions within the african american community must bolster their efforts in addressing the problem. the sector of higher education has a direct opportunity to do this and should take advantage of such to incorporate hiv/aids teaching and learning across various curricula. the importance of education as the primary response of higher learning, and the various issues surrounding hiv/aids on college campuses, point to this sector as a natural ally and collaborator in the fight toward curtailing the epidemic. other institutions and community sectors are also critical in this fight, namely the religious sector or faith community. the religious/faith community has come a distance in confronting the hiv/aids epidemic, but it has to now compensate for a stagnant period by taking bolder and more aggressive steps toward combating the problem. these institutions hold enormous potential for impacting the problem, as both education and religion have historically played a major significance in the african american community. secondly, measures that directly capture and sustain the attention of black college students would seem to make a difference. for example, given the popularity of hip-hop and rap music to this group, researchers, practitioners, and activists should greater explore the relationship between this genre’s appeal and combating taylor, jones 9 9 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 hiv/aids. previous literature has discussed a model for using hiphop music with young adults as having heuristic value in promoting hiv/aids prevention (stephens, braithwaite, & taylor, 1998.) recognizing the potential of this genre of music to mobilize the targeted population, and implementing subsequent catalysts for change, can be a monumental strategy. lastly, reminders of risk to this target population at every viable opportunity cannot be overemphasized. because of gross feelings of invincibility or invulnerability to hiv-infection, college students too often act as if they were magically insulated from becoming statistics in the epidemic. persistent admonitions on risky behaviors from all socialization agents, but especially the media, can at a minimum, be a forceful reminder of the epidemic as a nonrandom culprit. ongoing hiv/aids education is undoubtedly one of the best mechanisms for stemming the epidemic within african american communities. given an epidemic with no cure and no vaccine, accurate and timely information is indispensable to the ultimate goal. specifically, within the context of african american college students, studies allude to the importance of increasing the specific knowledge level of this group regarding the subtleties of sexual transmission (bazargan et al, 2000) in empowering them to better understand their risk. conclusion this research illuminates barriers to alleviating the hiv/ aids epidemic among african american college students relative to their thinking about the disease and how it affects them. while a number of implications can be gleaned, a primary one is that until the most likely players (colleges and universities) step up in ways that only they can, improvements are not likely to occur within the black college populace. although it is difficult to predict specific interventions that would seem to bring the hiv/aids epidemic under greater control, it appears obvious that the sector of higher education can lessen the deleterious impact via the very means of its basic function. in broadening students’ knowledge of the epidemic and in serving as a catalyst for them to be proactive, historically black colleges and universities (and all institutions of higher education) across the country can be a powerful force in the fight against hiv/aids. 10 challenge 10 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 references bazargan, m. kelly, e. stein, j. husaini, b. & bazargan, s. 2000. “correlates of hiv risk-taking behaviors among africanamerican college students: the effect of hiv knowledge, motivation, and behavioral skills.” journal of the national medical association 92(8): 391-404. bogart, l. m., cecil, h., wagstaff, d. a. & abramson, p. r. 2000. “is it “sex”/: college students interpretations of sexual behavior terminology.” journal of sex research 37 (2): 108-116. bogart, l. m. & thorburn, s. 2005. “are hiv/aids conspiracy beliefs a barrier to hiv prevention among african americans?” journal of acquired immune deficiency syndromes 38(2): 213-218. centers for disease control. 2004. “hiv transmission among black college student and non-student men who have sex with men – north carolina, 2003.” morbidity and mortality weekly report 53(32): 731-734. davis, d., sloan, m., macmaster, s. & kilbourne, b. 2007. “hiv/ aids knowledge and sexual activity: an examination of racial differences in a college sample.” health and social work 32 (3): 211-218. hightow, l., macdonald, p., pilcher, c. kaplan, a., foust, e. nguyen, t. q. & leone, p. a. “the unexpected movement of the hiv epidemic in the southeastern united states: transmission among college students.” journal of acquired immune deficiency syndromes 38(5): 531-537. hightow, l., leone, p., macdonald, p. et al. (2003). “are colleges high transmission areas in the rural southeast? insights from acute hiv surveillance [abstract wo-l305].” presented at the national hiv prevention conference, atlanta, ga, july 27-30. taylor, jones 11 11 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 johnson, e. h., hinkle y., gilbert, d. & gant, l (1992). “black males who always use condoms: their attitudes, knowledge about aids, and sexual behavior.” journal national medical association 84: 341-352. reif, s., geonnotti, k. l. & whetten, k. 2006. “hiv infection and aids in the deep south.” american journal of public health 96 (6): 970-973. sanders, s. a. & reinisch, j. m. 1999. “would you say you had sex if . . .?” journal of the american medical association 28: 275277. stephens, t., braithwaite, r. l. & taylor, s. e. 1998. “model for using hip-hop music for small group hiv/aids prevention counseling with african american adolescents and young adults.” patient education and counseling 35: 127-137. taylor, s. e., dilorio, colleen, stephens, t. t. & soet, j. e. 1997. “a comparison of aids-related sexual risk behaviors among african american college students.” journal of the national medical association 89 (6): 397-403. waldner, l. k., sikka, a., & salman, b. 1999. “ethnicity and sex differences in university students’ knowledge of aids, fear of aids, and homophobia.” journal of homosexuality 37 (3): 117-133. world health organization. 2007. “global hiv prevalence has leveled off: improvements in surveillance increase understanding of the epidemic,resulting in substantial revisions to estimates.” geneva, november 20, 2007. (http://www.who.int/ mediacentre/news/releases/2007/pr61/en/index.html) 12 challenge 12 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 challenge 2007 challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation african american college students' attitudes_resized hiv-aids perceptions, attitudes & behaviors among hbcu students_resized intersection between race, gender, & sexual risk_resized promoting hiv vaccine research in african american communities_resized challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 challenge 61 the black golf caddy: a victim of labor market discrimination wornie reed1 university of tennessee-knoxville abstract for generations, country clubs and the professional golf association (pga) tour featured white golfers crossing manicured fairways, followed by black caddies carrying their bags. now most clubs rely on golf carts; and pros on the pga tour are attended by highly paid white caddies. the transformation of the golf world has mirrored larger shifts in the american workplace, in which the increased status and increased earnings of skilled work have been accompanied by a de facto “push out” of black workers. in the 1960s, the professional golf association (pga) tour began being more popular and more profitable. many observers credit this development during this period to arnold palmer’s charismatic, swashbuckling style of play and to the growth of televised golf. the increased popularity of the sport involved wide scale marketing of golf ’s big three – arnold palmer, jack nicklaus, and gary player. by end of the 1960s, lee trevino was added to the mix, making the big four. golf caddying was becoming a respected profession, as the caddies for the big four became famous in their own right. these caddies were ernest “creamy” carolan, angelo argea, afred “rabbit” dyer, and herman mitchell, caddies respectively for palmer, nicklaus, player, and trevino. since at the time most caddies were black, it is not surprising that two of the four – dyer and mitchell – were african american. the 1960s and 1970s launched the glory years for caddying, as caddies benefited from the increasing popularity and hence increasing money prizes available in professional tournament golf. in fact, alfred dyer, gary player’s caddy, was able to send a son to princeton university (sailor 2003), a financial feat unheard of among caddies before the 1960s. however, as the status of caddies increased, the presence of african american caddies steadily decreased. 1 please address all correspondence to wornie l. reed (wreed5@utk.edu). 65 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 62 reed, wornie historical background when golf and country clubs were established in the united states in the late 19th century, caddying was a menial low-paying job typically reserved for poor african american youth, some of whom were only eight or nine years old. into the early 20th century, black boys caddying merely exemplified wide spread use of child labor, like the armies of children working 14 to 16 hours per day, six days per week in mills and coal mines. often, black boys filled the caddying ranks because they were not allowed in the dangerous, but slightly higher paying mills and coal mines with white youth (sinnette 1998). most caddies were males, until recently, when a few white females began caddying on the pga tour. currently, these females are most often the wives or daughters of the professional golfers. there is no record of a black female caddy who has worked regularly on the pga tour. in their eagerness to earn as much money as possible, a caddy at a country club would walk as many as three 18-hole rounds per day, that is 12 to 15 miles, often carrying two bags, each weighing between 30 and 50 pounds. since golf was seen as an idyllic exercise and as another position for the black servant class (sinnette 1998), and also because it was not as dangerous as factory and mining jobs, national campaigns against child labor excluded child caddies, most of whom were black. consequently, black youth labored on, making very little money. in the 1920s and 1930s, a caddy could work all day for $1. by the 1950s, the wages increased to $2 for carrying a single bag for 18 holes, about 50 cents per hour, and $3 to carry two bags of golf equipment. without child labor laws protecting them, black youth dominated the field into the 1940s and 1950s; many starting when they were less than ten years old. alfred “rabbit” dyer started at nine in the 1940s. he and his father worked at the same country club in louisiana; his father caddied for gary player in the 1960 new orleans open. rabbit then caddied for player in the 1962 new orleans open (caddybytes 2007). jerry osborn, another black former tour caddy, started at eight years of age, as did freddie burns, the long-time caddy for hal sutton. currently, most caddies at country clubs are teen-agers; some are older men, especially in the south. as young black caddies aged, they became experienced adults at country clubs and on the pga tour because the masters tournament was hosted by the augusta national golf club, this club launched many caddies who became fixtures on the pro tour since 66 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 63 all participants in the masters tournament had to use local caddies, pro golfers became familiar with them and sometimes brought their favorite caddies onto the pga tour. because of the masters tournament, augusta national golf club was the source of many caddies who became fixtures on the pro tour. several of the augusta national caddies were legendary . there was willie “pappy” stokes, the godfather of caddies at augusta national, having won fives times as a masters caddy with four different players between 1938 and 1956. he is credited in caddy circles at augusta national as the man who taught most of the “name” caddies there how to read the undulating greens. mostly, the star pros kept the same caddy at the masters through the years. willie petersen won five masters caddying for jack nicklaus. nathaniel “iron man” avery won four times with arnold palmer; o’bryant williams won three times with sam snead; fred searles won twice with byron nelson; and carl jackson won twice with ben crenshaw. even augusta national member and avid golfer president eisenhower had the same caddy through the years—willie “cemetery” poteat (clayton 2004). as regular caddies for star players over the years, the top augusta national caddies were instrumental in establishing the role of regular professional caddies. caddies on the pga tour did not have it easy. of course, most of these golf servants were black. until 1961, when the pga tour was forced to discontinue its practice of barring african americans from playing on the tour, the players were all white and most of the caddies were black. in the 1950s and early 1960s, black caddies traveled from event to event across the country on greyhound buses, segregated to the back of the bus, and changing their clothes in the woods or in the parking lot (caddy bytes 2007). as caddying on the pro tour began to rise in status, another significant development occurred in caddying. in 1983 augusta national golf club stopped its practice of requiring players to use club caddies in the masters tournament. players then began to choose their own caddies for the masters and they were mostly white. this practice reduced the participation of the famed augusta national caddies, and affected a longstanding tradition at the masters—white players with black caddies in white coveralls. as rabbit dyer explained, “white caddies did not come out on tour until the early 60s – it was below them to caddy back then” (caddybytes 2007). although a 1961 ruling decreed that the pga tour could no longer bar african americans in the tour, all players were white and most caddies were black, with the exception of lee elder who was admitted to the tour before 1975. he was admitted to play in the masters 67 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 64 reed, wornie tournament in 1975. advent of the professional golfer the professionalization of golf caddies followed the professionalization of golfers by several generations. professional golfers were not a privileged group in the early part of 20th century america. until walter hagen established professional golf by making more money playing golf than teaching it (smart 2005), the main role of the golf pro was “giving lessons, supervising the pro shop, overseeing the care of the course grounds, and building and repairing golf clubs. he did the bidding of the golf club members, who were from the upper class, and was treated the same way as butlers, chauffeurs, and maids” (clavin 2005: 37). hagen started as a caddie at the country club of rochester and became a club pro in 1912, receiving $1,000 for eight months’ work . during this time, few pros at country clubs averaged more than $50 per week . by 1913, hagen was 20-year old head golf pro, yet he had to beg his employers for time off to play in the 1913 u.s. open at the country club in boston . this was the historic tournament won by francis ouimet, a 20-year old amateur and former caddie at the country club who defeated the british golfers harry vardon and ted ray . vardon was golf ’s first superstar and ray was the reigning british open champion . ouimet’s victory changed the american perception of golf from a sport for rich foreigners to a sport that everyday people could play. walter hagen finished third in the 1913 open. he was then sponsored by members of the country club of rochester and won the 1914 u.s. open at chicago’s midlothian country club. there, for the first time, golf pros could enter the clubhouse. hagen initiated this practice by marching into the locker room instead of changing shoes in the parking lot as pros had previously been compelled to do (gabriel 2001). not only was hagen the first american professional touring player, he was also a key participant in the creation of the professional golf association (in 1916). after winning the 1919 u.s. open, hagen left his club job and become the first golfer to earn his livelihood completely from tournament incomes and endorsements. 68 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 65 table 1: total purses on the pga tour by decade year number of events total purse 1938 38 $ 158,000 1950 33 459,950 1960 41 1,335,242 1970 55 6,751,523 1980 45 13,371,786 1990 44 46,251,831 2000 49 157,000,000 source: j. luft. 2000. http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/statitudes/news/2000/08/28/ tigermoney_statitudes/ professional golf grew steadily during the first decades of the 20th century, with sharp increases in status and earnings after 1950. in the 62year period between 1938 and 2000, purses grew 1,000-fold (see table 1). the huge increase in total purses between 1995 and 2005 is credited to the impact and popularity of tiger woods, who joined the tour in 1996. professional caddies the role of the professional caddy goes beyond carrying the bag and handing the player a club. a good caddy who knows the game of golf can play a major role in the success of his player. caddies prepare for competitive rounds by walking the course, checking yardages, and finding trouble spots on the course. they may be involved in crucial decisions during play . for example, they advise the pro on club selection, a decision influenced by estimated wind speed and direction and the terrain of the golf hole. they also assist with “reading the greens,” determining the effect that undulations in the green will have on the path of putts. the early caddies on the pga tour were a “ragged crew of itinerant african-americans who, like their pros, followed the sun from one tournament to the next, eking out a living as they lived on the edge of society. these ‘professional’ caddies were the last in line when it came to respectability” (babbles 2007). with the increased status of the pga tour and the increase in tournament purses in the 1960s, more players began to have regular caddies; and of course, since most of the caddies were black, caddies on the tour tended to be black. 69 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 66 reed, wornie caddies are paid according to the earnings of the professional golfer . caddy pay is a closely held secret and the pay formula varies slightly between golfer-caddy teams. however, the typical formula is widely reported. caddies on the tour are generally paid $1,000 for each tournament played, plus at least five percent of the player’s earnings. if the player finishes in the top ten places, the caddie gets seven percent of the player’s earnings, and if the player wins the caddy gets 10 percent. thus, as the prize money for tournaments rose, caddies began earning more as well (see table 2). table 2: earnings of leading pga tour money winners by year, with corresponding estimates of caddy earnings year earnings of leading money winners* estimated caddy earnings 1955 $ 63,122 $ 6,176 1965 140,752 13,773 1975 298,149 29,174 1985 542,321 53,066 1995 1,654,959 161,938 2005 10,628,024 1,039,955 *source: l. ruberstein and j. neuman. 2006. a disorderly compendium of golf. new york: workman publishing. the calculations of the 2005 estimated caddy earnings in table 2 were based on the typical formula—10% for wins, 7% for top ten finishes, and 5% for non-top tens—applied to tiger woods’ tournament by tournament earnings in 2005, as he was the leading money winner that year. the resulting caddy earnings rate—9.785% of the pro golfer’s winnings—was applied to the other years, 1955 to 1995, for the respective estimated caddy earnings. currently, about 70 caddies on the pga tour make $100,000 or more for about 30 weeks’ work, as few golf pros play in more than 30 weekly events per year. steve williams, caddy for tiger woods, has even started a charitable foundation with some of the millions he has made carrying tiger woods’s bag. caddying has established itself so well in recent years that there is a professional association, the professional tour caddies of america (pcta) which includes some 130 full time pga tour caddies. the majority of pga tour players are said to employ ptca caddies. to qualify for membership, a caddy must have worked a minimum of 15 pga tour tournaments. the ptca advocates for caddies by working “closely with pga tour officials 70 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 67 and personnel to assure policies and communications between the pga tour and pcta tour caddies is accurate and positive” (pcta 2007). the ptca operates a mobile restaurant and gathering place for all caddies that is set up at many tour venues. disappearance of black caddies on tour the professionalization of the role of the caddy has come at the expense of blacks. in 1998, only one of the top 50 golfers on the pga tour employed an african american caddy: freddie burns, caddy for hal sutton. as burns tells it, “in 1981, there were twice as many black caddies as whites. now [in 1998] i’m the only one carrying a top-50 bag” (sailor 2003). in 1998, 55 pga tour players earned over $1,000,000 in prize money, which meant that 54 white caddies earned at least $100,000, with only one black caddy, freddie burns, earning as much (benet 2002). in 2007, with sutton past his prime and no longer playing the pga tour, the figure has moved to zero. no player in the top 50 and virtually no other player employs a black caddy on a regular basis. not even tiger woods employs a black caddy. what happened? clearly, african-americans were prominent among the professional caddy ranks when caddying was first established as a “profession. ” however, africa americans are no longer at the top levels of their profession. what happened? several developments undoubtedly affected the status of african americans as caddies. one was increasing use of motorized golf carts which have replaced caddies at the majority of golf courses. nationally, only 7.3 percent of the 16,398 golf clubs in the united states with at least 18 holes offer caddie services (fowler 2007). another development was the growth in employment options for black youth, along with a growing disdain for such a subservient-appearing job as caddying. although the widespread use of golf carts and poor image are relevant to the radical decline in numbers of black caddies, it is critical to note that the position of “the caddy” remains a fixture of golf tour. only the color of these caddies has changed. african american caddies have been the victims of a process that journalist william rhoden calls “the jockey syndrome” (rhoden 2006). similar “push out” scenarios african americans dominated the jockey ranks from the era of slavery up through the end of the 19th century; and they represented an overwhelming majority of professional horse trainers. former slaves who worked closely with animals naturally continued to work with horses. 71 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 68 reed, wornie many gained considerable status as winning jockeys and trainers. during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, horse racing grew in the united states. however, the emphasis was more on the horse than on the jockey. between the end of the civil war and 1900, the status of the jockey increased substantially, with leading jockeys earning between $5,000 and $6,000 per year, seven to ten times the income of the average worker of that time (rhoden 2006). the leading jockey of this era, african american isaac murphy, earned more than the entire payroll of the leading major league baseball team during this period. however, by the turn of the century, as horse racing grew in status and in financial rewards, whites became increasingly visible as jockeys, quickly pushing blacks out of their former occupation. jimmy winkfield, the last of the great black jockeys, won the kentucky derby in 1901 and 1902, but was forced out of the country to find work as a jockey, as it became extremely difficult, if not impossible, for him to be hired to race. he moved to russia in 1904, where he because the most celebrated athlete in the country (hotaling 1999). with the elimination of winkfield, the pushout of african american jockeys was complete. this process had actually started in 1894 when a racing “union,” the jockey club, was established by several prominent thoroughbred owners and breeders. headquartered in new york city, it became the administrative arm of the horse-racing industry. among its tasks was the licensing of jockeys. the practice of not licensing black jockeys, combined with the growing reluctance of white horse owners to hire black riders, were driving forces in the demise of black jockeys in america (rhoden 2006). this “push out” scenario reflects broad labor market discrimination dating back to the 19th century. for example, up to around 1820, a large proportion of the artisans in philadelphia were free blacks. however, the number of these black artisans had declined significantly by 1837 after the influx of european immigrants and the concomitant “push out” of black workers in skilled trades (darity 1990). other push outs from skilled trades occurred later in the century in the united states in general and in the south in particular. at the end of the civil war, there were five times as many black skilled artisans as whites in the united states. many slaves who had been trained in skilled trades became urban contractors; a combination of former slaves and freed blacks dominated the skilled trades (hine, hine, and harrold 2005). consequently, skilled trades were seen primarily as “black jobs. ” however, throughout the latter third of the 19th century, black skilled artisans steadily lost ground. by 1900, while there were twice as many black skilled artisans 72 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 69 (most of whom lived in the south), as there had been in 1865, blacks represented a rapidly decreasing proportion of the skilled labor force. as southern white workers began crowding into cities and competing with blacks in the traditional skilled trades, the emerging trade unions restricted and eventually prevented the employment of blacks in the transportation service, new mills, and construction, where new techniques and skills were being introduced (moreno 2006). “racial discrimination was undoubtedly a major factor in the decline and eclipse of the [black] skilled worker” (darity 1990:108). conclusion in golf, as in horse racing and skilled trades, as occupations gained status, african americans were pushed out and replaced by whites. while the golfing establishment did not organize and use unions to exclude black caddies, as had been done in horse racing and skilled trades, black caddies have been the victims of systematic labor market exclusion. the process by which this has occurred may very well be explained with macro-economic principles described by deidre royster (2002): …economists’ concern with formal institutional arrangements, such as contracts, property rights, laws, regulations, and the state, have tended to downplay the potential importance of the ways in which informal norms and networks affect how institutions “act” economically (p. 30). this perspective argues that white workers continue to engage in customs of black exclusion despite laws and regulations designed to prohibit such action. royster (2002) described social “networks of inclusion” and “networks of exclusion” that operate to produce racial inequality in labor markets. the disappearance of black caddies on the pga tour—as well as the champions tour and the ladies professional golf association tour— is a recent example of a phenomenon that has happened several times in african american history: blacks dominate the ranks of an occupation until whites are attracted to it. this attraction is often the result of the work’s increasing in status, which is associated with increased remuneration for the work. money and status attract whites, who move into the occupation and push blacks out. 73 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 70 reed, wornie references babbles, john coyne. 2007. “caddie days on the pga tour.” retrieved august 22, 2007 (http://peacecorpswriter.blogs.com/). becker, gary. 1957. the economics of discrimination. chicago: university of chicago press. benet, siobhan. 2002. “where we once roamed: black caddies are all but extinct at major tournaments.” black enterprise (september). caddybytes. 2007. caddy hall of fame interview with alfred dyer (http://www.caddybytes.com/alfred_dyer.htm). clayton, ward. 2004. men on the bag: the caddies of augusta national. ann arbor, mi: sports media group. clavin, tom. 2005. sir walter: walter hagen and the invention of professional golf. new york: simon & schuster. darity, william, ed. 1990. race, radicalism and reform: selected papers of abraham l. harris. new brunswick, nj: transaction publishers. fowler, scott. 2007. last of a generation carries on. the dallas morning news: sports day (http://apse.dallasnews.com/contest/2001/ writing/100-250.feature.thir...). gabriel, mike. 2001. the professional golfers’ association tour: a history. london: mcfarland & company. halberstam, david. 1999. the best american sports writing of the century. boston: houghton mifflin company. hotaling, edward. 1999. the great black jockeys. rockland, ca: prima publishing. hine, darlene clark, william c. hine, and stanley harrold. 2005. the african-american odyssey. boston: pearson custom publishing. lardner, john. 1999. “the haig”: rowdy rebel of the fairways, in halberstam, david (1999). the best american sports writing of the century, boston: houghton mifflin company. 74 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 71 moreno, paul d. 2006. black americans and organized labor: a new history. baton rouge: louisiana state university. professional caddies association. 2007. retrieved august 22, 2007 (http://www.pcaworldwide.com/halloffameinductee.htm). ptca. 2007. professional tour caddies of america pga tour caddy. retrieved september 10, 2007 (http://www.protourcaddy.com/). rhoden, william c. 2006. forty million dollar slaves. new york: crown publishers. roberts, selena. 2006. “sports of the times: blue-collar caddies now white collar.” new york times. retrieved september 10, 2007 (http://select.nytimes.com/search/restricted/ article?res=f50e16fc3). royster, deidre. 2002. race and the invisible hand. berkeley and los angeles: university of california press. sailer, steve. 2003. the decline of the black caddie. retrieved august 22, 2007 (http://www.isteve.com/golf_decline_of_the_black_ caddie.htm. 8/22/07). smart, barry. 2005. the sport star: modern sport and the cultural economy of sporting celebrity. thousand oaks, ca: sage publications. sinnette, calvin. 1998. forbidden fairways: african americans and the game of golf. chelsea, mi: sleeping bear press. spalter-roth, r., and teri ann lowenthal. 2005. “race, ethnicity, and the american labor market.” asa series on how race and ethnicity matter. washington, dc: american sociological association. 75 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 challenge 2008 challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation journal 14 no1.pdf chal_v5n2_december1994.pdf challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 hiv/aids perceptions, attitudes and behaviors among hbcu students _____________________________________________________ michael hodge morehouse college bruce h. wade spelman college _____________________________________________________ abstract college environments are typically considered somewhat protected zones--protected from the “sins” of the general community. however, a recent report from cdc placed considerable attention on the resoundingly high rates of hiv infection among african american students attending predominately african american serving colleges and universities in north carolina. in the “outside” world, data show that african americans lead the nation in the rates of hiv/aids infections. this research turns on the light to view more clearly an oft-shielded group in an effort to identify and assess the exacerbating or ameliorating social forces that these campuses imbue. this project uses quantitative and qualitative methodologies to examine how college age young adults attending hbcu’s respond to the pandemic / epidemic. in the general african american population typical intervention approaches have had little to no positive effects on reducing the persistently high rates of infection. an in-depth look is taken into the lived-experiences of students at historically black colleges and universities as it relates to their sexual risk taking in the age of hiv/aids. hodge, wade 13 13 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 introduction the hiv/aids pandemic is a significant social problem at the global, national and regional levels. it impacts persons regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation or age. this scourge may even have reached communities thought to be relatively immune to such incursions—college campuses. a recent report from the cdc placed considerable attention on the resoundingly high rates of hiv infection among african american students attending predominately african american serving colleges and universities (hbcu’s) in north carolina (mmwr, august 20, 2004/53(32): 7314). one cdc official states that there is no reason to think that we will not see this same trend on other campuses as well (see hightower, l., macdonald p, et al., 2003). this research was motivated by the gaps in the literature on the sexual risk behaviors and attitudes at hbcu’s (historically black colleges and universities). the importance of this project is found in the attempt to identify the sociocultural aspects of the student populations at hbcu’s that may place them at greater risk of hiv/aids infection. by socio-cultural context, we mean the ways in which people’s behaviors are linked to their social settings such as group membership, race, class, and gender. for example, there are gender dynamics that fuel the health disparities between black men and women. consequently, while black men and women overall account for 40% of the cumulative aids cases through 2005, black females drive 60% of this rate (division of hiv/aids prevention, national center for hiv/aids, viral hepatitis, std, and tb preventions june 28, 2007). additionally, for 2005, black women constituted 66 percent of the female cases of hiv/aids (cdc hiv/aids fact sheet, june 2007). although black men have the highest rates of hiv/aids for any of the racial or ethnic groups in the u.s., hiv/aids is the leading cause of death for black women aged 25–34 (cdc hiv/aids fact sheet, june 2007). studies of social context situate health-related behaviors within the framework of the social meaning, social relations and transactions of people’s lives (abel 1991). it is critical to focus on 14 challenge 14 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 understanding the social and cultural components of developing healthy lifestyles. williams, et al point out that african americans have the highest overall hiv prevalence, hiv incidence, and hiv mortality as well as the greatest number of years of potential life lost to this disease (2003:66). sero-surveillance reports suggest that the hiv incidence among african american men 25-44 continues to increase and is particularly problematic for men who have sex with men (msm). within this group the hiv incidence is 16.7% per year compared to an incidence of 2.5% per year for white msm in their twenties. (mmwr, valleroy et al. 2000). few health behavior surveys have been conducted at hbcu’s. notably, however, taylor, dilorio, stephens and soet, (1997) reported that only 35% of students in their study reported using condoms on a regular basis. until the recent north carolina survey the only sero-prevalence study among college students was published in 1990 (gayle et al.). college students were considered to be low risk although at least one publication suggested that african american college students may be the next group affected by hiv (duncan c, miller dm, borskey ej, fomby b, dawson p, and davis l 2002). for instance, black females diagnosed between ages 13 to 24 are twice as likely to contract hiv/aids through high risk heterosexual contact as their male counterparts. black females diagnosed in this age group and risk category constitute 17.3% of new cases compared to 7.7% of men. it is important to understand the lived-experiences of these students as they negotiate a complex array of choices within their social settings. within the past decade, programs designed to stem the tide of this epidemic among african americans have made little to no significant headway (williams, ekundayo, udezulu, and omishakin, 2003; smith, gwinn, selik, miller, gaitor, maat, decock, and gayle, 2000). in the african american community, positive results are slow to be realized. clearly, there are barriers to these efforts that go beyond the individual biological and psychological considerations of most intervention/risk reduction programs. myers, et al (2003), for example, point out that “[t]his underscores the need for more aggressive and targeted risk reduction interventions for african hodge, wade 15 15 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 american men . . . because they do not seem to be getting the message about the need to be more sexually responsible” (p. 75). the scope of these risk reduction programs has not been broad enough in the african american community where, perhaps, cultural issues are more likely to impact people’s willingness to participate in open discussions of sexuality and sex, participate in support groups, and other treatments that appear effective in other communities. even when these programs are focused on ‘community’ issues, the efforts are directed toward individuals. the national college health risk behavior survey (fact sheet cdc, 1995) revealed that 79 percent of college students have ever had sexual intercourse and only 37 percent reported having used a condom during their last sexual encounter. however, this same study found that black students take fewer risks than their white counterparts. for instance, while about 10-percent of whites fail to use seatbelts when driving, only about 8-percent of blacks fail to use them. additionally, about 31% of whites and only 15% of blacks report that they drink and drive. focusing on sexual risktaking, the national youth risk behavior survey of pre-college students revealed that 62.5% of whites used a condom during their last sexual encounter compared to 72.8% of black students – even though black students were reported to have been more likely to have had sex during high school than whites. based on an ongoing health behavior survey first conducted of 1,302 first year students in the atlanta university center (auc) by the morehouse school of medicine in 2004, 64% of female and 73% of male first-year students reported having had sex at least once in their lives. only 48% of the females reported using a condom during their last sexual encounter along with 54% of the males. we will explore this rather counterintuitive finding later in this paper. methods the findings herein are based on a multi-modal data collection strategy, including qualitative interviews and survey research. we briefly describe these techniques. the internet is an 16 challenge 16 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 emerging research tool that is proving to be very useful in the social and behavioral sciences. most of the studies using the internet rely on quantitative survey methods. there are a few that have used it for qualitative analyses. focus groups and chat rooms are typically the choice for qualitative data collection and analyses (see burgess, donnelly, dillard, and davis 2001; bowen, williams, and horvath 2004; hudson and bruckman 2004). the use of interviewing strategies, such as the technique described below, is still in its nascent stages of development (davis, bolding, hart, sherr, and elford 2005). the findings of this research are based on the collection of data from five (5) predominately african american serving institutions within a large southern metropolitan area with diverse student bodies (hereafter called auc) utilizing secure internet “chat room” sites. the data reported herein is based on surveys and indepth chats with 37 students. each interview averaged 2.25 hours. respondents were paid for their time and potential costs of internet connectivity. respondents are interviewed “one-on-one” by a trained researcher using the internet as the medium of communication. this method assures complete anonymity for the respondent, thereby encouraging open, honest, and frank discussions of material that potentially could create an uncomfortable setting for the respondent. focus groups and dialog sessions were also held with students. additionally, more systematic data were collected by survey methodology. the findings discussed below are based on an annual survey completed by first-year students within the auc. the research protocol was approved by the institutional review board of the morehouse school of medicine. the questionnaires were voluntarily completed in large “convocation” settings. while the actual convocations were required, students were given the opportunity to “opt out” if they did not want to participate in the study. the majority of students completed the questionnaires; however, the lack of privacy and the large group setting undoubtedly had some impact on the quality of the data. the analysis below is based on data from the first two years of administration (2004 and 2005). the number of students who voluntarily participated in the hodge, wade 17 17 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 survey (2004 – 2005) was 2,021. the patterns of sexual involvement correspond to other data from large surveys of college students. the number of full time undergraduates at the five colleges (according to published fact books from 2004 – 2006) is 8633. of this group, 44 percent (3805) is male. results our multi-method approach yielded several key findings from the survey analysis as well as important themes related to hiv/aids risk reduction among african american college students. we will give a brief overview of the survey findings then turn to our more qualitative aspects. we compiled data from surveys conducted of first year students in the auc in 2004 and 2005. these data are shown in the tables below. table 1 shows that males were significantly more likely to report having had sex than their female counterparts. overall, about 63 percent of these first year students indicated that they had had sex at least once in their lives (56% of females and 71% of males). table 1 have you ever had sexual intercourse? female male totals no 420 (44.4%) 245 (29.3%) 665 (37.3%) yes 527 (55.6%) 590 (70.7%) 1117 (62.7%) totals 947 835 1782 x2 = 42.735, df = 1, p=.000 these data indicate that while a greater percentage of males begin having sex at slightly younger ages than females, there was no statistically significant association between gender and the reported 18 challenge 18 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 age of first sexual intercourse. however, tables 2 & 3 reveal that males report a higher number of sexual partners than females (lifetime and last 3 months). table 2 # lifetime sex partners female male totals 1 partner 162 (22.6%) 90 (14.9%) 252 (19.0%) 2 partners 174 (24.2%) 122 (20.2%) 296 (22.4%) 3 partners 99 (13.8%) 87 (14.4%) 186 (14.1%) 4 partners 124 (17.3%) 90 (14.9%) 214 (16.2%) 5 partners 68 (9.5%) 71 (11.7%) 139 (10.5%) 6+ partners 91 (12.7%) 145 (24.0%) 236 (17.8%) totals 718 605 1323 x2 = 38.936 (df = 5) p= .000 / gamma = .213 / p= .000 table 3 # sex partners in last 3 months female male totals no partners 302 (43.1%) 199 (33.4%) 501 (38.7%) 1 partner 118 (16.9%) 134 (22.5%0 252 (19.5%) 2 partners 198 (28.3%0 154 (25.9%) 352 (27.2%) 3 partners 69 (9.9%) 57 (9.6%) 126 (.09%) 4 partners 9 (1.3%) 22 (3.7%) 31 (.02%) 5 partners+ 4 (.6%) 29 (4.9%) 33 (.03%) totals 700 595 1295 x2 = 45.008 p= .000 / gamma = .149 / p= .000 hodge, wade 19 19 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 interestingly, table 4 indicates that males are more likely to report having used a condom during their last sexual intercourse than are females. table 4 condom use the last time you had sexual intercourse female male totals no 246 (34.8%) 193 (28.8%) 439 (31.9%) yes 461 (65.2%) 478 (71.2%) 939 (68.1%) totals 707 671 1378 x2 = 5.770, df = 1 p=.016 we wanted to explore this finding a little more deeply. we analyzed the responses to a 13-item condom attitude scale (dehart and birkimer 1997). the 13-item condom attitude scale had a mean of 29.69 and a standard deviation of 13.412. the cronbach’s alpha coefficient was .9214-demonstrating very good reliability. this analysis indicates that males, surprisingly, show more positive attitudes towards condoms than those of our female respondents. additional analysis was conducted using multiple linear regression to ascertain which variables impacted condom attitudes (see table 5 below). surprisingly, neither the mother’s nor father’s level of education nor parental income had a significant influence on condom attitudes in this sample. age at first sex and number of lifetime sex partners significantly (and favorably) impacted attitudes towards condoms. this finding reveals that men and more sexually experienced students are more favorable towards condoms and condom use. this may be the result of the socialization of males to favor condoms as a means of disease protection in this collegiate setting. gender attitudes probably also help to explain this difference as females are socialized to emphasize intimacy and closeness in their relationships. 20 challenge 20 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 table 5 condom attitudes beta coefficients significance sex (female = 1) b = -4.915 p = .000 age of first sex b = 1.566 p = .000 number lifetime partners b = .820 p = .043 for women, this may prove to be a dangerous attitude given the nature of the hiv/aids epidemic in the u.s. while the greatest numbers of blacks that are diagnosed with hiv/aids are between the ages of 35 to 44, blacks between the ages of 13 to 24 constitute 60.1% of all recent hiv/aids diagnoses. the centers for disease control and prevention surveillance data reveal that the primary modes of transmission among blacks include msm (men having sex with other men, 30,154 new cases), high-risk heterosexual contact (having unprotected sex with a person who is hiv+, 14,698 new cases) and injection drug use (10,415 new cases). black females diagnosed between ages 13 to 24 are twice as likely to contract hiv/aids through high risk heterosexual contact as their male counterparts (cdc, 2002). black females diagnosed in this age group and risk category constitute 17.3% of new cases compared to 7.7% of males. the primary mode of transmission for black males diagnosed at ages 13 to 24 is msm behavior (19.9%). these quantitative findings are closely linked to the evidence provided in our qualitative analysis of students from these campuses. careful analysis of indepth interviews, focus group sessions, and student dialog sessions yielded a number of interesting themes that provide contextualization of the findings expressed above. these themes are important determinants of the socio-cultural context of the auc. our findings are also consistent with other research findings that examine traditional gender roles (see, for example, hill-collins 2004; cole and guy sheftall 2003; roberts, mcnair & smith 2004; sobo 1995). unpublished data from surveys conducted hodge, wade 21 21 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 by one of the co-authors over the last two years also indicate that “serial monogamy” and low or inconsistent condom use are common among undergraduates in the auc. this research will help to inform approaches to risk reduction and hiv testing for young african americans inside and outside of the academy. one of the main ideas promoting risky sexual activity on this consortium campus was the popular media. in particular these respondents focused on what they termed highly sexual videos. they suggest that african americans are more influenced by the combination of the music and what is seen than their white counterparts. these respondents see the media, not so much as causing sexual activity, but at least promoting a carefree sexual lifestyle. as one respondent said, yes, media do influence my sexual thinking and especially my behavior. sex on tv is free. too free sex is so simplified on tv, this makes it seem so cut and dry. i feel that tv promotes the need and pressure for sex…. another respondent believes that “media encourage this behavior and our generation is easily influenced.” an interesting conversation centered on these videos and the movies that they [college age students] tend to watch. they said that none of the videos or movies ever show or suggest the use of protection in the sex scenes. they move directly from some minimal foreplay to a naked scene in the bed to the sleep scene or cut away to another shot. sex has been limited to just a normal human activity for any age these days especially on videos and shows. i guess its all cos of the change in the way we think and our being able to be more outspoken than humans were years ago. the media does influence our sexual thinking and attitudes and behaviors in a way but then i wouldnt put too much blame on them cos i think each and everyperson has the responsibility to process that information and interprete it as to whether they want to go by what they have seen or live by statutes that protect them. 22 challenge 22 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 another respondent makes comment on the amount of sexualized imagery in contemporary media presentations: there are a lot of shows on television, and in the movies that promote having a lot of sex with a lot of people, without having any regard to the safety of the individuals involved. these depictions of glamorous and desirable life stages do not present the realities of sex and sexual encounters. clearly, no one in these movies gets an sti or hiv. an important finding, captured in the students’ comments above and that is revealed from many of these qualitative interviews is the normalizing of risky sex. these respondents do not think that media are setting out to increase risky sex among the viewers of these images; however, the respondents clearly indict media for depicting risky sex as normal. in this way, these respondents say, the media presents sex in such a way that what would be seen ordinarily as risky behavior is now normal, and even expected. one respondent was particularly cogent on this point: it encourages the thinking that promiscuity is not so bad, and in fact is at times encouraged. and none of the people represented with the popular media go out of their way to promote safe sex. this heavily influences college students, who emulate what they see more than they would like to admit...like its nothing. like its money, and everyone should rush to get as much as they can from as many different sources as possible. these respondents point to many of the popular music videos and some movies where there is no sense of safe sex. actors are depicted as having sex with multiple partners, without any indication of condom usage. and, as pointed out by hill-collins (2004), the lyrics and themes of the videos are also misogynist and patriarchal. i think that since most young black males want to be a “player” and try to have sex with as many women as they can, causes diseases to be spread in our community. i think that the media encourages this behavior and our generation is easily influenced. hodge, wade 23 23 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 and, as one male respondent put it, “they allow videos that exploit sex(naked women).” consequently, females are tacitly encouraged and shown to be passive in sexual relationships. another theme that is clearly present from the data targets the sex education received as a teen in high school and from home. we see these focal socializing agents as integrally connected providing both complementary as well as conflicting messages. both agents seem to be missing the mark on sex education of children. the respondents agreed nearly unanimously that the standard approach used in high school was ineffective. they said that high school sex education tries to scare students away from sex while the realities are not discussed. it needs to start in the homes. i think the parents needs to be knowledgeable about the dangers of sexual behavior, so that they can relay the info to their children. so there should be programs implemented to inform the adults. a 20 years old male respondent very directly assesses the problem: well, i think the fundamental factor lies in the condition of the home. when i say family grounding, i mean a person may lack parental reinforcement, concerning sexual activity. the men in the group said that the extent of the sex education received at home was their fathers telling them do not get anyone pregnant so wear a condom. one respondent said “my father started giving me condoms in 6th grade.” another respondent said that he felt his father was telling him to have sex. his father told him that a “viagra erection” was somehow superior to the natural erection thereby encouraging the use of drugs with his sexual encounters. (note: there is information surfacing about the use of viagra in young men for whom it is not prescribed and not recommended in combination with other drugs including crack cocaine and methamphetamines). one of the most frequently stated ideas about college life among students is the notion of “freedom from parents.” they indicate that college provides them with the freedom to engage in all sorts of activities. without a strong foundation about sex and 24 challenge 24 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 sexuality, the likelihood of risky sexual behavior is enhanced. we note that the majority of hiv prevention programs focus on male-to-male sexual contact, male bisexual behaviors, injection drug users, and low-income women considered “at-risk”. by default, such efforts ignore the needs of black college women attending hbcu’s. our evidence highlights that societal norms, cultural productions, as well as the college environment itself encourage sexual experimentation and all types of sexual negotiation. african american women in college, many of whom arrive from inner cities and single-parent households, are part of a most recent hip hop generation that is besieged by misogyny, materialism and sexual risk-taking. many african americans strive to overcome their ascribed and inferior social status by constantly struggling against widespread stereotypes and assumptions regarding their very being. their patterns of racial identity formation and maintenance influence how they respond to such representations, even within intimate relationships. the research herein reveals patterns of thinking among students, both men and women, which need to be addressed. a female freshman student reveals her thoughts in a focus group setting: it’s hard being a black woman, you’re fighting off negativity at every moment. you gotta be strong, when you’re in the bedroom setting you don’t want to fight anymore. you become submissive. you relax and let things flow. findings in the auc corroborate those of foreman (2003). she suggests that students used certain strategies to create philosophical and emotional rationalizations for their behaviors. women also rely on a perceived level of commitment in their romantic relations to determine safer sex practices. forman also finds that students had difficulty discussing condom use with sex partners and that many perceived that they had low levels of hiv knowledge. our findings differed from those of foreman in the area of hiv knowledge. respondents had relatively high levels of knowledge even though many did not use condoms consistently. they were also less likely than those in the foreman (2003) study to cite material reasons for hodge, wade 25 25 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 having unprotected sex. a disturbing circumstance was noted in discussions with many of the respondents. the main thrust of the issue centered on attitudes towards risky sexual activity. when the question was asked why college students might engage in risk-taking behaviors, the respondents began a type of rational choice process in their responses. they believe that they weigh (accurately) the risks and determine that the risk is worth it. of course, this position is wrapped up with all the other notions of their sexual activities – from seeing images in the media, to sex education in school and home. one respondent summed it up this way: “i’d rather have sex and take the risk and hope that i don’t get it [hiv/aids] than not to have sex.” another added: “we continue to have sex because we are scared that we may not be able to have sex again.” yet another respondent states that “disease is not something we think about, we are young and figure we have time to fix whatever may happen [based on current actions].” all of these themes fall squarely into the category of invincibility or a false sense of invulnerability. in other words, these college students feel that they are incapable of suffering harm from their actions. all of these behavioral factors appear to be linked to the sociocultural constraints of the college experience. sociocultural findings many of the conversations settled on concerns of a sociocultural nature. for example, the respondents began to focus on topics such as what it means to be a college student (particularly at a black school). many suggested that college life means that you have to be having sex, and a lot of it. if you are not participating in sexual activity, peer groups view you as a child. as one respondent put it: “you’re told you’re not grown until you get a piece.” many of these students may be trying to gain some sense of adulthood through risk-taking behavior. the links between college culture and behaviors of the students, no doubt, are complex. distressingly, these respondents seem to navigate this complexity in ways that may enhance the probability of risky sex. the college culture provides the first sense of independence from parental control. peer pressure 26 challenge 26 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 may lure students to engage in activities so that one will not feel left out or be seen as an odd-ball. one of the most interesting conversations centered on the idea of sex as a proxy for the need to feel loved. the interesting thing about this conversation was that it was most often discussed by the males in the sample. the discussion from these young males is similar to literature suggesting that one of the reasons for underage pregnancy is the girl’s need to feel unconditional love. she is able to give love and have that love unconditionally reciprocated through her dependent infant. it can be intoned from this discussion that students are using sex as a stand-in or substitute for their need to feel loved. females are also socialized to emphasize intimacy and continuity in their relationships. as sobo (1995) suggests, this need for intimacy increases the likelihood of sexual risk-taking among working class women. our findings suggest that this need for intimacy among women may also contribute to less favorable attitudes about condoms and less condom usage especially in ongoing (vs. casual) relationships with their male partners (see wade 2007). more investigation is needed to understand the mechanisms of this phenomenon. discussion gender as cultural context cole (2005) aptly describes the hiv/aids epidemic among black women as “a disease of mass destruction” (2005:51). she points out the limitations of the “abc trilogy” of prevention. for many black women, providing or “teaching” the facts about abstinence, faithfulness and consistent condom usage (abc) are not enough to stem the tide of the epidemic given the societal issues that impact the broader african american community. the issues of “infidelity, rape, incest … secret bisexuality, fears of rejection and loneliness, and serial monogamy” (2005:53) make it necessary to supplement the abc model with other approaches to risk reduction. cole agrees that it is crucial that black women receive tailored and “comprehensive sex education” (2005:57) in response to this set of hodge, wade 27 27 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 issues. such gender specific programs must: 1) convey the gravity of the hiv/aids epidemic to women; 2) influence personal behaviors and notions of responsibility (abstinence, alternative forms of intimacy, risk implications of multiple partners); 3) enhance women’s sense of personal empowerment (self esteem, self efficacy, condom negotiation skills), and 4) finally, emphasize hiv/aids advocacy to overcome community apathy, fatalism and conspiracy theories. another question related to gender role expectations and sexual risk-taking for women and men is how to combat the “valorization of thug life, misogyny, homophobic violence, and a constant need to prove one’s manhood” (hill collins, 2004:81 – 82; cole & guy sheftall, 2003). such beliefs, norms and “contextual factors influence sexual risk-taking” (mcnair, 2004:107). these factors include environmental stress, relationship history, perceived victimization status, an imbalanced sex ratio – fewer available partners and an attenuated ability for females to negotiate condom use (mcnair, 2004). in a setting with an unbalanced sex ratio, there is considerable pressure on women to compete for the attention of men. further, black women in college are less likely to date outside of their race than men. consequently, more attention must be given to these environmental pressures within the framework of hiv/ aids prevention for hbcu students. although most intervention programs target the individual, health behaviors can illustrate how the health problems of americans and especially youth are embedded in the social, economic and political structures of society. evidence suggests that prevention programs need to begin early in life, before risk-taking behaviors cement themselves as a part of people’s behavioral repertoires. holtzman and rubinson (1995) observed the impact of parent versus peer communication about hiv/aids among high school students in the u.s. they found that students who discussed hiv with their parents were significantly less likely to engage in risky sexual behaviors and drug injection than their peers who primarily discussed hiv with other students. other studies have found convincing evidence linking family organization and interaction styles to risktaking behaviors (see walker, vaughn, and cohall 1991; leland and 28 challenge 28 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 barth 1993). strategies that facilitate development of pro-social environments are needed to stem the tide of risk taking behaviors. uncovering the social and cultural elements of the lived experiences of specific at-risk groups will provide much needed information for positive interventions of their risky sexual behaviors. this type of preparation for a productive life style may hold the most promise for reducing unhealthy life choices and the negative outcomes that seem to be endemic to many communities (see stokes and hodge 2000; harris, duncan, and boisjoly 2002). youth and sexuality in the age of hiv/aids a study sponsored by the kaiser family foundation/children now initiative (1999) surveyed 348 children between the ages of 10 and 15 in an effort to understand where youth receive information about subjects such as sex and aids. what the survey revealed was that youth between 13 and 15 years rely on peers as much or more than on parents for information on sex and sexual relations. for example, the respondents were asked to whom they would likely talk if they were thinking about sex. over one-fourth (27%) responded that they would talk to friends. when asked if they had ever talked to their parents about a range of issues, 24% indicated they had never talked to either parent about aids, 19% had not talked to either parent about basic facts of sexual reproduction, 26% had not talked about issues surrounding becoming sexually active, and 21% had not talked to their parents about pregnancy or sexually transmitted diseases. respondents also indicated interest in knowing more about issues concerning sex and its consequences. this and other studies show that youth are indeed interested in issues pertaining to reproductive health and health issues in general. students come to college campuses with these questions and issues still unresolved. many have already engaged in risky activities. social forces in the larger societal context operate to either aggravate or attenuate the behaviors on the college campuses. for instance, research indicates that african american adolescents initiate sexual encounters, on average, at an earlier age than their white and hispanic counterparts (bakken and winter 2002). most hodge, wade 29 29 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 interventions, therefore, focus on information processing. the idea is that the more knowledge students have about the negative outcomes, the less likely they will be to participate in risky behaviors. seminars that provide factual information are clearly a necessary component for reducing risky sexual activity; but they may not be wholly sufficient. programs that address the “cultural baggage” of students are needed to complete the package for effective behavior change. and, it is important that these programs are based on sound scientific foundations. we are looking to delineate the social and cultural structures that circumscribe the behavioral repertoires of these actors; but, moreso, we seek to understand the inter-relationships or interaction of the social context with the actor. in essence, we examine the mutual interpenetration and interdependence of agent and structure. we do not ask simply what are the social forces impinging upon each actor; but, what are the actors’ perceptions of these social forces as they negotiate the cultural milieu of on their campuses. interaction of culture and individual we believe that a major issue hampering effective intervention on college campuses, particularly hbcus, is the belief that it is ultimately the individual that controls his/her behaviors and is the author of one’s own fate. yet, sociological theory holds that individuality is constrained by social forces such as class, race, gender and social institutions such as family, education, religion, and work, among others. factors relating to these social institutions must be included when trying to implement behavioral change strategies. link and phelan (1995), for example, demonstrate the connections between family interaction dynamics and risky sexual behaviors. bakken and winter (2002) show that there is an association between family characteristics and age of sexual initiation as well as the lifetime number of sexual partners (both variables that are important in assessing sexual risk). hence, consistent with long-standing social science theory, the relationship between health-related behaviors, risk and knowledge can be incorporated in studies of social structure, social practices, and agency (abel 1991). 30 challenge 30 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 social structure is defined as the factors involving individuals’ relationships to each other and the attendant power relations. social practices are the reflexive activities in which people engage to make and transform the world. agency is defined as the ability for people to deploy a range of causal powers—to “make a difference to a preexisting state of affairs or course of events” (giddens 1984). in-depth qualitative analysis of case studies is the only way to fully assess the actor within the particular context of the college culture (burawoy 1991; feagin, orum, and sjoberg 1991). ample evidence exists demonstrating the relationship between social factors and effective health behavior intervention strategies. for example, research has shown that carefully designed interventions that take into account the socio-cultural context play an important role in reducing risky behaviors of adolescents and young adults for a variety of problem areas. kirby et al. (1994) provide a review of school based programs designed to reduce sexual risk taking behavior among adolescents. they found that a number of programs were able to successfully reduce risk taking behaviors. additionally, frost and forrest (1995) identified five programs that were successful in either reducing rates of sexual initiation by young adolescents or increasing the use of contraceptives for those who are engaging in sexual intercourse. more recently, stokes and hodge (2000) examine the effects of programs such as upward bound on the risk taking behavior of adolescents. these studies and others demonstrate the substantial influence social factors have as determinants of health behaviors. for instance, myers, javanbakht, maritinez, and obediah (2003) examine the behavioral, demographic, social, and psychological factors that may be associated with high sexual risk activities. they find that for heterosexual african american males, social support provided significantly deacreased risk-taking activities. in other words, for every mean point increase in social support there was an associated 2.3% decrease in the likelihood of risky behaviors among this population group. a recently published study examined the influence of social context on individual behaviors that may place people at risk for negative health outcomes (adimora and schoenbach 2005). these researchers found important sociohodge, wade 31 31 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 cultural factors that may put african americans at greater risk for stis and hiv. they find that sharply contrasting social settings for blacks and whites, particularly in their social networks, is likely to maintain the gap in hiv rates. they note that overlapping sexual partners is more prevalent among blacks. a lot of this finding can be traced to contextual factors such as incarceration rates of black males, segregation, and poverty. the study of sexual networks on black college campuses has not been done, to date. numerous studies of college students have explored the relationship of knowledge about hiv and risky sexual behavior (see parsons jt, halkitis pn, bimbi d, borkowski t; bazargan m, kelly em, stein ja, husaini ba, bazargan sh 2000; dilorio c, dudley wn, soet j, watkins j, maibach e. 2000). in many studies knowledge of hiv is not correlated with safe sex practices (valentine pa, wright dl, henley gl. 2003; lewis je, malow rm, ireland sj 1997) and interventions based on social cognition models have had limited success in changing risky sexual behavior (ogden 2003). other researchers have suggested the need to integrate social group process into cognition models for youth and young adults (schofield pe, pattison pe, hill dj, borland r. 2003; young ra, lynam mj, valach l, novak h, brierton i, christopher a. 2001). several scholars have noted the importance of social factors and culture on sexual health behaviors of african americans (plowden k, miller jl, james t. 2000; plowden ko, young ae 2003). college campuses provide an interesting social setting where lives are very closely intertwined on a number of levels. conclusion students work, live, play, etc. in a very small space and issues of privacy are heightened by this type of organic density. these concerns are particularly salient on historically black colleges and universities where there is greater density than on traditionally larger majority campuses (literally, everyone is, at minimum, familiar to everyone). institutional culture develops and changes as the nature of the interactions of its members adjust to social forces from inside and outside the institution. the findings chronicled herein, at least, 32 challenge 32 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 begin to focus much needed attention on the dynamic interplay among students at historically black colleges and universities. given the cultural baggage african americans bring with them to college, the lack of (or inconsistent) parental information provided to youth regarding sexual relationships and the inconsistent condom use among hbcu and other college students, it is crucial to provide students with culturally specific risk reduction programming that addresses the lack of risk knowledge, erroneous and problematic early life socialization about intimacy and relationships, and the gender imbalances in intimate relationships. hodge, wade 33 33 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 references burawoy, michael, et al 1991. ethnography unbound: power and resistance in the modern metropolis. berkeley: university of california press. campbell, carole a. 1999. women, families and hiv/ aids: a sociological perspective on the epidemic in america. cambridge:cambridge university press. centers for disease control and prevention 1997. “youth risk behavior surveillance: national college health risk behavior survey united states, 1995.” mmwr (46): 1 – 56. centers for disease control and prevention 2001. “u.s. hiv and aids cases reported through december 2001.” hiv / aids surveillance report 13 (2). centers for disease control and prevention 2004. “methodology of the youth risk behavior surveillance system.” mmwr (53): 1 – 13. centers for disease control and prevention 2007(b). “update to racial / ethnic disparities in diagnoses of hiv / aids – 33 states, 2001 – 2005” mmwr 56(9):189 193. centers for disease control and prevention 2007. “cases of hiv infection and aids in the united states and dependent areas, 2005.” hiv / aids surveillance report 17 (june, 2007). cohen, sheldon; tom kamarck; robin mermelstein 1983. “a global measure of perceived stress.” journal of health and social behavior, vol. 24 (4): 385-396. cole, johnnetta betsch and beverly guy sheftall 2003. gender talk: the struggle for women’s equality in african american communities. new york: ballantine books. 34 challenge 34 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 cole, lorraine 2005. “the politics of hiv prevention and black women.” the harvard journal of african american public policy 11 (summer): 51 – 62. dehart, d.d. & birkimer, j.c. 1997. “trying to practice safer sex: development of the sexual risk scale.” the journal of sex research 34: 11 – 25. foreman, f.e. 2003 “african american college women: constructing a hierarchy of sexual arrangements.” aids care 15: 493-504. foreman, faith e. 2003. “intimate risk: sexual risk behavior among african american college women.” journal of black studies 33(5):637 – 653. hill collins, patricia 2004. black sexual politics: african americans, gender, and the new racism. new york: routledge. roberts, george w., mcnair, lily d. & smith, dawn 2004. “introduction” the journal of black psychology 30(1):5 10. sobo, e.j. 1995 choosing unsafe sex: aids-risk denial among disadvantaged women. philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press. stokes, carla e. and gant, larry m. 2002. “turning the tables on the hiv / aids epidemic: hip hop as a tool for reaching african american adolescent girls.” african american research perspectives 8(2) :71 – 81. taylor, s.e., dilorio, c., stephens, t.t. and soet, j.e. 1997. “a comparison of aids-related sexual risk behaviors among african-american college students.” journal of the national medical association 89(6): 397-403. u. s. department of the census 2000 table p34b family type by presence and age of own children (black or african american alone householder) [20] downloaded from www.census.gov february 2, 2008. hodge, wade 35 35 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 36 challenge wade, bruce h. 2007. “the disabling nature of the hiv / aids discourse among hbcu students: how postcolonial racial identities and gender expectations influence hiv prevention attitudes and sexual risk-taking.” in wagadu: a journal transnational women’s and gender studies volume 4 (summer): 125 -141. wingood, gina m., diclemente, ralph j., bernhardt, j. m., harrington, k., davies, s. l., robillard, a. and hook, e. w. 2003 “a prospective study of exposure to rap music videos and african american female adolescents’ health.” american journal of public health, 93, 437–439. 36 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 challenge 2007 challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation african american college students' attitudes_resized hiv-aids perceptions, attitudes & behaviors among hbcu students_resized intersection between race, gender, & sexual risk_resized promoting hiv vaccine research in african american communities_resized suicide and african americans: an overview kenneth osiezagha amandeep kaur narviar c. barker rahn kennedy bailey meharry medical college abstract suicide is increasingly becoming a major public health issue. each year over one million people die by suicide worldwide. the world health organization estimates that suicide is the thirteenth leading cause of death worldwide (gross 2006) and the national safety council rates death by suicide eleventh in the united states (minino and heron 2006). it is a leading cause of death among teenagers and adults under 35 (nikola 2006). the rate of completed suicide is higher in men than in women (o’connor and noel 2000). it is estimated that workforce-related suicides cost businesses as much as $13 billion annually (research! america 2008) and for every suicide prevented, the united states could save an average of $3,875 in medical expenses and $1,178,684 in lost productivity (research! america 2008). caucasians are twice as likely as african americans to complete suicide. the rate of suicide is growing faster among african american youth than among caucasian youth (american association of suicidology 2006); it is the third leading cause of death for african americans aged 15-24 (centers for disease control and prevention 2007). this is a descriptive study of various dimensions of suicide among african americans in the past decade with a discussion of prevention and screening tools. african american attitudes towards suicide and mental health treatment historically, suicidal behaviors among african americans have received little attention. this may be attributed to the belief that very few african americans believe in suicide or that religious beliefs prevent african americans from committing suicide. there also is the belief that african americans do not experience depression, which in its severe state often can lead to suicide. abuse of medications, especially antidepressants, can be a factor in suicide completions. in a study conducted by tn medicaid waiver managed-care program study (ray wayne et al. 2007), only 29 percent of reported african american suicides and possible suicides compared to 51 percent caucasian suicides used prescribed anti-depressants in the year prior to committing suicide. other studies also show a significant difference in prescribed anti-depressant treatment among african americans compared to caucasian americans. although african americans are less likely to receive treatment for depression, they have similar to higher rates of depression than their caucasian counterparts. minority adults also are more likely to lack trust in their physicians. cultural mistrust, especially in mental health services provided by european american clinicians, is believed to be behind the negative attitude towards psychiatric intervention. lack of doctors from patient’s same race and ethnicity also plays an important role apart from the fact that culturally incompetent doctors are more likely to violate the please address all correspondence to kenneth osiezagha: drkenza2@gmail.com osiezagha 29 patients’ religious and cultural beliefs. this finding was based on the tennessee medicaid waiver managed care program study (ray, hall, and meador 2007), which also mentioned lack of insurance coverage, linguistics and poor patient-doctor relationships as reasons for poor participation in seeking mental health treatment. misclassification of suicide actual studies of suicide among african americans is compromised by the fact that african american suicides are more likely to be misclassified than any other ethnic group (phillips and ruth 1993; warhauer and monk 1978). some researchers suggest that african american suicides may be “disguised” in the form of “victim-precipitated homicides” (garrison et al. 1991), or as accidental deaths. this concept is especially relevant because victim-precipitated homicide occurs when an individual intentionally engages in behavior that thrusts another individual (e.g., police officer, gang member, etc.) to kill or harm him or her (parent 199). although it has been estimated that nearly 30 percent of urban homicides are victimprecipitated (van zandt 1993), these deaths are not formally recognized as a form of suicide. labeling cause of death as injury of undetermined intent by investigators and medical examiners has been shown to lead to underestimation of suicide cases (o’carroll 1989; goldsmith et al. 2002; croft, lathrop, and zumwalt 2006). accurate accounts of african american suicides may not be known due to misclassifications of cause of death (o’carroll 1989). african americans are generally viewed as a psychologically unsophisticated race that is naturally high spirited and unburdened with a sense of responsibility (prange and vitols 1962). often this perception of african americans contributes to their misclassification of cause of death. another noted distinction in african americans who commit suicide is lack of suicide notes. according to data from the national violent reporting system from 2004-2006, only 18 percent of african-americans leave behind suicide notes as compared to 21 percent in hispanic suicide cases. also, most african americans are hesitant to report suicidal ideations due to self-stigma and public stigma. other factors such as religious and cultural reasons, life insurance policy stipulations, and lack of psychological autopsies have being shown to influence the rate of suicide in african americans (litman 1989). african american males who attempted suicide were found to have more psychotic experiences than african american females documented with depressive symptoms. in a study using new york city medical examiner data, it was estimated that suicide was underestimated in 80 percent of african american deaths (warhauer and monk 1978). a more recent study on potential suicide misclassification in minorities estimated more than twice the number of african americans to be prone to potential suicide misclassification as compared to caucasians and hispanics. youths and lesser educated population groups also were more likely to be misclassified (rockett 2010). psychiatry comorbidity is present in nearly half of all suicide cases; yet less than 10 percent of these mental health disorders are actually reported on death certificates (rockett 2010). gender differences african american females are more likely to attempt suicide but african american males have more suicide completions. in 1998, african american deaths certified as suicide occurred at a rate of five per day (american association of suicidology 2006). 30 challenge in 2002, 1,939 african americans completed suicide in the united states. of these, 1,633 (84 percent) were males (rate of 9.1 per 100,000); and 1.6 per 100,000 were females (american association of suicidology 2006). african american males use lethal force (i.e., firearms) when attempting suicide more often than females do, and thus have more completion rates than females. being a homosexual with an unsupportive family or in a hostile environment is also a major predisposing factor (mathy 2009), but studies specific to african american homosexuals is lacking. table 1 shows suicide rates by gender, ethnicity and age groups. table 2 shows suicide rates for african americans and caucasians from 1992 – 2006. according to the american association of suicidology, 2007 • in 2007, there were only 352 african american female suicides. the ratio of african american male to female suicide was 4.56 to 1. • the suicide rate among african american females was the lowest of all racial/gender 5    table 1: suicide by gender/ethnicity/age groups u.s. suicide statistics (2005) breakdown by gender / ethnicity /young, old age groups all ages combined elderly (65+yrs) youth (15-24 yrs) group number of suicides rate of suicide elderly suicides elderly suicide rate youth suicides youth suicide rate white men 23,478 19.7 4,361 32.1 2,945 17.3 white women 6,049 5.0 779 4.2 595 3.7 nonwhite men 2,429 9.0 189 10.5 553 12.0 nonwhite women 681 2.3 75 2.7 119 2.7 black men 1,621 8.7 124 10.3 382 11.5 black women 371 1.8 28 1.4 55 1.7 table 2: suicide by race 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 1992199319941995199619971998199920002001200220032004200520062007 r at e s  p e r  1 0 0 ,0 0 0 year suicide rates for african americans and  caucasians, 1992‐2006 caucasian afrian
american (american association of suicidology 2007) osiezagha 31 groups. as with all racial groups, african american females were more likely than males to attempt suicide and african american males were more likely to complete suicide • from 1993 to 2002, the rate of suicide for african americans (all ages) showed a small but steady decline (from 6.9 in 1993 to 5.2 in 2002). for caucasians, the rate declined until 1999 (from 13.0 in 1993 to 11.5 in 1999), and then increased slightly since 2000. • suicide was the third leading cause of death among african american youth, after homicides and accidents. the suicide rate for young african american youth was 6.5 per 100,000 (n = 403). • for african american individuals, the rate of male suicide (11.3 per 100,000) was 6.6 times higher than that of females (1.7 per 100,000). method of suicide firearms are the predominant method of suicide completion among african american males. nationally, firearms are involved in 74 percent of all suicides among african american teenagers aged 10-14; 61 percent of all suicides among 15-24 year olds; and 54 percent of all suicides among 25-34 year olds (tennessee suicide prevention network). see table 3 for suicides by firearm and gender. other methods of suicide include drowning, which is among the least common method of suicide that typically accounts for less than 2 percent of all reported suicides in the united states (cdc-wisqars 1998); drug overdose with analgesics (brock and griffiths 2003); poisoning especially with pesticide accounts for 30 percent worldwide (griffiths 2007). suicide by hanging is more prevalent in preindustrial societies (maris et al. 2000); jumping from height (i.e., tall buildings, bridges) is least common and accounts for just 2 percent of the suicides in the united states (cdc-wisqars 1998). suicide risk factors risk factors for suicide among african-americans include being age 35 and under; residing in southern and northeastern states; substance abuse; having a firearm in the home; and threatening others with violence (willis et al. 2003); and mental illness accounts for 87 percent-98 percent of suicide in the general population (arsenaultlapierre et al. 2004; bertolote and fleischmann 2000). figure 1 illustrates risk factors related to suicide. other risk factors include having a prior suicide attempt (most significant risk factor); having an underlying psychiatric disorder such as depression or post-traumatic stress disorder; being intoxicated (a large percentage of suicides are committed under the influence of alcohol or drugs); behaving recklessly or impulsively; having a family history of mental disorders or substance abuse; having a family history of suicide or violence including physical or sexual abuse; recently undergoing a stressful life event such as the loss of a loved one or a breakup; having firearms in your home; having a signifi6    table3: percent of african american suicides by firearm age both gender male female all ages 55 59 38 15-24 63 67 40 25-34 67 58 36 65 and older 74 79 38 (american association of suicidology 2002) according to the american association of suicidology, 2007 • in 2007, there were only 352 african american female suicides. the ratio of african american male to female suicide was 4.56 to 1. • the suicide rate among african american females was the lowest of all racial/gender groups. as with all racial groups, african american females were more likely than males to attempt suicide and african american males were more likely to complete suicide • from 1993 to 2002, the rate of suicide for african americans (all ages) showed a small but steady decline (from 6.9 in 1993 to 5.2 in 2002). for caucasians, the rate declined until 1999 (from 13.0 in 1993 to 11.5 in 1999), and then increased slightly since 2000. • suicide was the third leading cause of death among african american youth, after homicides and accidents. the suicide rate for young african american youth was 6.5 per 100,000 (n = 403). • for african american individuals, the rate of male suicide (11.3 per 100,000) was 6.6 times higher than that of females (1.7 per 100,000). method of suicide firearms are the predominant method of suicide completion among african american males. nationally, firearms are involved in 74 percent of all suicides among african american teenagers aged 10-14; 61 percent of all suicides among 15-24 year olds; and 54 percent of all 32 challenge cant medical illness such as cancer or chronic pain; feeling socially isolated or lonely; having legal problems; having trouble in school; and social problems or disciplinary problems if you are a child or young adult. socioeconomic variables status plays a significant role in the suicide rate among african americans. according to a study on suicide behavior in low-income african american women, feelings of helplessness was the most important risk factor leading to suicide for this group. other significant factors were psychological distress; drug use(cocaine most common); psychiatric disorders, especially depression and ptsd; primary relationship discord, specially women who were abused in any way; maladaptive coping skills; sense of hopelessness; and low level of social support systems, including less involvement with one’s own ethnic group. alcohol abuse was found to be related to women suicide attempts with history of spousal abuse, but not otherwise. in men, both alcohol and drugs were associated with increase in suicide attempts. childhood and adolescent trauma history also are risk factors for female suicide attempters as these are found to increase suicidal behavior (kaslow et al. 2006). kaslow (2002) reported that education and marriage were shown to have a protective role. she also hypothesized spiritualism to be a protective factor in low income african american populations. low-income african american women who are less likely to improve their economic standing and educational attainment show increase in suicide attempts, especially when raising a child is involved and they have no support systems in place, or recovering substance abusers, and or have a dual diagnosis. importantly, these risk factors when identified should lead to proper psychosocial interventions such as education, behavior therapy (najavitis 2002) and group therapy (foy et al. 2001). religiosity and suicide religious beliefs generally provide a protective effect against suicide in the african american community as suicide is seen as an unforgivable sin (early and akers 1993). durkheim (1984) posited that religion acts as a deterrent against suicide because it enhances social integration and normalizes submission or adherence to regulation. several researchers have noted that ties to religious institutions in general serve as a 7    suicides among 25-34 year olds (tennessee suicide prevention network). see table 3 for suicides by firearm and gender. other methods of suicide include drowning, which is among the least common method of suicide that typically accounts for less than 2 percent of all reported suicides in the united states (cdc-wisqars 1998); drug overdose with analgesics (brock and griffiths 2003); poisoning especially with pesticide accounts for 30 percent worldwide (griffiths 2007). suicide by hanging is more prevalent in preindustrial societies (maris et al. 2000); jumping from height (i.e., tall buildings, bridges) is least common and accounts for just 2 percent of the suicides in the united states (cdc-wisqars 1998). suicide risk factors risk factors for suicide among african-americans include being age 35 and under; residing in southern and northeastern states; substance abuse; having a firearm in the home; and threatening others with violence (willis et al. 2003); and mental illness accounts for 87 percent98 percent of suicide in the general population (arsenault-lapierre et al. 2004; bertolote and fleischmann 2000). figure 1 illustrates risk factors related to suicide. figure 1: mental illness and suicide osiezagha 33 protective barrier against suicidal behaviors because religious organizations are easily accessible, provide an important source of positive effect, emphasize social ties, and enhance group cohesiveness (pescosolido and georgianna 1989). religiosity also has been found to be a protective factor for suicide ideation, suicide attempts, and suicide completion among adolescents from various ethnic backgrounds (donahue and peter 1995; stack, wasserman, and kposowa 1994; zhang and jin 1996). however, few studies to date have empirically validated this phenomenon among african american adolescents in spite of the centrality of religion and spirituality in the african american culture (lincoln 1990; wilmore 1998). in a recent study of african american and caucasian adolescents, religious orthodoxy, or commitment to a few cores, religious beliefs were found to buffer perceived suicide risk (greening and stoppelbein 2002). in multiple national samples that examined different aspects of african american life, african americans consistently engaged in more public and private religious devotion than other racial/ethnic groups. eight out of 10 african american respondents reported that religious beliefs are very important and 56 percent attend church two or more times a month. nearly 39 percent read religious material and 36 percent listen to religious broadcasts at least once per week (chatters et al. 1999). even african americans who do not attend church regularly engage in more private devotional activities than other racial/ethnic groups (taylor 1988). in spite of these positives, religiosity also has been found to discourage mental health help-seeking behaviors (blank et al. 2002; lesniak 2006) and colleagues recently found that different dimensions and aspects of religion, such as intrinsic religiosity, are uniquely related to various mental health outcomes (lesniak et al. 2006). traditionally, research that examined the relationship between religion and mental health focused on public or organizationally based religious behaviors (e.g., church membership, church attendance, involvement in church activities). although this aspect of religiosity is an important component, public religious participation may not fully capture the effect of religion on psychological well-being which was validated by taylor and his colleagues. pathophysiology suicide behavior has been shown to have a genetic link within families and this familial transmission cannot solely be explained by the transmission of psychiatric disorders alone. the highest suicide rates are not observed in the biological relatives of patients with affective disorders, who by themselves have a strong genetically driven vulnerability (brent 2005). twin studies have shown that monozygotic twins have a significantly higher concordance rate for completed and attempted suicide than dizygotic twins (roy 1983) do. this finding was replicated in a large australian twin study in which the risk of a serious suicide attempt by a monozygotic twin was 17-fold increased if the co-twin made a serious suicide attempt (statham et al. 1998).the heritability of suicide and suicidal behavior seems to be determined through at least two components: the heritable liability to psychiatric disorders and the heritable liability to impulsive aggression or other personality traits. hence, the concordance of both liability factors results in the highest risk for suicidal behavior (brent 2005). based on neurobiological findings, genetic studies have been conducted for over a decade in order to elucidate the genetic contribution to the vulnerability of suicidal behavior. as there is convincing 34 challenge evidence that a serotonergic dysfunction is involved in the biological susceptibility to suicide, especially in high-lethality suicide, the majority of the studies were performed with candidate genes of the serotonin pathway. prevention of suicide successful prevention efforts seek to minimize risk factors and maximize protective factors (i.e., effective clinical care for mental, physical and substance abuse disorders; family and community support; and promoting skills in problem solving, conflict resolution and nonviolent handling of disputes). addressing the overall health of those at risk has demonstrated success. providing effective, targeted and community-based mental health services for children and adolescents who are identified to be at risk for suicide is the primary suicide prevention tactic. research shows that early intervention strategies that target risk factors for depression, substance abuse and aggressive behaviors and building resiliency may have promise in preventing youth suicide. ensuring that youth have adequate access to mental health services through mental health parity legislation is another prevention tactic. “you can have all the prevention programs in the world, but if people don’t have access to care, it’s meaningless,” says jerry reed, the executive director of the suicide prevention action network. approximately 25 states have laws for full mental health parity that require insurers to cover mental illness to the same extent as physical illness. reed points out that suicide has been “stigmatized for so long” that reliable data on prevalence and on effective prevention strategies are just beginning to become available. surveillance data is “critically important” to understanding those at risk and how to direct suicide prevention resources (national conference of state legislatures 2005). also of equal importance is appreciation of early warning signs because people with suicidal behavior usually present with warning signs. a proper understanding of these symptoms is very vital in the prevention of suicidal attempts or completion. some of these signs include previous suicide attempts; giving away prized possessions; making final arrangements; loss of interest in usual activities; recent loss of a loved one; loss of job; and increase in substance abuse. the american association of suicidology provides a mnemonics for early suicide warning signs: “is path warm”. suicide screening tools the use of early screening tools has shown to be very effective in identifying people at risk and in need of treatment and monitoring. one such tool is the columbia suicide screen (css) developed by researchers at columbia university that is able to identify more accurately patients with suicide-related behaviors than other similar instruments. earlier screening tools such as the beck depression inventory (bdi) have been faulted for their lack of precision. by administering the css to 1,729 high school students, researchers from columbia university and similar universities intended to provide a more accurate test of suicide-related behavior. the css more correctly identified teens with suicide-related behaviors that were at risk of committing suicide. the tool also identified which teens did not exhibit suicide-related behaviors and who therefore had little or no risk of committing suicide (shaffer et al. 2004). based on this research, a teenscreen public health initiative was developed and has been implemented at different capacities in 43 states and the district of columbia. in these states, the teenscreen osiezagha 35 staff provides consultation, training, screening tools and technical assistance to independentlyand locally-operated screening programs, educate local providers about the youths’ needs, and link mental health services by connecting mental health providers and community resources, particularly schools (national conference of state legislatures 2005). other preventive measures includes cognitive behavioral therapy by psychiatrists with emphasis on helping patients learn new coping skills instead of just talking to the clinician about their suicidal ideations has proven to be very effective in suicide prevention (lizardi et al. 2011). good patient follow-up practice by psychiatrists has shown decreased patient and youth dropout rates, especially with low socioeconomic background individuals and thus, reducing suicide rates. finally, discussions on prevention would be incomplete if the issue of method of suicide is not addressed. gun control with respect to mentally ill patients has correctly been discussed, and this topic has continued to generate a lot of passionate debate. reducing the easy availability of lethal weapons and other similar means commonly used to commit suicide is an issue the government has to review. references american association of suicidology. 2007. “african american suicide fact sheet.” retrieved june 17, 2011 (http://www.suicidology.org). arsenault-lapierre, geneviève, caroline kim, and gustavo turecki. 2004. “psychiatric diagnoses in 3275 suicides: a meta-analysis.” bmc psychiatry 4:37. bertolote, m. josé and alexandra fleischmann. 2000. “suicide and psychiatric diagno sis: a worldwide perspective.” world psychiatry 1(3):181-18. blank, michael b., marcus mahmood, jeanne c. fox, and thomas guterbock. 2002. “alternative mental health services: the role of the black church in the south.” american journal of public health 92:1668–1672. brent, d. a., l. l. greenhill, s. compton, g. emslie, k. wells, j. t. walkup, b. vitiello, o. bukstein, b. stanley, k. posner, b. d. kennard, m. f. cwik, a. wagner, b. coffey, j. s. march, m. riddle, t. goldstein, j. curry, s. barnett, l. capasso, 12    laws for full mental health parity that require insurers to cover mental illness to the same extent as physical illness. reed points out that suicide has been "stigmatized for so long" that reliable data on prevalence and on effective prevention strategies are just beginning to become available. surveillance data is "critically important" to understanding those at risk and how to direct suicide prevention resources (national conference of state legislatures 2005). also of equal importance is appreciation of early warning signs because people with suicidal behavior usually present with warning signs. a proper understanding of these symptoms is very vital in the prevention of suicidal attempts or completion. some of these signs include previous suicide attempts; 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(1994) found that 17 percent were at risk of experiencing depressive symptoms. smaller, local clinical investigations of primary care patients have resulted in considerable high rates of between about 20 percent (kroenke et al. 2007) and 27 percent (bair et al. 2003). over the past two decades, disparities in the diagnosis and prognosis of depression have become to be considered a necessary part of mental health research. previous investigations reported that black and african-american populations have a greater risk of experiencing depression (centers for disease control and prevention 1998; dunlop et al. 2003). black and african-american populations also report higher rates of depression and pain comorbidity (edwards et al. 2001; green et al. 2003b; green et al. 2003c; johnson-umezulike 1999; mccracken 2001; riley et al 2002; selim et al. 2001; tan et al. 2005). the correlation between race and risk of depression proves to be significant even after controlling for sociocultural and socioeconomic variables (jones-webb and snowden 1993). the issue of racial/ethnic disparities in rates of depression has been compounded by reports of disparities in diagnosis as well; african-american primary care patients are more infrequently diagnosed than their white counterparts are (borowsky et al. 2000; skaer et al. 2000). the purpose of the present study was to investigate whether or not black populations have a higher risk of depression than other racial groups and whether or not somatic symptoms could be potentially good indicators to screen for depression in black patients. williams 57 background somatic symptoms of depression the relationship between pain and depression has been strongly identified by a preponderance of research findings (bener et al. 2006; fishbain et al. 1997). means-christensen et al. (2008) determined that a patient’s report of a pain symptom resulted in a 2.5 to near ten-fold increase in positive screens for panic disorder or depression. researchers have proposed a number of biological explanations for the relationship (delgado 2004; heuser 1998; petrovic et al. 2004; strigo et al. 2008) but none have been determined to be superior and no causal relationship has been established between pain—neither acute nor chronic—and depression. without causality being determined, the relationship is significant and even highly common. a review of literature on comorbidity calculated the average rate of patients who had somatic and depressive symptoms to be about two-thirds (williams et al. 2006). while the areas of pain and types of somatization have varied in these studies, a particularly strong association exists between low back pain and depression (bacon et al. 1994; rush, polatin and gatchel 2000). racial/ethnic differences in somatic symptoms research has indicated that african americans tend to report more intense and severe experiences of pain (carey and garrett 2003; edwards, fillingim and keefe 2001; sheffield et al. 2000). considering pain is a subjective experience that is nuanced by a participant’s attitudes and values regarding behavior and communication (bates and rankin-hill 1994; goldberg and remy-st. louis 1998; lawlis et al. 1982), these findings are not surprising. additionally, when more intense and severe experiences of pain are identified in african americans there is also a greater level of reported pain-related disability and interference with daily activities (plesh, crawford and gansky 2002; green et al. 2004; mccracken et al. 2001; riley gilbert and heft 2002; tan et al. 2005). cleland, palmer, and venzke (2005) found that greater behavioral inhibiting pain in african americans was associated with higher levels of depression in comparison with other ethnic groups. existing research also points to important racial/ ethnic differences not only in the experiences of pain but in pain-related coping methods as well. in dealing with pain, african americans tend to employ passive coping methods and are less likely to seek medical care (hastie, riley, and fillingim 2005). these health behaviors have important implications for mental health screenings of african americans 58 challenge and suggest the potential benefit of using somatic symptoms to diagnose depression. racial/ethnic differences in experiences of depression racial/ethnic differences in depression-related experiences complicate the diagnosis of mental health illness in african american patients. while african americans tend to indicate greater sympathy for those with diagnosed mental illness, they are more likely than their white counterparts to attach a stigma to mental disorders and consequently less likely to utilize and receive mental health services (cooper, corrigan and watson 2003; kessler et al. 2001; mojtabai, olfson and mechanic 2002; office of the surgeon general 2001; perlick et al. 2001; snowden 1999). kales et al. (2006) found that when they do seek treatment for mental health illness, african americans are more likely to see primary care physicians rather than psychiatrists. in their review of research on the evaluation and treatment of depression in african americans, das et al. (2006) found that african americans were more likely than other ethnic groups to exhibit somatic and neurovegetative symptoms of depression. they suggest that these differences in depressive symptoms may complicate detection and diagnosis in african american populations. screening for depression in black patients considering depression is a prevalent and debilitative illness that can lead to less favorable outcomes and greater health care utilization, it is important to recognize cultural differences in views of emotion and meanings of depression and acknowledge that typically eurocentric conceptualizations and operationalizations of depression are not universally suitable (jenkins, kleinman & good 1991). it has been recognized that mental health services have not sufficiently considered these cross-cultural differences (neighbors 1997; strakowski et al. 1996). for example, acute pain has not typically been included in widely used depression diagnostic criteria (williams et al.). more commonly used criteria (e.g. hrsd, dsm-iv-tr) tend to place greater emphasis on mood and cognitive symptoms, which are less likely to be characteristic of how african americans reveal their depression. results from prior studies suggest the need for an exploration of the use of a potentially more suitable depression diagnostic method with african american patients that concentrates on somatic symptoms. williams 59 the present study will test the following hypotheses: 1. self-reported somatic symptoms will have a positive effect on the likelihood that respondents will report depressive symptoms 2. as compared with non-black respondents, black respondents will be more likely to report somatic symptoms along with depressive symptoms methods sample procedure. except for a limited number of studies (blazer et al. 1994), few investigations have used nationally representative samples to study variances in mental health. the sample was constructed using secondary data from the 2006 national health interview survey by the national center for health statistics, which has adapted the survey over the course of five decades to track national u.s. health. the sample adult file section of the 2006 nhis was used for the present study because it uses several questions to test for depressive symptoms. the sample adult file consists of respondents who were identified in a surveyed household as willing to answer more in-depth questions about their individual health. survey participants. the sample consists of 24, 275 adults, 18 and older. forty-four percent of respondents were female and 56 percent were male. middle aged (35-60) respondents made up a majority of the sample (44.8 percent). the average age of the sample was 46.95 (sd = 17.991). nearly 16 percent of respondents identified themselves as black. measures independent variables. all variables except age were recoded, some to be made dichotomous, with the intent of conducting a hierarchical linear regression: gender (0 = female, 1 = male), race (0 = other, 1 = black), education (0 = less than college graduate, 1 = college graduate, 2 = advanced degree), marital status (0 = not married, 1 = widowed or divorced, 2 = married). two questions regarding health care access were used: do you have a place that you usually go to when you are sick (no, yes, or more than one); do you usually go to that place to seek preventive care (yes or no). five questions were used to survey respondents (yes or no) about recent experiences with somatic symptoms: had symptoms of joint aching/stiffness in the past 30 days; had persistent neck pain in the 60 challenge past 3 months; had persistent low back pain in the past 3 months; had pain in jaw/front of ear in the past 3 months; had severe headache/migraine in the past 3 months. dependent variable. the survey has six questions that test for depressive symptoms in participants: during the past 30 days, how often did you feel 1) so sad that nothing could cheer you up, 2) nervous, 3) restless or fidgety, 4) hopeless, 5) that everything was an effort, 6) worthless? the questions were recoded (0 = none of the time, 1 = a little of the time, 2 = some of the time, 3 = most of the time, 4 = all of the time) and then used to compute a depression index (α = .864) with a 24 point scale. the higher a participant’s score on the scale, the more severe their depression was: mild form (score of 6-11), moderate form (score of 12-17), severe form (score of 18-24). analysis. multivariate regression analyses were used to examine the association between mean depression index scores and the risk factors identified. the sample was stratified by race to determine if there was racial variance in the correlates of self-reported depressive symptoms. this study also investigated potential racial differences in responses to each of the six depression index items. results table 1 shows mean scores on the self-reported depressive symptoms index for sociodemographic factors. it shows that middle-aged respondents (35-60) scored higher (m = .227, sd = .580) than the two other age groups into which the rest of the sample was categorized. women scored (m = .236, sd = .580) significantly higher than men. there was no difference when mean scores were calculated for the variable of race. black respondents scored virtually the same as non-black respondents (m = .206, sd = .555 and m = .205, sd = .541 respectively). difference in level of education also showed no significant disparity in mean index scores: less than college degree (m = .205, sd = .541), college degree (m = .203, sd = .544), advanced degree (m = .208, sd = .564). the highest and lowest family income/poverty threshold groups averaged higher index scores (under .99, m = .223, sd = .567; above 4.00, m = 2.14, sd = .562) than respondents whose family’s ratio was 1.00 to 1.99 (m = .205, sd = .544) and 2.00 to 3.99 (m = .205, sd = .540). williams 61 table 1 means and standard deviations on self-reported depressive symptoms index score for the sociodemographic factors of age, gender, race, education, family income and marital status sociodemographic factors descriptive data n mean index score sd age 18-34 7099 .189 .508 35-60 11404 .227 .580 61 and above 5772 .182 .506 gender male 10715 .166 .489 female 13560 .236 .580 race black 3790 .206 .555 other 20485 .205 .541 education less than college degree 1873 .205 .541 college degree 4203 .203 .544 advanced degree 1339 .208 .564 family income/poverty threshold* under .99 2723 .223 .567 1.00 to 1.99 3597 .205 .544 2.00 to 3.99 5076 .205 .540 4.00 and above 5590 .214 .562 marital status not married 6779 .218 .548 widowed, separated, divorced 6129 .287 .640 married 11367 .154 .473 *not reported: 7289 62 challenge married respondents tended to score lower (m = .154, sd = .473) while widowed, separated and divorced respondents scored much higher (m = .287, sd = .640). the average index score of respondents who were not married or never married (m = .218, sd= .548) was higher than the married status group but lower than the widowed, separated and divorced group. a comparison by race of mean index scores for the factors of somatic symptoms and health care options and use is shown by table 2. low back pain and severe headache/migraine were the only somatic symptoms for which a comparison of responses by race showed differences in mean index scores. black participants who indicated that they had low back pain during the previous 3 months were more likely to exhibit depressive symptoms (m = .389, sd = .730) when compared to non-black participants (m = .127, sd = .423). on the same question, non-black participants who responded in the negative were more likely to exhibit depressive symptoms (m = .413, sd = .730) than their black counterparts (m = .131, sd = .445). the mean index score for black participants who indicated experiencing severe headache/migraine during the previous three months was lower (m = .457, sd = .800) than non-black participants who responded similarly (m = .510, sd = .804). for questions of health care options and use and index scores, there were two important racial differences. black respondents who reported having more than one place that they usually go when they are sick had higher index scores (m = .487, sd = .885) than non-black respondents (m = .251, sd = .579). for both racial groups, respondents who reported having more than one place to usually go when sick had higher index scores than respondents from their respective groups that reported having no place or only one place that they usually go when they are sick. williams 63 table 2 means and standard deviations on the self-reported depressive symptoms index for the somatic symptoms and health care options and use factors variables black sample other sample somatic symptoms n mean sd n mean sd symptoms of joint pain/ aching/stiffness past 30 days no 2619 .126 .431 14268 .133 .436 yes 1171 .383 .733 6217 .371 .698 had neck pain, past 3 months no 3248 .169 .499 17463 .152 .463 yes 542 .426 .779 3022 .501 .797 had low back pain, past 3 months no 2693 .131 .445 5608 .413 .730 yes 1097 .389 .730 14877 .127 .423 had pain in jaw/front of ear, past 3 months no 3609 .185 .525 19557 .185 .512 yes 181 .608 .898 928 .623 .860 had severe headache/ migraine, past 3 months no 3217 .160 .486 17345 .150 .456 yes 573 .457 .800 3140 .510 .804 health care options/ use have a place usually go when sick no 637 .240 .602 3360 .203 .539 yes 3114 .195 .539 16878 .205 .540 more than one 39 .487 .885 247 .251 .579 usually go there for routine/preventative care* no 215 .261 .639 1104 .243 .606 yes 2908 .193 .536 15858 .204 .537 *missing cases: 4190 64 challenge a comparison of mean index scores of both racial groups for the question of whether or not respondents usually go to their choice place of health care for preventative care, shows that when black respondents do seek preventative care their likelihood of exhibiting depressive behaviors is notably less (m = .193, sd = .536) than those who do not (m = .261, sd = .639). for non-black respondents the likelihood of exhibiting depressive symptoms is similarly less likely in those who do seek preventative (m = .204, sd = .537) than those who do not (m = .243, sd = .606); however, the change in mean index scores for the factor of seeking preventative care at a choice place of health care is greater for black respondents than it is for non-black respondents. table 3 means and standard deviations on the self-reported depressive symptoms index for the index items black sample other sample depression index questions: in the past 30 days, how often have you felt … mean sd mean sd so sad nothing cheers you up? .417 .827 .408 .821 nervous? .525 .894 .521 .905 restless/fidgety? .555 .972 .556 .972 hopeless? .222 .673 .212 .648 that everything was an effort? .475 .966 .453 .945 worthless? .172 .620 .168 .598 williams 65 the results from the three-model hierarchical linear regression test are shown in table 4. in each of the three models, reports by respondents of the existence of any of the five identified types of somatic symptoms was associated with a greater likelihood of experiencing more severe levels of depression. black respondents who reported symptoms of join pain/aching/stiffness and pain in the jaw/front of ear were more likely to score higher on the self-reported depressive symptoms index (p ≤ .001) from table 3. the significant difference between black respondents and non-black respondents in the positive effect of self-reports of these two types of somatic symptoms on the likelihood of self-reports of depressive symptoms remained throughout all three models—even after controlling for other sociodemographic factors in model 3. in model 2, when variables for health care options/care were included, black respondents having one or more places to go when they are sick scored higher on the self-reported depressive symptoms index (p ≤ .01) while similar responses from nonblack respondents had nearly no effect on their index scores. the beta coefficient for this variable remained constant (.051) for black respondents even after other sociodemographic factors were included. for both black and non-black respondents, when routine and preventative care was sought at their usual places of care, there was a decrease in the likelihood of experiencing depressive symptoms. among the sociodemographic factors that were tested for, only marital status had a statistically significant effect on respondents’ index scores (p ≤ .0001). black and non-black, married respondents were less likely to report depressive symptoms. conclusion the purpose of the present study was to explore whether or not somatic symptoms could be good indicators to screen for depression—particularly in black populations. results from this study support the conclusion that self-reported somatic symptoms had a positive effect on the likelihood that respondents also reported depressive symptoms. when joint pain/ aching/stiffness and pain in the jaw/front of ear were reported by black respondents, they were more likely to score higher on the self-reported depressive symptoms index as compared to their non-black counterparts. black respondents who reported having one or more usual places to go when sick were more likely to report depressive symptoms while the effect of health care service options on index scores had very little effect for non-black respondents. considering there was a decrease in index scores for respondents who reported seeking routine and preventative care, the prevalence of depressive symptoms in black respondents who do 66 challenge have health care service options may be a result of those respondents not seeking routine and preventative care. table 4 hierarchical models of independent variables on self-reported depressive symptoms index for black adults compared to other races variable somatic symptoms model 1 model 2 model 3 black (β) other (β) black (β) other (β) black (β) other (β) symptoms of joint pain/aching/stiffness past 30 days .132*** .105*** .125*** .102*** .131*** .108*** had neck pain, past 3 months .031 .101*** .044** .098*** .043* .098*** had low back pain, past 3 months .113*** .111*** .122*** .110*** .123*** .111*** had pain in jaw/front of ear, past 3 months .088*** .072*** .083*** .075*** .081*** .074*** had severe headache/ migraine, past 3 months .116*** .152*** .094*** .153*** .083*** .147*** health care options/ care have a place usually go when sick .051** .002 .051** .000 usually go there for routine/preventative care -.032 -.020* -.027 -.018* sociodemographic factors age -.006 -.010 gender -.032 -.011 education .011 -.003 family income/ poverty threshold .032 0.12 marital status -.075*** -.070*** r2 .094 .119 .094 .118 .102 .123 *p≤.05 ** p≤.01 ***p≤.001 williams 67 one of the benefits of using the 2006 nhis was that the sample is nationally representative and few studies on the co-morbidity of pain and depression have used large samples. since the intent of the present study was to explore whether or not somatic symptoms would be good indicators to screen for depression in patients, one of the limitations of the study is that the somatic and depressive symptoms are self-reported rather than objectively identified. objective medical examinations can be especially beneficial in health disparities studies because cultural differences exist in how patients discuss their health. another limitation of the present study is that there was potentially significant cultural differences in question responses among black respondents. future studies of racial and ethnic differences in the co-morbidity of pain and depression should explore differences, for example, between caribbean and african american black participants. 68 challenge references bacon, n.m., s.f. bacon, j.h. atkinson, m.a. slater, t.l. patterson, i grant and s.r. garfin. 1994. “somatization 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high school. we then conduct factor analysis to examine the structure of relations among the diverse factors shaping student preferences and their contribution to understanding variation in the college choice process among african americans. finally, to understand the effect of athletic reputation relative to other relevant college selection and access factors, we undertake logistic regression analyses. our descriptive results show that roughly one out of every three african american respondents report that a school’s athletic reputation is at least a somewhat important consideration in determining their college choice. the factor analysis for the full sample revealed five common dimensions--academic/ career, economic/practical, demographic, and social. academic/career considerations-representing the strongest factors, with social/academic/ career considerations ranked somewhat lower in importance across analysis groups. an extensive and growing literature on college choice suggests that students’ decision about where to attend college can be just as important as their decision to attend (astin 1965; choy & ottinger 1998; hossler& gallagher 1987). research on the college choice process has demonstrated that a student’s selection of a college is influenced by supply and demand considerations involving decision-making processes operating at both individual and institutional levels (hossler & gallagher 1987). individual 1 an earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the american sociological association in new york, ny, august 2007. please address all correspondence to jomills h. brad dock, ii (braddock@miami.edu). 18 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 decisions occur early as students identify colleges of interest. institutional decisions occur later when college admissions officers accept or reject applicants according to their institutional needs. while both the supply and demand sides of this process are important, the present study, like most research in this area, focuses primarily on the supply-side in the college choice process—student decision-making. dembowski (1980) notes three basic decisions a student must make: (1) which colleges to apply to, (2) which colleges, if any, to visit, and (3) which college to attend. we examine student self-reports of how institutional characteristics, and a number of other relevant factors that have been identified in past research, influence their college and university choices. more specifically, this study replicates and extends research examining the importance of college athletic reputation on african american students’ college choice by: (1) employing more current national data; (2) examining gender differences; and, (3) studying college choice prospectively among a longitudinal sample of college bound seniors. review of related research carrington and sedlacek (1975) cite early research on college choice which identifies four general foci of students’ decisions: (1) factors internal to the institution (e.g., academic reputation and prestige); (2) factors external to the institution (e.g., location and proximity to student’ home); (3) human influences (relatives, friends, counselors); and (4) individual factors (personal and family finances). along with the earlier research, more recent studies have examined and affirmed the importance of these and other considerations, including: proximity to home (corey 1936; reeves 1932; holland & richards 1965; bowers & pugh 1973; erdman 1983), cost (reinhardt 1938; bowers & pugh 1973), campus social life (bowers & pugh 1973), as well as college athletic reputation (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman & lv 2006; braddock & lv 2006). erdman (1983) found that perceived reputation, location, and size are far more important than other factors examined, including cost. bowers and pugh (1973) also point out that students and their parents emphasize different factors in the selection process: parents emphasize financial factors, proximity, and academic reputation, while students emphasize social and cultural factors. research further indicates that students also differ among themselves in the relative importance they assign to particular selection factors based on: race-ethnicity (lisack 1978; mcdonough & antonio 1996); gender (holland 1958; 1959; stordahl 1970; hansen & litten 1982); academic rank (stordahl 1970); and socioeconomic status (munday 1976; hearn 1984; 1991; kelpe-kern 2000). thus, research over several decades challenge 15 19 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 suggests that college choice decisions are significantly shaped by students’ access to information about, and perceptions of, colleges’ academic programs, tuition, costs, availability of financial aid, general academic reputation, proximity to home, size, and social life (comfort 1925; ripperger 1933; keller & mckewon 1984; stewart, et al. 1987; chapman & jackson 1987; braxton 1990; kinzie, et al. 1998; hossler, schmit and vesper 1999; braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman & lv 2006; braddock & lv 2006). research on african american students’ college choice earlier research on the academic experiences of african americans suggest that there are several reasons why it is important to understand african american student’s college choice: (1) investing in higher education represents the major avenue of upward mobility for most african americans; (2) african american students’ ability to obtain access to graduate and professional education largely depends upon the type and quality of their undergraduate education; and (3) both persistence and graduation rates among african american students have been found to vary with attendance at historically white and historically black colleges (thomas & braddock 1981; braddock & dawkins 1981; dawkins & braddock 1982; dawkins 1989). more recent studies have confirmed the importance of understanding college choice in the higher education experiences of african americans. for example, hurtado, et al. (1997) report that although african americans were about as likely as whites to apply to several colleges, they were significantly less likely than white students to say they were attending their first choice, with similar findings based on american college testing (act) data being reported by maxey, lee, and mclure (1995). therefore, while previous research has examined college choice decisions, with few exceptions (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman & lv 2006; braddock & lv 2006), the question of whether, and how, a college’s athletic reputation may influence high school students’ decisions to attend particular colleges or universities has not been examined. it can be argued that we have limited knowledge about the role of college athletics because educational researchers, in general, fail to incorporate sports into their theoretical and analytic models. however, inattention to this topic is also due, in part, to the fact that most of the national data sets used to examine the college choice process have not included measures of athletic reputation (or related indicators of intercollegiate athletics). for example, the major national college student surveys (e.g., freshman norm surveys collected by heri, and the beginning postsecondary student longitudinal study collected by nces) 16 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 20 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 have not included athletic reputation or related information among the items in their college choice inventories. however, even when they have been included, the independent influence of athletics has often not been explored. rather, athletic reputation data, when available, have more typically been combined with other indicators to assess the relative effect of “social” influences on student’s college choice (hurtado, et al. 1997). athletics and student college choice in some respects, the long-standing neglect of athletic reputation in research on college choice is curious since some have characterized intercollegiate athletics as “the front door or front porch to the university (toma & cross 1998). the “front porch” metaphor suggests that college sports are what outsiders see and what eventually gets them inside. one of the populations it attracts is prospective students (toma & cross 1998). this phenomenon has sometimes been called the “flutie factor,” referring to a 25 percent increase in boston college’s applications the year following quarterback doug flutie’s “hail mary” pass, which enabled boston college to upset the university of miami in the orange bowl in 1983. similarly, north carolina state university reportedly received a 40 percent increase in applications following its ncaa basketball championship in 1983 (mccormick & tinsley 1987). more recently, following the university of florida’s 2006 national football championship, and back-to-back basketball titles in 2006 and 2007, early reports suggest the university will reap similar benefits. for example, recent undergraduate applications reached an alltime high (25,000 students applied for fewer than 7,000 slots), and the average applicant sat score is now 1400 (garry 2007). similar associations between successful athletic programs and student recruitment have also been attributed to hbcu’s. for example, according to evans, evans, and evans (2002), several hbcu’s -florida a & m university, hampton university, and grambling university—have experienced enrollment gains associated with winning teams. specifically, they suggest that, over the past five years, winning athletic programs in football, baseball, track and field, and several minor sports at florida a & m university and hampton university have helped their enrollments. grambling university has had greater success in recruiting students when its intercollegiate athletic teams had winning seasons (evans, evans & evans 2002). within the higher education community, discussions about the role and value of highly competitive intercollegiate athletics continue to generate considerable controversy. much of this debate often focuses on what may be considered “value-added” outcomes of successful athletic challenge 17 21 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 programs, such as increased alumni giving (turner, meserve & bowen 2001; sperber 2000) or enhanced student applicant pools (tucker & amato 1993; toma & cross 1998; mccormick & tinsley 1987; murphy & trandel 1994), thought to be associated with having successful high-profile sports teams. while alumni giving is clearly an important matter, we consider here only the arguments and research related to student applicant pools. in this regard, studies examining the association between colleges’ athletic reputation and student applicant pools provide limited, and somewhat mixed results. however, the more methodologically rigorous studies tend to show results which are consistent with the value-added “applicant pool” benefits hypothesis. these studies have examined either numerical gains in the applicant pool or the quality of the applicant pool. quality of applicants. economists mccormick and tinsley (1987) examined the effect of athletics on academics. based on an analysis of 150 schools (including 63 from major conferences), these researchers found evidence to support the argument that athletics serve as an advertising tool and, consequently, schools with major college athletics have academically stronger undergraduate student bodies than institutions without major college athletics. therefore, a symbiotic relationship exists between athletics and academics at many universities (mccormick & tinsley 1987). furthermore, according to mccormick and tinsly, critics of athletic success are misguided if they believe that universities will improve academically by elimination of large-scale athletic participation. rather, such action could have detrimental effects for any particular school. tucker and amato (1993) provide some evidence to support this argument by examining the association between schools’ high-profile (football and basketball) teams and student quality (as measured by average sat scores) and finding that a highly ranked football team boosted sat scores. however, the same study showed that a highly ranked basketball team did not have the same effect (tucker & amato 1993). applicant pool size. toma and cross (1998), found that success in intercollegiate athletics (as indicated by national championships in one of the two marquee sports such as football and men’s basketball) appears to translate into a sometimes dramatic increase in the number of admission applications received, both in absolute terms and relative to peer institutions. they note that football championships seem to have more profound impact on applications received than basketball, and point out that their finding of positive attention following a championship year (particularly for football), appears to be “somewhat lasting.” likewise, murphy and trandel (1994) examined 46 football schools and found that a .25 increase in winning percentage yielded a 1.370 percent gain in applications. 18 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 22 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 student choice. studies examining student college selection priorities have produced somewhat mixed results. for example, one recent telephone survey of 500 college-bound seniors reported in the chronicle of higher education suggests that “the quality of a college’s sports teams falls far down the list of factors that high-school students consider when deciding on a college” (suggs 2003). the study found that 73 percent of the respondents said their decision to attend a given college was not influenced by its position in the divisional hierarchy of the national collegiate athletic association. more than a third (37%) said they did not know whether their college of choice belonged to division i, ii, or iii (suggs 2003). these descriptive survey results are provocative but limited, methodologically. this is especially the case with regard to how this study conceptualized the quality of a college’s sports teams. the size and representativeness of the sample are also of concern. one recent, more methodologically rigorous, study using reports of college choice among students matriculating at four-year institutions arrived at different conclusions. using data from the national educational longitudinal study (nels), braddock, sokol-katz, basingerfleischman, and lv (2006) found that, while “academic” and “economic” considerations had the greatest impact on student college choice, college athletic reputation was the most important among the “social” issues students consider in selecting a college to attend. they also note that the importance of college athletic reputation tends to be emphasized by males, students from higher ses backgrounds, students who participate in varsity intercollegiate athletics, students attending public colleges and universities, and, interestingly, by students who place strong emphasis on college academic reputation. in a subsequent analysis using the african american subsample from the national educational longitudinal study (nels), braddock and lv (2006) reported generally similar results. the present study employs the more recent educational longitudinal survey to examine further what african american high school senior students say about the importance of college athletic reputation in choosing which school to attend. like toma and cross (1998), our analyses are guided by the conceptual model proposed by hossler and gallagher (1987), which considers college choice as a three stage process, including: (1) predispositions, where a student develops an interest in continuing his or her education; (2) search, where a student gathers information on the attributes and values that characterize alternatives among institutions; and (3) choice, where a student decides which institution to attend. toma and cross (1998) posit that the growth of intercollegiate athletics and the positive attention it generates has a stronger impact at the search and choice stages, challenge 19 23 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 while also influencing students at the predispositions stage, especially among those who follow sports, in terms of making them aware of higher education from an early age ( toma & cross 1998). specifically, we focus primarily on one aspect of college choice—a college’s athletic reputation. we first examine, among african american high school seniors planning to attend four-year colleges or universities, the overall distribution of selfreported factors that shaped the selection of their first choice institutions. we then conduct factor analysis to examine the structure of relations among the diverse factors shaping student preferences and their contribution to understanding variation in the college choice process among african american high school seniors. finally, to understand the relationship between athletic reputation and college choice, with other relevant college selection and access factors taken into account, we undertake logistic regression analysis. methods data the data for this study are taken from the educational longitudinal study (els) conducted by the u.s. department of education’s national center for education statistics (nces). the base year survey was conducted in 2002 when the students were in tenth grade and employed a two-stage, stratified random sample of nearly 17,000 tenth graders in some 1,000 schools who were followed up in 2004 when the respondents were in twelfth grade. estimated response rates remain consistently over 90 percent. the overall sample is made up of whites (53.7 percent), hispanics (13.7 percent), african americans (12.5 percent), asian/pacific islanders (9 percent), and native american/alaskan natives (.8 percent). however, our analytic subsample consists of 2,027 african american high school seniors who reported plans to enroll in a four year college or university immediately following graduation. we utilize the standardized nces panel weight for this sample in order to approximate the original base year sample and to adjust the data for nonresponse bias. 20 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 24 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 measures college choice influences. are measured by a likert-type inventory consisting of questions which ask the respondents: how much importance does each of the following have in choosing your first choice college or university: (a) active social life; (b) ability to attend same school as parents attended; (c) good record for placing graduates in graduate school; (d) size of school; (e) religious environment; (f) race-ethnic composition; (g) good record for placing graduates in jobs; (h) low crime environment; (i) easy admission standards; (j) strong reputation of school’s academic programs; (k) geographic location; (l) chance to live away from home; (m) availability of degree program that will allow me to get a chosen job; (n) availability of specific courses or curriculum; (o) ability to attend school while living at home; (p) low expenses; (q) availability of financial aid; and, (r) strong reputation of school’s athletic programs. the possible responses to these items range from (1=not important, 2=somewhat important, 3=very important). for the logistic regression analyses, these responses were dichotomized to reflect an assessment of either none or some importance attached to school’s athletic reputation. the none category (0) includes (1=no importance) to reflect a lack of importance attached to school’s athletic reputation. the some (1) category includes (2=somewhat important and 3=very important) to reflect some degree of importance attached to school’s athletic reputation. control variables student gender: 1=male, 0=female. family ses: this composite measure of socioeconomic status was constructed by nces, utilizing parent questionnaire data on: father’s education level, mother’s education level, father’s occupation, mother’s occupation, and family income. quartile scores on this measure are dichotomized where 1= top quartile; 0=second, third, and fourth quartiles. standardized achievement test score: is a composite scale measure constructed by nces based on students’ individual scores on reading and math standardized achievement tests. quartile scores on this measure are dichotomized where 1= top quartile; 0=second, third, and fourth quartiles. h. s. athlete: is measured by students’ reports of whether or not they participated in interscholastic varsity sports during 12th grade where 1=participant and 0=nonparticipant. challenge 21 25 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 school urbanicity: is a measure that uses u.s. census categories to classify the students’ school as urban (central city); suburban (area surrounding a central city within a metropolitan statistical area); or rural (out side a metropolitan statistical area). codes: 1=urban, 0=non-urban. results descriptive analyses table 1 presents african american high school seniors’ responses to each of the 18 original items in the college choice inventory (cci). among the full sample (left panel), there is considerable variation in the degree of importance attached to particular types of items in the cci. not surprisingly, we note that specific items associated with academic and career outcomes (e.g., school’s academic reputation, curricular offerings, job placement record, graduate school placements, and specialized degree programs), and financial considerations (e.g., low cost, financial assistance) are rated as much more important than items associated with demographic (e.g., religious environment, low crime) or social considerations (e.g., athletic reputation, social activities). 22 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 26 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 23 table 1: factors affecting african american high school seniors college choice (n=2027) very important somewhat important not important total male female total male female total male female academic reputation 66.6 61.8 70.8 26.8 30.8 23.3 6.6 7.4 5.9 active social life 34.8 39.6 30.5 48.8 47.2 50.2 16.5 13.2 19.3 financial aid 75.7 71.5 79.4 18.9 21.8 16.3 5.4 6.7 4.3 low cost 52.0 51.6 52.3 35.6 34.8 36.4 12.4 13.6 11.3 parents alma mata 6.6 8.7 4.8 13.2 17.1 9.8 80.1 74.2 85.4 grad school placement 60.3 57.7 62.6 30.1 31.5 28.8 9.6 10.7 8.6 size of school 24.7 23.7 25.6 45.7 46.9 44.6 29.6 29.4 29.8 religious environ. 58.4 58.1 58.6 30.2 30.7 29.8 11.4 11.2 11.6 race-ethnic comp. 32.0 32.0 32.0 38.3 38.6 38.1 29.7 29.5 29.5 job placement 73.0 72.0 73.9 22.7 23.1 22.4 4.3 4.9 3.7 low crime environ. 52.9 47.9 57.2 33.1 34.4 32 14 17.7 10.7 easy admissions 38.8 38.7 38.9 37.9 38.4 37.5 23.3 22.9 23.6 geographic location 28.4 28.5 28.3 45.2 44.8 45.5 26.4 26.7 26.2 live away from home 40.3 38.5 41.8 37.8 43 33.3 21.9 18.5 24.9 live at home 26.4 26.1 26.6 31.1 33.6 29 42.5 40.2 44.4 special degree program 83.3 79.0 87.0 14.7 18.7 11.3 2.0 2.4 1.7 specialized curriculum 73.4 68.1 78.0 22.6 21.5 18.2 4.0 4.4 3.7 athletic reputation 26.3 35.6 18.2 29.9 33.7 26.5 43.8 30.7 55.3 table 1: factors affecting african american high school seniors college choice (n=2027) 27 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 with few exceptions (e.g., athletic reputation, campus safety), the results for males and females in the middle and right panels, respectively, are quite similar. not surprisingly, only one quarter of african american seniors ranked a college’s athletic reputation as “very important” in their decision-making (26.3 percent among the full sample and 35.6 percent and 18.2 percent among males and females, respectively). in contrast, a larger proportion of african american seniors generally ranked college athletic reputation as “not important” in their decision-making (43.8 percent among the full sample and 30.7 percent and 55.3 percent among males and females, respectively). nevertheless, it should be noted that roughly one half of our sample of college-bound african american high school seniors (69 percent of the african american males, and 45 percent of african american females) considered a strong athletic reputation to be at least somewhat or very important in their choice of college. in many respects, these patterns are quite similar to those reported for the nels: 88 african american sample of high school seniors (braddock & lv 2006) and those reported for the full multi-ethnic national sample of high school seniors (braddock, sokolkatz, basinger-fleischman, & lv 2006). however, we should note that among african american students, the current data suggest a substantially stronger emphasis placed on athletic reputation among els college bound seniors compared to that reported for the nels college matriculant cohort. both the current patterns and over-time trends suggest that college athletic reputation should be an important consideration not only for college choice researchers, but also for college administrators and others involved with student recruitment. factor analysis principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation was performed on the set of 18 items to examine whether the cci included more than one dimension. because previous reports based on the earlier nels survey (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman, & lv 2006) have identified gender differences in the factor structure of the cci, we carried out our analyses on the full sample as well as parallel analyses for the male and female subsamples. factors with eigenvalues greater than 1.0 were retained. each factor consisted of the items loading at .50 or above on that factor. all items that received a factor loading of less than .50 were dropped from further analysis. for the full sample, one item was deleted following the initial analysis and additional factor analyses were conducted with the 17 remaining items. for the full sample, varimax rotation resulted in five factors –academic-career, demographic, economic, social, and practical. the specific items are listed in table 2 according to their factor 24 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 28 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 loadings and the factors are presented in order of their eigenvalue ranking, and proportion of variance explained. table 2: rotated factor loadings for four dimensions of self-reported influences onafrican american high school seniors’ college choice (n=2027) challenge 25 1 2 3 4 5 academic/career (1) job placement .786 grad placement .769 academic program .742 job degree program .617 demographic (2) size of school .807 geog. location .782 race-ethnic composition .669 economic (3) financial aid .786 low expense .737 specific curriculum .552 social life (4) athletic program .732 social life .647 live away home .627 practical (5) live at home .821 easy admission .561 parents alma mater .536 eigenvalue principal components extraction/varimax rotation 4.394 2.008 1.493 1.168 1.011 29 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 the factor analysis of ratings on these 17 items produced five factors that were rotated to terminal solution (table 2). the resulting five factors explained 59.3 percent of the variance in the cci importance ratings. factor 1, which was labeled academic-career, accounted for 16.3 percent of the variance. this factor consists of four items that describe college choice factors associated with academic, and status attainment concerns. factor 2, demographic, accounted for 12.2 percent of the variance. this factor consists of three items--school size, geographic location, and raceethnic composition. factor 3, economic, consists of three items—low costs, availability of financial aid, and specific curriculum--accounted for 10.4 percent of the variance. factor 4, social, which is represented by three items—athletic reputation, ability to live away from home, and active social life--accounted for 10.3 percent of the variance. factor 5, practical, consisting of three items—live at home, attend parents alma mater, and easy admissions standards--accounted for 10 percent of the variance. for males, however, varimax rotation resulted in just four factors that were rotated to terminal solution –academic-career, demographicsocial, practical, and economic. the specific items are listed in table 3 according to their factor loadings and the factors are presented in order of their eigenvalue ranking and proportion of variance explained. the resulting four factors explained 54.9 percent of the variance in the cci importance ratings. factor 1, which was labeled academic-career, accounted for 17.6 percent of the variance. this factor consists of five items that describe college choice factors primarily associated with academic, and status attainment, concerns. factor 2, demographic-social, accounted for 17.1 percent of the variance. this factor which combined consists of six items--school size, geographic location, race-ethnic composition, athletic reputation, ability to live away from home, and active social life. factor 3, practical, consists of three items—live at home, attend parents alma mater, and easy admissions standards--accounted for 10.3% of the variance. factor 4, economic, consists of three items—low costs, availability of financial aid, and specific curriculum--accounted for 9.9 percent of the variance. 26 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 30 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 table 3: rotated factor loadings for four dimensions of self-reported influenceson male african american high school seniors’ college choice (n=675) challenge 27 1 2 3 4 academic/career (1) job placement .782 academic program .754 grad placement .741 job degree program .670 low crime .545 demographic / social (2) size of school .774 race-ethnic composition .666. geog. location .655 live away from home .653 social life .552 athletic reputation .470 practical (3) live at home .822 easy admission .584 parent’s alma mater .538 economic (4) financial aid .786 low expense .734 specific curriculum .486 eigenvalue principal components extraction/varimax rotation 4.900 1.990 1.369 1.076 31 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 for females, varimax rotation resulted in five factors that were rotated to terminal solution –academic-career, demographic, economic, social, and practical. the specific items are listed in table 4 according to their factor loadings and the factors are presented in order of their eigenvalue ranking, and proportion of variance explained. the resulting five factors explained 57.9 percent of the variance in the cci importance ratings. factor 1, which was labeled academic-career, accounted for 15.3 percent of the variance. this factor consists of five items that describe college choice factors primarily associated with academic, and status attainment concerns. factor 2, demographic, accounted for 11.9 percent of the variance. this factor consists of three items--school size, geographic location, and race-ethnic composition. factor 3, economic, consisting of three items—low costs, availability of financial aid, and specific curriculum--accounted for 10.7 percent of the variance. factor 4, social, which is represented by three items—athletic reputation, ability to live away from home, and active social life--accounted for 10.2 percent of the variance. factor 5, practical, consisting of three items—live at home, attend parents alma mater, and easy admissions standards--accounted for 9.8 percent of the variance. table 4: rotated factor loadings for four dimensions of self-reported influences on female african american high school seniors’ college choice (n=773) 28 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 1 2 3 4 5 academic/career (1) job placement .788 academic program .781 grad placement .721 job degree program .573 low crime .509 demographic (2) size of school .801 race-ethnic composition .740 geog. location .734 economic (3) financial aid .777 low expense .737 specific curriculum .573 social life (4) live away home .701 athletic program .674 low expense .639 practical (5) live at home .804 parent’s alma mater .552 easy admission .525 eigenvalue principal components extraction/ varimax rotation 3.991 1.954 1.604 1.288 1.013 32 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 logistic regression analysis our analysis employs logistic regression given the categorical outcome measure in our model. we examine three different models where parallel analyses are presented for the full sample, and separately for males and females. table 5 reports the logistic regression of importance attached to college athletic reputation on gender, ses, standardized achievement tests scores, participation in interscholastic varsity sports, public-private high school attendance, and the importance african american high school seniors attach to academic reputation when selecting a college. the unstandardized regression coefficients represent the net or direct effect of each of our predictor variables on the importance african american high school seniors attach to colleges’ athletic reputations. standard errors are also reported in the tables. the reported odds ratios allow us to compare the degree of importance attached to college athletic reputation across categories of the predictor variables. table 5: effects of demographic and college characteristics on african american high school seniors’ rating of the importance of athletic reputation in college choice (n=2027) in table 5, the left panel reports results for the full sample, the middle panel results for males, and the right panel results for females. first, considering the full sample, we see that gender and standardized achievement test scores both exert significant (though different) effects on importance attached to colleges’ athletic reputation. male seniors are significantly more likely than females to attach greater importance to a college’s athletic reputation (b = .936, s.e. = .117, p<.001). specifically, african american male seniors are roughly one and one-half times more challenge 29 total males females odds ratio b se odds ratio b se odds ratio b se male 2.550 0.936a 117 tests .344 -1.066a .208 .292 -1.231a .278 .434 -.836 b .305 public 1.212 .115 .172 .965 -.036 .285 1.244 .218 .219 urban 1.083 .080 .114 1.019 .018 .182 1.152 .142 .149 acad rep imp 4.590 1.524a .245 4.308 1.460a .314 5.516 1.708a .422 varsity athlete 2.956 1.086a .125 3.467 1.243a .185 2.579 .947a .120 constant -2.066 .127 .313 .355 -1.035 .451 .102 2.279 .479 chi square 244.930a 94.288a 61.724a cox and snell r2 .149 .125 .073 a. p < .001 b. p < .01 c. p < .05 d. p < .10 33 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 likely than african american females to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college to attend (odds ratio: 2.55). on the other hand, african american seniors with high standardized test scores are less likely than african american seniors with lower test scores to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, and this difference is statistically significant (b = -1.066, s.e. = .208, p<.001). not surprisingly, african american seniors who participate in interscholastic varsity sports are significantly more likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, compared to those who did not participate (b = 1.09, s.e. = .125, p<.001). indeed, african american high school student-athletes are nearly three times as likely as non-athletes, to attach greater importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college (odds ratio: 2.96). african american high school seniors who attended public schools are also significantly more likely to attach greater importance to colleges’ athletic reputation, compared to african american seniors who attended private institutions (b = 1.052, s.e .= .307, p<.01). more specifically, african american high school seniors who attended public schools are more than 10 times as likely as those enrolled at private schools to attach importance to colleges’ athletic reputation (odds ratio: 11.71). in the full sample, the cox and snell r-square is .149, indicating that gender, ses, standardized achievement tests, varsity sports, school sector, and the importance attached to academic reputation, account for fifteen percent of the total variation in the likelihood of african american high school seniors attaching importance to colleges’ athletic reputation. the middle panel of table 5 reports, for african american males, the logistic regression of the importance of college’s athletic reputation on ses, standardized achievement tests scores, participation in interscholastic varsity sports, public-private school attendance and the importance seniors attach to academic reputation when selecting a college. here, we see that african american male seniors who participate in high school varsity sports are significantly more likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, compared to those who did not participate (b = 1.679, s.e. = .538, p<.001). indeed, african american male varsity student-athletes are more than 8 times as likely as african american male non-athletes, to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college (odds ratio: 9.76). african american male high school seniors who attended public schools are also significantly more likely to attach greater importance to college’s athletic reputation, compared to african american male seniors enrolled in private high schools (b = 2.294, s.e .= .544, p<.001). more specifically, african american male high school seniors 30 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 34 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 who attended public schools are more than 16 times as likely as those at private schools to attach importance to college’s athletic reputation (odds ratio: 17.81). among males, the cox and snell r-square is .224, indicating that ses, standardized achievement tests, varsity sports, school sector, and the importance attached to academic reputation, account for twenty-two percent of the total variation in the likelihood of african american male high school seniors attaching importance to college’s athletic reputation. for african american females, the right panel of table 5 reports the logistic regression of the importance attached to colleges’ athletic reputation on ses, standardized achievement tests, participation in varsity sports, school sector and the importance seniors attach to academic reputation when selecting a college. here, we see that african american female seniors who participate in high school varsity sports programs are significantly more likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, compared to those who did not participate (b = 1.631, s.e. = .565, p<.01). indeed, african american female student-athletes are more than 7 times as likely as african american female non-athletes to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college (odds ratio: 8.32). interestingly, african american female high school seniors, who consider a college’s strong academic standards to be important, are also significantly less likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, compared to those who place less importance on the academic reputation of colleges (b = -1.968, s.e.= .839, p<.05). african american female seniors who give strong consideration to a college’s strong academic standards are roughly four and one half times less likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college (odds ratio: 5.50). among females, the cox and snell r-square is .087, indicating that ses, standardized achievement tests, varsity sports, school sector, and importance attached to academic reputation, account for roughly nine percent of the total variation in the likelihood of african american female high school seniors attaching importance to a college’s athletic reputation. discussion and implications this study examined college characteristics and other factors considered by african american high school seniors when choosing a college. consistent with prior studies (braddock & lv 2006) we find that african american seniors planning to attend college consider a very wide range of issues and college characteristics in their decision-making process. our analysis focused specifically on whether a college’s athletic reputation plays a role in their decision-making. the findings suggest that while college athletic reputation is clearly not among the top factors considered, it does matter to a significant number of college bound african american challenge 31 35 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 high school seniors. specifically, our descriptive results show that, for the full sample, roughly one-half (56%) of african american high school seniors report that a school’s athletic reputation is at least a somewhat important consideration in determining their college choice. among male seniors, about two-thirds (69%) report that a school’s athletic reputation is at least a somewhat important consideration in determining their college choice. in contrast, among female seniors, less than half (45%) report that a school’s athletic reputation is at least a somewhat important consideration in determining their college choice. as previously noted, the current data suggest a substantially stronger emphasis placed on athletic reputation among els college bound seniors compared to that reported for the nels college matriculant cohort (braddock & lv 2006). while few would expect college athletic reputation to be among the most important considerations shaping african american high school seniors’ college choice decisions, the evidence presented here demonstrates that it is by no means a trivial matter. this finding is also consistent with results reported for the full multi-ethnic sample (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman & lv 2006). the results of our factor analysis revealed different factor structures across gender groups. for males, however, varimax rotation resulted in just four factors that were rotated to terminal solution –academiccareer, demographic-social, practical, and economic. among the full sample and for females we found five common factors--academic/career, demographic, economic, social, and practical. this study, like many prior studies (comfort 1925; rippinger 1933; keller & mckewon 1984; stewart, et al. 1987; chapman 1981; chapman & jackson 1987; braxton 1990; kinzie et al. 1998; hossler, schmit & vesper 1999; braddock, sokol-katz, basingerfleischman & lv 2006), found that academic/career issues represent the strongest factor with social considerations ranked somewhat lower in importance. nevertheless, not unlike results reported elsewhere for the full multi-ethnic sample (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman, & lv 2006), the present study found that college’s athletic reputation loads on the social factor across analysis groups. this suggests that among african american high school seniors who value the potential for an active college social life, a college’s athletic reputation is also an important consideration. perhaps, a number of these students see their college social life centering, at least in part, on their school’s sports events. our logistic regression analysis revealed several interesting patterns among variables that were related to the degree of importance african american high school seniors attach to a college’s athletic reputation when deciding which school to attend. first, we found that students who score 32 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 36 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 higher on standardized achievement tests give little consideration to college athletic reputation. not surprisingly, among african american students, males, and varsity athletes (male and female) were found to give stronger consideration to college athletic reputation than females or non-athletes. while these are important findings, the study has several limitations. specifically, the present study was unable to account for variations in several potentially important characteristics of four year colleges—e.g., size, quality, location, race-ethnic composition, and the like. because we do not have access to the restricted data file containing college id (fice codes), we are unable to merge other data files which contain such relevant information on key college characteristics. for example, we were unable to ascertain whether an african american student’s college choices might vary across hbcu’s and hwcu’s. it will be important for future research to take into account such key institutional characteristics, which conceivably, might influence the impact of athletic reputation in the college choice process among african american students. notwithstanding future research needs and study limitations, the results of this study provide insights into the debate regarding the role of strong athletic programs as an important factor shaping college choice among african american high school seniors. this is significant information for consideration by college recruiting and admissions staff, as well as for reflection among faculty and staff interested in the connection between athletics and academics. we believe it is important to caution, however, that these findings should not be narrowly interpreted to suggest that prospective african american students are solely, or even primarily, attracted to institutions with successful programs in high-profile athletics such as football or basketball, or even ncaa division i athletic programs. the issue of college athletic reputation is much more complex. for example, prospective students interested in highly competitive football may choose grambling university or tennessee state university because of their long tradition of excellence in that sport, without either knowing, or caring, that those schools compete in division i-aa, rather than the more prestigious division i-a, of the ncaa. moreover, as bowen and levin (2003) suggest, the appeal of strong athletic programs operates as strongly among ivy league and elite private universities as it does among big-time division i universities. challenge 33 37 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 references astin, a.w. 1965. who goes where to college? chicago: science research associates bowen, w.g. & s.a. levin. 2003. reclaiming the game: college sports and educational values. princeton: princeton university press. bowers, t. a. & r.c. pugh. 1973. “factors underlying college choice by students and parents.” journal of college student personnel 13: 220-224. braddock, j. h., ii, & m.p. dawkins. 1981. “predicting black academic achievement in higher education.” journal of negro education 50: 319-327. braddock, j. h., ii, j. sokol-katz, l. basinger fleischman, & h. lv. 2006. “do strong intercollegiate athletic programs attract prospective students? evidence from the national educational longitudinal study.” paper presented at the annual meeting of the american educational research association. san francisco, ca. braddock, j. h., ii & h. lv. 2006. “determining the college destination of african american high school seniors: does college athletic reputation matter?” journal of negro education 75: 532-545. braxton, j. m. 1990. “how students choose colleges.” pp. 57-67 in d. hossler, j. bean, & associates, eds. the strategic management of college enrollments. san francisco: jossey-bass. carrington, c. h., & w.w. sedlacek 1975. “characteristics of no-shows accepted for admission at a large university journal of college student personnel 13: 504-507. chapman, d. w. 1981. “a model of student college choice.” journal of higher education 52 (sept-oct): 490-505. chapman, r. c., & r. jackson. 1987. college choices of academically able students: the influence of no-need financial aid and other factors. research monograph no. 10. new york: college board. 34 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 38 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 choy, s. p., & c. ottinger. 1998. choosing a postsecondary institution: statistical analysis report. office of educational research and improvement, national center for educational statistics, u.s. department of education, nces 98-080. washington, dc: u.s. government printing office. comfort, w. w. 1925. the choice of a college. new york: macmillan. corey, s. m. 1936. “student’s university choices.” journal of higher education 7: 207-211. dawkins, m. p. 1989. “the persistence of plans for professional careers among blacks in early adulthood.” journal of negro education 58: 220-231. dawkins, m. p. & j.h. braddock, ii. 1982. “explaining outcomes for black students in higher education using national longitudinal data .” negro educational review 33: 146-160. dembowski, f. l. 1980. “a model for predicting student college choice.” college and university 55(2): 103-112. erdman, d. g. 1983. “an examination of factors influencing student choice in the college selection process.” journal of college admissions 100: 3-6. evans, a. l., v. evans, & a.m. evans. 2002. “historically black colleges and universities hbcus.” education 123: 3-16. garry, s. 2007. “athletic success a big win for uf.” miami herald.com (http://www.miamiherald.com/605/v-print/story/60571.html). hearn, j.c. 1984. the relative roles of academic, ascribed, and socioeconomic characteristics in college destinations. sociology of education 57: 22-30. _____. 1991. “academic and nonacademic influences on the college destinations of 1980 high school graduates.” sociology of education 64: 158-171. holland, j. l. 1958. “student explanations of college choice and their relation to college popularity, college productivity, and sex differences.” college and university 333: 3-20. challenge 35 39 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 _____. 1959. “determinants of college choice.” college and university 351: 11-28. holland, j. l., & richards, j. m. 1965. a factor analysis of student explanations of their choice of a college. iowa city, ia: american college testing program. hossler, d., & k.s. gallagher. 1987. “studying student college choice: a three-phase model and the implications for policymakers.” college and university 62: 207-221. _____., j. schmit, & n. vesper. 1999. going to college: how social, economic, and educational factors influence the decisions students make. baltimore: johns hopkins university press. hurtado, s., k. inkelas, c. briggs, & r. byung-shik. 1997. “differences in college access and choice among racial/ethnic groups: identifying continuing barriers.” research in higher education 38: 43-75. kelpe-kern, c. w. 2000. “college choice influences: urban high school students respond.” community college journal of research and practice 246: 487-495. keller, m. j. & m.p. mckewon. 1984. “factors contributing to postsecondary enrollment decisions of maryland national merit scholarship semifinalists.” paper presented at the annual meeting of the association for the study of higher education. chicago, il. kinzie, j., m. palmer, j. hayek, d. hossler, s. jacob, & h. cummings. 2004. fifty years of college choice: social, political and institutional influences on the decision making process. indianapolis, in: lumina foundation for education. lisack, j. p. 1978. “comparisons of the characteristics and plans of indiana high school seniors: by race and type program.” manpower report 78-1. west lafayette, in: office of manpower studies. maxey, j., s.l. jong, & g.t. mclure. 1995. “are black students less likely to enroll at their first-choice college?” journal of blacks in higher education 7: 100-101. 36 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 40 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 37 mccormick, r., m. & tinsley. 1987. “athletics versus academics? evidence from sat scores.” journal of political economy 955: 1103-1115. mcdonough, p. m., & a.l. antonio. 1996. “ethnic and racial differences in selectivity of college choice.” paper presented at the annual meeting of the american educational research association. new york, ny, april 8-13. munday, l. a. 1976. impact of educational development, family income, college costs, and financial aid in student choice and enrollment in college. iowa city, ia: american college testing program, research report 77. murphy, r., & g. trandel. 1994. “the relation between a university’s football record and the size of its applicant pool.” economics of education review 104: 265-270. reeves, e. m. 1932. “which college?” journal of higher education 3: 6774. reinhardt, e. 1938. “reasons given by freshmen for their choice of a college?” school and society 47: 511-512. ripperger, h. s. 1933. “when you choose your daughter’s college: are you practical or sentimental?” good housekeeping 97: 44-45. sperber, m. 2000. beer and circus: how big-time college sports is crippling undergraduate education. new york: henry holt and company. stewart, n. r. et al. 1987. “counselor impact on college choice.” paper presented at the annual meeting of the american educational research association. washington, dc. stordahl, k. e. 1970. “student perceptions of influences on college choice.” journal of educational research 635: 209-212. suggs, w. 2003. “sports as the university’s ‘front porch’? the public is skeptical.” chronicle of higher education. retrieved may 2, 2003 (http://chronicle.com/free/v49/i34/34a01701.htm) 41 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 thomas, g. e., & j.h. braddock, ii. 1981. determining the college destination of black students. atlanta: southern education foundation. toma, j. d. & m. cross. 1998. “intercollegiate athletics and student college choice: exploring the impact of championship seasons on undergraduate applications.” research in higher education 39: 633-661. tucker, i. & l. amato. 1993. “does big-time success in football of basketball affect sat scores?” economics of education review 12: 177-181. turner, s. e., l.a. meserve, & w.g. bowen. 2001. “winning and giving: football results and alumni giving at selective private colleges and universities.” social science quarterly 82: 812-826. 38 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 42 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 2008 challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation journal 14 no1.pdf challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 intersection between race, gender, and sexual risk: implications for sti/hiv on hbcu campuses ____________________________________________________ sinead n. younge,1 deidre smith,2 lawrence young,1 daphne cole,2 danielle dickens,2 lauren reynolds,2 raqiyah dixon,2 wilton robinson,1 porsche n. buchanan,2 _________________________________________________________ abstract there is a disproportionate incidence and prevalence rate of human immunodeficiency virus (hiv) among african americans. hiv/aids is one of the leading cause of death among blacks, aged 25-44. it is likely that many of these individuals contracted hiv while they were college aged. black college students are an understudied group. the behaviors of college students in general, and the combination of environment and individual behaviors, warrants further investigation of sexual risk behaviors among black college students. furthermore, it is important to understand both the risk and protective factors that different environments may play. a substantial number of black students attend historically black colleges and universities (hbcus), which have purported to have protective affects on risk behaviors. this paper will give a cursory review of the sexual risk literature of black college students and identify some of the risk and protective factors associated with hbcus. ________________________________________ 1 department of psychology, morehouse college 2 departments of psychology and history, spelman college younge, et al. 37 37 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 introduction while african americans comprise approximately 13% of the u.s. population, they have higher incidence and prevalence rates of acute and chronic diseases, and overall poorer health outcomes in comparison with other racial groups. nowhere are these disparities more evident than in the hiv/aids epidemic. identified by the centers for disease control and prevention (cdc) in 1981, the human immunodeficiency virus (hiv) emerged in u.s. metropolitan cities among large numbers of homosexual males or men who have sex with men (msm) and intravenous drug users (idus). these early cases led individuals to believe that hiv, which was originally coined as gay related immunodeficiency disease (grid), mostly affected gay white males. much of the early prevention efforts targeted the gay community and despite cdc data suggesting that blacks1 may be at an increased risk for the disease as early as 1982, african americans did not become a high priority group for prevention efforts until the 1990s. this early lack of focus and prevention efforts on communities of color may have indirectly influenced the increasing hiv incidence and prevalence rates among people of color and specifically, african americans, while the rates of other groups began to decline or stabilize (cdc, 2007). once blacks became a high priority group for research and surveillance, the majority of research focused on lowincome, urban, or intravenous drug using populations despite the fact that the risk behaviors of other segments of the black population (i.e., college students) placed them at increased risk for sexually transmitted infections (stis) including hiv, and it is likely that a substantial proportion of african americans contracted hiv while in college (ferguson, quinn, eng, sandelowski, 2006). this paper will: (1) provide a cursory overview of the current literature on the understudied black college student population, (2) the unique ___________________________________________ 1 for the purposes of this paper, the labels african americans and blacks will be used interchangeably. 38 challenge 38 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 influence that hbcus can have on risk and protective factors, and (3) examine how previously identified factors such as gender, race, and sexual risk intersect to play a role in the behaviors of black college students. blacks and hiv/aids in 1992, 11 years after the cdc’s identification of hiv, blacks were 3.5 times more likely to contract aids than whites and black women were 13.8 times more likely to contract aids than white women (jenkins et al. 1993). eighteen years later in 2005, blacks accounted for 49% of the new hiv/aids diagnoses (cdc, 2007). in 2005, blacks were 10 times more likely than whites to have an aids diagnosis and black women were 23 times more likely than their white counterparts to have an aids diagnosis. among blacks, men who have sex with men remain the primary risk group for hiv followed by idus, and high risk heterosexuals (cdc, 2007). as of 2002, hiv was the second leading cause of death for individuals aged 25 to 44 (cdc, 2007). the majority of these individuals probably contracted hiv when they were college age. moving beyond the biomedical framework researchers have speculated about the multiplicity of risk factors that place blacks at increased risk for hiv. diverging from the biomedical model, the cdc reports that race and ethnicity alone are not risk factors for hiv infection. the second generation of hiv/aids research examines sexual risk behavior from an ecological perspective, examining how individuals interact with their environments and the resulting behaviors. increased susceptibility to hiv is a function of behaviors, environment, and predisposing physiological conditions such as the existence of ulcerative and nonulcerative stis that make individuals biologically more susceptible to contracting hiv by compromising the mucosal barrier that normally protects against infection (berman & cohen, 2006; clan, 2006). despite comparable or higher rates of condom use reported between blacks and whites, blacks remain more likely than whites to have an sti which increases one’s chance 3 or 5 fold of contracting hiv (cdc, 2007; quinn, 1996). this finding of similar rates of condom use among some blacks and whites, but higher rates of stis among younge, et al. 39 39 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 blacks is purported to result from other social and economic factors. for instance, blacks have historically had less access to healthcare including early diagnosis and treatment of stis, mistrust of the medical establishment, higher rates of intravenous drug use, higher rates of incarceration, and a male-female sex ratio imbalance which may result in serial monogamy, or shared partner networks, power imbalances in relationships, homophobia, and risky social norms (ferguson et al., 2006). combined, all of these factors place blacks at higher risk than their white counterparts for contracting an sti/ hiv. the majority of early research on blacks and hiv has examined the proximal determinants of hiv and has taken a deficit perspective, focusing on the individual risk behaviors. individual risk factors alone, to not explicate the disparate rates of hiv among the various racial and ethnic groups. as previously mentioned, there are a number of environmental or contextual factors to take into account. additionally, there are inherent strengths within the black community that can act as protective factors against sexual risk. discourse on hiv is incomplete without an examination of both the risk and protective factors that influence sexual behavior. black college students black college students represent only one segment of the heterogeneous black population. research on black college students can provide invaluable information about the 14% of african americans over the age of 25, who hold a b.a. degree (u.s. bureau of the census, 2003). hbcus enroll 13% to 14% of all black students in higher education in the u.s., although they constitute only three percent of america’s institutions of higher education. in 2001, more than one-fifth of all bachelor’s degrees awarded to blacks were from hbcus (provasnik & shafer, 2008). despite the high risk behaviors of college students in general, black college students remain an underrepresented and understudied group. blacks are often indirectly studied in small sample sizes as part of larger studies of the general college population at predominately white institutions (pwis). when blacks are the sole focus of a study, the risk and protective factors of these community and clinical (often low-income or idu samples), 40 challenge 40 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 may not be generalizable to the experiences of other segments of the black community (i.e., college educated samples). although extensive epidemiogical studies of the general college population are lacking, one early study speculated that the rate of hiv among college students is 2 per 1,000 students and are purported to be even higher among black college students (gayle, keeling, garciatunnon, kilbourne, narkunas, ingram et al., 1990). adolescents and risky behaviors the 2005 national survey of 9th through 12th grade u.s. public and private school students known as the national youth risk behavior surveillance (yrbs). study reported that black high school students were more likely to report having ever had sexual intercourse, having sexual intercourse before the age of 13, having more lifetime partners, being currently sexually active, and less likely to report using a condom the last time they had sex in comparison with their white counterparts. however, black students were less likely to report using a number of illicit substances and having had an episode of heavy drinking, than their white counterparts (yrbs, 2006). these risk behaviors often carry over to the college years. it is estimated that greater than 80% of all college students are sexually active by their freshmen year, and less than half use condoms consistently (fisher, spurlock-mclendon, delgado, & melchreit, 1999; lewis, malow, & ireland, 1997). previous studies suggest that college students in general, consistently engage in highrisk behaviors including inconsistent condom use, illicit substance and alcohol use during sex, and sex with multiple partners (hightow, leone, macdonald et al., 2006). hbcus in the forefront the current interest in hbcus and their roles in the hiv epidemic was stimulated in 2003 when the cdc published a report entitled “hiv transmission among black college student and non-student men who have sex with men.” based on the findings from this retrospective study conducted by the north carolina department of health with the assistance of the cdc, researchers and the general population began to speculate about the role that men who have sex with men (msm) played as vectors in the hiv younge, et al. 41 41 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 epidemic among african american women. the discussion over msm became even more publicized in the popular media with the 2004 release of j.l. king’s book, “on the down low: a journey into the lives of “straight” black men who sleep with men.” the term downlow has been in existence in the black community for a number of years, but it is currently used to describe the behavior of men who have sex with other men as well as women (msm/w) and do not identify as gay or bisexual. while some women have been infected through intercourse with bisexual men, there is simply not enough empirical evidence to confirm this claim as a major route of transmission (cdc, 2007). despite the misguided efforts of the mainstream media to assist black women in identifying or revealing non-identified msm/w as the main scapegoats in the contemporary hiv/aids epidemic in the black community, black msm continue to have the highest risk for contracting hiv of all groups, and there remains a lack of understanding of this “difficult to reach” and often misunderstood group. black men who have sex with men the white gay community has effectively mobilized and organized hiv education and prevention efforts to reduce hiv incidence rates. in contrast, the black gay community is not as visible and cohesive. hence there is a significant proportion of black msm who, due to racial, cultural, or religious reasons, do not embrace a “gay identity.” racism, cultural beliefs about masculinity, sexual orientation, and religious doctrine (which often condemns homosexual behavior) decrease the desire to take on the label of “gay.” therefore, researchers have focused on the behavior of ‘men who have sex with men,’ rather than the identity of being gay. with the advent of the internet including chat rooms and networking sites, black msm may find it easier and more comfortable to meet and interact with other msm with a certain level of anonymity and confidentiality. consequently, the internet also exposes individuals to a high number of potential sex partners with various hiv risk statuses. this perceived anonymity may sometimes cause individuals to engage in riskier behaviors-behaviors in which they would not typically engage. consequently, the internet becomes 42 challenge 42 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 a new frontier for researchers to recruit and understand sexual risk behaviors under different social networks. individuals are often first exposed to vastly new social networks during their college years. coincidently, college becomes a time when individuals of all sexual orientations may attempt to exercise their new independence and autonomy and engage in sexual exploration and experimentation and/or practice safer sexual behaviors including abstinence, monogamy, and consistent condom use (foreman, 2003). black heterosexual males an area of research that is receiving an increasing amount of attention is heterosexual african american male behavior. researchers have long claimed that men are likely to be more casual than women in their sexual behaviors and to engage in greater sexual risk taking (poppen, 1995). however, research indicates that gendered sexual risk difference is complicated and context specific. there are a number of sociocultural factors that influence the sexual risk behaviors of black heterosexual males. traditional gender roles dictate that men be the initiators of sexual activity and many of the hiv prevention campaigns that target women, hold this supposition. however, there is evidence that men will engage in unwanted sexual activities because of their partner’s tactics (russell & oswald, 2002; struckman-johnson, 1988). the types of sexual coercion by women may differ than the type of male initiated sexual coercion. interestingly, some studies estimate that up to 44% of male college students reported being the recipient of a sexually coercive tactic (russell & oswald, 2002). moreover, male initiated sexual coercion tactics are more likely to be viewed as threatening or capable of doing harm than women initiated sexually coercive tactics which may be viewed as promiscuous (oswald & russell, 2006). unlike males who may be more likely to use alcohol, verbal, or physical strategies, women are more likely to use verbal tactics. black males who are sexually coerced by women may have their masculinity questioned, and feel the need to have to prove their manhood through sexual acts, although more research in this area is needed to support this assertion. younge, et al. 43 43 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 despite engaging in high-risk activities, college students (including black college students) have a low subjective perception of hiv risk (payne, 2006). in a qualitative study conducted by thompson-robinson and colleagues (2007) of the perceptions of heterosexual (n=57) african american males’ high risk sexual behaviors, participants reported partner attractiveness, being in love, sensation seeking, substance use, knowing that another man had sex with a woman and did not contract a disease, and physical arousal as some reasons why heterosexual african american males may engage in unprotected sexual intercourse. when asked about cultural influences on african american males’ sexual behaviors and practices, the participants reported that their friends and acquaintances, media, and spirituality all influenced sexual behavior. while religious doctrine was reported as influencing sexual decisions and behaviors, concerns regarding pregnancy and acquiring hiv or other stis also acted as deterrents to risky behaviors. in a 2003, qualitative study of black college women (n=15), similar findings as those of thompson-robinson and colleagues, were reported. participants reported sensation seeking or pleasing their partners as a primary reason for not using condoms. in a longitudinal, within group, cluster analysis of the heterogeneity patterns of sexual risk behaviors among african american youth, burrow and colleagues (2007) found that patterns of sexual risk were related to lifetime psychiatric diagnoses, which is consistent with previous research in this age group (shrier, harris, kurland, & knight, 2003). african american are overrepresented in at risk populations that are susceptible for compromised mental health due to economics, incarceration, foster care, exposure to violence, access to health care (samhsa, 2008) therefore, prevention efforts need to target these groups specifically. black heterosexual women the hiv epidemic does not uniformly affect african american women. instead, the increasing incidence rates are most commonly found among women of lower socioeconomic statuses and hence most of the research has focused on this group. few studies have examined the risk factors of african american women college 44 challenge 44 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 students. one sociocultural factor that transcends social strata is interpersonal power. interpersonal power has demonstrated to be necessary to engage in hiv protective behaviors within the context of dyadic relationships and there exist a number of cultural factors that are hypothesized to intersect and predict interpersonal relationship power in relationships that are generalizable to all women. wingood and diclemente’s (1998) expanded theory of gender and power (tgp) explains how interpersonal power influences hiv protective behavior among african american women, while taking into account the intersection of culture, gender relations, and various traditional cognitive behavioral factors. namely, among black college students, these power imbalances may be less influenced by threats of violence, gender and peer norms, perceived sex ratio-imbalance, and the desire to be in a relationship, also known as the structure of cathexis in tgp. foreman (2003) found that black college women would rather relinquish their power to engage in safer sex and give in to their own or a partner’s needs or desire, than engage safer sexual behavior. in foreman’s study, participants reported that their longing for intimacy and desire for a long-term relationship overshadowed or even compromised their risk reduction (e.g., condom negotiation) capabilities (fullilove, fullilove, haynes, & gross, 1990). this compliance with partners’ actual or perceived preferences may be a result of the gender ratio imbalance articulated early in the hiv epidemic by mays and cochran (1988) and fullilove and colleagues (1990). the gender ratio imbalance among blacks exists in the general society and particularly among black college students, with black females outnumbering black males for the last several decades. the actual and perceived gender ratio imbalance, is purported to result in men having multiple sexual partners and women having to decide whether or not to accept this and perhaps knowingly engage in the act of man sharing (fergueson et al., 2006). an additional consequence of the gendered sex ratio imbalance may be women who engage in serial monogamy in hopes of securing an intimate relationship while increasing their number of lifetime sexual partners, and in turn increasing their risk of contracting an sti. subsequently, african american college women have reported being more likely to younge, et al. 45 45 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 engage in risky sexual behaviors such as condom non or inconsistent use, when they were in a committed romantic, sexual relationship (winfield & whaley, 2005). gender roles another influential social construct is gender roles which set up different sexual expectations for men and women. while biological gender differences transcend race, class, and sexual orientation, gender roles are socially constructed and may vary depending on cultural norms. in general, gender roles dictate that men initiate sexual activity and women are suppose to resist or limit sexual activity and be more concerned with romance and affection than sex (peplau & gordan, 1985). although children are socialized to various gender role norms and expectations based on their cultural mores, the college years are a time of exploration during which ideas about gender are particularly salient and may shift according to the environment. college students may be exposed to mainstream and more common stereotypes in new domains such as generalizations about masculinity and femininity in dating relationships. traditionally defined gender roles within the confines of a relationship can have a significant impact on how individuals engage in sexual encounters. traditional gender roles can influence sexual coercion or intimidation, which has been identified as a serious issue on college campuses (owald, 2005). though much of the initial research focused on men as the aggressor, recently, researchers have begun to acknowledge that women also behave in a coercive manner in their sexual encounters (oswald & russell, 2005). there is evidence that people judge men and women differently when they engage in the same aggressive behaviors (oswald & russell, 2005). subsequently, there is a double standard in how individuals of different genders are perceived. women who are sexually assertive or who carry condoms may be viewed as promiscuous. conversely, men who refrain from sex or are not assertive may have their masculinity questioned. in a recent study conducted by shearer (2005), the more men endorsed the idea that men should not behave in a feminine manner, the greater their likelihood of engaging in risky sexual behavior. 46 challenge 46 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 substance use in addition to the psychosociocultural factors that influence sexual risk behaviors, there are salient biological factors that place african american youth at increased risk. there is a well established behavioral and biological link between sexual risk behaviors and substance use including alcohol and other drugs (aod). individuals who abuse alcohol and other substances have demonstrated to be at increased risk for stis including hiv (cdc, 2007). this relationship between substance use and increased risk for stis can be caused by using substances which impair decision making, and/or comprising immune system functioning and in turn, cause individuals to be more susceptible for contracting an infection. as previously noted, college is often a time of sexual exploration, and exploration/ experimentation with various substance. the aforementioned 2005 yrbs also examined substance use behavior in a national survey of 9th through 12th graders. black students reported lower rates of cigarette smoking, lifetime and current prevalence of alcohol use, and all other illicit substances in comparison with their white counterparts (yrbs, 2006). studies confirm that students at hbcus and african american students in general drink substantially less and suffer fewer consequences than do students at predominantly white institutions (pwi). researchers purport that the disparity in alcohol consumption appears to be strongly related to protective factors such as hbcus’ general emphasis on character development in their institutional missions and possibly, their enrollment of many students with strong religious values and their own religious foundations (kapner, 2003). the environment at hbcus may mitigate against the “culture of drinking” and other substance use found on many pwi campuses (kapner, 2003). however, evidence suggests that black students who attend pwi, also have lower rates of substance use in comparison with their white counterparts therefore, the protective factors may exist prior to entering college and be reinforced on hbcu campuses. in a 2003 study of marijuana use at two hbcus, bowenreid and rhodes found that 52% of their sample reported at least one instance of lifetime marijuana use. twenty five percent of their sample reported starting to smoke between the ages of 15 to 17, younge, et al. 47 47 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 while 16% of their sample reported starting to smoke marijuana in college. approximately 6.5% of the sample reported smoking marijuana daily. gender differences also exist, males were more likely than females to smoke marijuana. the findings from this study also demonstrated that lower rates of marijuana use were related to higher levels of spirituality. therefore, as previously noted, spirituality has demonstrated to be a protective factor against risky sexual behavior and substance use. researchers are increasingly interested in the role of protective or factors that buffer against adverse health behaviors. if identified, these factors can be instrumental in developing effective prevention interventions. among a number of identified protective factors are the family, social support, and spirituality and religiosity. role of the family parents play a critical role in shaping their children’s behaviors. “generally, the role of the family is to act as the primary socialization agent and provide support and codes of conduct for social competence for children within a given network” (younge & mcadoo, in press). traditionally, blacks adhere to a communalistic or collectivist worldview and the black family has been identified as one of the most enduring strengths in the resiliency of blacks (mcadoo, 1992). additionally, the black family has been purported to act as a buffer or protective factor against “menacing societal stimuli” (hayles, bell, evans, floyd, monteiro, daniels & harrell, 2004, p. 410). previous research demonstrates that parents exert more power on the behavior of adolescents, than previously thought (hutchinson & montgomery, 2007). parental factors that influence risk behaviors include parent-teen closeness, social support, parental monitoring, parental expectations, and parent-child communication (jaccard, dittus, & gordan, 1996; diclemente, wingood, crosby, cobb, harrington, davies, hook, & oh, 2001; li, feigelman, & stanton, 2000; miller et al., 1999; dilorio, kelly, & hockenberry-eaton, 1999; dutra, miller, & forehand, 1999, st. lawrence, brasfield, & jefferson, 1994). some studies have shown that children will refrain from certain risky behaviors (e.g., substance use) for fear of disappointing their family and communities (jordan, 2001). black parents often 48 challenge 48 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 encourage their children to surpass the achievements of previous generation and children are commonly informed of the sacrifices made by their parents and prior generations. these expectations can enhance an investment in future orientation. constructs such as future orientation or ‘planning for tomorrow,’ has demonstrated to positively predict african american college women’s condom frequency. “using condoms in the present provides an individual with a safeguard against possible negative future consequences associated with failure to use condoms consistently during sexual activity” (burns & dillon 2005:184). previous research has demonstrated that parental monitoring plays a critical role in the decrease of risky sexual behavior among adolescents (diclemente et al., 2001). as individuals transition to college, parental monitoring becomes inconsequential and “social ties to family and other social institutions that promote conventional norms” (voisin et al., 2006, p. 72) may act as a buffer for risky sexual behaviors. another study examined parental influences on the sexual risk attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of african american, late adolescent hbcu students (hutchinson & montgomery, 2007). the results demonstrated that female students had a greater amount of parent-teen sexual risk communication with their mothers, in comparison with male students. as expected, male students reported greater parent-teen sexual risk communication with their fathers in comparison with female students yet there were no significant differences between males and females in the total amount of communication from parents. students who reported higher levels of communication also reported feeling closer to their parents during their high school years, and a greater perceived importance of their parent’s opinions. this research indicates that an increase in mother sexual communication is associated with more conservative attitudes towards sex by students and less difficulty discussing sexual topics with their partners. greater communication with fathers has also been associated with more positive attitudes toward condom use among female students and less difficulty discussing condoms among male students. younge, et al. 49 49 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 media influences in addition to parents, the media is influential in framing individuals’ (particularly adolescents) perceptions and images about how relationships should and do function. relatively little research has examined whether exposure to sex in the media has a long-term impact on teens’ sexual behavior. in a recent longitudinal study conducted by brown and colleagues (2006), researchers assessed whether early black and white adolescents (aged 12 to 14) who have more exposure to media were more likely than those with less exposure to media to have more advanced precoital and coital behavior by middle adolescence? their findings indicated that younger adolescents with the highest exposure to sexual media, were 2.2 times more likely than older adolescents to have had sexual intercourse. in their study, black adolescents’ sexual activity was more likely to be influenced by parental expectations and peer behavior, than media influences. this is consistent with the aforementioned influence of the black family. currently, one of the most popular and influential entertainment mediums is hip-hop or rap music. although hip hop has gone through several major iterations, the latest ongoing debate regarding its depiction of african american lifestyles remains controversial. most recently, the misogynist portrayal of women in some music videos, television shows, and movies has been publicized and criticized. one of the major concerns of most critiques is the youth who are influenced by certain propaganda and ascribe to the stereotypical roles being portrayed. thompsonrobinson and colleagues found that the media had an impact on the sexual behaviors and perceptions of hiv risk among their black male, college participants. one male participant reported that the images of females in the music videos had an ”impact on one’s psyche” and if a rap artist was not having sex with all of the women in their [videos], they were “less of a man” (thompson-robinson et al., 2007, p. 162). the use of certain aspects, such as sex, fame, and glamorization of the hip-hop culture is used as a medium to promote the sale of products and lifestyles. the inability of some young people to discern entertainment from reality becomes even more troubling and results in the emulation by both men and women, to behave 50 challenge 50 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 in a manner which is consistent with certain aspects of some hip hop artists (i.e., the objectification of women as being hyper sexual, and men as abusive, the glamorization of casual sex, promiscuity, substance use), with little attention to consequences such as the acquisition of stis. another study of african american female adolescents sought to determine whether perceiving portrayals of sexual stereotypes in rap music videos was associated with adverse health outcomes including substance use and sexual risk behaviors (peterson, wingood, diclemente, harrington, & davies, 2007). peterson and colleagues demonstrated a relationship between increased perception of sexual stereotypes and binge drinking, marijuana use, multiple sexual partners, and negative body image. it appears that exposure to rap videos had a negative impact on the health behaviors of african american adolescent girls. however, these findings must be cautiously interpreted and it must be noted that this study can not determine the direction of the relationship such that does rap have an affect on health, or does one’s sexual behavior influence how they perceive rap music? given the current age of technology, it is apparent that the media’s influence health behavior warrants further investigation. conclusion in accordance with the recognition that individual level, proximal factors such as beliefs, knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors alone do not sufficiently explain the disproportionate burden of hiv/aids on african americans, researchers have begun to look to environmental or contextual factors. additionally, rather than overwhelmingly focusing on specific segments of the black population (e.g., low income, substance users, msm), researchers are currently expanding their investigations to other segments of the black population including college students. this focus on college students despite, little epidemiological data on their actual hiv rates is supported by the fact that many african americans were infected while they were college age. application of an ecological model of health behaviors would lead to the examination of different environments for college students and the risk and protective factors associated with those younge, et al. 51 51 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 students and their environments. differences in disease rates have demonstrated to be influenced by the differential distribution of risk behaviors including, smaller partner pools (e.g., small vs. large student populations), and risk behaviors (e.g., low vs. high substance use, idu use versus alcohol or marijuana use). these differences influence the higher rates of stis and hiv in certain populations, but also indicate that certain aspects of the hbcu environment may contain certain risk and protective factors against sexual risk. the college experiences of black students vary by the type of institution they attend. research has demonstrated that there is a distinction between black students enrolled in predominantly white institutions (pwi) versus historically black colleges or universities (hbcu), that needs to be further explored (greer, 2007). the goal of this paper was to describe how race and gender can interact to influence the sexual risk behaviors of black college students with a specific interest on students attending hbcus. college students may not face some of the same inequalities as the general population (e.g., lack of access to health care and education), therefore, prevention interventions need to address the specific challenges faced by this population. it must be noted that hiv incidence in the united states is highest in the southeastern region, which is the same region of the united states which contains the highest concentration of hbcus. college students often have sexual partners who are not college students; therefore, it is imperative that risk be conceptualized from a comprehensive perspective. the nature of college campuses dictate that college students will be exposed to an abundance of sexual risk knowledge, but as demonstrated in numerous studies, knowledge alone is not enough to promote healthy behaviors. despite the increased levels of selfreport risky sexual behaviors, college students in general and black college students inaccurately do not perceive themselves to be at risk (braithwaite, stephens, sumpter-gaddist, murdaugh, taylor, & braithwaite, 1998; payne, 2006). it is important to examine the reasons why black college students still participate in risky behaviors despite their knowledge of the hiv/aids epidemic within the black community. some studies indicate that these personal fables of the consequences of sexually risky behaviors may be culturally 52 challenge 52 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 influenced. in order for prevention researchers and practitioners to be proactive and prevent black college students from being the next leading group in the hiv/aids epidemic, more research and effective interventions are critical. lastly, it is not enough for researchers to take conceptual models developed on white college student samples and simply generalize them to black college students. instead, the nuances of this group should be understood from a culturally congruent perspective. future directions a large multi-site epidemiological study should be conducted on college campuses with adequate samples of black students. there is an increased need for more accurate estimations of the sti/ hiv incidence and prevalence rates of black on college campuses. second, in order to test some of the questions raised in this paper (i.e., protective/risk factors of hbcus), the environments of black students attending hbcus and those attending pwis should be examined and compared. lastly, those individuals who are practicing healthy behaviors and in turn lowering their sexual risk, should be examined in depth. correlates of protective behaviors can be identified and implemented into effective interventions. younge, et al. 53 53 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university 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(2007). “perceptions of heterosexual african american males’ high-risk sex behaviors.” international journal of men’s health, 6, 2, 156-166. u.s. census bureau (april 2003). the black population in the united states: in current population reports by jesse mckinnon. washington, d.c. online: www.census.gov/prod/2003pubs/ p20-542.pdf ) u.s. department of health and human services (2008). african americans fact sheet. samhsa voisin, d.r., diclemente, r.j., salazar, l.f., crosby, r.a. & yarber, w.l. (2006). “ecological factors associated with std risk behaviors among detained female adolescents.” social work, 5(1). 7179. winfield, e.b. & whaley, a.l. (2005). “relationship status, psychological orientation, and sexual risk taking in a heterosexual african american college sample.” journal of black psychology, 31, 2, 129-204. wingood, g., diclemente, r. (2000). “application of the theory of gender and power to examine hiv-related exposures, risk factors, and effective interventions for women.” health education & behavior, 27, 539-565. younge, et al. 59 59 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 60 challenge wright, j. (1997). “african american males and hiv: the challenge of the aids epidemic.” medical anthropology quarterly 11(4). 454-455. younge, s.n. & mcadoo, h.p. (in press). “home and family in the development of a multicultural worldview.” in j.k. asamen, m.l. ellis, & g.l. berry (eds.), handbook of child development, multiculturalism, and media. sage: thousand oaks. 60 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 challenge 2007 challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation african american college students' attitudes_resized hiv-aids perceptions, attitudes & behaviors among hbcu students_resized intersection between race, gender, & sexual risk_resized promoting hiv vaccine research in african american communities_resized interfaith families through conversion to islam: akan muslims in southern ghana1 mansa bilal mark king morehouse college abstract this study explored family responses to a relatives’ conversion to islam in a country where muslims are a minority. fifteen akans who embraced islam in ghana were interviewed. target families were primarily christian or followers of the customary akan religion. my interviewees lived in the majority-fante area on ghana’s coastal south. family background questions focused on ethnicity, religious composition, and affluence. questions about family response focused on rituals like naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals, but also on expressive and instrumental support. instant adaptation, ongoing disruption, and sometimes a transition from disruption to adaptation emerged as familial patterns of response to muslim conversion. findings are contextualized in the far-reaching religious transformation of africa over the past century; the increasing fragmentation of families where state-funded safety-nets are disappearing or nonexistent; and the need for more study of muslim-minorities who primarily live outside of southwest asia and north africa. background in the last century, the growth of muslim populations has become a notable phenomenon in many societies where the group had been small and invisible (pew forum 2010; smith 2010; samwini 2006; westerlund 1999). muslims have always appeared in a society as a religious minority of some sort, and often as immigrants too. muslim immigrants often married locals (mazrui 1994; levtzion 1994; curtis 2009; levtzion 2000), but they also stimulated conversions which eventually produced indigenous muslim communities (wilks 1989; wilks 2000; levtzion 2000). members of the earliest indigenous muslim communities also transformed their families of origin into interfaith families. typically, the interfaith families produced by conversion go unnoticed. also, muslims living in muslim-minority countries attract less scholarly attention than those living in muslim-majority societies. yet, the study of such interfaith families may reveal strategies for managing the religiously plural social spaces (mccarthy 2007) that are created when muslims emerge in previously non-muslim communities and countries. ghana is a muslim-minority country, and many ghanaian muslims are also religious minorities in their extended families (samwini 2006). as such, ghana provides an excellent opportunity to learn about interfaith families created by conversion. this paper will focus specifically on families which contain muslims, christians and followers of traditional african religions. however, ghana is ethnically diverse. so, resource limitations require that this paper only focus on one collection of ghanaian ethnic groups – the akans. king 9 please address all correspondence to mansa bilal mark king: profmarking@yahoo.com at first blush, one might expect conversion to islam among akans in ghana to be a conflict-ridden affair because christianity predominates among them. most westerners are familiar with the pervasive idea that christianity and islam are inherently incompatible (huntington 1996). generally, the two religious identities are constructed as mutually exclusive.2 furthermore, centuries of contact between muslims and akan political elites have never produced a muslim emperor or king, as happened among some other ethnic groups in the region.3 nevertheless, today ghana has akan muslims whose families of origin remain primarily or significantly non-muslim. research on these families is meaningful beyond the akan, and even beyond ghana. the research is relevant wherever family fragmentation contributes to social problems, and where muslim-minority populations are gaining indigenous converts. with a country’s social service capabilities stretched thin, knowing about factors that might increase the homeless and socially marginalized population is important. like ghana, many societies hold a negative public image of muslims. indeed, many ghanaians seem to associate muslims with violence and poverty (weiss 2007), as do many sub-saharan africans in general (pew forum 2010). therefore, it does not seem far-fetched to think that conversions to islam might result in familial conflict. such conflict could leave muslims at the margins of their birth families, and recipients of inadequate social services. at the extreme, such conflict could result in more homelessness and related social problems. demographic changes in ghanaian religion european christians first settled among fante akans in elmina (and nearby cape coast) over 500 years ago. yet, christianity only spread among the southern indigenous people in the last 150 years. in 1960, the first politically independent census of ghana was taken. at that time, nearly 24 percent of the population had converted to christianity (samwini 2006). meanwhile, at least 600 years of islam had only produced a small muslim population, and most muslims were in the far north of what became ghana. only 7 percent of ghanaians were muslim in the 1960 census. forty years later, both groups had grown at the expense of traditional religions. in the 2000 census, 69 percent of ghanaians were found to be christian, and 16 percent were muslim (weiss 2007). fertility, migration and conversion each play a role in ghana’s expanding muslim minority. however, because of the recent emergence of muslim communities among non-immigrant groups4 in southern ghana, this study is focused on conversion. again, an outside observer might expect conversion to present challenges to family functioning and unity. for example, akans who convert to islam could abandon matrilineal5 practices in favor of the patrilineal descent accepted among most muslim populations. converts would likely refuse to make blood sacrifices to nature spirits and ancestors. most would spurn traditional divination practices, and some would spurn all forms of divination. whether new akan muslims do any or all of these things, the mere introduction of additional ambiguity in kinship practices is the concern. the “family safety net” may be unlikely to perform its function when rites are not observed and obligations are in doubt. hence, a central concern of this study is that some akan families might margin10 challenge alize their muslim members. they could fail to invite or acknowledge muslim members during marriages, naming ceremonies, and funerals. families could block a muslim’s access to elder-hood, headship or chief and queen-mother positions (where applicable). families could even take extreme measures to disrupt or undo the conversion by withdrawing all instrumental and expressive support. clearly, some families would fragment if such was the response to conversion. other families might continue with family life little changed after a conversion. this range of reactions must be considered because ghanaian families are under tremendous strain today, and neither a welfare state, nor ngos, nor public charities are sufficient to meet the needs of shunned family members. tensions between ghanaian muslims and christians ghana has several muslim communities, and some have very distinct islamic doctrines, practices, and authority structures.6 prior research has already shown that intra-religious “conversion” among muslims can disrupt family stability. wilks (1989) found that when muslims from wa embraced ahmadiyya muslim doctrines, they were not allowed to marry women from families of the traditional muslim backgrounds. bari (2009) documented how tijani and wahhabi-oriented youth among the sisala clashed with their traditional muslim parents over burial rituals. however, this research says nothing about inter-religious conversion and conflict. only samwini (2006) documented the ahmadiyya muslims’ campaign against christians in ghana. fante muslims first invited the ahmadiyya to ghana in 1921. as suggested above, the ahmadi’s focus was on transforming the ghanaian muslim community. however, after about 50 years (and some violent encounters) the ahmadis shifted most of their attention to ghanaian christians. since the 1970s, their activities have contributed to a state of heightened tension between muslim and christian ghanaians who had never clashed before (samwini 2006). ghanaian muslims and christians now openly preach against one another. they even hold public debates between religious leaders. today, the ahmadiyya headquarters in ghana is based in salt pond, a town in majority-christian fante-country. in this highly charged context, it is logical to expect tension to follow conversion to islam from a christian, or even a traditionalist family. methods my data was gathered over several trips to ghana. i conducted structured interviews in english and in fante with one of two different translators who also helped me identify and contact participants. the study began with my first trip to ghana in the summer of 2009. i stayed for 2 months, and conducted 10 interviews while in the country. after returning to the u.s., i renewed my study of the literature on islam in the region. another trip to ghana in 2010 lasted for 2 months and produced 5 interviews. in the midst of all this scholarly activity and teaching, i also married into an inter-ethnic ghanaian family at the level of my wife’s father’s compound. at the extended-kin network level, hers is also an inter-faith family consisting of muslims and christians. discussions with my new in-laws, as well as personally experiencing a ghanaian sisala/hausa7 wedding, provided unique insights and even added questions about “mates” to this study. however, my experiences were concentrated in the more christian-identified south, with very short trips to the more muslim-identified north. king 11 ghana’s sheer diversity mandates that my findings be viewed in the context of an exploratory study. my findings are the most relevant to the fante coastal area between accra and elmina. i spent most of my time, and primarily interviewed residents of, this coastal strip. the findings reported here are based on individual interviews8 with ghanaians who converted to islam. interviewees were asked background questions on their geographic origin, ethnic identity, family’s socio-economic status indicators, and family members’ religious identities. then they were asked questions dealing with traditional african family life events, especially weddings, naming ceremonies, and funerals. each was probed to elicit actual family reactions, and then family reactions expected by the interviewee if a particular event were to occur—like the interviewee’s own funeral.9 additional questions focused on instrumental and financial support. questions directed the interviewee to compare family life before conversion to islam with family life after conversion. socioeconomic status. reckoning class, status, and religion in ghana can be difficult, but important for a study like this. in the lands that became southern ghana, there was historical resistance to social elites converting to islam. for example, ashanti emperor osei kwame was deposed in 1798 because it was feared that he would convert and then “establish the koranic law for civil code of the empire” (diouf 1998:31). this king was highly involved with muslims and died mysteriously in 1803 (robinson 2006). similarly, in an informal discussion with one of my informants, i was told a story about a fante princess who embraced islam in the late 1700s. she was cast out of the village by her royal family, and did not return while alive. however, she had many daughters who have given her line of the family a large number of descendants. because fantes are matrilineal, this royal family is now majority muslim. yet, the muslims are reluctant to ascend to chief or queen mother positions because the occupant must perform traditional customs which conflict with their understanding of islamic piety (oral interview). if these examples indicate a general tendency, embracing islam may be difficult for members of elite akan families due to community pressures. yet, lineage is not the only door to high status positions in ghana. by graduating from university and landing a professional job, one can enhance or maintain family prestige. for that reason, i asked each respondent how many people in the family had earned a university degree. if none had a university degree, i asked how many had completed secondary school. i also asked respondents to classify their families by income. it is not culturally appropriate to ask a specific dollar amount. therefore, i had interviewees specify their family financial standing in relation to “the average ghanaian family” (i.e. richer, poorer, or in the average income range). family religion. until two centuries ago, many polities that commanded respect beyond their own borders were muslim-ruled, if not majority-muslim. in those days, when west african people embraced islam they were joining a trans-continental network of respected scholars, traders, rulers, artisans, and warriors. in that era, becoming muslim could easily be associated with becoming more “civilized” (diouf 1998; hunwick 2006) in the eyes of west africans. muslim political and economic standing, at that time, would have lent an air of credence to this notion. however, as growing european hegemony undermined the economic vitality 12 challenge and political influence of muslim societies across the globe, they experienced downward structural mobility; ghana’s muslims included. over the past 100 years, the overall image of muslims in ghana has been stigmatized through an association with violence, illiteracy, and poverty (pew forum 2010; weiss 2007; samwini 2006). by no means is this the only image, though, as ghana always has an islam-affiliated northerner serve as vice-president. while the prestige of islam was declining, becoming christian in west africa was increasingly becoming associated with being “civilized” because of the association of western models of christianity with the narrow conception of progress that is believed to be rooted in “superior” european cultures (triaud 2000). during british rule, and after decolonization, christianity spread much more rapidly in ghana than islam did. this suggests that if there is a religious status hierarchy in ghana, christianity holds the most esteemed position. the general dominance of christians among the ghanaian political, economic, and social elite also lends credence to this notion. since there is probably a religious status hierarchy in ghana, it seemed important to note whether a convert’s family was inter-religious, traditionalist, or christian before he embraced islam. one might expect an inter-religious family to be fairly accepting of additional conversions. thus, the more muslims already in the family the less conflict was expected after a conversion. findings at the time of the interviews, all respondents lived in the southern coastal areas between elmina and accra, which i call fante-country. indeed, as table 1 shows, all but two of my respondents were in solidly fante families. they tended to have two fante biological parents and all-fante extended families. the two respondents who were not specifically fante still had akan mothers. one respondent was ashanti, and another had only an akan mother (although neither ashanti nor fante). in one sense, then, this empirical data reflects akan families with a heavy focus on fantes. table 1 also shows that most respondents’ families either were poor, or occupied a middle socioeconomic rank. less than half of these akan families were interreligious at the time of conversion. that is, the family was not entirely of one faith. in only six of these inter-religious families, were there muslims in the family before the respondent converted. therefore, most respondents in this study were the only muslims in their families at the time of conversion. one respondent, though, was a special case. his fiancée converted with him, and this occurred during the traditional marriage process.10 the families in which muslims already existed usually had only one or two other muslims. however, one respondent reported that there were 4 other muslims in his family when he converted, and another said that his family was half muslim and half christian when he converted. table 2 shows how the interviewees’ families responded to islamic conversion. two modes of response emerged for the 15 families involved in this study: adaptation and disruption. adaptation was characterized by the family implementing an effective way of managing religious differences to keep everyone in the family. the muslims remained participating members of the family with equal standing, and they were still invited to naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals. if they needed financial or inking 13 strumental assistance, the muslim converts knew that their non-muslim relatives would help them. alternatively, a family could be disrupted after a member converted to islam. the family could break off relations. they could evict the convert from the family compound. they could stop inviting him to family rituals such as naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals, or even block him from attending if he found out such events were happening. finally, the family could withdraw the financial and other instrumental support which most ghanaians still need from their relatives. initially, these responses seemed mutually exclusive, but some families responded in both modalities at different times. this process would begin with disruption. then the family would adapt after some time had elapsed. the possibility of transitions required me to reckon the duration of each family’s response. while some families changed their response within less than a year, others took several years, and still others remained disrupted up to the time of the interview. the possibilities are represented in table 2. the most common response was adaptation. nine families immediately provided a supportive atmosphere for conversion. in three cases, a family member even facilitated the conversion. for example, in one inter-religious family the respondent’s older brother converted to islam first, and then began teaching the religion to all of his siblings. prior to that, the whole family had been followers of the traditional fante religion. in two families, non-muslim relatives encouraged my interviewees to embrace islam. in one case, it was because of the dreams he had been having. in another, the interviewee’s traditionalist mother was asked to encourage him to become muslim by a woman with marital interests in him. 14 challenge 12 to islam first, and then began teaching the religion to all of his siblings. prior to that, the whole family had been followers of the traditional fante religion. in two families, non-muslim relatives encouraged my interviewees to embrace islam. in one case, it was because of the dreams he had been having. in another, the interviewee’s traditionalist mother was asked to encourage him to become muslim by a woman with marital interests in him. table 1: interviewees and their families (n = 15) ethnicity fante 13 other akan 1 mixed 1 ses poorer 7 average 5 a more affluent 4 a family religion christian 5 traditional 3 mixed 7 muslims in family respondent only 9 <2 others 4 >2 others 2 a note: one respondent is counted as both average and affluent because of his parents’ divorce and his subsequent change in class position during childhood. the respondent’s father was affluent, but not paying alimony or child support. his mother was of average-income. table 2: nature and duration of family response to islamic conversion adaptation disruption never less than a year 1 1-5 years 1 more than 5 years 10 3 these families chose to compromise on how to do family rituals. for example, muslim naming ceremonies are done in a distinctly islamic idiom. unlike fante naming ceremonies, they do not involve liquor. also, most interviewees of adapted families mentioned that all of their relatives could attend and watch the naming ceremony, but non-muslim relatives could not substantively participate in the religious ritual. instead, the muslim community would conduct the rituals. in addition to watching, though, the convert’s family could enjoy the socializing, food, and festivities that accompany such events. naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals are all performed in a distinct manner by akans who have become muslim. nevertheless, the differences are surmountable. most of my participants’ families adapted to being interreligious. the conversion disrupted neither the unity nor functioning of the family. some families were initially disrupted, but did not remain in that state. one family took less than a year to transition from partially disrupted to fully adapted. the convert’s father was initially “happy to see his children praying,” but soon encountered resistance from extended kin. as it turned out, the convert’s eldest brother had learned to use the bible, a generally respected book, to explain islam to fante people. so, he showed his father biblical evidence to support islam. the father used this same evidence to bring the extended family into a conciliatory position. this respondent reported that, when he later got married and had children, his extended family members were there. while he only had one muslim wedding, he had nine children, each followed by a naming ceremony. another transitional family’s reaction was described by the convert as “terrible in the beginning.” he said that they only relented once it became known to the whole family that some of their ancestors had been muslim. the fact that there once were “muslims in the family” allowed the family to accept his conversion as a “reversion.” the final case of a transition from disruption to adaptation took five years, and resulted in many more conversions within the family. this family had been solidly christian before my interviewee converted, and (more importantly) affluent. when the young man converted in 1985, he was immediately put out of the family and accused of joining “the wicked people.” he had to survive on his own, and with whatever support the muslim community could give him. five years later, his family saw him “dressed well” and participating in a big parade marking the end of ramadan. this precipitated a change of heart by his relatives. they “laid a red carpet” before his feet, and then invited him to the family house where the elders gave him their blessings. while the elders in his family remained christian until death, 10 of his siblings converted to islam after he was allowed back into the family fold in 1990. many of his old friends also converted after 1990. friends, called “mates” or king 15 12 to islam first, and then began teaching the religion to all of his siblings. prior to that, the whole family had been followers of the traditional fante religion. in two families, non-muslim relatives encouraged my interviewees to embrace islam. in one case, it was because of the dreams he had been having. in another, the interviewee’s traditionalist mother was asked to encourage him to become muslim by a woman with marital interests in him. table 1: interviewees and their families (n = 15) ethnicity fante 13 other akan 1 mixed 1 ses poorer 7 average 5 a more affluent 4 a family religion christian 5 traditional 3 mixed 7 muslims in family respondent only 9 <2 others 4 >2 others 2 a note: one respondent is counted as both average and affluent because of his parents’ divorce and his subsequent change in class position during childhood. the respondent’s father was affluent, but not paying alimony or child support. his mother was of average-income. table 2: nature and duration of family response to islamic conversion adaptation disruption never less than a year 1 1-5 years 1 more than 5 years 10 3 “colleagues” by most ghanaians, are such an important part of a person’s support network that they fit the anthropological definition of “fictive kin.” despite a lack of blood or legal ties, the expectation of sharing among mates can be as strong as that between other kin. conversion of a young man to islam can disrupt shared recreation time involving alcohol and pursuing women. yet, this interviewee reported that over 100 of his mates have embraced islam since 1990. this was unquestionably the most dramatic transition from disruption to adaptation. indeed, no matter how it is defined this family adapted to having not just a muslim, but to having a sizable muslim contingent. for three of my interviewees, more than five years after their conversion, the families showed no signs of adapting to the presence of a muslim member. one of these families is the most salient because the convert is known all over southern ghana – as is his story.11 his affluent uncle had paid for his secondary schooling and then sent him to a christian seminary school. this uncle had also found him a wife and facilitated his becoming the preacher for a well-to-do church community. then, the church procured a nice apartment for him in an exclusive neighborhood. it also gave him a business to run. focused on faith in christ as the only path to god, his preaching soon featured regular attacks against islam and muslims. as a result, he was invited to participate in public debates against muslim preachers in several southern cities and towns. at some debates he won christian converts, but at others the muslims gained converts. the 10th debate ended when my interviewee converted to islam. after such a dramatic conversion, his uncle led the family in rejecting him; the church reclaimed his flat and his business. the final blow was when his wife, who remains christian, divorced him. still able to draw a crowd because his story is well-known, this new mallam12 is now debating against christian preachers. however, his family-situation is difficult. he lives alone in a small apartment, and the only people he can call family are his fictive kinfolk in the muslim community. at the time of the interview, he was also struggling to gain custody of his son. his wife remained hostile to islam, but he wanted the boy to be raised as a muslim. four of the five cases in which conversion disrupted the family involved affluent or middle class families. the single case in which a poor family was disrupted was short lived, and it involved devotees of the traditional fante religion instead of christians. within less than a year, the poor family had adjusted to being inter-religious. meanwhile, in all 4 affluent cases, the family disruption lasted at least five years. one family transitioned to adjustment after 5 years, and even produced additional converts, but in three affluent families no transition has occurred. nearly all of these interviewees’ relatives stopped inviting them to family rituals. they also are unwilling to extend instrumental and expressive support. for one interviewee, though, his traditionalist grandmother and muslim aunt continue to maintain ties with him. if the rest of the family were to press the matter, this situation could fragment the family or totally isolate the muslim convert. overall, though, these three families have not been able to modify their identity and rituals to integrate a member who became muslim. conclusion this study found two kinds of akan family responses to muslim conversion: adaptation and disruption with transition from disruption to adaptation as a special combination of the two. adaptation was the typical response for these families. this 16 challenge usually meant that no family members resisted the conversion, and sometimes they even assisted it. it also meant that naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals continued to be attended by family members of all faiths. non-muslim relatives could not substantively participate in muslim relatives’ rituals, but this compromise was accepted. both instrumental and expressive support continued to flow across religious lines within these families. if quantitative research should find this to be the typical response, then if muslim conversion continues there is hope for a peaceful religious pluralism in the future. this would mitigate the chances of religious violence erupting as an epiphenomenon of inter-ethnic and political tension. as mazrui (1994:123) concludes “on the whole, religion in sub-saharan africa is probably divisive mainly when it reinforces a pre-existing ethnic differentiation.” in ghana, the perceived confluence of religious and class differences may be a problem. disruption was concentrated among the affluent families, and lasted the longest among them. when disruption occurred among poorer families it was short-lived. the poorer families that were disrupted, and even one affluent family, transitioned to an adaptation response. this was facilitated by direct efforts to explain islam to family members who lacked knowledge of the faith, or as an unintended consequence of other actions. conversely, the notion that a religious status hierarchy in ghana would be relevant to conversion was not supported by this study. christian families did not seem to react to muslim conversions as a threat to family status. indeed, one christian mother told her son that he probably should become muslim because of his dreams. the man whose christian family said that he had “joined the wicked people” seems to be balanced by such a case. what undoubtedly remains a concern for western readers, though, is the converse scenario. that is, readers may wonder how muslim families respond to their children embracing christianity or some other faith. perhaps this is why mccarthy (2007) has suggested that members of interreligious families gain rare civic skills that religiously diverse societies need. this is especially relevant in places like southern ghana (or even the united states), where widespread muslim-christian interaction is a recent phenomenon, and where negative stereotypes about muslims abound (samwini 2006; weiss 2007). more than one african country has seen religious tension exacerbate social conflicts. ghanaians have an opportunity to avoid such problems. they can systematically observe successfully adapted inter-religious akan families, and then share the lessons gleaned with other ghanaians through television, film, music, and schools. indeed, the successes in ghana could help produce a model of peaceful coexistence for other countries whose religious demography is producing conflict. despite the challenges with some affluent families, the findings of this study primarily paint a positive picture of how akan families adjust to muslim conversion. however, the study limitations must be borne in mind. because they are based on qualitative data and a convenience sample, these findings cannot tell us anything about the prevalence of disruption and adaptation. only rigorous survey data collected from random samples can provide generalizable information on prevalence. also, this study is limited to male converts. a female interviewer was not available, and an un-related male cannot easily interview female muslims. yet, it is important king 17 to know if families react differently when females convert. like most societies, ghana is patriarchal. hence, males are generally allowed more autonomy than females are. the conversion of a female could be a greater challenge for families that have less tolerance for daughters acting independently. also, among the matrilineal akan groups, the children born to a female member of the family remain in the lineage. so, if female converts raise their children as muslims, the family can expect to have more muslims within one or two generations. such a possibility could raise special fears among akan people. finally, there is the issue of who reports on family behavior. muslim converts have their own subjective experience of their family’s responses. the non-muslim segments of these families might construct altogether narratives. future studies should address such shortcomings. notes 1. this research was facilitated by the morehouse pan-african global experience (mpage) during the summers of 2009 and 2010. i would also like to acknowledge my ghanaian collaborators: rilwan “ambassadar” adamu, fakiratu “fikira” adamuking, and issahaku suleiman. 2. see murata & chittick (1994) to understand how christians can also be muslim. 3. contact between muslims and traditionalist ruling families of the ancient sahelian states (e.g. ancient ghana, mali, songhai, and the hausa states) produced many conversions among the nobility. this is why muslim-ruled polities have a 1,000 year-old history in west africa (levztion 2000; wilks 2000). 4. historically immigrant populations are prominent among ghana’s muslims. the hausa are known to have immigrated from northern nigeria and niger in recent centuries, and their language is a kind of lingua-franca for many muslim communities in ghana. the fulani are a historically nomadic people with roots typically considered to be in the senegambia region. the wangara were originally traders coming from ancient mali, which is north and west of ghana. 5. especially relevant, here, is the extent to which children belong to their mother’s or father’s family. family belonging has ramifications for child naming, child care, schooling fees, marriage ceremonies, and more (billingsley 1968) 6. the three self-conscious and bureaucratically-organized muslim communities in ghana are the tijaniyya (originated in north africa but indigenized in west africa during the 1800s), wahhabiyya (originated in saudi arabia), and ahdmadiyya (originated in british-ruled india). a fourth group is neither self-conscious nor bureaucratically-organized, but can be called the suwarian community – named after the scholar whose interpretation of islam has facilitated muslim minorities to live peacefully in the forest belt and along the coast for centuries (wilks 2000). suwarians may be found among the oldest muslim communities around wa and gonja, as well as among the wangara of elmina and cape coast. the tijani are noted for interpreting islam in a way that is only slightly in conflict with traditional african culture and spiritual practices. like suwarians, they may use amulets to ward off evil, exorcize witches, organize elaborate funerals, and battle evil spirits. the wahhabis and ahmadis are noted for their near-wholesale rejection of traditional african culture and spirituality, which they tend to see as synonymous with idolatry or paganism (samwini 2006). 7. the hausa homeland is in northern nigeria and niger, but some hausa families 18 challenge have been in present day ghana for several centuries. samwini’s (2006) observations suggest that the hausa have probably been the single most influential ethnic group in the ghanaian tijani muslim community. my personal experiences in ghana suggest that hausa is a lingua-franca for many muslims in ghana, and that hausa culture has been quite influential among muslims, too. 8. three respondents insisted on being interviewed at the same time. so, some of the dynamics of a focus group may have affected their responses. however, their responses to my questions did not reveal any pattern of conformity. to the contrary, each of them told unique stories, even to the point of making statements like “well, it was not like that for me. here is what i experienced…” 9. talking about one’s own death is not seen in problematic terms for most observant muslims. it is rather a topic that one is encouraged to reflect upon frequently. this keeps one’s actions in this world contextualized in their meaning for the next world: paradise or punishment. 10. traditionally, a marriage in ghana can take months, or even years, as the groom and his family purchase and deliver traditional gifts to the bride’s family, and finally save up enough money to pay the bride-price. also, muslims have an additional payment that is called the mahr or bride-gift. unlike bride-price, which goes to the bride’s father, the islamic mahr goes only to the bride. 11. while other stories have been changed to maintain the anonymity of the interviewee, this man’s story is told and retold all over southern ghana. indeed, he asked that i tell his story to as many people as possible. he is trying to raise funds to support his continued preaching. 12. a titular honor given to muslims who are especially learned in the religion. references bari, osman. 2009. a comprehensive history of muslims and religion in ghana: vol ume 1. accra, ghana: dezine focus. billingsley, andrew. 1968. black families in white america. englewood cliffs, nj: prentice hall. curtis, edward. 2009. muslims in america: a short history. new york: oxford uni versity press. diouf, sylviane a. 1998. servants of allah. new york: new york university press. huntington, samuel p. 1996. the clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. new york: simon and schuster. hunwick, john o. 2006. west africa, islam, and the arab world. princeton, new jersey: marcus weiner publishers. levtzion, nehemia. 1994. islam in west africa. hampshire, great britain: variorum. levtzion, nehemia. 2000. “islam in the bilad al-sudan to 1800.” pp 63-91 in the his tory of islam in africa, edited by n. levtzion and r. pouwels. athens, ohio: ohio university press. mazrui, ali. a. 1994. “islamic doctrine and the politics of induced fertility change: an african perspective.” population and development review 20:121-134. mccarthy, kate. 2007. “pluralist family values: domestic strategies for living with religious difference.” annals of the american academy of political and so king 19 cial science 612:188-208. murata, sachiko and chittick, william c. 1994. the vision of islam. st paul, mn: paragon house. pew forum on religion & public life. 2010. “tolerance and tension: islam and chris tianity in sub-saharan africa.” retrieved september 15, 2010 (http://pew forum.org/uploadedfiles/topics/belief_and_practices/sub-saharan-africa-full report.pdf). robinson, david. 2006. muslim societies in african history. new york: cambridge university press. samwini, nathan. 2006. the muslim resurgence in ghana since 1950: its effects upon muslims and muslim-christian relations. berlin: lit verlag. triaud, jean-louis. 2000. “islam in africa under french colonial rule.” pp. 169-187 in the history of islam in africa, edited by n. levtzion and r. pouwels. ath ens, ohio: ohio university press. smith, jane, i. 2010. islam in america, 2nd edition. columbia contemporary american religion series. new york: columbia university press. weiss, holger. 2007. begging and almsgiving in ghana: muslim positions towards poverty and distress. research report no. 133. uppsala, sweden: nordiska afrikaininstitutet. westerlund, david and svanberg, ingvar. 1999. islam outside the arab world. rich mond, uk: curzon press. wilks, ivor. 2000. “the juula and the expansion of islam into the forest.” pp. 93-115 in the history of islam in africa, edited by n. levtzion and r. pouwels. ath ens, ohio: ohio university press. wilks, ivor. 1989. wa and the wala: islam and polity in northwestern ghana. new york: cambridge university press. 20 challenge 72 dawkins, farrell joe louis and the struggle of african american golfers for visibility and access marvin p. dawkins1 university of miami walter c. farrell university of north carolina-chapel hill abstract this study examines the role of joe louis in stimulating greater interest in golf among african americans during his reign as world heavyweight boxing champion (1937-1949) and in joining the fight to end discrimination in golf after his retirement from boxing. during his boxing career, louis promoted golf by participating in golf tournaments as an amateur player, employing black golf professionals as his personal golf tutors, organizing his own national tournament, and creating opportunities for interracial golf competition. failing to achieve success in creating access for black golfers to play in the prestigious, all-white, pga golf tournaments, louis became more aggressive in these efforts and joined the movement to end racial discrimination in the sport. while achieving limited success, joe louis is credited with contributing to the initial steps in removing racial barriers in golf, which eventually led to removal of the infamous “caucasian-only” clause from the pga constitution, thus, paving the way for charlie sifford and other african americans to attain full pga membership. the phenomenal success of tiger woods, as the lone golfer of african american descent currently competing on the professional golfers association tour (pga tour), has also stimulated interest in race relations and the sport of golf (sinnette 1998; mcdaniel 2000; kennedy 2000; dawkins and kinloch 2000; dawkins 2003). much of this interest has focused on the historical impact and cumulative, long-term effect of overt and institutionalized discrimination to explain why, with the exception of woods, no african americans are playing on the regular pga tour today. particular attention has been given to the pioneering role of black golfers who competed at the professional level during the era of jim crow segregation in america but were formally excluded from participating in pga events. for example, charlie sifford, the first african american to 1 please address all correspondence to marvin p. dawkins (mdawkins@miami.edu). challenge 73 gain full pga membership, described the racist treatment he experienced as one of a few black professional golfers attempting to play in segregated, all-white golf tournaments during the 1950s and 1960s (sifford and gullo 1992). only after social and legal pressure forced the pga to remove a long-standing clause in its constitution restricting membership to persons who were “caucasian only,” did sifford gain full pga membership in 1964. although little coverage of golf ’s discriminatory past can be found in the literature on the history of golf in america (graffis 1975; barkow 1974), the struggles faced by black golfers during the jim crow era received wider treatment after arthur ashe (1988) briefly covered their experiences as part of a larger project examining the history of black athletes in america. the exclusionary treatment faced by african americans who attempted to participate in mainstream golf activities extends back to the earliest appearance of golf in america during the 1890s, through the establishment of the professional golfers association in 1916 and the institutionalization of discrimination in 1943, when the pga inserted the “caucasian only” clause into its constitution. in response to discrimination, african americans developed their own organizations such as the united golfers association (uga). the uga, which was established in 1926, developed golf activities that paralleled the pga, including the development of a national championship golf tournament, the “negro national open,” held every year from 1926 (except during world war ii) until the late 1960s. the uga and many local black golf organizations were also viewed as launching pads that would propel accomplished black golfers into the world of “mainstream” golf. some of the black professional golfers of the jim crow era held the hope of one day gaining access to pga sponsored tournaments and participation in other mainstream golf tournaments controlled by whites (dawkins and kinloch 2000). an especially hopeful period for african american golfers who held aspirations of wider participation in the sport at the professional level was the decade of 1940-1950. as they witnessed the racial barrier being broken at the professional level in the major sports of baseball, football and basketball, their hopes were given a boost during this period when boxing hero, joe louis, became a major figure in the world of black golf. however, few accounts have documented the efforts of african americans to break through the racial barrier in golf during the 1940s and early 1950s and the role that world heavyweight boxing champion joe louis played in this struggle (dawkins and kinloch, 2000). in this paper, we focus on the role of joe louis in: (1) raising the level of interest in golf among african americans, (2) promoting interracial contact between black and white professional golfers, and (3) joining forces with others to resist discrimination and push for greater access to white-controlled golf tournaments. 74 dawkins, farrell while much has been written about the “hero” status that joe louis held for millions of african americans whose hopes and aspirations for overcoming racial oppression were lifted, at least symbolically, as he achieved success in the boxing ring, little attention has been given to his involvement in golf. although biographical accounts of joe louis’s boxing exploits have received widespread attention, the few treatments of his golf activity tend to suggest that golf was pursued only as a form of leisurely relaxation and escape from boxing (mead 1985). however, as we shall see, a closer examination will reveal that joe louis was a catalytic force in stimulating participation in golf by blacks, generally, and promoting interracial play among golfers at the professional level. during his reign as world heavyweight boxing champion (1937-1949), joe louis also devoted serious attention to his development as an amateur golfer. shortly after his retirement from boxing, louis became more forcefully involved in efforts to break through long-standing racial barriers to golf tournament entry. this view of louis as an activist in pursuit of social justice for black golfers also suggests a need to correct a widely held image of joe louis as uninformed, non-radical and accommodating on racial issues. the hero status of joe louis in boxing and golf among the biographical accounts of the life and career of joe louis, mead’s (1985) critically acclaimed biography of louis provides the enduring image of a hero in the black community during the highly discriminatory period of the jim crow era in america. by carrying the hopes and aspirations of the entire african american community with him each time he entered the boxing ring, the success of joe louis as a boxing champion accorded him the status of “black hero in white america” (mead 1985). while his boxing exploits are well documented, few biographical accounts have been given of his role in the advancement of black golf in america. instead, the few accounts of joe louis’s involvement in golf during his boxing career suggest that he pursued golf only as a hobby, encountered criticism because golf distracted him from competing effectively in the boxing ring, and was only marginally successful as a golfer. for example, ashe (1988) notes that some observers attributed the lost suffered by joe louis in the initial fight with german boxer max schmeling in 1936 (before winning a return match in 1938) to the distraction of spending too much time engaging in his golf hobby. throughout his boxing career, golf was a target for criticism whenever his performance in the ring was less than spectacular. for example, after a lackluster performance against “jersey” joe walcott in 1947, where he was knocked down twice by the challenger before winning a disputed verdict, louis was criticized for using time challenge 75 needed for fight preparation engaging in his golf “hobby.” subsequently, joe louis was voted “biggest disappointment” of 1947 by the nation’s sports editors in the annual year-end poll conducted by the associated press (new york times, january 17, 1948, p. 13). despite such criticism, after gaining the world heavyweight boxing championship in 1937, joe louis increased his interest and activities in golf and became highly visible in the world of african american golf. however, unlike his success in the boxing ring, the success of joe louis off the golf course earned him the reputation of being an “ambassador” for black golf and should accord him the status of “golf hero.” he launched his own national golf tournament, “the joe louis open,” in 1941, promoted interracial competition between black and white golf professionals, and supported black professional golfers by hiring them as his personal golf tutors, while encouraging other black athletes and celebrities to follow his example. far from being a hobby, golf was a passion for joe louis during his boxing career and after he retired from the ring. his passion extended beyond enthusiasm as a player to a determination to seek visibility and social justice for the many good golfers among the ranks of african american golfers excluded from participation in the mainstream golf activities in white america. therefore, the golf “heroics” of joe louis are related less to his talents as a player and more to his activities in stimulating greater interest in golf among african americans and seeking interracial playing opportunities for talented black golfers. the joe louis open golf tournaments following his victories over jim braddock for the heavyweight boxing title in 1937 and max schmeling in a return match in 1938, the mass appeal of joe louis as an american boxing hero received wide press coverage in the general popular media (cf. new york new times, june 23, 1938, p. 14; look, may 7, 1940, p. 50; life, june 17, 1940, pp. 48-56; time, september 29, 1941, pp. 60-64). however, only in the black press did his rising popularity as a boxing champion and novice golfer receive significant coverage. such national black newspapers as the pittsburgh courier, chicago defender and baltimore afro-american provided detailed accounts of his boxing career and growing recognition as a serious golf enthusiast. by 1940, louis was playing as an amateur and had begun to enter golf tournaments sponsored by local and regional affiliates of the uga. he was particularly drawn to the local, public golf course (rackham) in his hometown, detroit, michigan. according to bernard o’dell, louis was persuaded by local black professional golfer, bob seymour, to initiate his own tournament, “the joe louis open golf tournament,” which would become one of the major annual events in black sports, nationally 76 dawkins, farrell [personal interview, 1998]. between 1941 and 1951, eight “joe louis open” golf tournaments were held in detroit and attracted the top black golfers from around the country, while providing greater exposure for them and the sport of golf throughout black america. o’dell served as tournament director for five of these tournaments and indicated that, while the idea for the tournaments was seymour’s, louis enthusiastically lent his name to the event [personal interview, 1998]. since there was only one national tournament for black golfers (the uga’s negro national open), the joe louis tournament served as a second, and equally attractive, tournament for the best black golfers in the country, while offering a larger purse than the uga national tournament. the mass appeal and media coverage of louis as world heavyweight boxing champion was expected to increase the visibility of african american golf to the public and raise prospects of a black golfer being eventually selected as a “break-through” player in all-white, professional golf tournaments. ironically, this would become a reality during the 1940s in the popular sport of baseball, when jackie robinson broke into the major leagues in 1947, six years after the first joe louis golf tournament was held. the joe louis open tournaments as a showcase for talented black golfers joe louis was enthusiastically involved in the initial tournament and saw it as an opportunity to showcase the talents of black golfers as serious competitors. he put up the $1,000 prize money and stated: “i think this tournament will prove conclusively to our white friends that we have some [walter] hagens and [gene] sarazens in our group” (baltimore afroamerican, march 15, 1941, p. 21); further noting that “it is my aim in giving this tournament to promote and introduce our leading negro golfers into the golfing world. we have a number of golf pros playing ‘par’ and ‘below par’ golf who are not known to the general public... [and] have a right to their place in the world of sports” (pittsburgh courier, july 12, 1941, p. 17). throughout the decade between 1941 and 1951, evidence indicates that the joe louis open golf tournament did, indeed, provide a showcase for talented black golfers and increased their national visibility through coverage in the black press. the first joe louis tournament was held at detroit’s rackham golf course in 1941 on august 12, 13 and 14, the weekend before the annual uga national championship, which was already scheduled for august 19 through the 22nd in boston. the date of the tournament was strategically selected to lure the best black golfers throughout the nation, who would normally attend the uga championship but could now attend the joe louis open, first, and then go directly to the challenge 77 uga championship the following weekend. more than 250 entrants were anticipated as the black press gave extensive coverage, with the baltimore afro-american calling it “the largest of its kind ever sponsored by colored people” (baltimore afro-american, march 15, 1941, p. 21) and “the richest tournament among colored golfers” (baltimore afro-american, july 19, 1941, p. 20). the lure of joe louis’ name (richmond afro-american, august 16, 1941, p. 21 ) produced the greatest amount of attention that had ever been given to black golf as amateurs and professionals throughout the nation made plans to be a part of this history-making, double-dose of black golf extravaganza (dawkins and kinloch 2000). the enticement of $500 top prize for the winner in the professional division and the greater visibility than in any previous year were factors which generated even greater interest in the joe louis tournament than the uga annual negro national open championship, where the tournament winner had become traditionally regarded as the “champion” of black golf. among the notable black stars expected to compete at the first joe louis tournament, the leading contenders included past uga national champions robert “pat” ball, john brooks dendy, howard wheeler, edison marshall and local (detroit) professionals, clyde martin, bob seymour, ben davis and eddie jackson. another local golfer, dr. remus robinson, who was the reigning national amateur champion, was among the favorites to capture the first joe louis open amateur crown (pittsburgh courier, august 2, 1941, p. 17). chicago pro, pat ball, was given the inside track by some observers who expected him to win because he won the uga national open championship when it was last held at detroit’s rackham course in 1934. others felt that clyde martin, who was joe louis’ personal golf instructor at the time, was the favorite (pittsburgh courier, august 9, 1941, p. 16). in recent practice rounds on the rackham course, martin shot a 69, two under par, and was continuing to blister the course (pittsburgh courier, august 2, 1941, p. 17). however, tournament director, bernard o’dell, noted that the large field of challengers included long shots among the outstanding black professional and amateur golfers from the far west, the atlantic seaboard and the deep south (baltimore afroamerican, august 2, 1941, p. 21). many of the 68 pros and 118 amateurs scheduled to play were less known, nationally, but considered outstanding golfers in their local communities and welcomed the opportunity for wider exposure which participation in the joe louis tournament would bring. included in this group were jerry hood (chicago, il), tup holmes and hugh smith (atlanta, ga), landy taylor and walter stewart (norfolk, va), joe roach (new york, ny), lonnie shields (seattle, wa), pleasant goodwin (washington, d.c.), sam shephard (st. louis, mo), and mac dalton (milwaukee, wi) (pittsburgh courier, august 16, 1941, p. 17). 78 dawkins, farrell the first joe louis open golf tournament lived up to its billing as a headliner in black sports and attracted the major black amateur and professional black golfers throughout the country. the excitement generated by the wide publicity given by the black press was matched by the sterling performance of black golfers at this first joe louis tournament. as dawkins and kinloch (2000) describe, the competitive play in the final round of the tournament was clear evidence of the high level of skillful performance indicative of black professional golfers. the winner in the pro division was not decided until the last few holes as clyde martin started the final 18 holes with a one stroke lead over challenger, calvin searles. earlier in the round, searles claimed the lead for the first time and tried unsuccessfully to maintain it. as approximately 1,000 spectators followed the golf stars around the course, martin was two down going into the seventh hole. searles took seven on the par-5 seventh hole, while martin had a birdie to recapture the lead. although martin appeared to be in the driver’s seat, up by three going into the last nine holes, searles had evened it up again by the 12th and jumped out in front on the par-3 thirteenth hole when he scored a birdie. however, martin evened it up again on the fourteenth hole, when he took a five and searles a six. martin shot par golf from the fifteenth through the eighteenth hole to close with a two-stroke margin (292 total for the 72 hole event) over searles (294), who finished one over par on the 15th and 18th holes (pittsburgh courier, august 23, 1941, p. 17). although searles finished second, he was tied by zeke hartsfield of atlanta, who came on with two rounds of 69, the best two rounds in the tournament, on the final day. four golfers finished at 301, including theodore rhodes, who would become the next pro to tutor louis, ben greene of new orleans, along with local favorites ben davis and bob seymour of detroit. howard wheeler finished in eighth place at 302, while solomon hughes of gadsden, alabama and eddie jackson of detroit shared ninth place with 303 totals (chicago defender, august 23, 1941, p. 25). the success of the first joe louis open golf tournament in 1941 gave a tremendous lift to the hopes and aspirations of black golfers. however, the boxing feats of joe louis in 1941 may have overshadowed interest in the white press of covering his eventful golf tournament of the same year. in 1941, louis successfully defended his boxing championship five times from january to may in what some called the “bum-a-month” campaign, leading to a historic 6th fight in june against billy conn and a record 7th defense against lou nova in september (capeci and wilkerson 1983). while the first joe louis open tournament was a rousing success, plans were cut short for the 1942 staging of what were now regarded as the premier “twin” events in black golf, the joe louis open in detroit and the challenge 79 uga national open scheduled for washington, d.c. the united states’ entered world war ii after the bombing of pearl harbor on december 7, 1941. joe louis, himself, joined the military as both the joe louis open and uga negro national open golf tournaments were canceled until the close of the war in 1945. however, the resumption of the tournament in 1945 and subsequent tournaments between 1946 and 1951 continued to produce exciting play for recognized veterans and emerging “stars” of black golf. a list of champions (professional division) of joe louis open tournaments held between 1941 and 1951 are shown in table 1. table 1. joe louis open golf tournament winners, 1941 – 1951 year winner (professional division) 1941 clyde martin 1942-44 (no competition-world war ii) 1945 solomon hughes 1946 theodore rhodes 1947 theodore rhodes 1948 theodore rhodes 1949 theodore rhodes 1950 al besselink 1951 howard wheeler among the most notable emerging stars showcased at the joe louis tournaments were bill spiller, ted rhodes and charlie sifford. william “bill” spiller, a member of los angeles’ cosmopolitan golf club, won the joe louis open amateur championship in 1946 (pittsburgh courier, august 3, 1946, p. 28) and began playing as a professional in 1947. later, spiller would become one of the forceful black golfers in the push for pga entry. by 1946, theodore “ted” rhodes of nashville had ascended to the top as the most highly regarded black golfer nationally. ted rhodes had become the most consistent winner in tournaments that he entered and became joe louis’s private teaching pro. louis, in turn, supported the career of rhodes, who was one of the best hopes for black pros to break through the pga race barrier. rhodes not only won in 1946, but dominated in following years, winning four consecutive joe louis open championship titles from 1946 to 1949. charles “charlie” sifford was another participant in the joe louis tournaments whose recognition was continuing to grow. originally from charlotte, north carolina, sifford came up through the caddy ranks and moved to philadelphia, where he was influenced by howard wheeler and other established golfers. in 1948, sifford was rated by his peers as the 80 dawkins, farrell most improved pro golfer on the tournament circuit and the main reason for the success of teddy rhodes, who had to go all out to top him. sifford’s short game was described as being very good with iron shots true to the pin and a putting touch that was equally true, leading tournament director, bernard o’dell to predict that “with more experience, [in] about two years, sifford may become negro golf ’s top man” (pittsburgh courier, july 31, 1948, p.15). the joe louis open tournaments as a context for interracial golf competition the joe louis golf tournaments also became a staging ground to promote interracial golf competition. from the outset, louis was able to arrange an exhibition match between well known white professionals and noted black pro golfers. the purpose of these matches was to demonstrate how well african american golfers performed against established white golf pros. in these matches, black golfers accorded themselves well against white competitors. for example, in the first joe louis tournament in 1941, an exhibition match was arranged between two white pros, brothers emerick and chuck kocsis, and two of the outstanding black pros, clyde martin and howard wheeler. in fact, it became the highlight of the tournament drawing close attention to how well african americans performed in direct competition with white pro golfers. emerick kocsis was the current state pga champion, while chuck was a former american walker cup star and leading pro. martin and wheeler were logical choices for louis to select to represent black pros. louis thought very highly of martin, who was his personal golf instructor, while wheeler was a three-time uga national open champion. wheeler was also a gallery favorite, known for his colorful play, such as an unorthodox, cross-handed grip which produced long drives from a tee made of paper match boxes. the exhibition match became even more of an attraction when a friendly side bet of $400 on the white pros against “joe’s pros” was put up by a group of white golf enthusiasts in attendance. the thrilling match was clinched by wheeler and martin (3-2), with the deciding shot made by wheeler as he exploded from a trap for a birdie on the 380-yard fifteenth hole. veteran golfers who witnessed the shot called it “one of the best of the season” (baltimore afro-american, august 23, 1941, p. 22). the kocsis brothers were gracious in defeat, stating that “it was the first time that they had played against colored golfers, but they had enjoyed the match and would like to play again… [further noting that] the colored golfers should be real proud of joe louis who was the finest sport they had ever met” (richmond afro-american, august 30, 1941, p. 22). the kocsis brothers also commented on the performance of clyde martin, who won the first joe louis open tournament championship in 1941, stating that “clyde would be among the first twenty [golfers] in the challenge 81 country if given a chance in big-time company” (richmond afro-american, august 30, 1941, p. 22). by the end of the decade, joe louis expanded efforts to promote interracial play through invitations extended directly to white golfers to enter the regular field of entrants to the joe louis open tournament. for example, at the 1949 joe louis open, white golfers were invited to enter and a major press conference was held to announce to a national audience that black golfers would play in direct competition with their white counterparts. also in that year (1949), the uga championship and joe louis open tournaments were being held in the same city on back-toback weekends. therefore, the press conference announcing the coming of the 1949 uga and joe louis tournaments to detroit generated significant attention. the press gathering was held at detroit’s gotham hotel, with the governor of the state of michigan, g. mennen williams, donating trophies for the two events. many of the state’s leading dignitaries stood alongside the governor at the press conference. also on hand to lend his support to the two tournaments was world renown golfer, walter hagen, one of professional golf ’s pioneers, who held many championship titles including a record 4 pga championships in a row from 1924 to 1927. joe louis increased his sponsorship purse to attract stronger interest than in previous tournaments in hopes of promoting interracial participation. the cash prize of $4,000 provided by louis was the largest amount ever offered by a private individual sponsor, even surpassing the $3,000 that bing crosby annually provided for his hollywood open tournament. both tournaments were also scheduled to be aired over the recently instituted medium of television (pittsburgh courier, august 20, 1949, p. 24). the 1949 joe louis open golf tournaments was won by ted rhodes, as he had done in the three previous years, but he set a record by also winning the uga title six days earlier (pittsburgh courier, september 3, 1949, p. 22) to become the only golfer to win both of these titles in the same year (pittsburgh courier, september 10, 1949a, p. 18). while rhodes turned in his usual sterling performance, the tournament took on added significance as the runner-up was a white, michigan pga pro, mike dietz, who tied for second with robert mccockrell of newark. dietz was one of several whites who were invited by joe louis to play in the tournament. another white golfer, elmer priskhorn, shared a fifth place tie with charlie sifford (pittsburgh courier, september 10, 1949a, p. 18). at the event’s closing, televised interviews were held with louis, rhodes, dietz, and amateur champion, emmet hollins, who were all congratulated by detroit’s mayor, eugene van antwerp (pittsburgh courier, september 10, 1949b, p. 18). 82 dawkins, farrell the efforts by joe louis to promote interracial competition finally appeared to be paying off as expectations were rising that the showcase of black talent displayed in the 1949 twin black golf championship tournaments provided convincing evidence of the competitiveness of black professional golfers. adding to this atmosphere of rising expectations for african american golfers who held aspirations of entering the pga were two earlier events. the first event was the racial breakthrough in the sport of baseball, with the signing of jackie robinson to the major league’s brooklyn dodgers in 1947. the second event was an out of court settlement reached in 1948 in relationship to a suit filed against the pga by black golfers bill spiller, ted rhodes and madison gunter. spiller, rhodes and gunter, who were denied entry to the pga sponsored richmond hills open golf tournament in california, were persuaded by their lawyer to drop their law suit in exchange for a promise by the pga to review its “whites only” provision (mcrae, 1991; pittsburgh courier, july 24, 1948, p. 9). the stellar performance of african american golfers at the 1949 joe louis open golf tournament, especially in direct competition with white professionals, was the final signal that the timing was right for a racial breakthrough in golf. despite high expectations generated by these events and continuing efforts by joe louis and others to promote interracial golf competition, the decade of the 1940s ended without any progress in the struggle of african american golfers to gain access to tournaments controlled by whites. joe louis and the push for pga entry although the joe louis tournaments were successful in stimulating greater interest in golf among african americans and promoting interracial competition, they failed to open up opportunities for black professional golfers in breaking through continuing racial barriers in the sport. in the early 1950s, louis became involved in more aggressive efforts to fight the continuing exclusion of blacks from all-white golf tournaments. for example, as law suits were filed against cities that maintained segregated public golf courses, joe louis joined in protesting against such discriminatory practices. louis commented forcefully in 1950 when black golfers were not permitted to enter the bing crosby and long beach open golf tournaments in california. he wrote mayor burton chase of long beach and blasted the exclusion of blacks from the long beach open, stating that “prejudice and discrimination have no place in sports” (pittsburgh courier, june 28, 1950, p. 21). the long beach mayor’s response became a typical answer to such charges during this period. he pointed out that the long beach open was co-sponsored with the professional golfers association which sets all rules and regulations. therefore, the matter was out of his hands or those of the local sponsor, the long beach lions club (pittsburgh courier, june 28, 1950, p. 21). the pga continued to maintain its exclusionary challenge 83 “caucasian only” policy, which was clearly inconsistent with the times as baseball and other sports began to reverse their policies and practices of racial exclusion. although black golfers were not permitted to participate in pga co-sponsored events, a few non-pga golf tournaments allowed them to enter. for example, black golfers could enter the annual los angeles open tournament and pit their skills against many leading white golfers. african american golfers were also invited to play in the all american and world championship tournaments at the tam o’shanter golf and country club near chicago. these tournaments were organized by the club’s flamboyant president, george may, and, while providing an opportunity for black golfers to demonstrate their skills against some of the leading white pros during the 1940s and early 1950s, the tam o’shanter tournaments were not regarded as mainstream, since may introduced golf patrons to a carnivallike atmosphere. nevertheless, by the early 1950s several of the top black golfers, including ted rhodes, bill spiller, howard wheeler and the young charlie sifford, were able to demonstrate through participation in these events that they were primed for pga entry. these black golfers, and others, felt that they could continue to elevate their game if opportunities for expanded play with stiffer competition were available. however, the pga continued to use race as the basis for excluding them from pga membership and participation in its events. nevertheless, joe louis was determined, as chester washington of the pittsburgh courier noted, “to keep punching until old jim crow is counted out in golfing circles” (pittsburgh courier, january 28, 1950, p. 21). as dawkins and kinloch (2000) note, the opportunity for a “return match” with the pga came in 1952 in a well publicized confrontation between joe louis and the pga in relationship to a co-sponsored golf tournament in san diego, california. joe louis and black pro golfers, bill spiller and eural clark, applied for entry to the $10,000 san diego open. the local sponsors of the tournament, san diego chevrolet dealers, at first welcomed their application and invited them to compete, but then told them that the invitation had to be rescinded because of a pga ruling that did not allow blacks to participate in pga sponsored events. joe louis’ reaction and the ensuing battle became national headline news and received coverage in the country’s leading newspapers. the new york times carried a blow-by-blow account of the golf fight leading up to and during the week of the tournament (january 15-20, 1952). louis’ initial response to the pga-invoked ban on their participation was that this battle was the “biggest fight of his life” and, in making an analogy between the pga and its president, horton smith, and the nazis at the time of his 1938 84 dawkins, farrell boxing match with max schmeling, he “want[ed] the people to know... we got another hitler to get by” (new york times, january 15, 1952, p. 31). the new york times article was accompanied by a photo of louis, who was now retired from boxing, in full golf attire holding a raised golf club in his hand with the caption heading “the brown bomber fights again.” realizing that louis was galvanizing national support for his fight against the discriminatory pga policy, smith immediately called a meeting of the seven-member pga tournament committee and the co-sponsors to seek a face-saving resolution to the ordeal. in the meantime, bill spiller and eural clark as pros were allowed to play qualifying rounds, where clark fell short of qualifying by two strokes (79-77 for a 156 total), while spiller just made it with a 152 total. since louis was an amateur, he did not have to play a qualifying round. the pga tournament committee decided to approve the invitation for joe louis to play as an invited amateur under a rule that permitted local sponsors to invite ten amateurs exempting them from qualifying. however, despite his performance in the qualifying rounds, the pga committee declared that as a professional golfer “the pga bylaws and other qualification rules could not be waived in the case of spiller except through changes in the pga constitution” (new york times, january 16, 1952, p. 30). this action drew criticism from some groups which saw the pga as attempting to maintain its historic practice of golf bias. for example, the top national officers of the congress of industrial organizations (cio) adopted a resolution which called for the pga to end its ban on black players entering its professional tournaments. the cio pointed out that admitting joe louis to participate while excluding bill spiller served only to emphasize the discriminatory pga policy (new york times, january 19, 1952a, p. 19). since horton smith predicted that the pga would take up the non-caucasian rule at its next annual meeting with an eye toward its removal, louis reluctantly agreed to play in the tournament. however, louis made it clear that he would continue the effort “to eliminate racial prejudice from golf, the last sport in which it now exists” (new york times, january 16, 1952, p. 30). joe louis, therefore, became the first african american to play in a pga co-sponsored tournament. expressing dissatisfaction with the decision by the pga tournament committee to continue the ban on black professional golfers, bill spiller reappealed for an explanation of his ineligibility and threatened to sue the pga, as he had done four years earlier before agreeing to an out of court settlement when the pga promised to review its “caucasian-only” policy in 1948. a truce was reached on the issue generated by the 1952 san diego open affair whereby pga president smith he would seek pga tournament committee approval of an “approved entry clause,” which would permit the tournament committee to circumvent the pga constitutional restriction challenge 85 by devising a supplemental list of black golfers to compete in a pga tournament provided the names were approved by the local sponsor and the host club of a city (new york times, january 18, 1952, p. 31). under the plan, a special committee of black golfers would screen their own players with the aim of selecting one professional and one amateur to play in each pga sponsored tournament. the proposed screening committee would be co-chaired by joe louis and ted rhodes with eural clark, bill spiller and howard wheeler as other members (new york times, january 19, 1952, p. 19). as the san diego open reached its final day, the fate of the proposed plan rather than the golf action itself received top billing by the new york times which carried an article with the heading “p.g.a. committee votes to ease tourney ban on negro players” followed by the subheading “action to help admit them to co-sponsored events effective at once, smith says” and finally a second subheading “[ted] kroll’s 206 leads in san diego open” (new york times, january 20, 1952, p. s1). kroll eventually won the san diego open, his first major golf tournament victory, after holding off the pressure applied by veteran jimmy demaret (miami herald, january 21, 1952, p. 1-d). also, hardly noticed was the elimination of joe louis earlier in the week as he finished the first 36 holes with a score of 158, eight strokes over the 150 needed to qualify for the final 36 holes of the tournament (new york times, january 19, 1952b, p. 19). while the historic plan was characterized as a lifting of the pga tournament ban on black golfers, the door to participation could still be closed at the discretion of local sponsors or clubs. pga president horton smith expressed the desire that these groups would invite blacks but was careful to note in describing the details of the plan that the “p.g.a. actually is a guest at wherever tournaments are played and must necessarily be governed by rights of local sponsors, and clubs (new york times, january 20, 1952, p. s1). co-sponsors of pga tournaments held in the south or, for that matter, any place that wanted to maintain its traditional practices of racial discrimination could do so without facing pressure from the pga or sponsors in other cities. critics of the plan in the african american community argued that “no committee was named to pick jackie robinson to play with the brooklyn dodgers, nor marion motley to play [football] with the cleveland browns. each was judged on his ability” (chicago defender, january 26,1952, p. 19). therefore, while the confrontation of 1952 in san diego initiated by joe louis (and bill spiller) drew national attention to the ongoing battle to end the pga’s jim crow policy, the result of these efforts represented partial removal rather than complete destruction of the racial barrier to full black participation in pga events. this “crack” in the racial 86 dawkins, farrell barrier, nevertheless, enabled african american golfers to begin playing in pga tournaments for the first time in 1952 when “invited” by the pga (provided that local sponsors did not oppose). only a handful of black golfers were able to take advantage of this “opportunity,” given the lack of resource support needed to sustain “touring” black players and other risks associated with such an undertaking. the immediate effect of the new policy was that black golfers were permitted to participate in 10 pga tournaments in 1952 and 15 in 1953; however, none of these tournaments were held in the south (mcrae 1991). charlie sifford was the only african american golfer who played on a sustained basis in pga co-sponsored tournaments beginning in 1952 as an “invited guest.” despite not having the sponsorship support of most white touring professional golfers and facing racial threats, sifford embarked on this long journal, which eventually led him to become the first black golfer to gain full pga membership in 1964 and, in 2004, the first african american to be inducted into the prestigious world golf hall of fame. joe louis can be seen as a major catalyst, who paved the way for the assault on the pga “caucasian only” policy and its removal under social and legal pressure in 1961 leading to sifford’s achievements (dawkins 2003). conclusion in this paper we examined the role of world heavyweight champion boxer, joe louis, in stimulating greater interest in the sport of golf among african americans and participating in efforts to end discrimination against black golfers during the period of his national prominence, especially in the 1940’s and early 1950’s. unlike many of the early black golfers whose initial exposure to golf came through caddying at exclusive white country clubs, louis was attracted to the sport after excelling in boxing. however, his enthusiasm and passion for golf matched that of those blacks who rose from the caddy ranks to become recognized golfers throughout black communities in america. at the height of his recognition as world heavyweight boxing champion, joe louis became a serious golfer, who not only pursued an amateur career but also supported the careers of other black golfers. he also expanded playing opportunities and promoted interracial golf competition by creating his own tournament which became an instant national success. the joe louis open tournament was a showcase for displaying the talents of african american golf stars, increasing interest in golf among blacks generally and providing a staging ground for the promotion of interracial contact and cooperation in golf. therefore, louis became an “ambassador” of black golf, a role which was expected to break the long standing racial barrier to greater access to playing opportunities for blacks. failing to produce these results, however, louis turned to a more aggressive approach, using his notoriety to draw challenge 87 national attention and outrage to the pga’s denial of access by blacks to pga sponsored events. although the more militant stance produced limited initial results, these efforts coincided with the rise in direct actions attacking racial exclusion growing out of the civil rights movement of the 1950’s. louis, therefore, helped to draw attention to golf discrimination and opened limited opportunities which increased the chances of a few black golfers to play in pga events as non-touring players. another consequence of louis’ involvement in golf was the impact of his activities on increasing the coverage of black golf in the media, especially the black press. the overwhelmingly greater coverage of baseball by the black press during the heydays of the negro leagues of the mid 1940’s yielded a bit as louis attracted attention to golf through his travels and involvement in golf tournaments and informal play. finally, this paper reveals that joe louis played an active and sometimes aggressive leadership role in pursuit of social justice for african american golfers, suggesting a need to correct the image that is often presented of louis as non-radical and accommodating on racial issues. 88 dawkins, farrell references ashe. arthur 1988. a hard road to glory: a history of the african american athlete(volumes i and ii). ny: warner books. barkow, al. 1974. golf ’s golden grind, the history of the tour. ny: harcourt brace jovanovich. baltimore afro-american. 1941. “$1,000 for pro golf champ, louis donates prize to winner of tournament.” march 15, p. 21. ______. 1941. “marva disliked playing role of golf widow.” july 19, p. 20. ______. 1941. “$500 prize big magnet in louis golf tourney.” august 2, p. 21. brown, earl. 1940. “joe louis, the champion idol of his race sets a good example of conduct.” life magazine, june 17, pp. 49-55. capeci, d. j. and m. wilkerson 1983. “multifarious hero: joe louis, american society and race relations during world crisis, 19351945.” journal of sport history 10:5-25. chicago defender. 1941. “clyde martin wins joe louis open tourney.” august 23, p. 25. ______. 1952. “how louis upset pga race barrier.” january 26, p. 10. dawkins, marvin p. 2003. “race relations and the sport of golf: the african american golf legacy.” western journal of black studies 27:231235. dawkins, marvin p. and graham c. kinloch. 2000. african american golfers during the jim crow era. westport, ct: praeger. graffis, herb. 1975. pga: official history of the pga of america. ny: thomas y. crowell publishers. kennedy, john h. 2000. a course of their own: a history of african american golfers. kansas city, ks: andrews mcmeel publishing. louis, joe and gene kessler. 1940. “i hate to hurt anybody.” look magazine, may 7, p. 50. challenge 89 mcdaniel, pete. 2000. uneven lies: the heroic story of african-americans in golf. greenwich, ct: american golfer. mcrae, finley f. 1991. “hidden traps beneath the placid greens.” american visions 2:26-29. mead, christopher. 1985. champion: joe louis, black hero in white america. ny: scribner. miami herald. 1952. “ted kroll captures coast golf.” january 21, p. 1-d. new york times. 1948. “louis top ‘disappointer.’” january 17, p. 13. ______. 1952. “joe louis insists on entry in golf.” january 15, p. 31. ______. 1952. “pga clears way for louis to play.” january 16, p. 30. ______. 1952a. “c.i.o. decries golf bias.” january 19, p. 19. ______. 1952b. “kroll captures four-stroke lead in san diego open golf.” january 19, p. 19. ______. 1952. “pga committee votes to ease tourney ban on negro players.” january 20, p. s1. pittsburgh courier. 1941. “joe louis golf meet in detroit.” july 12, p. 17. ______. 1941. “golfdom’s best to compete in joe louis’ open tourney.” august 2, p. 17. ______. 1941. “clyde martin is favored to win joe’s tourney.” august 9, p. 16. ______. 1941. “68 pros and 118 amateurs play in joe’s tournament.” august 16, p. 17. ______. 1941. “martin wins detroit golf tourney.” august 23, p. 17. ______. 1946. “cosmopolitan golf club’s 1st round winners named.” august 3, p. 28. ______. 1948. “sifford, clark rated most improved golfers.” july 31, p. 15. 90 dawkins, farrell ______. 1948. “pga damage suit set for september.” july 24, p. 9. ______. 1949. “nation’s top golfers set for joe louis tournament.” august 20, p. 24. ______. 1949. “ted rhodes does it again; captures uga title.” september 3, p. 22. ______. 1949a. “ted rhodes’ monopoly in joe louis open continues.” september 10, p. 18. ______. 1949b. “rhodes, the master.” september 10, p. 18. ______. 1950. “big time golf events blasted: louis helps launch attack on link bias.” january 28, 1950, p. 21. richmond afro-american. 1941. “louis lures golfers.” august 16, p. 21. ______. 1941. “golf by nat rayburg.” august 30, p. 22. sifford, charlie and jim gullo. 1992. just let me play: the story of charlie sifford, the first black pga golfer. latham, ny: british american publishing. sinnette, calvin h. 1998. forbidden fairways: african americans and the game of golf. chelsea, mi: sleeping bear press. time magazine. 1941. “black moses.” september 29, pp. 60-64. weston 1 the south rises yet again: wal-mart and the post-civil rights consumer empowerment movement joan weston1 ohio university abstract absent from critiques of walmart is an analysis of the meanings that consumers with a long history of social and political disenfranchisement at the local level attach to this global retail giant. for black southerners, walmart carries meanings extending far beyond the price of goods and services, the convenience of one-stop shopping, and the opportunity for employment. walmart’s charitable contributions to and partnerships with african american organizations and institutions that raise the global profile of african american culture makes the global retailer a more attractive alternative than local business establishments with a history of limited support for african american community-based initiatives. introduction wal-mart incorporated is the nation’s largest retailer. in the south, it has replaced the old country store, which once stood at the center of small towns and rural communities. critics of the global retailer often valorize local businesses like the country store as the “mom-n-pop” anchor of main street. for example, in its response to the closure of wal-mart in sumter county, alabama in 2005, the huntsville times refers to walmart’s actions as “unsavory.” wal-mart “drove out its competitors, but felt no real responsibility to continue to serve its customers.” critics like the huntsville times demonize the big-box retailer, casting it as an evil empire destroying the local business establishment that had historically served the best interest of the community. however, absent from this critique of globalization run amok is an analysis of the meanings that consumers with a long history of social and political disenfranchisement at the local level attach to old country stores, and by extension, walmart. 1 please address all correspondence to joan weston: weston@ohio.edu 2 challenge for black southerners, walmart carries meanings extending far beyond the price of goods and services, the convenience of one-stop shopping and the opportunity for employment. walmart’s charitable contributions to african american organizations and institutions that raise the global profile of african american culture makes the global retailer a more attractive alternative than local business establishments with a history of limited support for african american community-based initiatives. the problems with country stores and local businesses “localism had not been a handmaiden of justice in the segregated south,” concludes historian bethany moreton in her book to serve god and wal-mart: the making of christian free enterprise (2009, p. 266). like moreton, labor historian nelson lichtenstein (2009) examines the development of the retail industry in the united states. in the retail revolution: how walmart created a brave new world of business, lichtenstein claims that “[i]n 1830, seven out of ten influential bostonians were merchants; likewise a tiny new york trading elite owned most of that city’s wealth in the mid 1850s” (p. 12). he asserts that “[t]he civil war ended the reign of these merchants and their southern confederates, heralding a gilded age america ruled by a new class of iron masters, meatpackers, and railroad barons” (p. 13). arguably, the power that southern confederates wielded did not dissipate with the fall of slavery. in 1865, upon regaining ownership of lands confiscated by the united states government, southern plantation owners reorganized their real estate holdings into smaller tracts and rented them to millions of black and white farmers. while the vast majority of landless farmers were white and worked small landholdings, landless african american farmers were relegated to landholdings that were similar in size, structure and organization to the plantations from which enslaved africans were liberated. geographer charles aiken (1998), author of the cotton plantation south: since the civil war, argues that the myth that the southern plantation apparatus vanished when enslaved africans were liberated emerged in the 1880s. according to aiken, both scholars and journalists interpreted agricultural census data showing a decrease in the size of farms and a corresponding increase in the number of farms as evidence of the rapid decline in plantation agriculture. aiken proposes that this change more aptly describes the continuity between large-scale commercial farming before and after the abolition of slavery in the united states. that is, the increase in the number of small family farms signals the institutionalization of a plantation economy rather than the emergence weston 3 of a system of commercial farming dominated by independent yeoman farmers, as lichtenstein suggests. these new farm operators did not own the land they cultivated (reynolds 2002). country stores stood at the center of the southern plantation economy. collectively, they were the financial artery of the rural south for much of the 20th century. “the growth of share and cash tenancy,” states aiken, “was facilitated by the widespread development of town and country merchants from whom renters could obtain their annual furnish” (1998 p. 34-35). growing exponentially during reconstruction, country stores sprang up in the center and on the periphery of southern plantation towns and were the sole source of credit for sharecroppers, regardless of race. wendell paris, a veteran civil rights organizer laments, “the plantation establishment used the country store all the way up until the 1970s.” plantation owners used the country store to develop what paris called “a weak mind, strong back economy.” country stores offered the household and farm supplies that poor rural consumers needed but could not afford without the credit country stores extended to them. in the most southern place on earth: the mississippi delta and the roots of regional identity, historian james cobbs (1992) argues that rural business establishments, which included country store merchants, transformed one of the riches agricultural regions of the united states into the home of the poorest of the nation’s poor. the stock market crash of 1929 brought free market capitalism to its knees, as many southern towns faded into the sunset along with the country stores in them. in king cotton and his retainers: financing and marketing the cotton crop of the south, 1800-1925 historian harold woodman (1968) asserts that country store merchants who rented land and houses to tenants farming in retribution tended to survive the financial crisis. those with little land or few dependable tenants to farm their land often perished. country store merchants who survived the financial market crisis adapted to the decrease in demand for consumer credit by becoming more desperate in their business practices. this desperation turned the quaint little country store into a cold hard cog in the regional growth machine. citing the 1934 study “landlord and tenant on the cotton plantation,” sociologist gunnar myrdal argues that the goods that sharecroppers and tenant farmers purchased were “often ‘marked up’” with annual interest rates “no less than 37 percent” (1944 p. 247). moreover, local business establishments across the south used the country store as a mechanism of social control to reinforce the ideology of white supremacy and black inferiority. in his analysis of the records of 4 challenge southern country stores, historian thomas clarke (p. 160) concludes that african americans experienced “a marked degree of whiteness . . . . there was white meat, white gravy, white bread, and white shortening for the table, white supremacy at the polls and white gloves for the pall bearers at the grave side,” states clarke (p. 160). the 1955 brutal murder of 14year old emmett till who allegedly flirted with a white woman inside a mississippi country store, served as a warning to african americans that the ideology of white supremacy and the social practices constitutive of white male privilege drove both the economy and the criminal justice system in the south. j. j. breland, the princeton graduate who headed the defense team representing the men tried and acquitted of till’s murder, asserts, “hell we’ve got to have our milams and bryants to fight our wars and keep our niggahs in line” (whitfield 1988, p. 54-55). in sum, country stores were part of a larger system of disenfranchisement and oppression over which walmart now represents a vast improvement. undeniably, the price of goods and services, the convenience of one-stop shopping, the opportunity for employment, and the power to manipulate the supply chain collectively contribute to walmart’s global domination of local retail markets. however, both the economic empowerment of the rural poor and the political empowerment of african americans contributed to walmart’s rise to power. the economic empowerment of poor people coupled with the political empowerment of disenfranchised african americans significantly weakened the control that southern country store merchants had on the rural financial market. african american sharecroppers and tenant farmers were consistently denied credit. cobb writes “banks refused to loan money to blacks, referring them instead to a merchant” (1992 p. 154). earlier successes of the civil rights movement in urban centers like birmingham and montgomery inspired african american sharecroppers to put their plantation homes on the line in return for the vote. sensing the determination of african americans who refused to leave southern plantations, civil rights strategists helped advance the human rights of rural black southerners by shifting resources from urban centers to rural counties like sumter, alabama, a political stronghold for the plantation establishment in alabama. as legal scholar brian landsberg (2007) points out in free at last to vote, sumter county is an ordinary black belt county. it is ordinary in the sense that african americans are the overwhelming majority there. according to the 1960 census, 81 percent the 21,000 residents of sumter county were black. it is also ordinary in the sense that county officials colluding with the local business establishment used the weston 5 threat of displacement to prevent black citizens from registering to vote. in 1967, with the assistance of the national association for the advancement colored people (naacp), an organization that sociologist w. e. b. dubois helped establish, black sharecroppers organized in sumter county churches and then deployed nonviolent resistance towards one of the most egregious symbols of white supremacy in the county, the statue of the confederate soldier standing on the front lawn of the county courthouse. almonia burrell, a sumter resident who attended civil rights rallies in 1967, states emphatically in an interview, “lord, they be treating us so bad, they treated us so bad. that’s why i started ‘ticipating.” approximately two years after bloody sunday--the day on which selma police and alabama state troopers used batons, attack dogs and tear gas to stop civil rights activists from marching from selma to montgomery-african american citizens like burrell and others living on barnes rogers’ plantation went to register to vote at the sumter county courthouse in livingston. they were sharecroppers farming in retribution, but they were also consumers who had requested from rogers their rightful share of the usda cotton price support subsidy and deferred acreage payment. like his father before and son after him, rogers was a country store merchant and the mayor of gainesville, a town 20 miles north of livingston. rogers gave the burrell family and the families of approximately 40 activists 48 hours to vacate the rogers family plantation. evicted families had lived on the sumter plantation since reconstruction. while some families moved in with local relatives, others migrated to chicago. the naacp assisted others in their move to lands owned by tuskegee university. adding insult to injury, rogers leased these plantation properties to hammermill paper company. the company planted pine trees up to the doorsteps of those remaining on the plantation in their dilapidated houses. hammermill left no land open for even a small home garden and tenants paid two sets of rent, one to rogers for the house and the other to hammermill for the land (ashmore 2008). the walmart alternative in desegregating the dollar: african american consumerism in the twentieth century, robert weems (1998) posits that two basic assumptions inform african american consumer activism. first, consumption is a set of social processes by which individuals construct a sense of self and community; and second, political and economic empowerment are two sides of the same coin. when walmart opened in livingston, alabama in 1980, local white-dominated business establishments and civic leaders 6 challenge expected african americans to support local commerce, although the local establishment gave only nominal support for african american community-based initiatives. local civil rights activists challenged these expectations in sumter and elsewhere by organizing boycotts of local businesses. consumer boycotts in port gibson, mississippi (1966-1969) and livingston, alabama (1979) illustrate how the post-civil rights consumer empowerment movement facilitated the expansion of walmart’s operations in the south. african americans in port gibson and livingston had long been underserved in the areas of health, education and employment. consumer boycotts commenced after local activists in both areas failed to gain support from county officials for community-based initiatives designed to assist an impoverished african american community. the port gibson consumer boycott began in 1966, and by 1969, twelve white merchants filed suit in mississippi chancery court seeking injunctive relief and damages against the local chapter of the naacp, the mississippi action for progress and a number of local grassroots organizers. in livingston, african american county residents boycotted the public schools (minutes of the sumter county board of education meeting, march 2, 1979). john vodicka (1980), a freelance journalist covering the boycott writes, “whites openly refer to sumter county public schools as ‘the nigger schools’ and send their children to private, segregated academies.” by the end of the boycott, the five-member school board consisting of three whites and two blacks agreed to hire more african american administrators in the public school system, including a black principal at either of the two junior high schools in the county. in 1981, however, congressman richard shelby ordered a federal grand jury investigation of the federation of southern cooperatives. according to the 1982 department of agriculture report, “black farmers in america: the pursuit of independent farming and the role of cooperatives,” this investigation came at the request of white government officials claiming that the federation used federal funds for political purposes. the federal grand jury reviewed nearly 40,000 cancelled checks and 22 boxes of records confiscated from the fsc research and training center. the federal bureau of investigation (fbi) also interrogated more than 200 people living in five different states. in his article “political mobilization in sumter county,” michael clemons maintains that after a two-year investigation, the department of justice under ronald reagan concluded, “the conduct of the persons under scrutiny does not warrant prosecution” (p. 666). the investigation, writes clemons, “was a concerted effort by weston 7 local, state, and federal officials to discredit the organization and reduce its effectiveness” (p. 665). mounting a legal defense against the local establishment drained the coffers of the federation (bethell 1982; clemons 1998) and the naacp (umoja 2002). in a call for support for the naacp, the nation states that “unless the naacp can raise several hundred thousand dollars immediately, it will be unable to post the extortionate bond that the legal system of mississippi requires for an appeal of a judgment against the association of $1,250,699 arising out of a local business boycott by the black community of that small town, starting ten years ago.” the mississippi supreme court ruled in favor of the port gibson merchants. attorneys for the plaintiffs argued that boycott organizers employed unlawful force, violence and threats against customers who would otherwise shop at the establishments that were boycotted. the united states supreme court subsequently overturned the mississippi supreme court ruling in 1982, but the legal battle depleted the financial reserves of the naacp (umoja 2002). african americans and the post civil rights consumer empowerment movement to counter claims that it consciously participates in labor practices that unfairly disadvantage women and people of color and to refurbish its image as a company that cares about working class and poor costumers, walmart is currently engaged in a public relations campaign to reinforce an image of walmart as a champion of civil rights. this elaborate marketing campaign involves collaborating with african american organizations and institutions working to make the stories of enslaved africans and black sharecroppers and tenant farmers accessible to a global audience. the current impulse to popularize the legacy of enslaved africans and their descendants and to show how this legacy informs contemporary social life is rooted in the work of prominent public intellectuals like dr. cornel west, professor of religion and african american studies at princeton university. in his 2001 debut cd entitled sketches of my culture, west takes the popular music genre hip-hop and uses it to give voice to the enslaved africans who survived the middle passage and the black disenfranchised sharecroppers who traveled to the ghettos of south side chicago seeking employment opportunities in and around black urban slums. west confesses in a statement published november 2001 in the washington post, “i don’t fool myself and think i’m a hip-hopper or nothing, ‘[t]he black musical tradition is the most precious tradition, and 8 challenge just to be a small part of it is a great honor.’” he states that his music is “a message of pride in oneself and black history to people who may not get into harvard or pick up his books.” walmart is an active participant in the naacp economic reciprocity initiative (eri). with the 1985 fair share initiative (fsi) and the subsequent 1996 economic reciprocity initiative, the targets of african american consumer activism shifted from locally owned businesses to national and multi-national corporations. with both consumer empowerment initiatives, the naacp urged corporations to reinvest part of their revenue in organizations and institutions that empower african american consumers. former president of the naacp, rupert richardson explains, “in recruiting new companies . . . the naacp stresses that the fair share agreements have a positive effect on the company’s bottom line, in addition to helping african american communities.” the economic reciprocity initiative focuses more intently on corporate accountability and differs from earlier naacp consumer empowerment initiatives in that it provides a tool for measuring “corporate america’s financial relationship with the african american community.” a crowning achievement of the economic reciprocity initiative is the naacp consumer choice guide. the naacp encourages companies generating at least 5 billion annually to participate in an online survey. data from the survey are summarized and presented in the naacp consumer choice guide. the guide includes information on 43 companies representing five industries: automotive, financial services, general merchandising, lodging and telecommunications. naacp focuses on employment (workforce diversity, recruitment efforts, and employee benefits); marketing and communications expenditures; supplier diversity; community reinvestment and charitable giving. each participating corporation is ranked for overall performance as well as for its performance in each area listed above (table 1). table 1. 2008 naacp consumer guide grading scale a ab+ b bc+ c cd+ d d f+ f 4.00 3.993.75 3.743.50 3.493.00 2.992.75 2.742.50 2.492.00 1.991.75 1.741.50 1.491.00 .99.75 .74.50 .490 weston 9 table 2. 2008 naacp consumer guide general merchandising report walmart macy’s kohl’s nordstrom african american employment including workforce, board membership, employee recruitment, and employment benefits b(2.85) c+ (2.62) c(1.81) c (1.81) marketing communications includes spending on african american media and targeting of african community c (2.25) d (1.25) b+ (3.5) f (0.00) supplier diversity includes diversity program and spending with african american vendors d+ (1.50) c (2.25) f+ (0.50) d+ (1.50) community reinvestment includes cra support and investment and development b (3.25) c+ (2.50) d+ (1.50) b (3.00) charitable giving includes giving to african american organizations that target the african american community a (4.00) a (4.00) d(0.75) f (0.00) final grade c+ (2.50) c (2.32) d+ (1.60) d (1.35) walmart received the highest overall score (2.50 = c+) for general merchandising retailers. it also has the highest ratings in employment, community reinvestment, and charitable giving (table 2). according to the consumer choice guide, companies received an “f” (jc penny, sears and roebuck, dillards and target) if they refused to respond to the 2008 naacp’s invitation to participate in the eri. in his address to the naacp annual convention in 2008, dennis hayes, interim president and ceo of the naacp, explains that the primary objective of the naacp is to ensure that disempowered people 10 challenge receive the respect accorded any human being and that they be understood. respect and understanding, he posits, leads to “change that is lasting.” hayes goes on to caution national and multinational corporations to respect african american consumers and to work harder to understand black america. haynes boasts that the naacp has prompted walmart to reconsider its policies regarding diversity, fair wage employment and health care insurance for employees. he states that “ [w]hile they continue to do the things they must do to become more perfect and pleasing to all, we believe that sharing our views with them have resulted in changes.” walmart addressed these concerns, according to hayes, by adopting a new health care plan, appointing two african americans to the organization’s board of directors and hiring an executive chief of diversity, ester silverparker, a member of the naacp board of trustees. walmart has also collaborated with tavis smiley, contributing $14 million to the tavis smiley productions’ america i am: the african american imprint museum exhibit. the america i am exhibit opened in philadelphia on january 15, 2009 and features a collection of cultural artifacts arranged to tell a story about america through the struggles and victories of enslaved africans and their descendants in the united states. “we know the narrative of ellis island and the immigrants coming to new york,” states smiley, “but there’s another story.” echoing smiley’s sentiments, edward rothstein writes in his january 2009 new york times review of the exhibit, “the history of america and the history of america’s blacks are inseparable. they are so intertwined as to become aspects of a single identity in which neither strand can be considered in isolation.” the editorial board for the american i am exhibit includes cornel west and john fleming, president of the association for the study of african american life and history (asaalh), an organization established in 1915 to support the black history week, and subsequently, black history month. walmart also collaborates with beyonce knowles, whose image is on the cover of the june 2009 issue of forbes magazine along side the caption: inside beyonce’s entertainment empire. according to forbes, “[t]he 27-year-old songstress turned actress turned global brand found time to release a double album (i am ... sasha fierce), star in two films (cadillac records and obsessed), perform at both the academy awards and a presidential inaugural ball and embark on a 110-date international tour. she also added crystal geyser and nintendo . . . dsi to a lengthy list of endorsement deals that already included american express . . . , l’oreal and samantha thavasa handbags.” the walmart-beyonce partnership weston 11 brings the beyonce experience, a set of music, film and live performances featuring beyonce knowles, to millions of walmart shoppers across the globe. through walmart soundcheck productions, walmart shoppers can get the beyonce experience on the internet as well as on the televisions strategically positioned in the 8,000 + walmart stores globally. the beyonce experience, and consequently media products attached to it, promotes the narrative that immigrant entrepreneurs exacerbate the feelings of selfdoubt and inadequacy that black men experience as a result of racism, and black women are capable of achieving the american dream independent of black men. knowles is also the executive producer for the film cadillac records, which is in many ways identical to the film-musical dreamgirls. jim crow segregation, the civil rights movement and the economic empowerment of black women in the male-dominated entertainment industry are thematic backdrops for both films. both films examine the relationship between the organization of black cultural production and black economic empowerment. in cadillac records, beyonce plays the living legend etta james, a light skinned black woman whose talents are unappreciated by the white mainstream. in dreamgirls, beyonce plays a marginally talented light-skinned black vocalist whose eurocentric features make her more appealing to white audiences than her more gifted dark skinned childhood friend whose vocals capture the depth and breadth of the african american blues tradition. the core argument advanced in both dreamgirls and cadillac records is that white liberals who duped white youth into believing that white people created the blues and rock and roll appropriated black culture. both films argue that liberal racism operates to undermine the entrepreneurial drive of african americans. whereas in dreamgirls, liberal racism is inherent in the repressive welfare state, in cadillac records, it is embedded in the logic of the immigrant entrepreneur who naively equates the african presence in the americas with the ellis island immigrant experience. moreover, dreamgirls focuses on the period 1960s and early 1970s and black urban entrepreneurship in post-world war ii america. cadillac records examines the organization of black cultural production during the 1950s and early 1960s and attempts to show how the 20th century southern plantation served as a catalyst for rock and roll. 12 challenge conclusion walmart’s partnerships with and charitable contributions to african american organizations and institutions that raise the global profile of african american culture makes the global retailer a more attractive alternative than local business establishments with a history of limited support for african american community-based initiatives. nelson lichtenstein points out in the retail revolution: how walmart created a brave new world of business, that this support comes when walmart is attempting to win the favor of african americans in areas where labor unions have enjoyed strong support from black consumers. like moreton and lichtenstein, gereffi and christian (2009) warn that changes in the way walmart does business is a strategic effort to silence critics of the retailer. “walmart may have started in a rural mountain town in arkansas,” posits gereffi and christian, “but its reach, influence, and continued growth have touched individuals and groups from workers in the pearl river delta of china, to farmers in chile, truckers in mexico, and consumers in brazil” (p. 586). nonetheless, through partnerships with walmart, african american organizations and institutions make visible the legacy of the country store and the consumer empowerment movement that includes rosa parks and montgomery bus boycott. the relationship between african american consumers and the plantation south is central to the development of neoliberal democracy. yet, it is a relationship that is largely unexamined in sociological discourse on globalization, neoliberalism and walmart. sociologists with a public research agenda and a focus on walmart must examine new media, go global and seek to change walmart from within, as gereffi and christian recommend. they must also be mindful to include the cultural narratives of african american consumer empowerment as they engage international sociologists in comparative research on workers in the pearl river delta, farmers in chile, truckers in mexico and consumers in brazil. weston 13 references aiken, charles. 1998. the cotton plantation south: since the civil war. baltimore: johns hopkins university press. ashmore, susan. 2008. the war on poverty and the civil rights movement in alabama 1964-1972. athens: university of georgia press. bethell, thomas. 1982. sumter county blues: the ordeal of the federation of southern cooperatives. report to the national committee in support of community based organizations. washington, dc: center for community change. clarke, thomas. 1944. pills, petticoats and plows: the southern country store. new york: bobbs-merrill company. cobb, james. 1992. the most southern place on earth: the mississippi delta and the roots of regional identity. oxford: oxford university press. gereffi, gary and michelle christian. 2009. “the impacts of wal-mart: the rise and consequences of the world’s dominant retailer.” annual review of sociology. 35: 573-59. landsberg, brian. 2007. free at last to vote: the alabama origins of the 1965 voting rights act. lawrence: university of kansas press. lichtenstein, nelson. 2009. the retail revolution: how walmart created a brave new world of business. new york: henry holt and company. moreton, bethany. 2009. to serve god and wal-mart: the making of christian free enterprise. cambridge: harvard university press. myrdal, gunnar. 1944. an american dilemma: the negro problem and modern democracy. new york: harper and brothers publishers. reynolds, bruce. 2002. black farmers: 1865-2000: the pursuit of independent farming the role of cooperatives. www.rurdev. usda.gov/rbs/pub/rr194.pdf whitfield, stephen. 1988. a death in the delta: the story of emmett till. new york: free press. umoja, akinyele omowale. 2002. ‘we will shoot back:’ the natchez model and paramilitary organization in the mississippi freedom movement.” journal of black studies. 32 (3): 271-294. vodicka, john. 1980. “the federation of southern cooperatives under siege.” southern change: the journal of the southern regional council. 2 (8). www.beck.library.emory.edu/southernchanges 14 challenge weems, robert. 1998. desegregating the dollar: african american consumerism in the twentieth century. new york: new york university press. woodman, harold. 1968. king cotton and his retainers: financing and marketing the cotton crop of the south, 1800-1925. lexington: university of kentucky press. challenge 39 “athleticated” versus educated: a qualitative investigation of campus perceptions, recruiting and african american male student-athletes c. keith harrison1 university of central florida abstract the purpose of this study was to conduct a qualitative investigation of student narratives (n=167) about the contemporary issue of recruiting high-profile african american male student-athletes. participants were asked to view a scene on recruiting from the film, the program (1994). participants were then presented with questions regarding a recruiting trip by an african american football player to a traditionally white campus. findings indicate that both black and white students perceived the african american male student-athletes in the film scene to be more “athleticated” than educated. they were also perceived as stereotypical sex-objects. when athletes (especially male) show up at the school, the program does everything it can to show the athlete how fun it would be to go to school there, i.e., greeted by beautiful women, surrounded by beautiful women and taken to parties with beautiful women. nothing academic is shown to them (016).2 1 please address all correspondence to c. keith harrison (kharrison@bus.ucf.edu). 2 narratives are transcribed verbatim irrespective of participant grammar or syntax. narrative excerpts are indicated by participant number in parentheses immediately following the excerpt. 40 harrison, c. keith introduction each year, one of the most visible issues in sports is the recruiting of “blue-chip” recruits to major universities. these recruits are highly visible and known in popular culture as “ballers” (boyd 2003) and often see themselves as “shot callers” of their own athletic destiny (boyd & shopshire 2000). the recruiting trip sets the academic and athletic tone for the student-athlete. although this issue is visceral to the scholarly community, little has been empirically investigated or tested in terms of a student-athletes’ recruiting inventory or `the perceptions of recruiting by the general student body. entman and rojecki (2000) articulate that “film is an intricate site of cultural expression about race” (p. 201). one of the more popular films about intercollegiate athletics, social class, and race is the program (1994). the major themes of the film are a good snapshot of fictional and non-fictional realities of college sport. this list of themes includes academic integrity, urban identities, commercialization, booster/ alumni influence, campus violence against women, and faculty interaction with student-athletes. further, the film represents various characters and their personal challenges: quarterback (alcoholism), running back (urban identity and academically challenged), linebacker (illiterate and focused on going to the nfl), a defensive lineman (steroids), fullback (elitist attitude and jealousy of his teammate), a coed (intelligent and beautiful woman that has family pressures about success), and finally a coach (constantly in the gray area of ethical leadership and the pressure to win). the current study asks the following questions based on one scene from the program: are the recruiting visit perceptions by students about student-athletes based on stereotypes and athlete biases? how will students respond to images that represent the intercollegiate athletics ritual(s) to sign major recruits in revenue sports (i.e. football and/or basketball)? what type of discussion and dialogue about academics and athletics does the qualitative data (narratives) reveal? review of related literature college sports, recruiting and perception the corruption of college football has received consistent attention from scholars in economics (zimbalist 1999), american studies (sperber 1990), and the sociology of sport (coakley 2001). many of the empirical investigations relate to some of the problems and variables that stem from intense recruiting such as academic preparation, family education, and standardized test scores (eitzen 1999; erwin et al. 1985; sellers 1992). challenge 41 the current study investigates attitudes, feelings and perceptions of male revenue sport participants and the cultural practices of recruiting. both racial stigma (loury 2002; russell 1998) and racial media (entman & rojecki 2000) theories are the platform to analyze contemporary recruiting issues and the major findings discussed in this paper. this is important to note when considering one noted and former president’s perspective on intercollegiate athletics: one of the most sensitive issues in intercollegiate athletics concerns race. basketball and increasingly football are dominated by talented black athletes, whose representation in these sports programs far exceeds their presence elsewhere in the university. the separation that exists between athletic programs and the rest of the university can only harm the educational experiences and opportunities available to minority student-athletes (duderstadt 2000:213). shulman & bowen (2001) describe the athletic recruitment process as “highly complex.” these same two authors conducted a major databased study of several ivy league schools that has implications for other traditional campuses (public and private). before discussing the impact of racial stigma on athletic recruitment, we summarize some of their findings below: the relative number of male athletes in a class has not changed 1. dramatically over the past 40 years, but athletes in recent classes have been far more intensely recruited than used to be the case. athletes who are recruited, and who end up on the carefully 2. winnowed lists of desired candidates submitted by coaches to the admissions office, now enjoy a very substantial statistical “advantage” in the admissions process--a much greater advantage than that enjoyed by other targeted groups such as underrepresented minority students, alumni children, and other legacies; this statement is true for both male and female athletes. one obvious consequence of assigning such a high priority to 3. admitting recruited athletes is that they enter these colleges and universities with considerably lower sat scores than their classmates. admitted athletes differ from their classmates in other ways too, 4. and there is evidence of an “athlete culture.” contrary to much popular mythology, recruitment of athletes 5. has no marked effect on either the socioeconomic composition of these schools or on their racial diversity. 42 harrison, c. keith this empirical summary is an appropriate foundation to examine how racial stigma influences these issues of recruiting and admission to the university by african american male student-athletes. racial stigma and athleticism racial stigma extends that social stigmas are not static but produced by cultural perceptions and ethnic distinctions based on exposure and contact (loury 2002). the dominant exposure of african american men on predominantly white campuses is overrepresented in football and basketball compared to the general student-body (sailes 1993; sellers 2000). narrow representations such as these can create oversimplified perceptions: generalizations based on superficial physical traits by decision-making agents with the power to create facts— can have politically profound and morally disturbing consequences. but that is only part of the story. we humans are also hungry for meanings (loury 2002: 57). loury (2002) continues to build on goffman’s (1971) notion of a “spoiled” identity. this concept is based on the social reality in the viewers’ mind that the image in question is stigmatized. hence, there are cues, signs and clues of the virtual identity viewed by the masses. in the context of predominantly white institutions that recruit african american male student-athletes in the sports of football and basketball, a racial reputation is built about their academic and athletic status. this athletic status as loury (2002) contends does not immune them from the effects of racial stigma, and “the perception by non-racist fans that the sport has been ‘tainted’ by the drug use, violence, or misogyny of a few bad actors may well reflect racial stigma, at least in part” (p. 74). in the context of higher education, images of the “dumb jock” student-athlete have created realities, limiting social and academic integration of student-athletes on campus (shriberg & brondzinski 1984, cited in kirk & kirk 1993). such a portrait of the “dumb jock” is so pervasive that it has found affects on all student-athletes’ college outcomes irrespective of their academic abilities (sailes 1993; zingg 1982, cited in kirk & kirk 1993). unfortunately, this image is even more pervasive for black studentathletes at predominantly white institutions (adler & adler 1985; edwards 1984). in other words, black student-athletes have to deal with campus stereotypes associated with being black and a student-athlete. i want to suggest that the caricature of the “dumb jock” is more salient with black males. challenge 43 related to this racial stigma phenomenon is the work of russell’s the color of crime (1998), and the concept of what she coined as “criminalblackman,” a link is made to what i call the perception on campus of the “athleticblackman.” both these terms deconstruct the entanglement of education, race, sport, social deviance, and public perception. in short, it is nearly impossible to view the african american male student-athlete on campus without the stereotypes of black men in america. finally, entman & rojecki (2000) indicated that “the flow of influence between media content and audience sentiments is reciprocal.” they combined qualitative examples with quantitative methods to capture some of the complicated flavor of race images in hollywood’s most popular movies. the present study examines a film with images of race in one of american popular culture’s most influential representations--intercollegiate athletics. methods and design participants in the fall of 2001 data were collected from 202 students at a highly selective midwestern university. all students were enrolled in an introductory survey class. the majority of the sample was female, 69.3 percent and 93 percent of the sample was 20 years of age or younger. the remaining 7 percent of the sample was between the ages of 21 and 24. the racial distribution was as follows: 73.6 percent white, followed by asian americans at 13.4 percent, then by african americans at 9 percent, hispanic americans at 3 percent and others at 1 percent. the present study (n=167) focuses on whites (n=149) and african american (n=18) and the remaining participants in the study (n=35) will be the subject of another paper. the photo/visual elicitation technique this technique may be used with any form of electronic media. visual elicitation is a technique of interviewing in which photographs are used to stimulate and guide a discussion between the interviewer and the researcher(s) (curry 1986; snyder & kane 1990). in acknowledging the salience of cultural artifacts and images in sport, the use of photographs is pertinent to study the attitudes and meanings people associate with sports (gonzalez & jackson 2001). this paper approaches the intercollegiate athletic recruiting issue with a mixed-method design that according to tashakkori and teddie (1998) “these are studies that are products of the pragmatist and that combine the qualitative and quantitative approaches within different phases of the research process” (p. 19). the goal of this approach reveals empirical answers that are meaningful, reliable and 44 harrison, c. keith solid. procedure the survey questionnaire was distributed to students in one introductory survey class. the students took approximately 30 minutes to fill out the questionnaire and the survey was distributed and collected by eight trained graduate students. before responding to structured items, one film scene was shown and students were instructed to respond in their own words to the meaning of the effigy.3 this process was repeated for each of the three domains, but the present study focuses on only the qualitative aspect and one domain from the program. students received regular class credit for their participation in the study. the primary researcher was not present in the room at the time of data collection and the class was another instructor’s students. materials and instrument the items for the current study are extracted from a larger study that examines three domains of intercollegiate athletics in higher education through the medium of film. this specific study examines one domain with several demographic items. demographic variables measured participants’ background characteristics such as gender, age, race, and community.4 qualitative data analysis participants were presented with one question visually regarding a recruiting trip by one african american football player. participants were instructed to offer an open-ended response for after viewing a scene from the program. after the written responses to the scene were collected, they were transcribed into a hard copy (text) for data analysis. hierarchical content analysis, as suggested by patton, was utilized in the analysis. following transcription, each investigator read each of the participants’ transcripts in order to get a sense of the students’ experiences. each investigator independently identified raw-data themes that characterized each participant’s responses. (raw-data themes are quotes that capture a concept provided by the participant.) then, the investigative 3 the scene selected from the program depicts a star student athlete (darnell jefferson) going on a recruiting trip and the treatment he gets. the bus pulls up and there is an entourage of cheerleaders and band members. darnell also has a personal tour guide, who shows him the stadium where he is announced like a star and key player. at the end of the scene he thanks autumn hailey (played by halle berry) for showing him around and kisses her. after the kiss he “struts” as the scene fades to the next scene. 4 item asked students to describe the community they grew up in. response choices included; large urban city, small city, suburb, small town and rural community. challenge 45 team met to interpret and identify major themes. raw data themes were utilized in conducting an inductive analysis in order to identify common themes or patterns of greater generality. themes were derived from all of the transcripts and attempts were made to interpret commonalties among the experiences described in each of the transcripts. major themes and sub-themes were identified across transcripts and support for each theme was located in each of the transcripts. finally, utilizing the themes that were previously identified, transcripts were coded and categorized. the meaning units associated with each theme were identified in each of the transcripts in order to determine the number and percentage of participants that responded within each of the major themes (see tables 5 and 6). findings and results demographics: characteristics of study participants the majority of the students in the sample grew up in the suburbs followed by large urban cities, small cities, small towns and rural communities (see table 1). even more interesting is the racial distribution by type of community. approximately 70 percent of whites reported growing up in the suburbs, while 40 percent of african americans grew up in the suburbs (see table 2). in contrast only 7.4 percent of whites reported growing up in a large urban city compared to 44.4 percent of african americans (see table 2). the percentage of african americans present at the participants’ high schools also differed by race. while almost 70 percent of whites reported their high school population to be 10 percent or less african american, only 44 percent of african americans reported that black students at their high school made up 10 percent or less (see table 3). not surprisingly, a similar pattern was found among neighborhoods. african americans were significantly more likely to grow up in neighborhoods that were more african american than whites (see table 4). qualitative results the following are the major qualitative themes from viewing one scene from the program. students then articulated thoughts, feelings and attitudes about the scene. 46 harrison, c. keith for african americans the themes are athleticated and sex object. athleticated. participants are aware of the privileges and what the recruiting trip entails: i sensed that athletes get the red carpet treatment when they go to college. and athletes do not get exposed to “classy” girls (020). i think that the media places too much emphasis on the athletic ability of athletes and not enough on their intelligence. i also think that during recruitment colleges focus too much on “selling” the athletic program instead of the academic programs and treat recruits like royalty (023). i saw visibly that academics were not part at all of his visit. it was covered up by a pretty girl and visits to the football stadium; what about classes (029). i think many athletes would not be treated like the one in the movie. it is however likely that many special things are used to get them to attend a school (032). i thought about how well student athletes are treated on campuses more specifically football and basketball, from watching movies it seems that these athletes get everything; personal tours, the girls, and the attention (054). they treat the student like he is a superstar. he develops that stigma and also feels that way. he has a strong sense of self worth. he has already jumped to conclusions about his future (068). forty-four percent (8) of the african american participants felt that the recruiting process is skewed towards athletic glamorization versus academic building. sex object. since slavery, the black american male has been stigmatized and typecast as hyper-sexual (boyd 2003). to some students viewing the scene they were asked to respond to, this image is still reproduced and perpetuated in popular media: it’s a dream come true for a black to go to college and be a star on the field, yet this also shows that girls are one more thing on their mind. girls and how many they can acquire ranks high on the list (072). the black athlete’s astonished response to the sight of the stadium was very typical. and his pursuing manner and language for the girl were somewhat typical as well. athletes are very direct with girls, etc. (171). athlete consumed with his own athletic performance. used challenge 47 to girls wanting him and not used to girls playing hard to get. excited about future, doesn’t really think of not playing. students, staff, media support give a lot attention (189). twenty-two percent (4) of the african americans in the study felt that males are highly recruited and that the process of a trip to campus fulfills lifelong dreams that include women and sports. for white americans the major themes are athleticated, sex object, media stereotypes, and unrealistic depiction. athleticated. students had broader applications of the scene they were shown and perceive the modern day college athlete in big-time sports to be larger than life: i think it shows all the positives to the school and only the athlete aspects but avoid the actual academics that the schools have to offer (001). that’s just about right on the jock stereotype, which in my experience holds very true. jocks, or student athletes as they are sometimes called, are very callous and tactless individuals who are also usually morons. they believe themselves to be god’s gift to women, but if you remove them from the context of a football field they are pretty much worthless (003). student athletes are catered to the environment they live in is surreal with people helping them with trivial matters (academia) while they concentrate on the important things (sports). if college athletes are legally allowed to be paid, i believe they would be very rich indeed. trillionaires probably; maybe more (006). this scene made it seem like the most important part of college is its football team and that it is even more important which players they get. although this is sometimes the case (008). seventy-four percent (101) of the participants felt the privileges that male student-athletes in high-profile sports are afforded and that they are academically unprepared for the intellectual climate of a large college institution. sex object. as mentioned earlier, sex, race and sport are intertwined for the black male. further, attitude and sexual behavior seem to coincide with how the male student-athlete is perceived: shows athletes as charmers and heroes. darnell was a bit self-obsessed in the scene in the stadium and quite sure of himself when hitting on his tour guide. it seemed as though 48 harrison, c. keith he believed the world centered around him. i think that maybe some athletes are like this, but not all—it is often a stereotype pinned on them though (009). colleges do all they can to entice a young athlete to join their team. showing him the stadium, cheerleaders waiting outside the bus; also this character thinks that he can put the moves on this girl right away because he is going to be a star athlete, and of course everyone wants to date an athlete; too much self confidence (010). colleges will do just about everything they can do in order to get the recruits to play for their program. they sugar coat everything until an athlete commits, then they treat them just like any other athlete who wasn’t heavily recruited (011). this scene depicts the athlete as a god-life figure. people are cheering at his arrival on campus, the stadium is shown as this amazing atmosphere of glory, and you feel even the woman showing him around is instantly attracted to him because of his athletic ability because there doesn’t seem to be many other characteristics of him shown. he comes off as arrogant and everyone else seems to worship him. (012). schools seem to do anything to win over an athlete for their school. they make him feel like he is the most important person there. they don’t even mention academics just that his name will be in lights on the scorecard. this is usually what i feel that happens with star players (018). eleven percent (16) of the participants felt that the black male recruit was overconfident and sexually coded by the scene’s representation. media stereotypes. the communication literature has built on the concept of racial cues (entman & rojecki 2000) and clearly to some of the students in the study there are cues that activate racial attitudes and feelings about black male athletic participants: i think the bandana and hitting on the first girl he sees highlights the stereotype that student athletes are cocky. i really had shivers on my arms during the feel good moment when the athlete threw his arms in the air in the football stadium (015). the scene portrayed black athletes and how they are concerned with two things; sports and women. the portrayal was negative since he made a move on her even though they had just met. it also showed the special treatment that athletes get at schools. they had the cheerleaders come out and welcome him (041). challenge 49 nine percent (14) of the white americans felt that media stereotypes both cultivate and create negative perceptions of student athletes, especially african american males. unrealistic depiction. this theme was one qualitative narrative and theme away from equaling the theme media stereotypes (see above). what is interesting is that while the students that believe that the scene they viewed is far-fetched, they also are fearful that it may actually be a reality: i honestly don’t think that any school would go through that much trouble to recruit an athlete, at least i hope not. it seemed very unrealistic that everyone (cheerleaders, marching band) would bend over backwards to welcome a prospective football player like that (027). that was really fake. i don’t think cheerleaders and the marching band greets all new athletes to campus. not to mention he gets the girl in the first few hours. he was also the stereotypical african american arrogant male strumming around, into himself. i didn’t like that, and it didn’t fit into the movie well (33). in my opinion this shows an incredibly inaccurate depiction at the campus visit by a student athlete. the cheerleaders and practical rolling out the red carpet approach for the football player while effective seemed overblown and unrealistic (042). nine percent (13) of the white americans felt that the scene was unrealistic. in the next section i will discuss some possible reasons for this last theme and perception differences between blacks and whites. discussion the demographic data indicates that most of the students in the study grew up in the suburbs, followed by a portion of the african american students growing up in larger and more diverse cities. in the present study, there are over 70 percent of the white students growing up in the suburbs; nearly 70 percent attending high school with 10 percent or less of african americans; and over 73 percent growing up with 10 percent or less of african americans, some empirical assertions are implied. based on previous arguments made in this paper about the formation of racial stigmas in the public’s psyche, entman and rojecki (2000) provide further support for the demographic patterns in the current study. while this sample is not representative of the general population, the findings suggest that some of the attitudes and feelings may be representative of students at predominantly white campuses who have few diverse experiences and may 50 harrison, c. keith have a narrow view of african american male student-athletes in revenue sports. the sample size reflects the demographics of african americans and whites in predominantly white settings. thus, it is important to interpret the attitudes of whites when viewing an “out-group” image (allport 1954; entman & rojecki 2000). according to what they viewed about academic and athletic life, african american students perceive all the hype and glamour to be closer to reality. in other words, the myth of “majoring in eligibility” and using athletic talent as a pawn for victories and profit were highly salient to the african americans and white americans in the present study—a significant finding considering that this topic has been discussed at length in the research and public literature (childs 1999; davis 1996; duderstadt 2000; edwards 1984; lapchick 1996; lapchick 2001; kirk & kirk 1993; mcmillen 1992; morris 1992; rooney 1980; sailes 1998; shopshire 1996; shulman & bowman 2001; smith 1990; sparks & robinson 1999; sperber 1990; wetzel & yaeger 2000; wilson 1983; wolff & keteyian 1991). as was demonstrated earlier in the related review of literature sections, admitted athletes differ from their classmates in other ways too, and there is evidence of an “athlete culture,” and contrary to much popular mythology, recruitment of athletes has no marked effect on either the socioeconomic composition of these schools or on their racial diversity. if this continues to hold true in the 21st century for the african american male studentathlete, then what is the purpose of a selected population gaining access for athletic prowess without academic development? how does recruiting impact this socialization process while on campus and what are the effects once their athletic scholarship and eligibility are finished? the answers to these questions will no doubt continue to examine academic and athletic cultures on campus and the best practices to shift these cultures into powerful change agents for actually altering the demographic and upward mobility patterns of minority groups accessing the collegiate system of higher education. research will continue to guide our intuition as to how student and student-athlete perceptions co-exist as a culture. that was a major purpose of the present study and the three research questions posed at the beginning of the paper helped to frame all of the findings in the results section. the qualitative themes indicate the pervasiveness of racial stigma and preconceived notions about african american male football and basketball players on predominantly white campuses. the two major themes for both ethnic groups in this study were consistent: athleticated and sex object. for the african american male student athlete, there is still the prevalent idea that black s are not just stereotyped athletically but challenge 51 also racially. this is what edwards (2000) coins as the “entangled web of contradiction.” he poignantly states: black student-athletes from the outset have the proverbial ‘three strikes’ against them. they must contend, of course, with the connotations and social reverberations of the traditional ‘dumb jock’ caricature. but black student-athletes are burdened also with insidiously racist implications of the myth of ‘innate black athletic superiority,’ and the more blatantly racist stereotype of the ‘dumb negro’—condemned by racial heritage to intellectual inferiority (p. 126). there are similarities between blacks and whites based on the rigorously coded narratives. in terms of the similarities, both ethnic groups expressed their discontent with the “privileges” and “treatment” of studentathletes. both groups perceived the recruiting process to be mostly about athleticating not educating african american male student-athletes. implications future studies should replicate this study’s design but incorporate images that represent women, sports other than football and/or basketball, and other people of color that participate in sports. specifically by examining “whiteness” as a color (dyer 1997; lipsitz 1998), film scenes should be elicited that probe at the behaviors of white americans based on both individual and group pathologies of the social and political category of “white.” this research approach would parallel, at least methodologically, the paradigm of racial knowledge and racial thoughts about african americans and other non-status quo groups’ behaviors. this type of design examines the white image in the white mind, and little empirical investigation has been focused on mainstream attitudes about mainstream behaviors in sport or society. in short, visual/photo elicitation as a design cultivated empirical data of dominant narratives with different worldviews of african americans and white americans that grow up in homogenous environments. furthermore, the present study attempts to fill a void in the literature according to debrock et al. (1995): many studies have devoted attention to the issue of graduation rates. with a few notable exceptions, however, most of them have used the particular student’s underlying academic qualifications as the explanation for different graduation rates. this approach has an inherent assumption that failure to graduate reflects some underlying lack of ability on the part of the student in question (p. 533). in the final analysis, this paper fills a void in the literature on race, 52 harrison, c. keith sport and recruiting using a qualitative method to compile narratives about african american male student-athletes on recruiting visits. as stated by the character of don haskins in the move glory road (2006), “if you want to win you have to recruit. that’s how the big boys do it.” our nation and american higher education must examine on a deeper level what type of student we recruit for competitive athletics and is this recruitment process one that cultivates perceptions about african american male studentathletes becoming more athleticated or educated? challenge 53 references adler, p. 1985. “from idealism to pragmatic detachment: the academic performance of college athletes.” sociology of education 58(4): 241-250. allport, g. 1954. the nature of prejudice. garden city, ny: doubleday anchor books. boyd, t. 2003. young, black, rich & famous: the rise of the nba, the hip hop invasion and the transformation of american culture. new york, ny: doubleday. bogle, d. 2001. african americans on prime time blues: network television. new york, ny: farrar, straus, & giroux. bowen, w.g. & d. bok. 1998. the shape of the river: long-term consequences of considering race in college and university admissions. princeton, nj: princeton university press. _____. & s. levin. 2003. reclaiming the game: college sports and educational values. princeton, nj: princeton university press. boyd, t. & k.l. shropshire. 2000. america above the rim: basketball jones. new york, ny: new york 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bounds: how the american sports establishment is being driven by greed and hypocrisy-and what needs to be done about it. new york, ny: simon & schuster. morris, w. 1992. the courting of marcus dupree. jackson, ms: university press of mississippi. patton, m. 1990. qualitative evaluation and research methods. newborn park, ca: sage publications. rooney, j.f., jr. 1980. the recruiting game: toward a new system of intercollegiate sports. lincoln, ne: university of nebraska press. russell, k. 1998. the color of crime. new york, ny: new york university press. sailes, g. 1993. “an investigation of campus stereotypes: the myth of the black athlete.” sociology of sport journal 10: 88-97. sailes, g. 1998. african american in sport. new brunswick, nj: transaction publishers. sellers, r. 1992. “racial differences in the predictors for academic achievement of student-athletes in division i revenue producing sports.” sociology of sport journal 9: 48-59. _____. 2000. “african american student-athletes: opportunity or exploitation? in d. brooks and r. althouse.” racism in college athletics (132-154). morgantown, wv: fitness information technology, inc. shropshire, k.l. 1996. in black and white: race and sports in america. new york, ny: new york university press. shulman, j.l. & w.g. bowen. 2001. college sports and educational values: the game of life. princeton, nj: princeton university press. smith, p. 1990. higher education in america: killing the spirit. new york, ny: penguin books. snyder, e. & m.j. kane. 1990. „photo-elicitation: a methodological technique for studying sport.” journal of sport management 4: 2130. sparks, d. & k. robinson. 1999. lessons of the game: the betrayal of an all-american football star. los angeles, ca: game time publishing. sperber, m. 1990. college sports inc.: the athletic department vs. the university. new york, ny: henry holt and company. 56 harrison, c. keith sperber, m. 2000. beer and circus: how big-time college sports is crippling undergraduate education. new york, ny: henry holt and company. a. tashakkori & c. teddie. 1998. mixed methodology: combining qualitative and quantitative approaches. london, uk: sage publications. thelin, j.r. & l.l. wiseman. 1989. the old college try: balancing athletics and academics in higher education. report no. 4. washington, d.c.: school of education and human development, the george washington university. the program 1994. columbia pictures. watkins, s.c. 1998. representing hip hop culture and the production of black cinema. chicago, il: the university of chicago press. watson, w.h. 1999. against the odds: blacks in the profession of medicine in the united states. new brunswick, nj: transaction publishers. wetzel, d. & d. yaeger. 2000. sole influence: basketball, corporate greed, and the corruption of america’s youth. new york, ny: warner books. wison, h.w. 1983. “career maturity and professional sports expectations of college football and basketball players.” journal of college student personnel 28: 2937. wolff, a. & a. keteyian. 1991. raw recruits: the high stakes game colleges play to get their basketball stars-and what it costs to win. new york, ny: pocket books. zimbalist, a. 1999. unpaid professionals: commercialism and conflict in big-time college sports. princeton, nj: princeton university press. challenge 57 tables table 1: type of community growing up5 table 2: type of community growing up by race community white percent (n) 1 african american percent (n) suburb 0.3 (104) 38.9 (7) large urban city 7.4 (11) 44.4 (8) small city 12.8 (19) 11.1 (2) small town 6.8 (10) 0 (0) rural community 2.7 (4) 5.6 (1) 5 this table does not control for racial differences 27 tables table 1: type of community growing up5 table 1 community percent n suburb 63.9 129 large urban city 15.8 32 small city 11.4 23 small town 5.9 12 rural community 3.0 6 total 100 202 table 2: type of community growing up by race table 2 community white percent (n) 6 african american percent (n) suburb 70.3 (104) 38.9 (7) large urban city 7.4 (11) 44.4 (8) small city 12.8 (19) 11.1 (2) small town 6.8 (10) 0 (0) rural community 2.7 (4) 5.6 (1) 5 this table does not control for racial differences 6 some sample sizes in tables 2, 3, and 4 may not equal the total for whites (n=149) and blacks (n=18) due to missing responses from participants on various demographic items. 27 tables table 1: type of community growing up5 table 1 community percent n suburb 63.9 129 large urban city 15.8 32 small city 11.4 23 small town 5.9 12 rural community 3.0 6 total 100 202 table 2: type of community growing up by race table 2 community white percent (n) 6 african american percent (n) suburb 70.3 (104) 38.9 (7) large urban city 7.4 (11) 44.4 (8) small city 12.8 (19) 11.1 (2) small town 6.8 (10) 0 (0) rural community 2.7 (4) 5.6 (1) 5 this table does not control for racial differences 6 some sample sizes in tables 2, 3, and 4 may not equal the total for whites (n=149) and blacks (n=18) due to missing responses from participants on various demographic items. 58 harrison, c. keith table 3: percent african americans at participant’s high school by race table 4: percent african americans in participant’s home town by race 28 table 3: percent african americans at participant’s high school by race table 3 african americans at your high school 0% (n) 10% (n) 20% (n) 30% (n) 50% (n) 75% (n) 100% (n) african american 16.7 (3) 27.8 (5) 0.0 (0) 5.6 (1) 16.7 (3) 27.8 (5) 5.6 (1) white 31.5 (46) 37.7 (55) 13.7 (20) 6.8 (10) 9.6 (14) 0.7 (1) 0.0 (0) table 4: percent african americans in participant’s home town by race table 4 african americans in your home town 0% (n) 10% (n) 20% (n) 30% (n) 50% (n) 75% (n) 100% (n) african american 5.6 (1) 22.2 (5) 0.0 (0) 5.6 (1) 33.3 (5) 27.8 (5) 5.6 (1) white 27.2 (40) 46.3 (68) 10.9 (16) 8.2 (12) 4.8 (7) 2.7 (4) 0.0 (0) 28 table 3: percent african americans at participant’s high school by race table 3 african americans at your high school 0% (n) 10% (n) 20% (n) 30% (n) 50% (n) 75% (n) 100% (n) african american 16.7 (3) 27.8 (5) 0.0 (0) 5.6 (1) 16.7 (3) 27.8 (5) 5.6 (1) white 31.5 (46) 37.7 (55) 13.7 (20) 6.8 (10) 9.6 (14) 0.7 (1) 0.0 (0) table 4: percent african americans in participant’s home town by race table 4 african americans in your home town 0% (n) 10% (n) 20% (n) 30% (n) 50% (n) 75% (n) 100% (n) african american 5.6 (1) 22.2 (5) 0.0 (0) 5.6 (1) 33.3 (5) 27.8 (5) 5.6 (1) white 27.2 (40) 46.3 (68) 10.9 (16) 8.2 (12) 4.8 (7) 2.7 (4) 0.0 (0) challenge 59 table 5: qualitative themes for black program participants (n=18)6 6 all theme categories are included to report the continuum of relevance rather than truncate the thematic findings. 29 table 5: qualitative themes for black program participants (n=18) 7 table 5 coded example number percentage athleticated i saw visibly that academics were not one part at all of his visit. it was covered up by a pretty girl and visits to the football stadium; what about classes 8 44.4% sex object it’s a dream come true for a black to go to college and be a star on the field, yet this also shows that girls are one more thing on their mind. girls and how many they can acquire ranks high on the list. 4 22.2% athletic identity he (the student athlete) comes off as cocky and confident about himself. it looks like he was more focused on the girl then the surroundings of the school, which seems a little unlikely. 2 11.1% unrealistic the cheerleader scene was unrealistic. 1 5.5% the man feeling of admiration for the student athlete all the attention he receives, media publicity, and gets to kiss halle berry. he’s a stud. 1 5.5% balancing priorities athletes face a lot of external pressures by playing sports. sports are taught to be their most important concern, eliminating the importance of other social factors. 1 5.5% cultural stereotype i think the beginning opener with the marching band and cheerleaders was little unrealistic, but the point was to show how student-athletes get special attention when coming to the university for the first time. i do believe that the coaching staff goes out of their way to accommodate new recruits. the athlete had no idea what the university had in store for him, but he was a bit problematic because he used crazy vocabulary words and was from the inner city – a common stereotype 1 5.5% 7 all theme categories are included to report the continuum of relevance rather than truncate the thematic findings. 60 harrison, c. keith table 6: qualitative themes white program participants (n=149) __________ 1 some sample sizes in tables 2, 3, and 4 may not equal the total for whites (n=149) and blacks (n=18) due to missing responses from participants on various demographic items. 30 table 6: qualitative themes white program participants (n=149) table 6 coded example number percentage athleticated i think it is unlikely that the whole cheerleading squad and marching band will come to greet one prospective athlete. shows how they are treated far above everyone else, but i don’t think that’s the case in reality. 101 74% sex object that was really fake. i don’t think cheerleaders and the marching band greets all new athletes to campus. not to mention he gets the girl in the first few hours. he was also the stereotypical african american arrogant male strumming around, into himself. i didn’t like that, and it didn’t fit into the movie well. 16 11% media stereotypes this film clip focuses on how being on a varsity team in college is the most important thing. i never thought that athletics were more important than an actual education, and i think that portraying that in movies only make children think that. 14 9% unrealistic in my opinion this shows an incredibly inaccurate depiction at the campus visit by a student athlete. the cheerleaders and practical rolling out the red carpet approach for the football player while effective, seemed overblown and unrealistic. 13 9% positive the clip made athletics seem very glorious and rewarding. the player was so excited to see the football field and he could envision himself being a star player. i think sports is exiting and rewarding because it is a form of self-expression and catharsis. 4 3% unprepared same kind of shock when i first walked into the big house my first game. he seems almost too smooth with girls he has just met, though. school might be more than he bargained for. 1 .0067% challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 hiv/aids perceptions, attitudes and behaviors among hbcu students _____________________________________________________ michael hodge morehouse college bruce h. wade spelman college _____________________________________________________ abstract college environments are typically considered somewhat protected zones--protected from the “sins” of the general community. however, a recent report from cdc placed considerable attention on the resoundingly high rates of hiv infection among african american students attending predominately african american serving colleges and universities in north carolina. in the “outside” world, data show that african americans lead the nation in the rates of hiv/aids infections. this research turns on the light to view more clearly an oft-shielded group in an effort to identify and assess the exacerbating or ameliorating social forces that these campuses imbue. this project uses quantitative and qualitative methodologies to examine how college age young adults attending hbcu’s respond to the pandemic / epidemic. in the general african american population typical intervention approaches have had little to no positive effects on reducing the persistently high rates of infection. an in-depth look is taken into the lived-experiences of students at historically black colleges and universities as it relates to their sexual risk taking in the age of hiv/aids. hodge, wade 13 13 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 introduction the hiv/aids pandemic is a significant social problem at the global, national and regional levels. it impacts persons regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation or age. this scourge may even have reached communities thought to be relatively immune to such incursions—college campuses. a recent report from the cdc placed considerable attention on the resoundingly high rates of hiv infection among african american students attending predominately african american serving colleges and universities (hbcu’s) in north carolina (mmwr, august 20, 2004/53(32): 7314). one cdc official states that there is no reason to think that we will not see this same trend on other campuses as well (see hightower, l., macdonald p, et al., 2003). this research was motivated by the gaps in the literature on the sexual risk behaviors and attitudes at hbcu’s (historically black colleges and universities). the importance of this project is found in the attempt to identify the sociocultural aspects of the student populations at hbcu’s that may place them at greater risk of hiv/aids infection. by socio-cultural context, we mean the ways in which people’s behaviors are linked to their social settings such as group membership, race, class, and gender. for example, there are gender dynamics that fuel the health disparities between black men and women. consequently, while black men and women overall account for 40% of the cumulative aids cases through 2005, black females drive 60% of this rate (division of hiv/aids prevention, national center for hiv/aids, viral hepatitis, std, and tb preventions june 28, 2007). additionally, for 2005, black women constituted 66 percent of the female cases of hiv/aids (cdc hiv/aids fact sheet, june 2007). although black men have the highest rates of hiv/aids for any of the racial or ethnic groups in the u.s., hiv/aids is the leading cause of death for black women aged 25–34 (cdc hiv/aids fact sheet, june 2007). studies of social context situate health-related behaviors within the framework of the social meaning, social relations and transactions of people’s lives (abel 1991). it is critical to focus on 14 challenge 14 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 understanding the social and cultural components of developing healthy lifestyles. williams, et al point out that african americans have the highest overall hiv prevalence, hiv incidence, and hiv mortality as well as the greatest number of years of potential life lost to this disease (2003:66). sero-surveillance reports suggest that the hiv incidence among african american men 25-44 continues to increase and is particularly problematic for men who have sex with men (msm). within this group the hiv incidence is 16.7% per year compared to an incidence of 2.5% per year for white msm in their twenties. (mmwr, valleroy et al. 2000). few health behavior surveys have been conducted at hbcu’s. notably, however, taylor, dilorio, stephens and soet, (1997) reported that only 35% of students in their study reported using condoms on a regular basis. until the recent north carolina survey the only sero-prevalence study among college students was published in 1990 (gayle et al.). college students were considered to be low risk although at least one publication suggested that african american college students may be the next group affected by hiv (duncan c, miller dm, borskey ej, fomby b, dawson p, and davis l 2002). for instance, black females diagnosed between ages 13 to 24 are twice as likely to contract hiv/aids through high risk heterosexual contact as their male counterparts. black females diagnosed in this age group and risk category constitute 17.3% of new cases compared to 7.7% of men. it is important to understand the lived-experiences of these students as they negotiate a complex array of choices within their social settings. within the past decade, programs designed to stem the tide of this epidemic among african americans have made little to no significant headway (williams, ekundayo, udezulu, and omishakin, 2003; smith, gwinn, selik, miller, gaitor, maat, decock, and gayle, 2000). in the african american community, positive results are slow to be realized. clearly, there are barriers to these efforts that go beyond the individual biological and psychological considerations of most intervention/risk reduction programs. myers, et al (2003), for example, point out that “[t]his underscores the need for more aggressive and targeted risk reduction interventions for african hodge, wade 15 15 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 american men . . . because they do not seem to be getting the message about the need to be more sexually responsible” (p. 75). the scope of these risk reduction programs has not been broad enough in the african american community where, perhaps, cultural issues are more likely to impact people’s willingness to participate in open discussions of sexuality and sex, participate in support groups, and other treatments that appear effective in other communities. even when these programs are focused on ‘community’ issues, the efforts are directed toward individuals. the national college health risk behavior survey (fact sheet cdc, 1995) revealed that 79 percent of college students have ever had sexual intercourse and only 37 percent reported having used a condom during their last sexual encounter. however, this same study found that black students take fewer risks than their white counterparts. for instance, while about 10-percent of whites fail to use seatbelts when driving, only about 8-percent of blacks fail to use them. additionally, about 31% of whites and only 15% of blacks report that they drink and drive. focusing on sexual risktaking, the national youth risk behavior survey of pre-college students revealed that 62.5% of whites used a condom during their last sexual encounter compared to 72.8% of black students – even though black students were reported to have been more likely to have had sex during high school than whites. based on an ongoing health behavior survey first conducted of 1,302 first year students in the atlanta university center (auc) by the morehouse school of medicine in 2004, 64% of female and 73% of male first-year students reported having had sex at least once in their lives. only 48% of the females reported using a condom during their last sexual encounter along with 54% of the males. we will explore this rather counterintuitive finding later in this paper. methods the findings herein are based on a multi-modal data collection strategy, including qualitative interviews and survey research. we briefly describe these techniques. the internet is an 16 challenge 16 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 emerging research tool that is proving to be very useful in the social and behavioral sciences. most of the studies using the internet rely on quantitative survey methods. there are a few that have used it for qualitative analyses. focus groups and chat rooms are typically the choice for qualitative data collection and analyses (see burgess, donnelly, dillard, and davis 2001; bowen, williams, and horvath 2004; hudson and bruckman 2004). the use of interviewing strategies, such as the technique described below, is still in its nascent stages of development (davis, bolding, hart, sherr, and elford 2005). the findings of this research are based on the collection of data from five (5) predominately african american serving institutions within a large southern metropolitan area with diverse student bodies (hereafter called auc) utilizing secure internet “chat room” sites. the data reported herein is based on surveys and indepth chats with 37 students. each interview averaged 2.25 hours. respondents were paid for their time and potential costs of internet connectivity. respondents are interviewed “one-on-one” by a trained researcher using the internet as the medium of communication. this method assures complete anonymity for the respondent, thereby encouraging open, honest, and frank discussions of material that potentially could create an uncomfortable setting for the respondent. focus groups and dialog sessions were also held with students. additionally, more systematic data were collected by survey methodology. the findings discussed below are based on an annual survey completed by first-year students within the auc. the research protocol was approved by the institutional review board of the morehouse school of medicine. the questionnaires were voluntarily completed in large “convocation” settings. while the actual convocations were required, students were given the opportunity to “opt out” if they did not want to participate in the study. the majority of students completed the questionnaires; however, the lack of privacy and the large group setting undoubtedly had some impact on the quality of the data. the analysis below is based on data from the first two years of administration (2004 and 2005). the number of students who voluntarily participated in the hodge, wade 17 17 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 survey (2004 – 2005) was 2,021. the patterns of sexual involvement correspond to other data from large surveys of college students. the number of full time undergraduates at the five colleges (according to published fact books from 2004 – 2006) is 8633. of this group, 44 percent (3805) is male. results our multi-method approach yielded several key findings from the survey analysis as well as important themes related to hiv/aids risk reduction among african american college students. we will give a brief overview of the survey findings then turn to our more qualitative aspects. we compiled data from surveys conducted of first year students in the auc in 2004 and 2005. these data are shown in the tables below. table 1 shows that males were significantly more likely to report having had sex than their female counterparts. overall, about 63 percent of these first year students indicated that they had had sex at least once in their lives (56% of females and 71% of males). table 1 have you ever had sexual intercourse? female male totals no 420 (44.4%) 245 (29.3%) 665 (37.3%) yes 527 (55.6%) 590 (70.7%) 1117 (62.7%) totals 947 835 1782 x2 = 42.735, df = 1, p=.000 these data indicate that while a greater percentage of males begin having sex at slightly younger ages than females, there was no statistically significant association between gender and the reported 18 challenge 18 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 age of first sexual intercourse. however, tables 2 & 3 reveal that males report a higher number of sexual partners than females (lifetime and last 3 months). table 2 # lifetime sex partners female male totals 1 partner 162 (22.6%) 90 (14.9%) 252 (19.0%) 2 partners 174 (24.2%) 122 (20.2%) 296 (22.4%) 3 partners 99 (13.8%) 87 (14.4%) 186 (14.1%) 4 partners 124 (17.3%) 90 (14.9%) 214 (16.2%) 5 partners 68 (9.5%) 71 (11.7%) 139 (10.5%) 6+ partners 91 (12.7%) 145 (24.0%) 236 (17.8%) totals 718 605 1323 x2 = 38.936 (df = 5) p= .000 / gamma = .213 / p= .000 table 3 # sex partners in last 3 months female male totals no partners 302 (43.1%) 199 (33.4%) 501 (38.7%) 1 partner 118 (16.9%) 134 (22.5%0 252 (19.5%) 2 partners 198 (28.3%0 154 (25.9%) 352 (27.2%) 3 partners 69 (9.9%) 57 (9.6%) 126 (.09%) 4 partners 9 (1.3%) 22 (3.7%) 31 (.02%) 5 partners+ 4 (.6%) 29 (4.9%) 33 (.03%) totals 700 595 1295 x2 = 45.008 p= .000 / gamma = .149 / p= .000 hodge, wade 19 19 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 interestingly, table 4 indicates that males are more likely to report having used a condom during their last sexual intercourse than are females. table 4 condom use the last time you had sexual intercourse female male totals no 246 (34.8%) 193 (28.8%) 439 (31.9%) yes 461 (65.2%) 478 (71.2%) 939 (68.1%) totals 707 671 1378 x2 = 5.770, df = 1 p=.016 we wanted to explore this finding a little more deeply. we analyzed the responses to a 13-item condom attitude scale (dehart and birkimer 1997). the 13-item condom attitude scale had a mean of 29.69 and a standard deviation of 13.412. the cronbach’s alpha coefficient was .9214-demonstrating very good reliability. this analysis indicates that males, surprisingly, show more positive attitudes towards condoms than those of our female respondents. additional analysis was conducted using multiple linear regression to ascertain which variables impacted condom attitudes (see table 5 below). surprisingly, neither the mother’s nor father’s level of education nor parental income had a significant influence on condom attitudes in this sample. age at first sex and number of lifetime sex partners significantly (and favorably) impacted attitudes towards condoms. this finding reveals that men and more sexually experienced students are more favorable towards condoms and condom use. this may be the result of the socialization of males to favor condoms as a means of disease protection in this collegiate setting. gender attitudes probably also help to explain this difference as females are socialized to emphasize intimacy and closeness in their relationships. 20 challenge 20 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 table 5 condom attitudes beta coefficients significance sex (female = 1) b = -4.915 p = .000 age of first sex b = 1.566 p = .000 number lifetime partners b = .820 p = .043 for women, this may prove to be a dangerous attitude given the nature of the hiv/aids epidemic in the u.s. while the greatest numbers of blacks that are diagnosed with hiv/aids are between the ages of 35 to 44, blacks between the ages of 13 to 24 constitute 60.1% of all recent hiv/aids diagnoses. the centers for disease control and prevention surveillance data reveal that the primary modes of transmission among blacks include msm (men having sex with other men, 30,154 new cases), high-risk heterosexual contact (having unprotected sex with a person who is hiv+, 14,698 new cases) and injection drug use (10,415 new cases). black females diagnosed between ages 13 to 24 are twice as likely to contract hiv/aids through high risk heterosexual contact as their male counterparts (cdc, 2002). black females diagnosed in this age group and risk category constitute 17.3% of new cases compared to 7.7% of males. the primary mode of transmission for black males diagnosed at ages 13 to 24 is msm behavior (19.9%). these quantitative findings are closely linked to the evidence provided in our qualitative analysis of students from these campuses. careful analysis of indepth interviews, focus group sessions, and student dialog sessions yielded a number of interesting themes that provide contextualization of the findings expressed above. these themes are important determinants of the socio-cultural context of the auc. our findings are also consistent with other research findings that examine traditional gender roles (see, for example, hill-collins 2004; cole and guy sheftall 2003; roberts, mcnair & smith 2004; sobo 1995). unpublished data from surveys conducted hodge, wade 21 21 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 by one of the co-authors over the last two years also indicate that “serial monogamy” and low or inconsistent condom use are common among undergraduates in the auc. this research will help to inform approaches to risk reduction and hiv testing for young african americans inside and outside of the academy. one of the main ideas promoting risky sexual activity on this consortium campus was the popular media. in particular these respondents focused on what they termed highly sexual videos. they suggest that african americans are more influenced by the combination of the music and what is seen than their white counterparts. these respondents see the media, not so much as causing sexual activity, but at least promoting a carefree sexual lifestyle. as one respondent said, yes, media do influence my sexual thinking and especially my behavior. sex on tv is free. too free sex is so simplified on tv, this makes it seem so cut and dry. i feel that tv promotes the need and pressure for sex…. another respondent believes that “media encourage this behavior and our generation is easily influenced.” an interesting conversation centered on these videos and the movies that they [college age students] tend to watch. they said that none of the videos or movies ever show or suggest the use of protection in the sex scenes. they move directly from some minimal foreplay to a naked scene in the bed to the sleep scene or cut away to another shot. sex has been limited to just a normal human activity for any age these days especially on videos and shows. i guess its all cos of the change in the way we think and our being able to be more outspoken than humans were years ago. the media does influence our sexual thinking and attitudes and behaviors in a way but then i wouldnt put too much blame on them cos i think each and everyperson has the responsibility to process that information and interprete it as to whether they want to go by what they have seen or live by statutes that protect them. 22 challenge 22 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 another respondent makes comment on the amount of sexualized imagery in contemporary media presentations: there are a lot of shows on television, and in the movies that promote having a lot of sex with a lot of people, without having any regard to the safety of the individuals involved. these depictions of glamorous and desirable life stages do not present the realities of sex and sexual encounters. clearly, no one in these movies gets an sti or hiv. an important finding, captured in the students’ comments above and that is revealed from many of these qualitative interviews is the normalizing of risky sex. these respondents do not think that media are setting out to increase risky sex among the viewers of these images; however, the respondents clearly indict media for depicting risky sex as normal. in this way, these respondents say, the media presents sex in such a way that what would be seen ordinarily as risky behavior is now normal, and even expected. one respondent was particularly cogent on this point: it encourages the thinking that promiscuity is not so bad, and in fact is at times encouraged. and none of the people represented with the popular media go out of their way to promote safe sex. this heavily influences college students, who emulate what they see more than they would like to admit...like its nothing. like its money, and everyone should rush to get as much as they can from as many different sources as possible. these respondents point to many of the popular music videos and some movies where there is no sense of safe sex. actors are depicted as having sex with multiple partners, without any indication of condom usage. and, as pointed out by hill-collins (2004), the lyrics and themes of the videos are also misogynist and patriarchal. i think that since most young black males want to be a “player” and try to have sex with as many women as they can, causes diseases to be spread in our community. i think that the media encourages this behavior and our generation is easily influenced. hodge, wade 23 23 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 and, as one male respondent put it, “they allow videos that exploit sex(naked women).” consequently, females are tacitly encouraged and shown to be passive in sexual relationships. another theme that is clearly present from the data targets the sex education received as a teen in high school and from home. we see these focal socializing agents as integrally connected providing both complementary as well as conflicting messages. both agents seem to be missing the mark on sex education of children. the respondents agreed nearly unanimously that the standard approach used in high school was ineffective. they said that high school sex education tries to scare students away from sex while the realities are not discussed. it needs to start in the homes. i think the parents needs to be knowledgeable about the dangers of sexual behavior, so that they can relay the info to their children. so there should be programs implemented to inform the adults. a 20 years old male respondent very directly assesses the problem: well, i think the fundamental factor lies in the condition of the home. when i say family grounding, i mean a person may lack parental reinforcement, concerning sexual activity. the men in the group said that the extent of the sex education received at home was their fathers telling them do not get anyone pregnant so wear a condom. one respondent said “my father started giving me condoms in 6th grade.” another respondent said that he felt his father was telling him to have sex. his father told him that a “viagra erection” was somehow superior to the natural erection thereby encouraging the use of drugs with his sexual encounters. (note: there is information surfacing about the use of viagra in young men for whom it is not prescribed and not recommended in combination with other drugs including crack cocaine and methamphetamines). one of the most frequently stated ideas about college life among students is the notion of “freedom from parents.” they indicate that college provides them with the freedom to engage in all sorts of activities. without a strong foundation about sex and 24 challenge 24 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 sexuality, the likelihood of risky sexual behavior is enhanced. we note that the majority of hiv prevention programs focus on male-to-male sexual contact, male bisexual behaviors, injection drug users, and low-income women considered “at-risk”. by default, such efforts ignore the needs of black college women attending hbcu’s. our evidence highlights that societal norms, cultural productions, as well as the college environment itself encourage sexual experimentation and all types of sexual negotiation. african american women in college, many of whom arrive from inner cities and single-parent households, are part of a most recent hip hop generation that is besieged by misogyny, materialism and sexual risk-taking. many african americans strive to overcome their ascribed and inferior social status by constantly struggling against widespread stereotypes and assumptions regarding their very being. their patterns of racial identity formation and maintenance influence how they respond to such representations, even within intimate relationships. the research herein reveals patterns of thinking among students, both men and women, which need to be addressed. a female freshman student reveals her thoughts in a focus group setting: it’s hard being a black woman, you’re fighting off negativity at every moment. you gotta be strong, when you’re in the bedroom setting you don’t want to fight anymore. you become submissive. you relax and let things flow. findings in the auc corroborate those of foreman (2003). she suggests that students used certain strategies to create philosophical and emotional rationalizations for their behaviors. women also rely on a perceived level of commitment in their romantic relations to determine safer sex practices. forman also finds that students had difficulty discussing condom use with sex partners and that many perceived that they had low levels of hiv knowledge. our findings differed from those of foreman in the area of hiv knowledge. respondents had relatively high levels of knowledge even though many did not use condoms consistently. they were also less likely than those in the foreman (2003) study to cite material reasons for hodge, wade 25 25 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 having unprotected sex. a disturbing circumstance was noted in discussions with many of the respondents. the main thrust of the issue centered on attitudes towards risky sexual activity. when the question was asked why college students might engage in risk-taking behaviors, the respondents began a type of rational choice process in their responses. they believe that they weigh (accurately) the risks and determine that the risk is worth it. of course, this position is wrapped up with all the other notions of their sexual activities – from seeing images in the media, to sex education in school and home. one respondent summed it up this way: “i’d rather have sex and take the risk and hope that i don’t get it [hiv/aids] than not to have sex.” another added: “we continue to have sex because we are scared that we may not be able to have sex again.” yet another respondent states that “disease is not something we think about, we are young and figure we have time to fix whatever may happen [based on current actions].” all of these themes fall squarely into the category of invincibility or a false sense of invulnerability. in other words, these college students feel that they are incapable of suffering harm from their actions. all of these behavioral factors appear to be linked to the sociocultural constraints of the college experience. sociocultural findings many of the conversations settled on concerns of a sociocultural nature. for example, the respondents began to focus on topics such as what it means to be a college student (particularly at a black school). many suggested that college life means that you have to be having sex, and a lot of it. if you are not participating in sexual activity, peer groups view you as a child. as one respondent put it: “you’re told you’re not grown until you get a piece.” many of these students may be trying to gain some sense of adulthood through risk-taking behavior. the links between college culture and behaviors of the students, no doubt, are complex. distressingly, these respondents seem to navigate this complexity in ways that may enhance the probability of risky sex. the college culture provides the first sense of independence from parental control. peer pressure 26 challenge 26 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 may lure students to engage in activities so that one will not feel left out or be seen as an odd-ball. one of the most interesting conversations centered on the idea of sex as a proxy for the need to feel loved. the interesting thing about this conversation was that it was most often discussed by the males in the sample. the discussion from these young males is similar to literature suggesting that one of the reasons for underage pregnancy is the girl’s need to feel unconditional love. she is able to give love and have that love unconditionally reciprocated through her dependent infant. it can be intoned from this discussion that students are using sex as a stand-in or substitute for their need to feel loved. females are also socialized to emphasize intimacy and continuity in their relationships. as sobo (1995) suggests, this need for intimacy increases the likelihood of sexual risk-taking among working class women. our findings suggest that this need for intimacy among women may also contribute to less favorable attitudes about condoms and less condom usage especially in ongoing (vs. casual) relationships with their male partners (see wade 2007). more investigation is needed to understand the mechanisms of this phenomenon. discussion gender as cultural context cole (2005) aptly describes the hiv/aids epidemic among black women as “a disease of mass destruction” (2005:51). she points out the limitations of the “abc trilogy” of prevention. for many black women, providing or “teaching” the facts about abstinence, faithfulness and consistent condom usage (abc) are not enough to stem the tide of the epidemic given the societal issues that impact the broader african american community. the issues of “infidelity, rape, incest … secret bisexuality, fears of rejection and loneliness, and serial monogamy” (2005:53) make it necessary to supplement the abc model with other approaches to risk reduction. cole agrees that it is crucial that black women receive tailored and “comprehensive sex education” (2005:57) in response to this set of hodge, wade 27 27 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 issues. such gender specific programs must: 1) convey the gravity of the hiv/aids epidemic to women; 2) influence personal behaviors and notions of responsibility (abstinence, alternative forms of intimacy, risk implications of multiple partners); 3) enhance women’s sense of personal empowerment (self esteem, self efficacy, condom negotiation skills), and 4) finally, emphasize hiv/aids advocacy to overcome community apathy, fatalism and conspiracy theories. another question related to gender role expectations and sexual risk-taking for women and men is how to combat the “valorization of thug life, misogyny, homophobic violence, and a constant need to prove one’s manhood” (hill collins, 2004:81 – 82; cole & guy sheftall, 2003). such beliefs, norms and “contextual factors influence sexual risk-taking” (mcnair, 2004:107). these factors include environmental stress, relationship history, perceived victimization status, an imbalanced sex ratio – fewer available partners and an attenuated ability for females to negotiate condom use (mcnair, 2004). in a setting with an unbalanced sex ratio, there is considerable pressure on women to compete for the attention of men. further, black women in college are less likely to date outside of their race than men. consequently, more attention must be given to these environmental pressures within the framework of hiv/ aids prevention for hbcu students. although most intervention programs target the individual, health behaviors can illustrate how the health problems of americans and especially youth are embedded in the social, economic and political structures of society. evidence suggests that prevention programs need to begin early in life, before risk-taking behaviors cement themselves as a part of people’s behavioral repertoires. holtzman and rubinson (1995) observed the impact of parent versus peer communication about hiv/aids among high school students in the u.s. they found that students who discussed hiv with their parents were significantly less likely to engage in risky sexual behaviors and drug injection than their peers who primarily discussed hiv with other students. other studies have found convincing evidence linking family organization and interaction styles to risktaking behaviors (see walker, vaughn, and cohall 1991; leland and 28 challenge 28 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 barth 1993). strategies that facilitate development of pro-social environments are needed to stem the tide of risk taking behaviors. uncovering the social and cultural elements of the lived experiences of specific at-risk groups will provide much needed information for positive interventions of their risky sexual behaviors. this type of preparation for a productive life style may hold the most promise for reducing unhealthy life choices and the negative outcomes that seem to be endemic to many communities (see stokes and hodge 2000; harris, duncan, and boisjoly 2002). youth and sexuality in the age of hiv/aids a study sponsored by the kaiser family foundation/children now initiative (1999) surveyed 348 children between the ages of 10 and 15 in an effort to understand where youth receive information about subjects such as sex and aids. what the survey revealed was that youth between 13 and 15 years rely on peers as much or more than on parents for information on sex and sexual relations. for example, the respondents were asked to whom they would likely talk if they were thinking about sex. over one-fourth (27%) responded that they would talk to friends. when asked if they had ever talked to their parents about a range of issues, 24% indicated they had never talked to either parent about aids, 19% had not talked to either parent about basic facts of sexual reproduction, 26% had not talked about issues surrounding becoming sexually active, and 21% had not talked to their parents about pregnancy or sexually transmitted diseases. respondents also indicated interest in knowing more about issues concerning sex and its consequences. this and other studies show that youth are indeed interested in issues pertaining to reproductive health and health issues in general. students come to college campuses with these questions and issues still unresolved. many have already engaged in risky activities. social forces in the larger societal context operate to either aggravate or attenuate the behaviors on the college campuses. for instance, research indicates that african american adolescents initiate sexual encounters, on average, at an earlier age than their white and hispanic counterparts (bakken and winter 2002). most hodge, wade 29 29 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 interventions, therefore, focus on information processing. the idea is that the more knowledge students have about the negative outcomes, the less likely they will be to participate in risky behaviors. seminars that provide factual information are clearly a necessary component for reducing risky sexual activity; but they may not be wholly sufficient. programs that address the “cultural baggage” of students are needed to complete the package for effective behavior change. and, it is important that these programs are based on sound scientific foundations. we are looking to delineate the social and cultural structures that circumscribe the behavioral repertoires of these actors; but, moreso, we seek to understand the inter-relationships or interaction of the social context with the actor. in essence, we examine the mutual interpenetration and interdependence of agent and structure. we do not ask simply what are the social forces impinging upon each actor; but, what are the actors’ perceptions of these social forces as they negotiate the cultural milieu of on their campuses. interaction of culture and individual we believe that a major issue hampering effective intervention on college campuses, particularly hbcus, is the belief that it is ultimately the individual that controls his/her behaviors and is the author of one’s own fate. yet, sociological theory holds that individuality is constrained by social forces such as class, race, gender and social institutions such as family, education, religion, and work, among others. factors relating to these social institutions must be included when trying to implement behavioral change strategies. link and phelan (1995), for example, demonstrate the connections between family interaction dynamics and risky sexual behaviors. bakken and winter (2002) show that there is an association between family characteristics and age of sexual initiation as well as the lifetime number of sexual partners (both variables that are important in assessing sexual risk). hence, consistent with long-standing social science theory, the relationship between health-related behaviors, risk and knowledge can be incorporated in studies of social structure, social practices, and agency (abel 1991). 30 challenge 30 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 social structure is defined as the factors involving individuals’ relationships to each other and the attendant power relations. social practices are the reflexive activities in which people engage to make and transform the world. agency is defined as the ability for people to deploy a range of causal powers—to “make a difference to a preexisting state of affairs or course of events” (giddens 1984). in-depth qualitative analysis of case studies is the only way to fully assess the actor within the particular context of the college culture (burawoy 1991; feagin, orum, and sjoberg 1991). ample evidence exists demonstrating the relationship between social factors and effective health behavior intervention strategies. for example, research has shown that carefully designed interventions that take into account the socio-cultural context play an important role in reducing risky behaviors of adolescents and young adults for a variety of problem areas. kirby et al. (1994) provide a review of school based programs designed to reduce sexual risk taking behavior among adolescents. they found that a number of programs were able to successfully reduce risk taking behaviors. additionally, frost and forrest (1995) identified five programs that were successful in either reducing rates of sexual initiation by young adolescents or increasing the use of contraceptives for those who are engaging in sexual intercourse. more recently, stokes and hodge (2000) examine the effects of programs such as upward bound on the risk taking behavior of adolescents. these studies and others demonstrate the substantial influence social factors have as determinants of health behaviors. for instance, myers, javanbakht, maritinez, and obediah (2003) examine the behavioral, demographic, social, and psychological factors that may be associated with high sexual risk activities. they find that for heterosexual african american males, social support provided significantly deacreased risk-taking activities. in other words, for every mean point increase in social support there was an associated 2.3% decrease in the likelihood of risky behaviors among this population group. a recently published study examined the influence of social context on individual behaviors that may place people at risk for negative health outcomes (adimora and schoenbach 2005). these researchers found important sociohodge, wade 31 31 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 cultural factors that may put african americans at greater risk for stis and hiv. they find that sharply contrasting social settings for blacks and whites, particularly in their social networks, is likely to maintain the gap in hiv rates. they note that overlapping sexual partners is more prevalent among blacks. a lot of this finding can be traced to contextual factors such as incarceration rates of black males, segregation, and poverty. the study of sexual networks on black college campuses has not been done, to date. numerous studies of college students have explored the relationship of knowledge about hiv and risky sexual behavior (see parsons jt, halkitis pn, bimbi d, borkowski t; bazargan m, kelly em, stein ja, husaini ba, bazargan sh 2000; dilorio c, dudley wn, soet j, watkins j, maibach e. 2000). in many studies knowledge of hiv is not correlated with safe sex practices (valentine pa, wright dl, henley gl. 2003; lewis je, malow rm, ireland sj 1997) and interventions based on social cognition models have had limited success in changing risky sexual behavior (ogden 2003). other researchers have suggested the need to integrate social group process into cognition models for youth and young adults (schofield pe, pattison pe, hill dj, borland r. 2003; young ra, lynam mj, valach l, novak h, brierton i, christopher a. 2001). several scholars have noted the importance of social factors and culture on sexual health behaviors of african americans (plowden k, miller jl, james t. 2000; plowden ko, young ae 2003). college campuses provide an interesting social setting where lives are very closely intertwined on a number of levels. conclusion students work, live, play, etc. in a very small space and issues of privacy are heightened by this type of organic density. these concerns are particularly salient on historically black colleges and universities where there is greater density than on traditionally larger majority campuses (literally, everyone is, at minimum, familiar to everyone). institutional culture develops and changes as the nature of the interactions of its members adjust to social forces from inside and outside the institution. the findings chronicled herein, at least, 32 challenge 32 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 begin to focus much needed attention on the dynamic interplay among students at historically black colleges and universities. given the cultural baggage african americans bring with them to college, the lack of (or inconsistent) parental information provided to youth regarding sexual relationships and the inconsistent condom use among hbcu and other college students, it is crucial to provide students with culturally specific risk reduction programming that addresses the lack of risk knowledge, erroneous and problematic early life socialization about intimacy and relationships, and the gender imbalances in intimate relationships. hodge, wade 33 33 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 references burawoy, michael, et al 1991. ethnography unbound: power and resistance in the modern metropolis. berkeley: university of california press. campbell, carole a. 1999. women, families and hiv/ aids: a sociological perspective on the epidemic in america. cambridge:cambridge university press. centers for disease control and prevention 1997. “youth risk behavior surveillance: national college health risk behavior survey united states, 1995.” mmwr (46): 1 – 56. centers for disease control and prevention 2001. “u.s. hiv and aids cases reported through december 2001.” hiv / aids surveillance report 13 (2). centers for disease control and prevention 2004. “methodology of the youth risk behavior surveillance system.” mmwr (53): 1 – 13. centers for disease control and prevention 2007(b). “update to racial / ethnic disparities in diagnoses of hiv / aids – 33 states, 2001 – 2005” mmwr 56(9):189 193. centers for disease control and prevention 2007. “cases of hiv infection and aids in the united states and dependent areas, 2005.” hiv / aids surveillance report 17 (june, 2007). cohen, sheldon; tom kamarck; robin mermelstein 1983. “a global measure of perceived stress.” journal of health and social behavior, vol. 24 (4): 385-396. cole, johnnetta betsch and beverly guy sheftall 2003. gender talk: the struggle for women’s equality in african american communities. new york: ballantine books. 34 challenge 34 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 cole, lorraine 2005. “the politics of hiv prevention and black women.” the harvard journal of african american public policy 11 (summer): 51 – 62. dehart, d.d. & birkimer, j.c. 1997. “trying to practice safer sex: development of the sexual risk scale.” the journal of sex research 34: 11 – 25. foreman, f.e. 2003 “african american college women: constructing a hierarchy of sexual arrangements.” aids care 15: 493-504. foreman, faith e. 2003. “intimate risk: sexual risk behavior among african american college women.” journal of black studies 33(5):637 – 653. hill collins, patricia 2004. black sexual politics: african americans, gender, and the new racism. new york: routledge. roberts, george w., mcnair, lily d. & smith, dawn 2004. “introduction” the journal of black psychology 30(1):5 10. sobo, e.j. 1995 choosing unsafe sex: aids-risk denial among disadvantaged women. philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press. stokes, carla e. and gant, larry m. 2002. “turning the tables on the hiv / aids epidemic: hip hop as a tool for reaching african american adolescent girls.” african american research perspectives 8(2) :71 – 81. taylor, s.e., dilorio, c., stephens, t.t. and soet, j.e. 1997. “a comparison of aids-related sexual risk behaviors among african-american college students.” journal of the national medical association 89(6): 397-403. u. s. department of the census 2000 table p34b family type by presence and age of own children (black or african american alone householder) [20] downloaded from www.census.gov february 2, 2008. hodge, wade 35 35 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 36 challenge wade, bruce h. 2007. “the disabling nature of the hiv / aids discourse among hbcu students: how postcolonial racial identities and gender expectations influence hiv prevention attitudes and sexual risk-taking.” in wagadu: a journal transnational women’s and gender studies volume 4 (summer): 125 -141. wingood, gina m., diclemente, ralph j., bernhardt, j. m., harrington, k., davies, s. l., robillard, a. and hook, e. w. 2003 “a prospective study of exposure to rap music videos and african american female adolescents’ health.” american journal of public health, 93, 437–439. 36 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 challenge 2007 challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation african american college students' attitudes_resized hiv-aids perceptions, attitudes & behaviors among hbcu students_resized intersection between race, gender, & sexual risk_resized promoting hiv vaccine research in african american communities_resized williams 15 evaluation of a school systems plan to utilize teachers’ perceptions of principal leadership to improve student achievement ed williams1 clark atlanta university abstract this study examines fourth grade student achievement in relation to teacher perceptions of principal leadership and other selected variables in a large urban school district in georgia. student achievement was measured by performance on the georgia criterion-referenced competency tests (crct) during the 2004-05 and 2005-06 school years. the leadership instrument measures six competencies: (i) instructional leadership, (ii) interpersonal skills, (iii) decision-making skills, (iv) facilities planning skills and student behavior expectations, (v) evaluation, and (vi) school climate. the sample consisted of 3,900 teachers from 81 schools in the district. demographic variables for each school included enrollment, free/reduced lunch eligibility, discipline incidents, retained students, absenteeism, teacher experience, administrator experience, principal gender, and principal tenure. pearson correlation analyses indicated the following significant relationships: (a) student achievement with discipline incidents, free/reduced lunch participants, and school climate; (b) school climate with principals’ instructional leadership, interpersonal skills, decisionmaking, facilities planning and student behavior expectations, evaluation, discipline incidents, retained students, enrollment, and free/reduced lunch participants. 1 please address all correspondence to ed williams: ewilliams@cau.edu 16 challenge regression analyses indicated that: (a) student achievement was inversely explained by discipline incidents, but none of the other variables and (b) discipline incidents were explained by enrollment, absenteeism, retained students, principal tenure, teacher experience, and free/reduced lunch status. introduction one of the most pressing problems with urban schools in america is stimulating students to achieve academic excellence. the state of georgia has a “no promotion policy” for third, fifth and eighth grade students who do not meet grade level performance expectations in reading. the population of fourth grade students in the study school district had the highest percentage of students failing to meet expectations. this presents an excellent opportunity to identify critical factors for developing an early intervention. henig, hula, orr, and pedescleaux (1999) contend that urban innercity schools are facing problems beyond their control; consequently, they are providing mediocre instruction. schools and teachers are not responsible for the economic and family issues that are the source of many school problems. because of the pervasiveness of poor performance in urban communities, citizens are demanding tangible improvements in student achievement and discipline. greene and foster (2003) observed that high-stakes test results are strongly influenced by a variety of forces that are beyond the school system’s control. these include the student’s family background, family income, and community environment. if policymakers want to determine the difference that schools and educators make in student progress, they need to look at year-to-year score gains, or “value-added” measures, as part of a high-stakes accountability system. in 1983, the national commission on excellence in education reported excessively low student achievement in many american schools. during the first wave of reform, state legislatures and state departments of education became more proactive. initially they issued new directives regarding graduation requirements and testing of teachers and students. the no child left behind act (2001) again raised the issue of school performance and the need to examine the role of the principal. the second wave of reform focused on restructuring. school roles and functions were reorganized in relation to curriculum, instruction and resources to promote performance outcomes. williams 17 according to sanders (1999), the single most important factor affecting the academic growth of any population of youngsters is the effectiveness of the individual classroom teacher. sanders based teacher effectiveness ratings on relative year-to-year achievement gains by students. the only teacher related demographic variable in this study was the teacher’s average years of experience. there was no significant relationship of this variable to student achievement. school context variables such as class size, teacher effectiveness, curriculum quality, instructional time, pupil attentiveness, and enrichment opportunities influence student achievement. teacher satisfaction, quality, and productivity are more likely to affect student achievement directly than principal leadership is. a lack of incentives to teach, low standards that contribute to disrespect for the profession, the absence of comprehensive improvement strategies, and bureaucratic rigidity can also impede student achievement. these forces are complicated further by student demographic variables such as family income, parents’ education, family size, and parental involvement. principal leadership has an indirect effect on student achievement. through their role as leader of the organization, their attitudes, expectations, policies, practices, and leadership style set the tone for school climate. glassman (1994) found that the principal who treats the teachers in a professional manner enhances academic achievement. these behaviors include displaying trust, communicating confidence, and demonstrating respect to create a comfortable and caring environment. maslow’s (1943) hierarchy of needs supports the view that every teacher has a need for acceptance, recognition, and belonging as the fundamental basis for self-actualization. therefore, the involvement of teachers in decisionmaking by the principal would enhance their self-efficacy and hence their evaluation of the school climate measure. effective principals have a vision and an organizational plan that teachers understand and support. an effective principal sets high expectations, motivates his/her team, and recognizes positive work. these are usually identified with creating a positive school climate. the leader’s attitude towards his/her school and expectations for success outweigh the leader’s training experiences and personal characteristics (edmonds 1988). hall (1987) found that the climate of the school was a function of several school related factors. the factors included leadership qualities of principals, teacher-colleague relations, parent-teacher relations, student-teacher interpersonal relations, student-teacher instruction related interaction, school buildings and facilities and student-peer relations. 18 challenge ubben and hughes (2001) indicated that most effective schools have strong creative principals who work with their administrative teams. they cite the following behaviors: (a) setting the agenda and forming needed advisory groups and coalitions; (b) creating a positive image for the schools; (c) pursuing autonomy for themselves and the schools; (d) delegating authority at all levels; (e) bringing innovative projects, training opportunities and new resources to their schools; and (f) anticipating impending issues and adjusting planning and staffing to meet students’ needs. this research evaluates the effectiveness of a school system’s plan to utilize teachers’ perceptions about principal leadership behavior to improve student performance, when controlling for the influence of selected variables. method in this study, the ex post facto survey design, in which correlation analyses were conducted on a purposive sample, corresponds to kerlinger’s definition: ex post facto research is systematic empirical inquiry in which the scientist does not have direct control of the independent variables because their manifestations have already occurred or because they are inherently not manipulable. inferences about relationships among variables are made, without direct intervention, from concomitant variation of independent and dependent variables. (1986:520) the purpose of the study was to describe and interpret existing conditions in a population of teachers that work with principals who utilize different leadership styles and in schools that perform at different academic levels. school demographic variables were used to control for potential bias in teachers’ perceptions. the conceptual framework is outlined below in figure 1. unlike an experimental design in which a researcher manipulates and controls the independent variables and observes the dependent variables for variations related to the manipulation of the independent variables, this study was concerned only with observations of the relationship that exists between the independent and dependent variables in the natural school settings. the sample population consisted of 98 percent of elementary schools in the district and 99 percent of teachers in those schools. consequently, the sample is large enough to capture any diversity in the population and to be reflective of the factors used for analyses in this study. williams 19 figure 1 conceptual framework 6 figure 1 conceptual framework competency i: instructional leadership skills competency ii: interpersonal skills competency iii: decision-making skills competency iv: facilities planning skills and student behavior expectations competency v: evaluation competency vi: school climate school performance: georgia fourth grade crct reading scores school demographic variables: • percent of students eligible for free/reduced lunch • number of discipline incidents • number of retained students • absenteeism • enrollment • teacher average years of experience • administrator average years of experience • principal gender • principal tenure 20 challenge population and sample there are approximately 84 elementary schools and centers in the school system. only schools with pre-k through fifth grade were chosen. centers and special education schools were omitted. the study school district had 82 elementary schools with a fourth grade. the fourth grade student enrollment was approximately 7,500. schools in the sample reflect all ses backgrounds. ninety-seven percent of the fourth graders sat for the crct reading examination in the 2005-2006 administration, and 99 percent sat for the 2004-2005 administration. two elementary schools were omitted from the study because one of the schools did not have a fourth grade, and the other school did not assess their principal’s leadership behavior. student achievement crct scores were collected from the data warehouse of the georgia governor’s office of student achievement report card on schools. table 1 distribution of mean fourth grade students’ crct reading performance levels in percentages mean sd variance se student achievement* -10.56 9.42 88.74 1.04 crct reading did not meet expectations 2005 16.94 10.05 101.05 1.12 crct reading meets expectations 2005 42.86 11.71 137.21 1.30 crct reading exceeds expectations 2005 40.21 18.90 357.19 2.10 crct reading did not meet expectations 2006 27.52 13.06 170.55 1.45 crct reading meets expectations 2006 51.77 9.35 87.43 1.04 crct reading exceeds expectations 2006 20.74 15.95 254.39 1.77 *student achievement is defined as the difference between the 2004-2005 and 2005-2006 school year percentage of students who met and exceeded performance level expectations; n = 81 school level demographics reported below in table 2 were also collected on enrollment, free/reduced lunch eligibility, discipline incidents, retained students, absenteeism, teacher and principal experience, principal gender, williams 21 and principal tenure. table 2 school demographics: mean for each selected variable min max mean sd. se number of discipline incidents 0 549 126.65 133.91 14.97 number of retained students 0 51 9.01 8.05 0.90 number of enrolled students 333 1,404 684.71 255.95 28.62 % students five or fewer days absent 42.2 75.1 55.64 6.06 0.67 % students six to 15 days absent 22.8 44.2 35.83 4.16 0.46 % students more than 15 days absent 2.1 16.6 8.51 3.12 0.34 % students eligible for free/ reduced lunch 3.42 97.35 68.99 26.45 2.95 administrator average years experience 10 33 21.64 5.42 0.61 teacher average years experience 8.2 16.5 11.75 2.05 0.22 n = 80 instrumentation principal’s leadership data were collected using an instrument developed internally for the school district to measure six competencies. it is updated periodically by a representative group of educators from the school system to ensure face validity. each competency was defined and items were selected to match the dimensions. responses were arranged on a four-point ordinal scale: always = 4; often = 3; occasionally = 2; never = 1. 22 challenge table 3 distribution of the mean scores on the leadership instrument competencies mean sd se instructional leadership 3.38 .61 .00 interpersonal skills 3.36 .71 .01 making decisions 3.29 .75 .01 planning and organization 3.39 .65 .01 teacher evaluation program 3.56 .63 .01 school climate 3.47 .56 .00 n = 3952; competency scale: (4) almost always; (3) often; (2) seldom, and (1) never reliability and validity a group of 26 raters was used to assure that each item reflected the dimension in which it was placed. the reliability analysis for school climate indicated that each of the six competency components was valid and reliable in the 1998 administration of the instrument as shown in table 4. as observed, no items obtained less than 0.93 cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients, indicating exceptional internal consistency. the reliability was calculated for all competencies in the 2005-2006 academic year. items not reaching significant levels were omitted. williams 23 table 4 instrument reliability coefficients cronbach’s alpha principal demonstrates skills in instructional leadership .98 principal demonstrates skills in relating to others .96 principal demonstrates skills in making decisions .96 principal demonstrates skills in planning and organization .93 principal demonstrates skills in implementing guidelines and evaluating programs .96 school climate .93 n = 6,100 data analysis and scoring pearson product-moment correlation coefficients were used to determine the strength of relationships between variables. factor analysis was conducted to identify patterns among variables. the variables were grouped according to their factor placement for the regression analyses in order to prevent collinear interaction effects. a stepwise multiple regression analysis was used to determine the influence of the leadership competencies and the school demographics on the dependent variable, student achievement. a structural equation model (maruyama, 1998) was used to examine the direct effect of principal leadership competencies and school context variables on student achievement. the structural equation model (sem) was also used to examine the relationship of principal leadership competencies, school context with school climate and student discipline incidents. the sem analyses relied on aggregated school and teacher demographics. in some analyses, the teachers’ responses to the leadership profile were aggregated on the school level. to justify group-level analyses, the aggregated data should show greater between-school differences than within-school differences. the significant f values indicate greater between-school differences than within-school differences, giving evidence of group level effects (bliese, 2000). 24 challenge findings correlation analyses as reported in table 5, pearson correlation analyses indicated significant relationships of student achievement with only two demographic variables: discipline incidents (r = -.31) and free/reduced lunch (r = -.29). table 6 illustrates student achievement with the leadership competencies including school climate. only planning and organization were positively and significantly related to student achievement, but with weak correlation coefficients. table 7 reports the correlation analysis of school climate and other leadership competencies. school climate was significantly related at the .05 level to all other leadership competencies: principals’ instructional leadership (r = .76), interpersonal skills (r = .74), decision-making (r = .72), facilities planning and setting student behavior expectations (r = .73), and evaluation implementation (r = .65). in the correlation analysis of school climate to the demographic variables, schools with more student discipline incidents, grade retentions, larger enrollments, and higher percentages of students eligible for free/reduced lunch had low school climate (inverse relationship). schools with high teacher average years experience tended to be associated positively with high school climate (table 8). table 5 correlations of student achievement with demographic variables student achievement number of discipline incidents -.31* number of retained students .11 number of enrolled students .03 % students five or fewer days absent -.07 % students six to 15 days absent .18 % students more than 15 days absent -.09 % students eligible for free/reduced lunch -.29* administrator average years experience .00 teachers average years experience -.06 principal gender -.17 principal tenure .06 *p < 0.05 n = 81 schools williams 25 table 6 pearson correlations of leadership competencies with student achievement student achievement instructional leadership .01 interpersonal skills .02 making decisions .01 planning and organization .04* teacher evaluation program -.01 school climate .05* *p < 0.05 n = 3,890 table 7 pearson correlations of leadership competencies with school climate school climate instructional leadership .76* interpersonal skills .74* making decisions .72* planning and organization .73* teacher evaluation program .65* *p < 0.05 n = 3920 table 8 pearson correlations of school climate (dependent) with school demographic variables as independent school climate number of discipline incidents -.26* number of retained students -.28* number of enrolled students -.26* % students five or fewer days absent .12 % students six to 15 days absent -.02 % students more than 15 days absent -.20 % students eligible for free/reduced lunch -.39* administrator average years experience .09 teachers average years experience .27* principal gender -.17 principal tenure .06 *p < 0.05 n = 80 26 challenge factor analysis in a factor analysis of all variables, five factors were created. student achievement and principal gender were placed in a factor independent of all other variables. all leadership competency variables were placed in factor 1, and the demographic variables were split among factors 2, 3, 4 and 5. regression analyses table 9 reports the results of regression analysis for student achievement. student discipline incidents significantly explained student achievement inversely, while all leadership competency variables and other demographic variables were eliminated from the equation. table 9 student achievement in relation to the selected independent variables se beta t p (constant) .70 -5.65 .00* discipline incidents .00 -.31 -2.87 .00* dependent variable: student achievement *p < 0.05; adjusted r2 = 0.08; f ratio = 8.283 n = 81 schools as reported below in table 10, student discipline was explained positively by enrollment, indicating that large schools are likely to experience more discipline problems. discipline was explained inversely by five or fewer days absent, student achievement, and principal tenure, indicating an expected direction and relationship of discipline to attendance, achievement, and experience. williams 27 table 10 stepwise regression analysis: discipline incidents as dependent with six leadership competency variables and all demographic variables as independent se beta t p (constant) 48.46 12.07 .00* number of enrolled students 0.01 .65 28.62 .00* % students five or fewer days absent 0.65 -.54 -16.88 .00* student achievement 0.53 -.33 -19.30 .00* principal tenure 5.36 -.23 -13.91 .00* number of retained students 0.45 .11 4.89 .00* principal gender 5.71 -.11 -6.54 .00* % students more than 15 days absent 1.50 -.18 -5.27 .00* teachers average years experience 1.27 .06 3.19 .00* % students eligible for free/reduced lunch 0.13 .06 2.79 .00* dependent variable: number of discipline incidents *p < 0.05; r2 = .453, f (9, 2303) = 210.745; (principal gender 1 = male, 2 = female; principal tenure 1 = two years or more, 2 = one year or less) (n = 2303 teachers in 81 schools) discussion leadership behaviors of the principals as perceived by teachers are not aligned with student achievement. although principal leadership behaviors are often observed and rated by their teachers, schools’ reading scores are decreasing. school administrators should re-evaluate, plan, and measure leadership assessment in terms of its impact on student achievement. the most significant finding in this study is that the number of discipline incidents had a stronger relationship with student achievement than with any of the other factors used in the study, including ses. according to grobe and bishop (2001), certain attributes are fundamental to promoting 28 challenge student achievement. the researchers administered a survey and found that on the elementary level, students, teachers, and parents believed that a safe environment influenced achievement. on the high school level, achievement was higher where teachers, students, and parents believed that discipline was not a problem and where parents believed that they were given sufficient information about their children. the school leadership must support teachers’ efforts to maintain discipline, and develop systematic approaches to effective classroom management. marsden (2005) found that safe and orderly classroom environment and school facilities were significantly related to student achievement in elementary schools. as discipline becomes a classroom and school issue, leadership will have to devote the attention and resources to combat student discipline problems. the principal and teachers can learn effective discipline management techniques through professional development training, collaboration between teachers showing best practices in models of discipline, behavior and classroom management techniques. schools should include more indicators of student discipline and behavior as part of the school climate profile. researchers suggest that a good school climate should have the following characteristics: openness to innovation, trust and caring among professionals, respect, cohesiveness, high morale, opportunities for professional development, and supportive leadership. the measure of school climate should also consider leadership qualities of the principals, teacher-colleague relations, parent-teacher relations, student-teacher interpersonal relations, student-teacher instruction-related interaction, school buildings and facilities, and studentpeer relations. according to grobe and bishop (2001), certain attributes are fundamental to promoting student achievement. for teachers, the essential features are morale, the principal, and student behavior. the initial belief was that variations in student achievement might be related to the organizational structure and functional relationships of the role players in relation to student performance. however, the findings in this study did not demonstrate such a relationship. there was no significant relationship between student achievement and principals’ assignment of personnel within the school or with principal interpersonal skills. the conceptual model of this study (figure 2) focused on the principal’s leadership behavior with teachers around the six competencies in the culture of a school and the relationships could be explained by reference to getzel and guba’s (1957) social system model. the principal was expected to focus on interpersonal skills while conducting the various competencies to improve climate and thereby improving student achievement. the findings williams 29 showed no relationship between the principal’s interpersonal relationships (competency ii), and student achievement. performance on the crct is more related to the school and teacher demographic factors. the gezel and guba social organization model suggests that the principal should be high on both human relationships and task relationships in order for teachers to be productive in improving student achievement. contrary to earlier research (hall 1987, edmonds 1988, glassman, 1994, sanders, 1999), this study shows that teacher’s perceptions of principal leadership behavior in terms of instructional leadership skills are not related to student achievement. this study demonstrates a strong relationship between teachers’ perceptions of principals’ instructional leadership skills and school climate, but a very weak relationship between school climate and student achievement. according to findley and findley (1992), an effective school is based on the instructional leadership of the principal. ubben and hughes (cited in findley & findley, 1992) claim, “although the principal must address certain managerial tasks to ensure an efficient school the task of the principal must be to keep focused on activities which pave the way for high student achievement” (p. 102). edmonds (1979) states that strong leadership in instruction and evaluation facilitates positive climate that supports student achievement among low socio-economic schools. hallinger, bickman, and davis (1996) found no direct effects of principal instructional leadership on student achievement. their results however do support the position that a principal can have an indirect effect on school effectiveness through actions that shape the school’s learning climate. they also found that principal leadership itself is influenced by both personal and contextual variables (ses, parental involvement, and gender). the findings in this study suggest that school and teacher demographics are more related to student achievement than principal leadership behavior as perceived by teachers. the socioeconomic status indicator for the schools used in this research is free/reduced lunch eligibility. on average, they had a student population with 69 percent eligible for free/reduced lunch. the number of discipline incidents in schools had a more significant influence on student achievement than the schools’ ses. one of the most enduring studies, the coleman report (1966), supports the view that socioeconomic variables tend to predict student achievement. kunjufu (1989) recognized that socioeconomic status might be an indicator of student achievement, but not the cause. ford (1997) found that when minority and low ses parents instilled a positive achievement orientation in their children, they perform better. 30 challenge considering the findings in this study, more research is needed to identify (a) more significant factors related to principal leadership and (b) other factors that affect student achievement. these factors can vary from school to school and from region to region through out the country. many researchers have produced results that show various factors that influence student achievement. the politics, economy, educational validity, and philosophy of a school must be considered when research is used to make organizational changes and establish new policy. williams 31 references bliese, p. 2000. “within-group agreement, non-independence, and reliability: implications for data aggregation and analysis.” pp. 34981 in multilevel theory research, and methods in organizations: foundations, extension, and new directions, edited by k.j. klein and s. w. kozlowski. san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. coleman, j. s., e.q. campbell, c.j. hobson, j. mcpartland, a. m. mood, f.d. weinfeld, and r.l. york. 1966. equality of educational opportunity. washington, dc: u. s. government printing office. edmonds, r. 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ed. upper saddle river, nj: allyn and bacon. williams, ed. 2006. teachers’ perceptions of principal leadership in relation to student achievement. doctoral dissertation, clark atlanta university, atlanta, ga : proquest digital dissertations. challenge, vol. 14, no. 2 ������� ������ � ������ �� ������ ����=�=���� �����=���� �������� ����������@ ��#���� ��� �� ��������� �� ��*������� ��������� ��������� �� ���� ���&�'�($ �� "�� ����#������������$%��� ��� �����*����� �������� �� ������ 5 ��� �7�� ����� ��� �)��-�� +����� ��% ,� ��%�� �&/h&��� � �)��� � ��" �� ���� ��� ��� � ���� �"� ����� � ��� � ��"�� � ���� �� ��� �< � ! �������� � � ��� ���� ��� � ������ ��� ����� � � � � � ������ �� � ��� ����� #� �5 ��� ��� ���� ���� ����� ���� � ��"� �������� ������ � ��� �< � !�������� � � ��� ���� ��� � ������ ��������� ��� � �������� � � ��� ���� ��� ������� ��� ��� � �< � !�������� � � ��� ���� ����� ��� ���� ��� ���� � �� �� �� � ��� � ������ ��������� � �5 ��� ��&/h&�#� � ������ � ��� � ������ 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no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 challenge 2008 challenge, vol. 14, no. 2 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation vol14no2.pdf differences in types of intimate partner violence: implications for public policy anne carroll baird morehouse college abstract intimate partner violence has been recognized as a serious social problem in the united states since the 1970s, when the leaders in the women’s movement became alarmed at victimization of women in their own homes by their husbands or boyfriends (dobash and dobash 1992). women still make up 70 percent of all intimate partner homicides, and are twice as likely to be killed by an intimate partner as men are (catalano, smith, snyder, and rand 2009). the anti violence against women acts of 1994 and subsequent years have led to more uniform state policies on domestic violence and other violence against women, but have been used to justify intrusion into private homes, particularly with mandatory arrest laws (davis, o’sullivan, farole, and remple 2008). the law has not been successful at specific deterrence (peterson 2008), but it has been more effective at punishment (dixon 2008). treating all domestic violence cases as though they were the same also has implications for treatment programs (peterson 2008; saunders 2008). in this article, i consider the importance of making distinctions among types of intimate partner violence, the effects of failure to do so, along with implications for research, advocacy, and treatment. perception versus reality the model of intimate partner violence that prevails in the media and public perception is that of the controlling male who inflicts increasingly harsh physical, emotional, and psychological harm on his partner until either she successfully leaves or he kills her (johnson 2008). this prototype also sees women as equally at risk, regardless of social class, race, ethnicity, where they live, or other structural and cultural factors (nixon 2010; richie 2000). reconciliation to save the marriage or relationship is viewed as an unsafe and foolish option (baker 2001; lehrner and allen 2009). the research literature indicates that this model applies to small, but extremely dangerous proportion of partner violence, but it continues to be generalized to the whole (johnson and ferraro 2000). contrary to the prevailing view, research reveals that while men predominate in inflicting serious injuries and using coercive tactics, both men and women are perpetrators, and both men and women are victims of partner violence (archer 2000; felson and cares 2005; lauritsen and heimer 2008; straus, gelles and steinmetz 1981; tjaden and thoennes 1998). moreover, partner violence is not limited to heterosexual relationships, but is experienced in both male and female same sex relationships (renzetti 1992). partner violence often includes rape and sexual assault. although men primarily commit these acts, women also commit them against men (laruitsen and heimer 2008). even though partner violence does occur across categories of race, class, and ethnicity, both victims and perpetrators come disproportionately from the unemployed, minority, and other marginalized groups (coker 2004; dixon 2008; richie 2000; sokoloff and pratt 2005). baird 1 please address all correspondence to: abaird@morehouse.edu different types of partner violence kuchschnitt and colleagues (2004:84) observe that recent research is finding that male perpetrators of violence against their partners are heterogeneous, and that their characteristics support theoretical explanations. the delineation of different types of male perpetrators can be compared with nonviolent men to further understanding of the trajectories leading to partner violence (kuchschnitt, mclaughlin, and petrie 2004). researchers need to measure specific behavior, including hitting, shoving, or demeaning. productive typologies should characterize the context of the violence, which is the interaction between the spouses and the nature of their relationship (michalski 2005). johnson (1995; 2005) developed a typology based on the attempt to exert control over one’s partner and the use of violence. his types are coercive controlling violence, violent resistance, situational couple violence, and a fourth type, which involves mutual coercion. the first two types are most readily adaptable for categorizing motive, relationship, and behavior. coercive controlling violence, which he also calls intimate terrorism, refers to the type of violence that most fits the prevailing stereotype of the violent, controlling male. intimate terrorism aims at complete physical and psychological domination and control of one’s partner. a man usually commits this type of violence, and this type of victimization is highly prevalent among women living in shelters. intimate terrorism is also the prototype for the mobilization of the antiviolence against women movement. in this type of violence, the partner inflicts such emotional and psychological harm that a woman would prefer the physical violence to the shame and abuse. when a woman kills her coercive controlling partner, it is more likely to be in a direct fight for her life, rather than lying in wait or killing him in his sleep (stark 2007). the type of partner violence that is most common is situational couple violence, which is mutual violence. in this type of violence disagreements escalate and conflicts advance to violence. it usually does not escalate over time in the marriage or relationship, but is more likely to be one-time or occasional event. a man may become violent only one time, be remorseful, and never repeat the violence. this type of violence can have painful effects on the couple and any children present, but it is entirely different from coercive controlling violence. johnson stresses, however, that situational couple violence can also be deadly. he cautions that although each of the types of partner violence can vary in frequency and severity “… from relatively minor acts of violence to homicidal assaults, intimate terrorism is the type most likely to be frequent and brutal (johnson 2005:1127). the utility of typologies distinguishing between coercive controlling violence and situational couple violence can be a vital tool in advising people seeking help in a relationship. if a woman is a victim of intimate terrorism, advising her to seek couples counseling could put her at even greater risk, and would only give her coercive controlling partner another opportunity to frame the problem as being her fault, or as residing in the victim (stark 2007). shelters and agencies are designed to help women, get out of dangerous coercive controlling relationships, where they have a high probability of being killed. what is being done, however, is that in order to try to prevent the deaths of victims in these 2 challenge coercive controlling relationships, victims of partner violence in general are urged to get out of the relationship (mills 1999). most victims seeking help fall in the category of situational couples’ violence. they may want to stay in their relationship and could be encouraged to seek either couples counseling or some other type of intervention. not only shelters and social service agencies encourage women to leave the relationship. this extends to the offices of some prosecutors and court services, where it may be considered a victory when a woman leaves her partner, regardless of the context, her needs and wants, or the fit with her lived experience (ford 1991). both ford (2003) and baker (2001) argue that victims are denied agency when they are presented only the option of ending the relationship, often under threat of losing custody of their children. a number of typologies of intimate partner violence are being developed. the extent to which they lead to better understanding, treatment, and prevention will depend on how well they represent the realities of people and their relationships. typologies can be most useful as tools for comparison, but they are best used as guides, not as rigid categories, which would defeat the purpose of recognizing differences. with a better understanding of motivations and relationships, victims can make decisions on the most appropriate action in their situation. research, violence perceptions, and social movements the violent, controlling male perpetrator is consistent with media representations and public perception, but this prototype is also engrained in theoretical paradigms and research, in public policy, particularly in the united states, legal and criminal justice systems (peterson 2008; davis et al. 2008; mills 1999). until recently, partner violence as a single type was predominant in both theoretical approaches and empirical research (felson and cares 2005; sokoloff and pratt 2005). this stems in part from the fact that early partner violence research had roots in the women’s movement, and established radical feminism as the leading theoretical framework (felson and cares 2005). centered in the operation and effects of male patriarchy and social change, radical feminism explains partner violence as an attempt by males to maintain dominance and control over women, within an established system of male privilege (dobash and dobash 1979). in this perspective, because only men are motivated to dominate and control, only men are perpetrators of partner violence. from the standpoint of radical feminism, men are perpetrators of violence and control and women are victims, hence their reluctance to consider different types of partner violence in terms of motive, relationship, severity of violence, and context. the antiviolence movement and sameness one of the issues that delayed the development of partner violence subcategories was the opposition of some activist scholars and agencies (cavanaugh and gelles 2005), fearing that focusing on differences would either dilute the anti-violence movement or blame the victim if women were included in typologies (nixon and humphreys 2010). the assertion that partner violence could happen to anyone was important to the movement. nixon and humphreys state that sameness is one of the key mobilizing tools of social movements. in order for a movement to recruit new members and thrive, baird 3 it must have a common appeal that supporters share. there must be common values, goals, or problems about which members feel strongly. in the case of the antiviolence against women movement, this means that new recruits and financial supporters must be able to identify with the victim (nixon and humphreys 2010). for this to happen, the victim must appear to be like them. this is evidenced in publications and websites of antiviolence advocacy organizations. moreover, the antiviolence movement’s ideology of change promotes the theme that partner violence could happen to any woman, regardless of who they are, where they live, their income, education, race/ethnicity, or station in life. black feminists contend, however, that individuals experience each of the status factors differently and in different combinations. failure to consider this was a main factor for feminists who lobbied for the violence against women act and accepted its incorporation into the crime act (daly 1994). they were not conscious of differences, or of how these differences could interact in the lives of victims of partner violence (richie 2000). scholar-activists wanted change; their research, their community advocacy, and the treatment programs they sponsored in women’s shelters reflected this goal. these programs initially focused on the need for men to recognize male dominance as the cause of their violence. these activists sought to change institutions, and carefully guarded the public impression of “battered women” in their scholarship and community advocacy. radical feminists view society as a system in which men, not women, are the perpetrators of violence because men have the power and want to maintain it. some activist scholars cautioned that if women were seen as perpetrators of violence, they could then be blamed for their own victimization suffered at the hands of their male partners (mccloskey 2007). therefore, work for change maintained a single focus, which was not to the advantage of most victims of partner violence or for development of treatment programs for their abusers (strolovitch 2006). they were less concerned about determining the victim’s relationship and the meaning of violence to her life than about initiating social change that would protect women from battery. (baker 1999; daly 1994). antiviolence agencies and scholar-activists were inclined to account for any women’s violence in their research findings entirely as a form of resistance to violence committed against them. thus, they would agree with johnson (2005) that women sometimes used violent resistance, but unlike johnson, they interpreted any violence by women as a way of resisting a violent, controlling male partner. intersectionality collins (1998) has pointed to the need for considering how various structural factors, such as race/ethnicity, class, and gender, jointly produce inequalities, and how these interlocking intersections affect intimate partner violence. collins also emphasizes the importance of recognizing the lived experiences of people if we are to understand their behavior. this would counteract the tendency to focus on a single type of partner violence. treating all types of partner violence as the same has led to the similar treatment of men, and increasingly of women, who engage it (hirschel, buzawa, patavina, and faggiant 2008). this holds, regardless of the relationship, the context, or the wishes of the people involved. moreover, it has encouraged the treating of all partner violence as fitting the pattern of the violent, coercive, controlling male. using the intersection4 challenge ality paradigm could be especially useful in determining what approach to treatment would work best for a given individual. johnson (2005) attempts to resolve the question of whether women can be violent by distinguishing context. researchers using data from shelters and agencies are sampling from a population of victims of coercive controlling, violent men. for most of these women, intimate terrorism is a reality in their everyday life. it is uncertain what proportion of perpetrators fit in this category, but there are estimates of 10 to 20 percent (johnson 2005; archer 2003). data from surveys such as national crime victimization survey and the national violence against women survey find a smaller proportion of coercive, controlling men, since their samples drawn from the population as a whole, rather than from shelters and hospital emergency rooms. the consequences of not differentiating among types distinctions among types and contexts of partner violence have far-reaching implications for theory and research, public policy and prevention, as well as for treatment of victims and offenders. (cramer 2009; dixon 2008; nixon and humphreys 2010; saunders 2008). similarly, failure to make these distinctions among types of intimate partner violence has multiple consequences, both intended and unintended. the prototype of the violent coercive male has been used to justify warrant-less arrest laws for probable cause in cases of partner violence. such laws now exist in all states, varying by state on whether warrant-less arrest is mandatory, preferred, or allowed (buzawa and buzawa 2008). treating all intimate partner violence calls to police the same in the decision to arrest contributes to an increase in female and dual arrests and in the number of people who have criminal records (hirschel et al. 2008). since young african american men have high rates of previous arrest and incarceration, these laws disproportionately affect them. moreover, young african american women who have been incarcerated for minor drug offenses are afraid to call the police if they are being assaulted because they know that they have a high likelihood of being arrested (richie 1996; 2005). some states and police districts include preferred arrest in cases of violence for other people who live in the household, regardless of their relationship to the perpetrator. the first violence against women act was passed in 1994 as a part of the violent crime control and law enforcement act. through this act, congress has provided funding for programs for the criminal justice system and encouraged new policies, such as presumptive arrest for domestic violence. thus, the net continues to widen, such that private behavior is increasingly criminalized and placed in the public domain. (davis et al. 2008; davis, smith, and taylor 2003). conclusion distinguishing among types of offenders could reduce unnecessary arrest. it could also reduce the criminal justice and other economic costs of intimate partner violence. treatment programs hold promise for situationally violent couples, but not for coercive controlling cases. in addition, providing appropriate types of treatment intervention for situationally violent couples could ease emotional stress and later potential for violence of children involved, having a positive impact on communities. baird 5 references archer, john. 2000. “sex differences in aggression between heterosexual partners: a meta-analytic review.” psychological bulletin 126: 651-680. baker, katharine k. 2001. “dialectics and domestic abuse.” the yale law journal 110: 1459-1491. bograd, michelle. 1999. “strengthening domestic violence theories: intersections of race, class, sexual orientation and gender.” journal of family therapy 25: 275-289. burgess-proctor, amanda. 2006. “intersections of race, class, gender and crime.” feminist criminology 1: 27-47. buzawa, eve s. and aaron d. 2008. “courting domestic violence victims: a tale of two cities.” criminology and public policy 7: 671-685. catalano, shannan, erica smith, howard snyder, and michael rand. bureau of justice statistics. 2009. female victims of violence (ncj 228356). retrieved septem ber 12, 2011 (http://www.ncjrs.gov/app/publications/abstract. aspx?id=250375). cavanaugh, mary m. and richard j. gelles. 2005. “the utility of male domestic vio lence offender typologies: new directions for research, policy, and prac tice.” journal of interpersonal violence 20 (2): 155-166. coker, donna. 2004. “race, poverty, and the crime-centered response to domestic violence.” violence against women 10(11): 1331-1353. collins, patricia hill. 2000. black feminist thought: knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment (2nd edition). new york: routledge. collins, patricia hill. 1998. “the tie that binds: race, gender and u.s. violence.” ethnic and racial studies 21 (5): 918-938. cramer, elizabeth p. and sara-beth plummer. 2009. “people of color with disabilities: intersectionality as a framework for analyzing intimate partner violence in social, historical, and political contexts.” journal of aggression, maltreat ment and trauma 18: 162-181. daly, kathleen. 1994. “men’s violence, victim advocacy, and feminist redress.” law and society review 28 (4): 777-786. davis, robert c., barbara e. smith, and bruce taylor. 2003. “increasing the proportion of domestic violence arrests that are prosecuted: a natural experiment in milwaukee.” criminology and public policy 2: 263-282. davis, robert c., chris s. o’sullivan, donald j. farole, jr., and michael remple. 2008. “a comparison of two prosecution policies in cases of intimate partner vio lence: mandatory case filing versus following the victim’s lead.” criminol ogy and public policy 7 (4): 633-662. dixon, jo. 2008. “mandatory domestic violence arrest and prosecution policies: re cidivism and social governance.” criminology and public policy 7 (4): 663-670. dobash, rebecca e. and russell p. dobash. 1998. rethinking violence against women. thousand oaks ca: sage. —. 1979. violence against wives: a case against the patriarchy. new york: free press. —. 1992. women, violence and social change. london: routledge. 6 challenge felson, richard b. and alison c. cares. “gender and the seriousness of assaults on intimate partners and other victims.” 2005. journal of marriage and family 67 (5): 1182-1195. felson, richard b. and kelsea jo lane. 2010. “does violence involving women and intimate partners have a special etiology?” criminology 48 (1): 321-338. felson, richard b., jeffrey ackerman, catherine a. gallagher. 2005. “police interven tion and the repeat of domestic assault.” criminology 42: 563-588. ford, david a. 2003. “coercing victim participation in domestic violence prosecu tions.” journal of interpersonal violence 18: 669-684. ford, david a. 1991. “coercing victim participation: a note on empowering women in violence conjugal relationships.” law and society review 25: 313-334. garland, david. the culture of control. 2001. new york: oxford university press. hirschel, david, eve buzawa, april pattavina, and don faggiant. 2008. “domestic violence and mandatory arrest laws: to what extent do they influence po lice arrest decisions?” journal of criminal law and criminology 98 (1): 255. hirschel, david, eve buzawa, april pattavina, don faggiani, and melissa reuland. “explaining the prevalence, context, and consequences of dual arrest in inti mate partner cases.” 2007. final report to the u.s. department of justice, u.s. department of justice. johnson, michael p. 2008. typology of domestic violence: intimate terrorism, violent resistance, and situational couple violence. lebanon, nh: northeastern uni versity press. johnson, michael p. and kathleen j. ferraro. 2000. “research on domestic violence in the 1990s: making distinctions.” journal of marriage and the family 62:948-963. johnson, michael p. 2005. “domestic violence: it’s not about gender or is it?” jour nal of marriage and the family 67: 1126-1130. johnson, michael p. 1995. “patriarchal terrorism and common couple violence: two forms of violence against women.” journal of marriage and the family 57: 283-294. kelly, joan b. and michael p. johnson. 2008. “differentiation among types of intimate partner violence: research update and implications for interventions.” family court review 46: 476-499. kruttschnitt, candace, brenda l. mclaughlin, and carol v. petrie. 2004. advancing the agenda on violence against women. national research council, washing ton, dc: national academies press. lauritsen, janet l. and karen heimer. 2008. “the gender gap in violent victimization, 1973-2004.” journal of quantitative criminology 24: 115-147. lehrner, amy and nicole e. allen. 2009. “still a movement after all these years? cur rent tensions in the domestic violence movement.” violence against women 15 (6): 656-677. mccloskey, kathy a. 2007. “are half of all ipv perpetrators women? putting context back into the intimate partner violence research field.” journal of aggres sion, maltreatment and trauma 15 (3/4): 7-25. michalski, joseph h. 2005. “explaining intimate partner violence: the sociological limitation of victimization studies.” sociological forum 20:613. baird 7 mills, linda g. 1999. “killing her softly: intimate abuse and the violence of state intervention.” harvard law review 113:550-613. nixon, jennifer and cathy humphreys. 2010. “marshalling the evidence: using inter sectionality in the domestic violence frame.” social politics 17:137-158. peterson, richard r. and jo dixon. 2005. “court oversight and conviction under man datory and non-mandatory domestic violence court filing policies.” crimi nology and public policy 4: 535-558. peterson, richard r. 2008. “reducing intimate partner violence: moving beyond criminal justice interventions.” criminology and public policy 7: 537-544. peterson, richard r. 2004. the impact of manhattan’s specialized domestic violence court. new york: new york city criminal justice agency, inc. richie, beth e. 2000. “a black feminist reflection on the antiviolence movement.” signs 25: 1133-1137. —.1996. compelled to crime: the gender entrapment of battered black women. new york: routledge. saunders, daniel g. 2008. “group interventions for men who batter: a summary of program descriptions and research.” violence and victims 23(2): 156-172. schwartz, jennifer, darrell j. steffensmeier, ben feldmeyer. 2009. “assessing trends in women’s violence via data triangulation: arrests, convictions, incarcera tions, and victim reports.” social problems 56: 494-525. sokoloff, natalie j. and christina pratt, eds. 2005. domestic violence at the margins: readings on race, class, gender and culture. princeton: rutgers university press. stark, evan. 2007. coercive control: the entrapment of women in personal life. new york: oxford university press. stover, carla smith, miriam berkman, rani desai, and steven marans. 2010. “the efficacy of police-advocacy intervention for victims of domestic violence: 12 month follow-up data.” violence against women 16: 401-425. straus, murray a., richard j. gelles, and susanne k. steinmetz. 1981. behind closed doors: violence in the american family. garden city, ny: doubleday. strolovitch, dara z. 2006. “do interest groups represent the disadvantaged? advo cacy as the intersection of race, class, and gender.” journal of politics 68 (4): 894-910. tjaden, patricia and nancy thoennes. 1998. prevalence, incidence, and consequences of violence against women: findings from the national violence against women survey. washington dc: u.s. department of justice. 8 challenge interfaith families through conversion to islam: akan muslims in southern ghana1 mansa bilal mark king morehouse college abstract this study explored family responses to a relatives’ conversion to islam in a country where muslims are a minority. fifteen akans who embraced islam in ghana were interviewed. target families were primarily christian or followers of the customary akan religion. my interviewees lived in the majority-fante area on ghana’s coastal south. family background questions focused on ethnicity, religious composition, and affluence. questions about family response focused on rituals like naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals, but also on expressive and instrumental support. instant adaptation, ongoing disruption, and sometimes a transition from disruption to adaptation emerged as familial patterns of response to muslim conversion. findings are contextualized in the far-reaching religious transformation of africa over the past century; the increasing fragmentation of families where state-funded safety-nets are disappearing or nonexistent; and the need for more study of muslim-minorities who primarily live outside of southwest asia and north africa. background in the last century, the growth of muslim populations has become a notable phenomenon in many societies where the group had been small and invisible (pew forum 2010; smith 2010; samwini 2006; westerlund 1999). muslims have always appeared in a society as a religious minority of some sort, and often as immigrants too. muslim immigrants often married locals (mazrui 1994; levtzion 1994; curtis 2009; levtzion 2000), but they also stimulated conversions which eventually produced indigenous muslim communities (wilks 1989; wilks 2000; levtzion 2000). members of the earliest indigenous muslim communities also transformed their families of origin into interfaith families. typically, the interfaith families produced by conversion go unnoticed. also, muslims living in muslim-minority countries attract less scholarly attention than those living in muslim-majority societies. yet, the study of such interfaith families may reveal strategies for managing the religiously plural social spaces (mccarthy 2007) that are created when muslims emerge in previously non-muslim communities and countries. ghana is a muslim-minority country, and many ghanaian muslims are also religious minorities in their extended families (samwini 2006). as such, ghana provides an excellent opportunity to learn about interfaith families created by conversion. this paper will focus specifically on families which contain muslims, christians and followers of traditional african religions. however, ghana is ethnically diverse. so, resource limitations require that this paper only focus on one collection of ghanaian ethnic groups – the akans. king 9 please address all correspondence to mansa bilal mark king: profmarking@yahoo.com at first blush, one might expect conversion to islam among akans in ghana to be a conflict-ridden affair because christianity predominates among them. most westerners are familiar with the pervasive idea that christianity and islam are inherently incompatible (huntington 1996). generally, the two religious identities are constructed as mutually exclusive.2 furthermore, centuries of contact between muslims and akan political elites have never produced a muslim emperor or king, as happened among some other ethnic groups in the region.3 nevertheless, today ghana has akan muslims whose families of origin remain primarily or significantly non-muslim. research on these families is meaningful beyond the akan, and even beyond ghana. the research is relevant wherever family fragmentation contributes to social problems, and where muslim-minority populations are gaining indigenous converts. with a country’s social service capabilities stretched thin, knowing about factors that might increase the homeless and socially marginalized population is important. like ghana, many societies hold a negative public image of muslims. indeed, many ghanaians seem to associate muslims with violence and poverty (weiss 2007), as do many sub-saharan africans in general (pew forum 2010). therefore, it does not seem far-fetched to think that conversions to islam might result in familial conflict. such conflict could leave muslims at the margins of their birth families, and recipients of inadequate social services. at the extreme, such conflict could result in more homelessness and related social problems. demographic changes in ghanaian religion european christians first settled among fante akans in elmina (and nearby cape coast) over 500 years ago. yet, christianity only spread among the southern indigenous people in the last 150 years. in 1960, the first politically independent census of ghana was taken. at that time, nearly 24 percent of the population had converted to christianity (samwini 2006). meanwhile, at least 600 years of islam had only produced a small muslim population, and most muslims were in the far north of what became ghana. only 7 percent of ghanaians were muslim in the 1960 census. forty years later, both groups had grown at the expense of traditional religions. in the 2000 census, 69 percent of ghanaians were found to be christian, and 16 percent were muslim (weiss 2007). fertility, migration and conversion each play a role in ghana’s expanding muslim minority. however, because of the recent emergence of muslim communities among non-immigrant groups4 in southern ghana, this study is focused on conversion. again, an outside observer might expect conversion to present challenges to family functioning and unity. for example, akans who convert to islam could abandon matrilineal5 practices in favor of the patrilineal descent accepted among most muslim populations. converts would likely refuse to make blood sacrifices to nature spirits and ancestors. most would spurn traditional divination practices, and some would spurn all forms of divination. whether new akan muslims do any or all of these things, the mere introduction of additional ambiguity in kinship practices is the concern. the “family safety net” may be unlikely to perform its function when rites are not observed and obligations are in doubt. hence, a central concern of this study is that some akan families might margin10 challenge alize their muslim members. they could fail to invite or acknowledge muslim members during marriages, naming ceremonies, and funerals. families could block a muslim’s access to elder-hood, headship or chief and queen-mother positions (where applicable). families could even take extreme measures to disrupt or undo the conversion by withdrawing all instrumental and expressive support. clearly, some families would fragment if such was the response to conversion. other families might continue with family life little changed after a conversion. this range of reactions must be considered because ghanaian families are under tremendous strain today, and neither a welfare state, nor ngos, nor public charities are sufficient to meet the needs of shunned family members. tensions between ghanaian muslims and christians ghana has several muslim communities, and some have very distinct islamic doctrines, practices, and authority structures.6 prior research has already shown that intra-religious “conversion” among muslims can disrupt family stability. wilks (1989) found that when muslims from wa embraced ahmadiyya muslim doctrines, they were not allowed to marry women from families of the traditional muslim backgrounds. bari (2009) documented how tijani and wahhabi-oriented youth among the sisala clashed with their traditional muslim parents over burial rituals. however, this research says nothing about inter-religious conversion and conflict. only samwini (2006) documented the ahmadiyya muslims’ campaign against christians in ghana. fante muslims first invited the ahmadiyya to ghana in 1921. as suggested above, the ahmadi’s focus was on transforming the ghanaian muslim community. however, after about 50 years (and some violent encounters) the ahmadis shifted most of their attention to ghanaian christians. since the 1970s, their activities have contributed to a state of heightened tension between muslim and christian ghanaians who had never clashed before (samwini 2006). ghanaian muslims and christians now openly preach against one another. they even hold public debates between religious leaders. today, the ahmadiyya headquarters in ghana is based in salt pond, a town in majority-christian fante-country. in this highly charged context, it is logical to expect tension to follow conversion to islam from a christian, or even a traditionalist family. methods my data was gathered over several trips to ghana. i conducted structured interviews in english and in fante with one of two different translators who also helped me identify and contact participants. the study began with my first trip to ghana in the summer of 2009. i stayed for 2 months, and conducted 10 interviews while in the country. after returning to the u.s., i renewed my study of the literature on islam in the region. another trip to ghana in 2010 lasted for 2 months and produced 5 interviews. in the midst of all this scholarly activity and teaching, i also married into an inter-ethnic ghanaian family at the level of my wife’s father’s compound. at the extended-kin network level, hers is also an inter-faith family consisting of muslims and christians. discussions with my new in-laws, as well as personally experiencing a ghanaian sisala/hausa7 wedding, provided unique insights and even added questions about “mates” to this study. however, my experiences were concentrated in the more christian-identified south, with very short trips to the more muslim-identified north. king 11 ghana’s sheer diversity mandates that my findings be viewed in the context of an exploratory study. my findings are the most relevant to the fante coastal area between accra and elmina. i spent most of my time, and primarily interviewed residents of, this coastal strip. the findings reported here are based on individual interviews8 with ghanaians who converted to islam. interviewees were asked background questions on their geographic origin, ethnic identity, family’s socio-economic status indicators, and family members’ religious identities. then they were asked questions dealing with traditional african family life events, especially weddings, naming ceremonies, and funerals. each was probed to elicit actual family reactions, and then family reactions expected by the interviewee if a particular event were to occur—like the interviewee’s own funeral.9 additional questions focused on instrumental and financial support. questions directed the interviewee to compare family life before conversion to islam with family life after conversion. socioeconomic status. reckoning class, status, and religion in ghana can be difficult, but important for a study like this. in the lands that became southern ghana, there was historical resistance to social elites converting to islam. for example, ashanti emperor osei kwame was deposed in 1798 because it was feared that he would convert and then “establish the koranic law for civil code of the empire” (diouf 1998:31). this king was highly involved with muslims and died mysteriously in 1803 (robinson 2006). similarly, in an informal discussion with one of my informants, i was told a story about a fante princess who embraced islam in the late 1700s. she was cast out of the village by her royal family, and did not return while alive. however, she had many daughters who have given her line of the family a large number of descendants. because fantes are matrilineal, this royal family is now majority muslim. yet, the muslims are reluctant to ascend to chief or queen mother positions because the occupant must perform traditional customs which conflict with their understanding of islamic piety (oral interview). if these examples indicate a general tendency, embracing islam may be difficult for members of elite akan families due to community pressures. yet, lineage is not the only door to high status positions in ghana. by graduating from university and landing a professional job, one can enhance or maintain family prestige. for that reason, i asked each respondent how many people in the family had earned a university degree. if none had a university degree, i asked how many had completed secondary school. i also asked respondents to classify their families by income. it is not culturally appropriate to ask a specific dollar amount. therefore, i had interviewees specify their family financial standing in relation to “the average ghanaian family” (i.e. richer, poorer, or in the average income range). family religion. until two centuries ago, many polities that commanded respect beyond their own borders were muslim-ruled, if not majority-muslim. in those days, when west african people embraced islam they were joining a trans-continental network of respected scholars, traders, rulers, artisans, and warriors. in that era, becoming muslim could easily be associated with becoming more “civilized” (diouf 1998; hunwick 2006) in the eyes of west africans. muslim political and economic standing, at that time, would have lent an air of credence to this notion. however, as growing european hegemony undermined the economic vitality 12 challenge and political influence of muslim societies across the globe, they experienced downward structural mobility; ghana’s muslims included. over the past 100 years, the overall image of muslims in ghana has been stigmatized through an association with violence, illiteracy, and poverty (pew forum 2010; weiss 2007; samwini 2006). by no means is this the only image, though, as ghana always has an islam-affiliated northerner serve as vice-president. while the prestige of islam was declining, becoming christian in west africa was increasingly becoming associated with being “civilized” because of the association of western models of christianity with the narrow conception of progress that is believed to be rooted in “superior” european cultures (triaud 2000). during british rule, and after decolonization, christianity spread much more rapidly in ghana than islam did. this suggests that if there is a religious status hierarchy in ghana, christianity holds the most esteemed position. the general dominance of christians among the ghanaian political, economic, and social elite also lends credence to this notion. since there is probably a religious status hierarchy in ghana, it seemed important to note whether a convert’s family was inter-religious, traditionalist, or christian before he embraced islam. one might expect an inter-religious family to be fairly accepting of additional conversions. thus, the more muslims already in the family the less conflict was expected after a conversion. findings at the time of the interviews, all respondents lived in the southern coastal areas between elmina and accra, which i call fante-country. indeed, as table 1 shows, all but two of my respondents were in solidly fante families. they tended to have two fante biological parents and all-fante extended families. the two respondents who were not specifically fante still had akan mothers. one respondent was ashanti, and another had only an akan mother (although neither ashanti nor fante). in one sense, then, this empirical data reflects akan families with a heavy focus on fantes. table 1 also shows that most respondents’ families either were poor, or occupied a middle socioeconomic rank. less than half of these akan families were interreligious at the time of conversion. that is, the family was not entirely of one faith. in only six of these inter-religious families, were there muslims in the family before the respondent converted. therefore, most respondents in this study were the only muslims in their families at the time of conversion. one respondent, though, was a special case. his fiancée converted with him, and this occurred during the traditional marriage process.10 the families in which muslims already existed usually had only one or two other muslims. however, one respondent reported that there were 4 other muslims in his family when he converted, and another said that his family was half muslim and half christian when he converted. table 2 shows how the interviewees’ families responded to islamic conversion. two modes of response emerged for the 15 families involved in this study: adaptation and disruption. adaptation was characterized by the family implementing an effective way of managing religious differences to keep everyone in the family. the muslims remained participating members of the family with equal standing, and they were still invited to naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals. if they needed financial or inking 13 strumental assistance, the muslim converts knew that their non-muslim relatives would help them. alternatively, a family could be disrupted after a member converted to islam. the family could break off relations. they could evict the convert from the family compound. they could stop inviting him to family rituals such as naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals, or even block him from attending if he found out such events were happening. finally, the family could withdraw the financial and other instrumental support which most ghanaians still need from their relatives. initially, these responses seemed mutually exclusive, but some families responded in both modalities at different times. this process would begin with disruption. then the family would adapt after some time had elapsed. the possibility of transitions required me to reckon the duration of each family’s response. while some families changed their response within less than a year, others took several years, and still others remained disrupted up to the time of the interview. the possibilities are represented in table 2. the most common response was adaptation. nine families immediately provided a supportive atmosphere for conversion. in three cases, a family member even facilitated the conversion. for example, in one inter-religious family the respondent’s older brother converted to islam first, and then began teaching the religion to all of his siblings. prior to that, the whole family had been followers of the traditional fante religion. in two families, non-muslim relatives encouraged my interviewees to embrace islam. in one case, it was because of the dreams he had been having. in another, the interviewee’s traditionalist mother was asked to encourage him to become muslim by a woman with marital interests in him. 14 challenge 12 to islam first, and then began teaching the religion to all of his siblings. prior to that, the whole family had been followers of the traditional fante religion. in two families, non-muslim relatives encouraged my interviewees to embrace islam. in one case, it was because of the dreams he had been having. in another, the interviewee’s traditionalist mother was asked to encourage him to become muslim by a woman with marital interests in him. table 1: interviewees and their families (n = 15) ethnicity fante 13 other akan 1 mixed 1 ses poorer 7 average 5 a more affluent 4 a family religion christian 5 traditional 3 mixed 7 muslims in family respondent only 9 <2 others 4 >2 others 2 a note: one respondent is counted as both average and affluent because of his parents’ divorce and his subsequent change in class position during childhood. the respondent’s father was affluent, but not paying alimony or child support. his mother was of average-income. table 2: nature and duration of family response to islamic conversion adaptation disruption never less than a year 1 1-5 years 1 more than 5 years 10 3 these families chose to compromise on how to do family rituals. for example, muslim naming ceremonies are done in a distinctly islamic idiom. unlike fante naming ceremonies, they do not involve liquor. also, most interviewees of adapted families mentioned that all of their relatives could attend and watch the naming ceremony, but non-muslim relatives could not substantively participate in the religious ritual. instead, the muslim community would conduct the rituals. in addition to watching, though, the convert’s family could enjoy the socializing, food, and festivities that accompany such events. naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals are all performed in a distinct manner by akans who have become muslim. nevertheless, the differences are surmountable. most of my participants’ families adapted to being interreligious. the conversion disrupted neither the unity nor functioning of the family. some families were initially disrupted, but did not remain in that state. one family took less than a year to transition from partially disrupted to fully adapted. the convert’s father was initially “happy to see his children praying,” but soon encountered resistance from extended kin. as it turned out, the convert’s eldest brother had learned to use the bible, a generally respected book, to explain islam to fante people. so, he showed his father biblical evidence to support islam. the father used this same evidence to bring the extended family into a conciliatory position. this respondent reported that, when he later got married and had children, his extended family members were there. while he only had one muslim wedding, he had nine children, each followed by a naming ceremony. another transitional family’s reaction was described by the convert as “terrible in the beginning.” he said that they only relented once it became known to the whole family that some of their ancestors had been muslim. the fact that there once were “muslims in the family” allowed the family to accept his conversion as a “reversion.” the final case of a transition from disruption to adaptation took five years, and resulted in many more conversions within the family. this family had been solidly christian before my interviewee converted, and (more importantly) affluent. when the young man converted in 1985, he was immediately put out of the family and accused of joining “the wicked people.” he had to survive on his own, and with whatever support the muslim community could give him. five years later, his family saw him “dressed well” and participating in a big parade marking the end of ramadan. this precipitated a change of heart by his relatives. they “laid a red carpet” before his feet, and then invited him to the family house where the elders gave him their blessings. while the elders in his family remained christian until death, 10 of his siblings converted to islam after he was allowed back into the family fold in 1990. many of his old friends also converted after 1990. friends, called “mates” or king 15 12 to islam first, and then began teaching the religion to all of his siblings. prior to that, the whole family had been followers of the traditional fante religion. in two families, non-muslim relatives encouraged my interviewees to embrace islam. in one case, it was because of the dreams he had been having. in another, the interviewee’s traditionalist mother was asked to encourage him to become muslim by a woman with marital interests in him. table 1: interviewees and their families (n = 15) ethnicity fante 13 other akan 1 mixed 1 ses poorer 7 average 5 a more affluent 4 a family religion christian 5 traditional 3 mixed 7 muslims in family respondent only 9 <2 others 4 >2 others 2 a note: one respondent is counted as both average and affluent because of his parents’ divorce and his subsequent change in class position during childhood. the respondent’s father was affluent, but not paying alimony or child support. his mother was of average-income. table 2: nature and duration of family response to islamic conversion adaptation disruption never less than a year 1 1-5 years 1 more than 5 years 10 3 “colleagues” by most ghanaians, are such an important part of a person’s support network that they fit the anthropological definition of “fictive kin.” despite a lack of blood or legal ties, the expectation of sharing among mates can be as strong as that between other kin. conversion of a young man to islam can disrupt shared recreation time involving alcohol and pursuing women. yet, this interviewee reported that over 100 of his mates have embraced islam since 1990. this was unquestionably the most dramatic transition from disruption to adaptation. indeed, no matter how it is defined this family adapted to having not just a muslim, but to having a sizable muslim contingent. for three of my interviewees, more than five years after their conversion, the families showed no signs of adapting to the presence of a muslim member. one of these families is the most salient because the convert is known all over southern ghana – as is his story.11 his affluent uncle had paid for his secondary schooling and then sent him to a christian seminary school. this uncle had also found him a wife and facilitated his becoming the preacher for a well-to-do church community. then, the church procured a nice apartment for him in an exclusive neighborhood. it also gave him a business to run. focused on faith in christ as the only path to god, his preaching soon featured regular attacks against islam and muslims. as a result, he was invited to participate in public debates against muslim preachers in several southern cities and towns. at some debates he won christian converts, but at others the muslims gained converts. the 10th debate ended when my interviewee converted to islam. after such a dramatic conversion, his uncle led the family in rejecting him; the church reclaimed his flat and his business. the final blow was when his wife, who remains christian, divorced him. still able to draw a crowd because his story is well-known, this new mallam12 is now debating against christian preachers. however, his family-situation is difficult. he lives alone in a small apartment, and the only people he can call family are his fictive kinfolk in the muslim community. at the time of the interview, he was also struggling to gain custody of his son. his wife remained hostile to islam, but he wanted the boy to be raised as a muslim. four of the five cases in which conversion disrupted the family involved affluent or middle class families. the single case in which a poor family was disrupted was short lived, and it involved devotees of the traditional fante religion instead of christians. within less than a year, the poor family had adjusted to being inter-religious. meanwhile, in all 4 affluent cases, the family disruption lasted at least five years. one family transitioned to adjustment after 5 years, and even produced additional converts, but in three affluent families no transition has occurred. nearly all of these interviewees’ relatives stopped inviting them to family rituals. they also are unwilling to extend instrumental and expressive support. for one interviewee, though, his traditionalist grandmother and muslim aunt continue to maintain ties with him. if the rest of the family were to press the matter, this situation could fragment the family or totally isolate the muslim convert. overall, though, these three families have not been able to modify their identity and rituals to integrate a member who became muslim. conclusion this study found two kinds of akan family responses to muslim conversion: adaptation and disruption with transition from disruption to adaptation as a special combination of the two. adaptation was the typical response for these families. this 16 challenge usually meant that no family members resisted the conversion, and sometimes they even assisted it. it also meant that naming ceremonies, weddings, and funerals continued to be attended by family members of all faiths. non-muslim relatives could not substantively participate in muslim relatives’ rituals, but this compromise was accepted. both instrumental and expressive support continued to flow across religious lines within these families. if quantitative research should find this to be the typical response, then if muslim conversion continues there is hope for a peaceful religious pluralism in the future. this would mitigate the chances of religious violence erupting as an epiphenomenon of inter-ethnic and political tension. as mazrui (1994:123) concludes “on the whole, religion in sub-saharan africa is probably divisive mainly when it reinforces a pre-existing ethnic differentiation.” in ghana, the perceived confluence of religious and class differences may be a problem. disruption was concentrated among the affluent families, and lasted the longest among them. when disruption occurred among poorer families it was short-lived. the poorer families that were disrupted, and even one affluent family, transitioned to an adaptation response. this was facilitated by direct efforts to explain islam to family members who lacked knowledge of the faith, or as an unintended consequence of other actions. conversely, the notion that a religious status hierarchy in ghana would be relevant to conversion was not supported by this study. christian families did not seem to react to muslim conversions as a threat to family status. indeed, one christian mother told her son that he probably should become muslim because of his dreams. the man whose christian family said that he had “joined the wicked people” seems to be balanced by such a case. what undoubtedly remains a concern for western readers, though, is the converse scenario. that is, readers may wonder how muslim families respond to their children embracing christianity or some other faith. perhaps this is why mccarthy (2007) has suggested that members of interreligious families gain rare civic skills that religiously diverse societies need. this is especially relevant in places like southern ghana (or even the united states), where widespread muslim-christian interaction is a recent phenomenon, and where negative stereotypes about muslims abound (samwini 2006; weiss 2007). more than one african country has seen religious tension exacerbate social conflicts. ghanaians have an opportunity to avoid such problems. they can systematically observe successfully adapted inter-religious akan families, and then share the lessons gleaned with other ghanaians through television, film, music, and schools. indeed, the successes in ghana could help produce a model of peaceful coexistence for other countries whose religious demography is producing conflict. despite the challenges with some affluent families, the findings of this study primarily paint a positive picture of how akan families adjust to muslim conversion. however, the study limitations must be borne in mind. because they are based on qualitative data and a convenience sample, these findings cannot tell us anything about the prevalence of disruption and adaptation. only rigorous survey data collected from random samples can provide generalizable information on prevalence. also, this study is limited to male converts. a female interviewer was not available, and an un-related male cannot easily interview female muslims. yet, it is important king 17 to know if families react differently when females convert. like most societies, ghana is patriarchal. hence, males are generally allowed more autonomy than females are. the conversion of a female could be a greater challenge for families that have less tolerance for daughters acting independently. also, among the matrilineal akan groups, the children born to a female member of the family remain in the lineage. so, if female converts raise their children as muslims, the family can expect to have more muslims within one or two generations. such a possibility could raise special fears among akan people. finally, there is the issue of who reports on family behavior. muslim converts have their own subjective experience of their family’s responses. the non-muslim segments of these families might construct altogether narratives. future studies should address such shortcomings. notes 1. this research was facilitated by the morehouse pan-african global experience (mpage) during the summers of 2009 and 2010. i would also like to acknowledge my ghanaian collaborators: rilwan “ambassadar” adamu, fakiratu “fikira” adamuking, and issahaku suleiman. 2. see murata & chittick (1994) to understand how christians can also be muslim. 3. contact between muslims and traditionalist ruling families of the ancient sahelian states (e.g. ancient ghana, mali, songhai, and the hausa states) produced many conversions among the nobility. this is why muslim-ruled polities have a 1,000 year-old history in west africa (levztion 2000; wilks 2000). 4. historically immigrant populations are prominent among ghana’s muslims. the hausa are known to have immigrated from northern nigeria and niger in recent centuries, and their language is a kind of lingua-franca for many muslim communities in ghana. the fulani are a historically nomadic people with roots typically considered to be in the senegambia region. the wangara were originally traders coming from ancient mali, which is north and west of ghana. 5. especially relevant, here, is the extent to which children belong to their mother’s or father’s family. family belonging has ramifications for child naming, child care, schooling fees, marriage ceremonies, and more (billingsley 1968) 6. the three self-conscious and bureaucratically-organized muslim communities in ghana are the tijaniyya (originated in north africa but indigenized in west africa during the 1800s), wahhabiyya (originated in saudi arabia), and ahdmadiyya (originated in british-ruled india). a fourth group is neither self-conscious nor bureaucratically-organized, but can be called the suwarian community – named after the scholar whose interpretation of islam has facilitated muslim minorities to live peacefully in the forest belt and along the coast for centuries (wilks 2000). suwarians may be found among the oldest muslim communities around wa and gonja, as well as among the wangara of elmina and cape coast. the tijani are noted for interpreting islam in a way that is only slightly in conflict with traditional african culture and spiritual practices. like suwarians, they may use amulets to ward off evil, exorcize witches, organize elaborate funerals, and battle evil spirits. the wahhabis and ahmadis are noted for their near-wholesale rejection of traditional african culture and spirituality, which they tend to see as synonymous with idolatry or paganism (samwini 2006). 7. the hausa homeland is in northern nigeria and niger, but some hausa families 18 challenge have been in present day ghana for several centuries. samwini’s (2006) observations suggest that the hausa have probably been the single most influential ethnic group in the ghanaian tijani muslim community. my personal experiences in ghana suggest that hausa is a lingua-franca for many muslims in ghana, and that hausa culture has been quite influential among muslims, too. 8. three respondents insisted on being interviewed at the same time. so, some of the dynamics of a focus group may have affected their responses. however, their responses to my questions did not reveal any pattern of conformity. to the contrary, each of them told unique stories, even to the point of making statements like “well, it was not like that for me. here is what i experienced…” 9. talking about one’s own death is not seen in problematic terms for most observant muslims. it is rather a topic that one is encouraged to reflect upon frequently. this keeps one’s actions in this world contextualized in their meaning for the next world: paradise or punishment. 10. traditionally, a marriage in ghana can take months, or even years, as the groom and his family purchase and deliver traditional gifts to the bride’s family, and finally save up enough money to pay the bride-price. also, muslims have an additional payment that is called the mahr or bride-gift. unlike bride-price, which goes to the bride’s father, the islamic mahr goes only to the bride. 11. while other stories have been changed to maintain the anonymity of the interviewee, this man’s story is told and retold all over southern ghana. indeed, he asked that i tell his story to as many people as possible. he is trying to raise funds to support his continued preaching. 12. a titular honor given to muslims who are especially learned in the religion. references bari, osman. 2009. a comprehensive history of muslims and religion in ghana: vol ume 1. accra, ghana: dezine focus. billingsley, andrew. 1968. black families in white america. englewood cliffs, nj: prentice hall. curtis, edward. 2009. muslims in america: a short history. new york: oxford uni versity press. diouf, sylviane a. 1998. servants of allah. new york: new york university press. huntington, samuel p. 1996. the clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. new york: simon and schuster. hunwick, john o. 2006. west africa, islam, and the arab world. princeton, new jersey: marcus weiner publishers. levtzion, nehemia. 1994. islam in west africa. hampshire, great britain: variorum. levtzion, nehemia. 2000. “islam in the bilad al-sudan to 1800.” pp 63-91 in the his tory of islam in africa, edited by n. levtzion and r. pouwels. athens, ohio: ohio university press. mazrui, ali. a. 1994. “islamic doctrine and the politics of induced fertility change: an african perspective.” population and development review 20:121-134. mccarthy, kate. 2007. “pluralist family values: domestic strategies for living with religious difference.” annals of the american academy of political and so king 19 cial science 612:188-208. murata, sachiko and chittick, william c. 1994. the vision of islam. st paul, mn: paragon house. pew forum on religion & public life. 2010. “tolerance and tension: islam and chris tianity in sub-saharan africa.” retrieved september 15, 2010 (http://pew forum.org/uploadedfiles/topics/belief_and_practices/sub-saharan-africa-full report.pdf). robinson, david. 2006. muslim societies in african history. new york: cambridge university press. samwini, nathan. 2006. the muslim resurgence in ghana since 1950: its effects upon muslims and muslim-christian relations. berlin: lit verlag. triaud, jean-louis. 2000. “islam in africa under french colonial rule.” pp. 169-187 in the history of islam in africa, edited by n. levtzion and r. pouwels. ath ens, ohio: ohio university press. smith, jane, i. 2010. islam in america, 2nd edition. columbia contemporary american religion series. new york: columbia university press. weiss, holger. 2007. begging and almsgiving in ghana: muslim positions towards poverty and distress. research report no. 133. uppsala, sweden: nordiska afrikaininstitutet. westerlund, david and svanberg, ingvar. 1999. islam outside the arab world. rich mond, uk: curzon press. wilks, ivor. 2000. “the juula and the expansion of islam into the forest.” pp. 93-115 in the history of islam in africa, edited by n. levtzion and r. pouwels. ath ens, ohio: ohio university press. wilks, ivor. 1989. wa and the wala: islam and polity in northwestern ghana. new york: cambridge university press. 20 challenge family and religion in luba life: centrality, pervasiveness, change and continuity tshilemalema mukenge coins of hope foundation abstract the luba people who are the focus of this article live the eastern kasai province of the democratic republic of congo (drc). the luba established one of the great pre-colonial empires of the central congo savannah. it stretched from the eastern congo river to lake tanzania and northwest to the convergence of the lulua and kasai rivers.1 the family occupies a central place in the personal life of each luba man or woman and in the social, economic, and political organization of luba society. anthropological studies from as early as the 1950s have stressed the central position of the family in the social organization of african societies (radcliffe-brown and forde 1953). the purpose of this article is to review the principal elements of the organizational structure of luba society that convey power and importance to the luba family. luba people’s conception of the purpose and role of the family, of values and norms that inspire and regulate their behaviors as family members, as well as the actual changing forms of their familial behaviors across the time can inform us on these elements (van caeneghem 1956; mukenge 1967; 2002). calling on the author’s previous fieldwork among the luba and other early studies, this article examines, in anthropological and historical contexts, religion and worldview as pivotal in defining relationships between family and other social institutions. a list of selected references is included. the centrality of the family institution the family and the individual achievement requires strength, hard work and supernatural blessings. the family plays a key role in the luba philosophy of achievement. the family assumes the responsibility to instill the respect and the desire for these values into its members. the family is the principal agent of socialization. it provides the nurturing through childcare, protection against disease and evil doers, and care for the dying, all of which are necessary for building strength. hard work occupies an important place in the luba system of socialization. luba parents teach their children the spirit of achievement by involving them in achieving activities of adults, insistently exhorting them to achieve, and rewarding those who do achieve with praise. through a religion based in ancestral veneration, the family provides the potential achiever with supernatural assurance that encourages sustained action, and supernatural explanations that help them cope with failures. the importance of the family in the life of an individual also manifests itself in other ways. for example, the family confers legitimacy, social recognition, status, and acceptability. for instance, a child born outside of marriage did not have a welcome place in the family of either parent unless the child was legitimized by marriage after the birth. for this reason, a girl’s virginity before marriage was mandatory. if she became pregnant before marriage, both families exerted pressure on the boy to marry her. this marriage act would save her family from disgrace, but more importantly, it would give the unborn child a chance to be fully accepted into his corporate family group. please address all correspondence to tshilemalema mukenge: tlmukenge@aol.com mukenge 21 marriage stability is also emphasized in luba society. with legitimacy, it explains the importance placed on the faithfulness of the married woman. in traditional luba society, the unfaithful wife could be beaten to death, not only by her husband but also by his brothers and sisters. when her life was spared, she was either repudiated or forced to pay considerable fines to her in-laws for reinstatement and make a sacrificial offering to the husband’s ancestors. a man caught in adulterous action with a married woman could also be justifiably put to death. the family provides the individual with his identity and determines his rights and privileges in society. to identify himself to others, a luba person would give his name, his father’s name, and his grandfather’s name. he would also outline the lineages to which he belongs through his father. family membership entitles him to free use of the land that belongs to the lineage. although the importance of love in marriage is acknowledged, a luba person does not marry for love alone. he marries to establish a family with many children. and the children are not desired for selfish reasons, but as a contribution to the perpetuation and expansion of the patrilineage. marriage, the act by which families are formed, requires an agreement between the groom’s family and the bride’s family. when concluded, a marriage is not a contract between the two spouses but an alliance between their two families, expected to last even beyond the lives of the spouses. for most young men, marriage would be impossible without the family. marriage requires that the groom’s family pay a dowry (bridewealth) to the bride’s family. in luba villages, the amount of wealth required for marriage is generally too high for a young man to accumulate it by his own efforts. in most cases, he has to rely on the wealth of his father, other close relatives, or the bridewealth that his sisters and female cousins will bring in when they marry. because of this practice, young boys are spared the anxiety of growing up wondering how they will obtain the necessary bridewealth for their marriages. because of established rules of assigning the bridewealth from the marriages of female relatives, each boy knows, long before the age of majority, which female relative will bring in, through marriage, the bridewealth that will enable him to marry a wife. the traditional family took care of its members through marriage in two additional ways: the levirate and the sororate. in levirate, a man marries the widow of a deceased brother. in sororate, a man marries the sister of his deceased wife. through these practices, the marriage is preserved with a substitute wife or husband. in either case, the children of the deceased continue to have two parents. in addition to the fact that in levirate or sororate one of the biological parents continues to live with them, luba children are raised in such a way that the loss of a parent does not become a major disruption in their lives. indeed, during their parents’ lifetime, children are raised as sons and daughters of many fathers and mothers. in luba villages, daily meals are shared with children and adults from other families, mutual visits are frequent among relatives who live in distant locations, and fostering is practiced without formalities or protocol. family, religion and ecology the luba are patrilineal, that is, they trace descent, inherit property, and obtain citizenship through the father’s line. they practice patrilocality as well. generally, when a man marries, he and his wife settle among the members of his paternal lineage. be22 challenge cause of patrilineal descent and patrilocal residence, the luba family venerates the ancestors of the husband. three spirits venerated are those of a man’s paternal grandfather, his paternal grandmother, and his father. the shrines that house the two male spirits are placed on the east side of the senior wife’s house. the tree that symbolizes the dwelling of the female spirit is situated on the west side of her house. the presence of these spiritual forces transforms the senior wife’s house into a powerful location. where tradition is maintained in luba society, the senior wife’s house faces south. the major rivers in the area run south to north. as rivers are reputed to carry scourges, the upstream orientation of this spiritually powerful house constitutes a strategic placement for protection of the community’s welfare. family, economy and religion the luba are primarily agriculturalists. production is organized through the nuclear family household, whether monogamous or polygamous. husbands, wives, and children have their own fields. the products of their fields belong to them collectively under the supervision of the husband-father. unlike production, consumption always involves the larger community. consumers include members of the extended family, particularly the man’s patrilineal family because of the rules of patrilineal descent and patrilocal residence. a luba expression describing this practice can be translated as, “food is cultivated by one, but consumed by many.” corn (maize) is the main food crop in lubaland. the first corn harvest of the season is offered to the ancestral spirits and everyone present shares a meal. corn represents the subsistence phase of agricultural production. but the luba do not work in their fields for subsistence alone. they also work to accumulate wealth. they invest proceeds from produce sales to buy livestock, usually chickens and goats. they use some profits from produce and livestock sales to pay dowries for themselves and their relatives. at each step in the wealth accumulation process, the individual is expected to offer his first earnings to the elder who represents the ancestors. in the case of acquiring a first wife, this offering is symbolic. the representative of the ancestral spirits receives the wife as a present, performs a ritual blessing and returns her to the husband. through this practice, the representative of the ancestors metaphorically carries out his duty as the elder to acquire a wife for his junior relatives. the family and the political system given the importance attached to the family, all the founders of luba chiefdoms are typically portrayed as family men who immigrated to the area with their wives, children, and a few followers, mostly close relatives. even the evolution of the chiefdoms after the arrival of the immigrants is simply a collection of family histories. luba chiefdoms are subdivided into political segments that oral tradition traces to conflicts between the founders’ children over their fathers’ power and wealth. the various political segments comprising the chiefdom are assigned political functions based on whether the members of the segment descended from the founder’s senior wife or from his other wives. for example, only members of the segment descending from the senior wife are traditionally allowed to contend for the office of paramount chief. and when they do, they must receive investiture from authorized descendants of the founder’s other wives to be accepted as legitimate leaders. segments of the chiefdom are subdivided along family lines into smaller units mukenge 23 that are populated by individual families descended from the founders. their members have free access to the land by virtue of their family membership. even among those who are eligible for the office of paramount chief by their descent, only family men can become chiefs. the luba cannot conceive of a chief without a family. only a strong man can compete for political office. a strong man is a family man first and a wealthy man second. moreover, the resources necessary to obtain the chief’s position is much more than one individual, however wealthy, can take on alone. the cooperation and material support of other family members is indispensable. thus, access to the chieftaincy is also a family strategy. the triple role of religion enabling religion plays three major roles in the life of practitioners: enabling, integrating, and sublimating. the domain of religion includes beliefs in the existence of invisible supernatural forces whose powers make things happen within the human communities. the universe and all that exists in it were created and sustained by the supreme being (mvidi mukulu), who is the ultimate source of all blessings that human beings enjoy on earth, including health, family, wealth, and power. at creation, god placed a bit of his divine essence in every individual, the principle of life. at death, the principle of life becomes a pure spirit, freed from the limitations of the human body. thereafter, the principle of life recovers a stronger level of the vital force placed in it by god at creation. pure spirits therefore occupy an intermediate position between the supreme god who possesses the highest level of divine power and human beings who possess the lowest level of divine power. one special category of pure spirits is that of ancestors. given the greater portions of god’s power invested in them, ancestors are closer to god than their living descendants are. also, as family members and past human beings, the ancestors continue to be involved in the daily life of their earthly relatives. because of this privileged position of being closer to god yet still involved in the affairs of the living, the ancestors are the immediate providers of blessings for the members of their terrestrial family. the ancestors expect to be recognized by the recipients of these blessings, and they punish the disobedient and greedy ones who refuse to share with relatives. the luba value legitimate children and wealth acquired through one’s own hard work. the greatest blessings they attribute to the ancestral spirits are the capacity to procreate and to work. having many children, acquiring wealth through one’s own efforts or the work of a son, and the marriage of a daughter are major occasions for sacrificing to the ancestral spirits. failure to do so can be punished by the ancestral spirits with sterility, miscarriages, unsuccessful harvests and hunts, illness, and inability to work or to find a job. integrating luba religious beliefs and ancestral veneration rituals foster cohesion among the members of the extended family. in luba worldview, human life begins as an act of solidarity among several past, present, and future generations of the extended family. for example, a baby’s conception may have been enabled by offerings made by the grandfather to the spirit of his own grandfather. many other acts of solidarity are exhib24 challenge ited in the handling of wealth and the sharing of sacrificial meals. handling wealth. the ancestors obligate those who become prosperous to share their possessions with them through the elders who represent them among the living. each time a person brings in a present, the recipient elder welcomes him and accepts the gift. he introduces the donor to the ancestral spirits and offers sacrifices for the blessing of the donor’s family and all his undertakings. encouraged by these acts, the donor will pursue his productive activities, confident in the future and determined to succeed. the ancestors have also provided mechanisms for some obligations to be fulfilled symbolically, as in the case of the obligation to transfer the first wife to the elder representing the ancestors. instead of an actual marriage, the elder symbolically accepts the wife, offers sacrifices to the ancestral spirits, and returns her to her husband. to prevent exploitative accumulation of wealth by the beneficiary of bridewealth tributes by ancestral right, the ancestors obligate him to transfer wealth from his own work to another, and becoming the beneficiary of a bridewealth creates an obligation to reciprocate. the normal use of bridewealth is to obtain a wife for a family member. the ancestral norm obligates a man whose bridewealth is paid by anyone other than his own father to reciprocate with the bridewealth that comes to him from his first daughter’s marriage. sharing sacred meals. whenever a sacrifice is made to a particular spirit, it is assumed that the spirit will share the feast with other spirits of his kind, say other male spirits or the spirits of other paternal grandmothers. the luba believe that these spirits actually partake of the meal mystically. similarly, the person who offers sacrifices to the ancestral spirits will always invite his others to participate in the meal. actually, sacred meals are occasions for communion by members of a group even larger than the extended family. in terms of ancestral rights and obligations, a man’s extended family includes his paternal grandfather and all his descendants all way down to the man’s own grandchildren and those of his siblings and cousins. however, when a man makes sacrifices of roosters to his ancestors, he invites to the feast not only those present from among the members of his extended family, but also representatives from certain families with which he shares common ancestry at a higher level. when he sacrifices a goat, he invites representatives from families with which he is united in a broader context. women and children consume sacrificial meals prepared in honor of the spirit of the paternal grandmother. in some lineages, all wives and children are authorized to take part in the feast. in others, only the senior wives and their children are. ranking as in other religions, ancestral veneration is a reflection of society in many respects. the luba society is organized based on descent. the extended family supersedes the nuclear family. seniority is the major criterion for ordering relationships among relatives. the ancestral spirits occupy a position of preeminence as senior members of the extended family. ancestral veneration is an extension of the respect that every luba person owes his or her elders. in other words, ancestral veneration is the elevation of family eldership to a supernatural, divine, rank. the luba value procreation. desirable procreation takes place in marriage. only through marriage can procreation contribute to the expansion and perpetuation of the lineage. luba ancestors protect marriage and legitimate procreation by prohibiting mukenge 25 the infidelity of the wife, by forbidding the man to house his legitimate wife, especially the senior wife, in a home he has reviled with extra-marital relations, or to return to her wife the same day he has had sexual intercourse with another woman. the luba practice polygamy. because of the rule of seniority, the first wife occupies a position of preeminence in respect to her co-wives. ancestral veneration reinforces the preeminence of the senior wife by making her house their headquarters. the shrines for the male ancestors and the tree symbolizing the principal female ancestor are located in her courtyard. she is the only one whose children replace the father in receiving the tributes owed him by his children for their power to work and to procreate. marriage stability is a high value among the luba. when there are serious disputes between spouses, relatives of both sides intervene as counselors in order to prevent divorce. divorce is only easily accepted in case of adultery (of the wife) and witchcraft. luba ancestors do not prohibit divorce, repudiation, or abandonment of wife or husband. a man who wants to bring back a repudiated wife must first verbally express his apologies to the ancestral spirits in front of the shrines and pay fines by sacrificing a rooster to them. likewise, a woman who disrupts the marriage bond by running away cannot reenter the conjugal house without primarily apologizing to the principal female ancestor for her misconduct and paying appropriate fines. from the preceding discussion, we observe that luba religion is above all a family religion. the spirits (ancestors), the ministers (elders, senior wives), and the congregation (junior relatives, junior wives, children) are all members of the same family community, notably, the paternal extended family. the matters of faith (belief in the ancestral spirits’ power to grant life or to take life from their descendants) and morality (obligation to share one’s wealth with one’s relatives) are family virtues and good family relations. so are the notions of divine blessing (having many successful relatives, many faithful and fertile wives, and many healthy and prosperous children) and eternal life (going to live with the ancestors in the world of spirits). the sanctions for violating religious precepts (sterility, miscarriages, and infant mortality) and the reparations required (reconciliation) are also embedded in family life. the occasions for offering sacrifices to the spirits (marriage of the first wife, birth of a child, the release of a relative from prison, the presentation of wives and children to the guardian spirit), are familial events. it thus appears that ancestral veneration is a sublimation of, as well as an instrument for the preservation ad integration of the extended family. change and continuity luba culture is not what most luba people would like it to be. the social fabric of luba society has been disrupted in many ways by the colonial administration (18851960), the south kasai government (1960-1965), the mobutu regime (1965-1997), and the ongoing political anarchy (1997-present). other changes came about gradually as people adapted their behaviors to the changing situations and several customs became obsolete. nevertheless, the luba still hold on to old ways in many respects. structural disruptions changes in the social fabric are among the most disruptive. before colonization, luba country was divided into autonomous chiefdoms of various sizes. colonization put an end to their autonomy by subjecting the customary chief to the authority of 26 challenge colonial agents, by setting new rules for gaining access to and staying in the position of chief, and by superimposing new administrative structures on those already in place. to various degrees, the chiefdoms lost part of their major sources of power, that is, control over the land. the colonial administration expropriated indigenous lands for the benefit of european companies, christian missionary organizations, and the colonial administration itself. in connivance with colonial companies, the colonial administration also imposed new land uses designed to benefit the european colonizers at the expense of the indigenous populations. this was the case with the cultivation of certain crops, particularly cotton, and a new land tenure system called paysannat. the end of the colonial rule in the congo (1960) is perhaps most remembered for the bloody conflicts in many regions of the country. the luba were victims of these conflicts in parts of the kasai province and in the katanga province. forced to seek refuge in their own homeland, but refusing to give up their leadership status, some luba leaders from the troubled areas established autonomous villages, thereby undermining even further the authority of some customary chiefs. going even further, kalonji albert, the architect of the autonomous south kasai state (1960-1963), proclaimed himself mulopwe, chief of chiefs, an imposition the luba people of kasai had never experienced. his attempts to legitimize himself by arranging a post-factum investiture by customary chiefs still violated the traditional rules and procedures of power transfer. in the traditional system, the authority to hand over power to any candidate was the prerogative of certain notables, particularly the ntite, rather than chiefs. kalonji appointed customary chiefs to head his newly created administrative entities, arrondissements and communes, thereby creating inequality among the chiefs by assigning some chiefs to higher functions than others. this policy also impinged upon the preexisting hierarchies by elevating some sub-chiefs to functions similar to those assigned to their paramount chief. the advent of the mobutu regime in 1965 undermined the traditional structures further. mobutu’s regime was so centralized that even customary chiefdoms came to be controlled from the central government in kinshasa, the capital. locally, customary chiefdoms were administered by appointed officials. some chiefdoms were organized into administrative entities headed by customary chiefs who were recognized and installed by government officials. others were regrouped into territorial units headed by elected officials also recognized and invested by government representatives. today, chiefdoms constitute administrative entities called groupements and headed by customary chiefs without any particular administrative function. their position is primarily ceremonial. gradual change as time went on, the luba adopted new behavior patterns in response to new situations. highly motivated to achieve but confronted by resource limitations in their homeland, the luba learned very early to migrate to other lands in search of better opportunities. agriculture is everyone’s pursuit in lubaland, but arable land is limited. as the population increased and the prospects for achieving higher status through farming decreased, many people moved farther away onto the lands of neighboring ethnic groups, notably, the kanyok, the kete, the luntu, and the lulua. thus, luba villages were established in these lands far before the era of colonial exploration in kasai, the mukenge 27 1870s. further luba migrations to other territories occurred in response to the demands of the colonial administration. luba territory was an important reservoir of manpower for colonial recruiters. through this recruitment, the luba participated in the opening of administrative stations, missions, and military camps. they contributed to the building of the irebu-katanga-dilolo railroad. when colonial mining companies needed miners in katanga (union minière), in lubaland itself (minière de bakwanga), and in other parts of kasai (forminière, cikapa), luba workers were brought in along with recruits from other regions. the luba unreservedly embraced these colonial innovations. before long, they voluntarily migrated to other colonial towns, as the luba perceived in them opportunities for social mobility through wage labor and education. in luba villages, the populations welcomed the new methods of cultivation introduced by the colonial administration when these methods proved more profitable than the traditional ones. the luba spirit of achievement includes the ambition to exercise political power. the colonial regime was an obstruction to this ambition. its interference with traditional rules for ascending to the position of chief forced some candidates, previously powerful, into exile where they had to accept reduced power. when the idea of the congo becoming politically independent came about, the luba embraced it enthusiastically. at the dawn of independence, faced with rejection by their fellow countrymen almost everywhere, the luba created their own state from the ground up. when the congo reunited from the splits of the early 1960s, the luba fought to gain the status of province for their former state. when the new province was enlarged to include neighboring regions belonging to different ethnic groups, the luba fought to keep the provincial capital in their own territory. cultural obsolescence some luba customs have phased out with the passage of time. in the betrothal system, parents no longer give their daughters to grooms before at least a substantial part of the bridewealth has been paid. the nature of the goods used in the bridewealth has changed as well. the necklaces and the cowrie shells (once used as currency) had already disappeared by the 1950s. today, even the goats are rarely used for payment. likewise, the belief that the achiever should pay his elder his first returns from chicken and goat farming is now subject to reinterpretation. a gift from one’s work suffices to meet the obligation. nowadays, husbands separate from their wives away and bring them back in reconciliation without paying any fines to the ancestors. likewise, wives return to husbands they have deserted without paying fines to the family guardian spirit for having disrupted the conjugal bond. cultural continuity the luba culture has changed in many respects but it has also remained the same in many others. bukola, the ability to realize great things throughout one’s life through hard work, continues to dominate in the luba conception healthy living. today, as in the past, the luba separate possessions from achievement. for instance, wealth from inheritance or from a gift brings glory to the benefactor who created it rather than to the beneficiary who exhibits it. at the consecration of an achiever the sources of his accomplishments are meticulously examined to make sure that he actually owes his success to his own hard work rather than somebody else’s. the luba have embraced 28 challenge wage labor wherever they have had a chance to do so. however, agriculture remains in high esteem in luba villages where yields are judged high enough to justify the effort. extension agents are amazed by the enthusiasm among luba farmers for successful experiments with new crop varieties. the ancestral lands are still the object of emotional attachment. individuals claim membership in their villages of origin even if they have never lived there. family and lineage building still stand out as the most culturally valued contribution one can make to the community. for a luba man, marrying a luba woman and having many children remains the ideal. since they came to the kasai in the latter part of the 19th century, christian missionaries have fought to impose monogamy. for the luba, polygamy is still a morally normal form of marriage, although no longer widely practiced as before. missionaries introduced christian marriage; the colonial administration authorized the official (civil) marriage; but the luba, baptized or not, still hold on to traditional marriages that involve the payment of the bridewealth by the groom’s family to the bride’s family. actually, traditional marriage is a prerequisite for christian or civil marriage. one has to prove that the bridewealth has been taken care of in order to obtain permission to proceed with the christian or civil marriage. in spite encroachments by the colonial administration and the post-colonial governments of the congo, the luba continue to fight for the position of the customary chiefdoms. many still evoke the traditional criteria as the only legitimate form of access to the chieftaincy. among other things, only members of lineages that descend from the chiefdom founder and his senior wife can legitimately compete for the chief’s position. the birth order of the founder’s sons, through whom descent is traced, is still used to establish rights to rule. old forms of supernatural beliefs persist as well. chickens and goats are still the only animals acceptable in rituals. herbalists and shamans continue to be called upon to heal the sick, especially those suffering from diseases for which modern medicine has no cure. diviners, sometimes called by honorific modern professional titles such as “doctor,” are regularly consulted by for help with their personal problems or those of their loved ones. double allegiance when given a chance or when forced to, and depending on the circumstances, people have combined new ways of doing things with old ones. for instance, today in the congo, people marry by the payment of the bridewealth, the performance of christian ceremonies, and including the spouse’s name on official documents as required by law. sometimes they have moved between the two realms to various degrees. some have striven to excel in agriculture in the countryside, moved to the city seeking to excel in paid jobs, and returned to agriculture in the village when success in urban centers appeared problematic. they have venerated the ancestral spirits secretly, while attending a catholic mass, a protestant service, or a community prayer group, which is the most recent novelty. when they could afford it, they have sought the services of herbalists or shamans as well as those of trained medical professionals. the belief in witchcraft seems to have increased. the evangelical pastor is now the seer who discovers the witch during trance and removes the witchcraft from the victim by performing exorcism. more people than before pursue opportunities for social mobility in entrepreneurship, professions and in all fields and at all levels of labor market, but have not given up on commukenge 29 peting for political office in the traditional system. today, as in the past, stories are still being told about bloody fights for the position among rival chiefdom segments. and, as a relatively recent case suggests, ambitions for the office of traditional chief is not confined to people who lived all their lives in their native homeland or those without any other avenue for socio-economic mobility. a case in point is that of a university professor and lawyer who gave up his professions and abandoned his wife and children to go back to his village for a lengthy competition for the position of chief of his home chiefdom. these incidents speak to the nature of culture in human history. the luba empire* *retrieved june 12, 2011 from http://media-2.web.britannica.com/eb-media/85/77385004-d9b3790e.gif. 18 the luba empire 2 references bamuinikile, mudiasa. 1975. le bukole et son impact sur la société luba. lubumbashi, mémoire de licence, université nationale du zaïre, kinshasa. ben-jochannan. 1991. african origin of the major western religions. baltimore: black classic press. collins, robert o., ed. 1994. problems in african history: the pre-colonial centuries. new york: marcus wiener publishing, inc. 2 retrieved june 12, 2011 from http://media-2.web.britannica.com/eb-media/85/77385-004-d9b3790e.gif. 30 challenge end note 1. the lubilanji (sankuru) is the largest of four major rivers crossing luba territory, hence their designation luba lubilanji, which distinguishes them from other luba groups who live in kasai (luba kanyok, luba songye, luba luntu, and luba luluwa) and in katanga (luba hemba, luba lolo and luba kalundwe or luba of mutombo mukulu). all these groups claim descent from the luba empire of the 16th to the 19th centuries. see the map at the end of the article. references bamuinikile, mudiasa. 1975. le bukole et son impact sur la société luba. lubumbashi, mémoire de licence, université nationale du zaïre, kinshasa. ben-jochannan. 1991. african origin of the major western religions. baltimore: black classic press. collins, robert o., ed. 1994. problems in african history: the pre-colonial centuries. new york: marcus wiener publishing, inc. david, rosalie. 2002. religion and magic in ancient egypt. london: penguin books. ejizu, christopher i. n.d. “african traditional religions and the promotion of commu nity-living in africa. retrieved june 16, 2012 (http://afrikaworld.net/afrel/ community.htm). faik-nzuji, clementine. 1967. essai de méthodologie pour l’étude des proverbes luba du kasaï. mémoire de licence, école normale moyenne du sacré-cœur, kinshasa. frobenius, leo. 1983. mythes et contes populaires des riverains du kasaï. bonn: inter nationes. translated by claude murat. wiesbaden: f. steiner. fu-kiau, kimbwandènde kia bunseki. 2001. african cosmology of the bântu-kongo: principles of life and living. brooklyn, ny: athelia henrietta press. fu-kiau, kimbwandènde kia bunseki. 1991. self-healing power and therapy: old teaching from africa. new york: vantage press. kopytoff, igor. 2008. “ancestors as elders in africa.” retrieved november 1, 2008 (http://lucy.ukc.ac.uk/era/ancestors/kopytoff.html). mbiti, john. n.d. “general manifestations of african religiosity. an exploratory paper at the first meeting of the standing committee on the contributions of africa to the religious heritage of the world.” retrieved august 8, 2007 (http://afri kaworld.net/afrel/mbiti.htm). mukenge, léonard. 1967. “croyances religieuses et structures socio-familiales en so ciété luba bwena muntu, bakishi, milambu.” cahiers économiques et so ciaux 1:3-95. kinshasa: institut de recherches économiques et sociales (ires). mukenge, tshilemalema. 2002. culture and customs of the congo. westport, ct: greenwood press. olupona, jacob k., ed. 1991. african traditional religion in contemporary society. st. paul, mn: paragon house. olupona, jacob k., ed. 2000. african spirituality: forms, meanings, and expressions. new york: the crossroads publishing company. radcliffe-brown, a. r. and d. forde. 1953. systèmes familiaux et matrimoniaux en afrique. paris: presses universitaires de france. mukenge 31 ray, benjamin c. 2000. african religions: symbol, ritual, and continuity. 2nd edition. upper saddle river, nj: prentice hall. reefe, thomas q. 1981. the rainbow and the kings. berkeley: university of california press. rooke, andrew. 1980. “reincarnation in african traditional religion”. sun rise mag azine, november 1980. retrieved october 13, 2009 (http://www.theosophy nw.org/theosnw/world/africa/af-rook2.htm). skinner, elliott p., ed. 1973. peoples and cultures of africa. garden city, ny: double day/natural history press. tempels, placide, r. p. 1965. la philosophie bantoue. paris: présence africaine. turaki, yusufu. 2000. “africa traditional religious system as basis of understanding christian spiritual warfare,” retrieved january 13, 2011 (http://www.laus anne.org/nairobi-2000/west-african-case-study.html). van caeneghem, r. 1956. la notion de dieu chez les baluba du kasaï. bruxelles: aca démie royale des sciences d’outre-mer. vansina, jan. 1966. kingdoms of the savanna. madison: the university of wisconsin press. visonà, monica blackmun, robin poynor, herbert m. cole, michael d. harris, and rowland abiodun. 2001. a history of art in africa. new york: prentice hall 32 challenge organizational membership and business success: the importance of networking and moving beyond homophily colbert rhodes the university of texas, permian basin john sibley butler the university of texas, austin abstract the homophily principle is that similarity breeds connection and affects the structure of personal networks in all kinds of social structures. the result is that networks become very homogeneous. the “birds of a feather flock together” limit social worlds because they restrict the movement of information received by people, the attitudes they form, and the interactions in which they engage. research has shown that homophily is strongest in race and ethnic interactions, followed by divides in age, religion and gender. this paper examines organizational membership, business networking and homophily among entrepreneurs engaged in classic enterprises such as retail and service industries. the search for information and resources to improve entrepreneurial enterprises is a major task of the self-employed. using a sample of black entrepreneurs, this work examines the impact of networking outside of the structure of homophily. we ask if this networking is perceived as improving the overall operation of the business. we examine the characteristics of entrepreneurs and how these characteristics affect the decisions to move outside of familiar homophily networks. granovetter’s network theory of strong/ weak ties is used to describe the process of networking in both types of voluntary organizations. homophily, which captures networks among people who are similar along a certain dimension, has added significantly to our understanding of why and how “birds of a feather flock together” (mcpherson, miller and smith-lovin 1982 1986; woodard 1988) and influence social structure. this literature is expansive, and can be divided into scholars concerned with status homophily and value homophily (lazarsfeld and merton 1954). our work falls into the value homophily, since we are concerned with how breaking “sameness” networks leads to better value creation for firms. this is measured by their membership in a black or white voluntary organization and the networking opportunities that emerge from their choice of affiliation. entrepreneurs who own classical enterprises, such as retail and personal services, experience many competitive challenges. research has shown that when race is a variable, black entrepreneurs choose to network in non-black voluntary organizations to acquire support, contacts, useful information and credibility (ostgaard and bach 1996), and to find out about new products and when to enlarge a market (falemo 1989). networks are organized systems of relationships that can be defined as a specific kind of relationship that links sets of persons, objects or events (nelson 1988; szarka 1990). most network research has been conducted on large owner manager manufacturing firms (golden and dollinger 1993; human and provan 1997) which conduct business in local and regional markets. little research has been conducted on networking by small rhodes 33 please address all correspondence to john.butler@mccombs.utexas.edu entrepreneurial firms in rural and low population urban areas, who sell a large variety of products in more varied markets and rely on primary groups and close personal ties, or homophily, for information and resources. research has shown the importance of homophily on the structure of founding entrepreneurial teams; it has its greatest impact on the composition of the group (ruef, aldrich and carter 2003). an entrepreneur may be defined as an individual who, when he/she sees an opportunity will manage risks to establish and maintain a business (bygrave and hofer 1991). although the findings have implications for all entrepreneurs, a black sample allows us to draw on the rich literature that stresses issues of homophily within the context of ethnic enterprises. this literature examines interaction between defined “ethnic” firms and organizations of the larger society. a voluntary organization is defined as a formal organization irrespective of size in which membership is optional (mcpherson, miller and smith-lovin 1982; 1986; woodard 1988). these organizations are classified by purpose into instrumental or task oriented, and expressive or social oriented. the purpose of this paper is to develop conceptual characteristic frameworks that are associated with a black entrepreneur’s membership in a black or non-black voluntary organization and how the ethnicity of voluntary organizational membership influences the type of social and business networking. theoretical considerations the entrepreneurship literature has many examples, or cases, of the importance of “birds of a feather” flocking together, or homophily. for example, research on ethnic enclaves shows how people with the same nationality produce enclaves where interdependency among a broad range of businesses satisfies their mutual needs and furthers coordination and cooperation to reduce competition. this enclave effect has been prominent in america, where immigration has been one of the defining elements of the country (butler 1991; butler and wilson 1988; greene 1997; portes and bach 1985; rhodes and butler 2004). many enclave communities are often at the pre-enclave stage where there is not a broad representation of businesses for interdependency among firms to occur. these communities have sub-economies that range in their development between enclave and pre-enclave economies (butler and wilson 1988). despite the stage of development, there are protected market advantages based on ethnic loyalty that produces a captive market for labor and customers, facilitates ease of communication, encourages financial networking and creates trust in business dealings (light and rosenstein 1995). an entrepreneur may have dense strong expressive tie networks composed of immediate family, relatives, and friends who share known information. there are also extended, less dense networks, with indirect weak ties to other aggregations and individuals in distant areas of a social system where new information is available (dubini and aldrich 1991; granovetter 1973; 1983; light and rosenstein 1995). membership in non-ethnic voluntary organizations may lead to instrumental weak tie contacts and new resources; membership in ethnic voluntary organizations may lead to both instrumental tie contacts and expressive strong tie contacts. the latter is more likely to provide access to widely known resources (lin, ensel and vaughn 1981; marsden 1988; mcpherson, miller and smith-lovin,1986). 34 challenge a debate exists over when strong and weak ties offer network advantages or disadvantages. lin et al (1981) argued that since weak ties may link individuals to persons of higher social status, they could provide more and varied resources to individuals of lower social status. other researchers contend that weak ties are not as effective for persons in vulnerable positions or those of lower socioeconomic status in society (burt 1992; granovetter 1983; ibarra 1993). both burt(1992) and ibarra (1993) have pointed out the advantage of weak ties may not apply to minorities networking in non-ethnic voluntary organizations because bias may limit the instrumental value of bridging ties to other parts of the social system that are linked to more densely connected individuals in the network. other researchers found business owners who had strong tie networks with fewer diverse secondary networks had higher performing businesses than those in less dense weak tie networks with access to diverse information (larson 1990; ostgaard and bach 1996). educational attainment of an entrepreneur affects network structure. better educated entrepreneurs look outside their immediate environment to seek a broader set of network relationships from which to acquire information and resources (aldrich, reese and dubini 1989; donckels and lambrecht 1997); diversity of networks are associated with greater profitability (ostgaard 1996). blacks who have more education and higher status occupations are more likely to join voluntary organizations than their co-racialists of lower ses status (woodard 1988). in addition, the more educated are even more likely to join non-black organizations. through investing in interpersonal relationships with family and friends, a person acquires social capital (coleman 1988) that may be tapped when assistance is needed. the provision of advice and help to an individual indicates prior exchange relationships that create network resources (hofferth and iceland 1998). ethnic entrepreneurs, as do those from the majority group, acquire social capital in the employment of family members, friends and co-ethnics as paid, low paid or unpaid employees whose involvement is influenced by the degree of mutual solidarity among family and community members ( butler and greene 1997; greene and butler 1996). american entrepreneurs of chinese (zhou 1992), cuban (portes and bach 1985), korean (min 1988), pakistani/ ismaili ( greene 1997) and japanese (levine and rhodes 1981) ancestry rely on the employment of family and co-ethnics, or homophily, who make long term contributions to the development of their businesses (upton and heck 1997). the employment of relatives is often a necessity when discrimination reduces job opportunities outside the ethnic community (levine and rhodes 1981). entrepreneurs in the homophily tradition , which gives less emphasis to financial success, maybe more involved in the life and organizations of their community and are more concerned about contributing to the welfare of the community (chaganti and greene 2002). cummings (1999) shows that entrepreneurs who conducted their business outside of the black community were consistently more successful than blacks who limited their business solely to members of the black community. the customer base of entrepreneurs, in the tradition of homophily, is influenced by their decision of whether to immerse themselves primarily into their community and its organizations or to integrate into the dominant society. immersion into the culture and institutions of the ethnic community provides ethnic resources and loyalty (greene rhodes 35 1997) and the trust of co-ethnic customers based on shared experiences (fukuyama 1995). the protected market theory states that racial communities create ethnic solidarity and ethnic social networks (cummings 1999; light and rosenstein 1995) that encourages an ethnic entrepreneur to fulfill the special needs of their co-ethnic customers. in contrast dyer and ross (2000) found black entrepreneurs operating in a homophily tradition had an ambivalent attitude toward co-ethnic customers. this is because they perceived those who, on the one hand provided the benefit of ethnic loyalty and, on the other the drawback of expected preferential treatment. when upwardly mobile immigrants, as self-employed japanese, became more culturally integrated in american society they were more likely to attract white customers and to improve business performance by joining mixed ethnic organizations (woodrum, rhodes and feagan 1980). the type of business strategy employed influences the kinds of scanning behavior entrepreneurs use to make contacts. a marketing strategy that emphasizes service to the customer requires an external focus by acquiring information on customer needs (kohli and jaworski 1990; pineda, lerner, miller and phillips 1998; slater and narver 1994). the type of information sought and most frequently found come from person-toperson networking (brush 1992) through individuals affiliated with different organizations (falemo 1989). we bring this literature to bear on our modeling of homophily entrepreneurship, including fund raising, resources from governmental agencies, customer generation outside of the homophily group, and paid or non-paid employers. methods sample the respondents are black american small business owners living in texas. they were initially selected from lists of entrepreneurs recorded with the black chambers of commerce. eighty percent of the sample of 133 respondents was collected from two neighboring cities forming a total metropolitan area population of 237,132 (u.s. census bureau 2002). in city 1 the total population is 121,123, with a black population of 5,593, that represents 4.6 percent of the population of the city and 45 percent of the total black sample. in city 2, the total population is 116,009, of which the black population number is 8,101 or 7 percent. this represents 35 percent of the sample. four percent of the sample came from a city of 242,628 with a black population of 18,602 or 7.6 percent of the population of the city. the remaining 16 percent came from small rural communities of 25,000 or less, where the black population was less than 1 percent. in cities 1, 2, and 3, the black business was located primarily in areas with large black populations where most of the customers were black with a geographically adjacent hispanic population. in the rural communities of 25,000 or less, the small black population did not form a community. they were dispersed in different sections of the towns where black entrepreneurs did business with a variety of ethnic groups. the samples were drawn from numerically and proportionally small black populations that do not represent the overall percentage of the u.s. black population seen in urbanized areas and in the emerging black high tech and manufacturing industries in large cities. the businesses in the sample represent the traditional lines of retailing and personal service businesses. the demographic characteristics of the sample included 62 percent males and 36 challenge 38 percent females, marital status, 65 percent married and 35 percent single, and a mean education level of 13.7 years. instrument a self-administered survey was distributed to the respondents. the survey consisted of 80 questions that included multiple indicators of concepts ranging from family background and socialization to business ownership, organizational affiliation, and involvement. the survey also measured motivation for going into business, personality characteristics, community, and family support for business activity, prior entrepreneurial experiences of respondents, and those of family members. factors associated with successful business operation, strategies used in business and subjective perceptions of business performance were included. dependent variables there are two indicators of networking through voluntary organization membership based on the ethnicity of the organization. the first indicator reads, “do you currently belong to any organizations that are predominately composed of members who are african american?” the response categories were yes and no with 51 percent answering yes and 49 percent answering no and 9 no responses. the second indicator of networking through voluntary organizations reads, “do you currently belong to any predominately non-african american organizations? since all the non-african american organizations were white, we will hereafter refer to them as white voluntary organizations. the respondent categories were yes and no with 35 percent answering yes and 65 percent answering no and 20 no responses. independent variables statistical analyses were performed on the relationship between all the measures in the survey with the organizational affiliation measures. among the statistically significant measures used in the analysis, the following concepts and their indicators predicted variations in one or both of the dependent variables. an item that reads, “how many years of schooling have you received?” measured level of educational attainment. the response was number of years of education. one relative assistance measure reads, “do any of your relatives assist you in cooking and/or doing housework?” “yes” and “no” were the response categories. another relative assistance measure reads, “do any of your relatives work in the family business as paid employees?” the response categories were yes and no. the following three questions have response categories of much help, some help, and no help. “any help you may have received from immediate family members?” “any help you received from friends that are a member of your ethnic group?” “any help from government programs in the united states?” “thinking of your customers, in general, about what percent of your customers fit into the following groups?” the response categories are african american, caucasian, mexican american, asian, and other. “considering how long you have been in business, how successful do you think you have been so far?” the response categories are very successful, moderately successful, moderately unsuccessful, and very unsuccessful. “which best describes your business strategy, low prices, better service, better selection, better quality, better advertising, target customers, superior location, better facilities, unique service/ product?” the response categories are one for the most important, 2 for the second most important and 3 for the third most important. rhodes 37 statistical analysis the two dependent variable response categories are yes and no and are coded 0 and 1. binary dependent variables make logistic regression an appropriate type of analysis. the independent variables were measured either on a continuous scale or when dichotomized by yes or no responses were made into dummy variables. the cultural context of this study provides insight into how the race of voluntary organizational membership affects group social interaction. this study was conducted in a small to medium sized west texas towns with a black population of 7.6 percent or less where the cultural context included a strong historical business enclave that flourished during the decades of legal segregation. this business legacy, especially for middle age blacks, represents a strong community enterprise model. because of historical and current experiences, including the end of legal segregation, social networking through predominately white voluntary associations has increased. therefore, larger numbers of black entrepreneurs belong to white voluntary organizations. results we begin the analysis by examining the characteristics of entrepreneurs associated with the choice to move from homophily, or continue to flock with the familiar group. this is done in figure 1, which presents the characteristics of two conceptual models designed to describe the relationships of independent variables that are associated with the choice of the race of voluntary organizational affiliation. in model a, the dependent variable is membership in a white voluntary organization. the first characteristic shows that entrepreneurs with a higher educational level have an increased likelihood of joining a predominantly white voluntary organization than a predominantly black voluntary organization. the second characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who received help from immediate family members have an increased likelihood of joining a predominately black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. the third characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who received help from black friends have an increased likelihood of joining a white voluntary organization than a black voluntary organization. the fourth characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who received help with cooking and housework from relatives have an increased likelihood of joining a white voluntary organization than a black voluntary organization. the fifth characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who received help from government agencies have a decreased likelihood of being a member of a white voluntary organization than a black voluntary organization. the sixth characteristic shows that entrepreneurs whose relatives worked as paid employees have an increased likelihood of joining a white voluntary organization over a black voluntary organization. the seventh characteristic shows that entrepreneurs who have a higher percentage of caucasian customers have an increased likelihood of belonging to a white voluntary organization than a black voluntary organization. in model b, membership in a black voluntary organization is the dependent variable. the first characteristic shows a weaker positive association between less education and membership in a black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. the second characteristic shows that when customer service is a primary marketing strategy respondents have an increased likelihood of belong to a black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. the third characteristic shows 38 challenge that a higher percentage of black customers are associated with an increased likelihood of belonging to a black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. the fourth characteristic shows that respondents who perceived their businesses as not too successful have an increased likelihood of belonging to a black voluntary organization than a white voluntary organization. figure 1. characteristics associated with membership in a voluntary organization according to ethnicity model a. characteristics associated with membership in a predominately white voluntary organization 1. higher educational attainment (+) --------------------------------- 2. help from immediate family (-) ------------------------------------ 3. help from friends in ethnic group (+) ----------------------------- membership in 4. help in cooking & housework from relatives (+) ---------------- predominately 5. relatives work as paid employees (+) ----------------------------- white voluntary 6. u. s. government programs (-) ------------------------------------- organizations 7. high percentage of caucasian customers (+) --------------------- model b. characteristics associated with membership in predominately black voluntary organization 1. lower level of educational attainment (+) ----------------------- membership in 2. marketing strategy of service to customer (+) ------------------ predominately 3. high percentage of black customers (+) ------------------------ black voluntary 4. perception of business success (-) -------------------------------- organizations these early results can be grounded in the granovetter’s theory that describes how different social networking contacts are made, and the distinction between strong and weak tie strengths (granovetter 1973). he argued that social networks are composed of clusters of people who differ by two types of tie strength, weak instrumental ties, or strong expressive ties. he emphasized that weak instrumental ties are efficient only when they form low-density bridges to clusters of low intimacy acquaintances that provide access to new ideas and different information that stimulate innovation and mobility. in strong tie high density (i.e. cohesive) networks, composed of family and friends, there is ease of interaction because they are motivated to help each other with specific contributions and information that is widely known (granovetter 1973 1983). strong ties provide most of the influence, speed, and credibility of information flows and are the primary factor in decision-making; weak ties provide novel information. individuals will use the interplay of both weak and strong tie networks of unequal strength to attain results and to mediate the demands of competing political, professional, and ethnic groups for their allegiance. in a community where homophily is high, there can be structural restraints on opportunities which affect success. the racial characteristics of the voluntary organization membership and its tie strength may affect the benefits an entrepreneur receives. black americans who join a predominantly white voluntary organization are more likely to acquire weak instrumental tie networks with whites. this links them to members of rhodes 39 a social system that crosses bounded groups and social categories that can provide them with new information and resources. black entrepreneurs who remain in networks of homophily may prefer membership in black voluntary organizations. this will enable them to have a mixture of weak instrumental ties and strong expressive tie relationships, the latter from which they are more likely to acquire commonly held information. further analysis reveals interesting theoretical predictions. table 1 presents the independent variable characteristics measures associated with the dependent variable “do you currently belong to any predominantly white voluntary organizations?” the findings indicate that for each additional year of education, the respondent is 1.38 times more likely to be a member of a predominately white voluntary organization. those respondents who received help from immediate family members are only .189 times as likely (or 5.28 less likely to be a member of a predominately white voluntary organization). similarly, those who receive help from government programs are .216 times as likely (4.63 times less likely) to be a member of predominately white voluntary organizations. respondents who report they receive much help from friends who are members of their ethnic group are 4.57 times more likely to belong to predominately white voluntary organizations. respondents who indicated that they received help with cooking and/or housework from a relative are 4.11 times more likely to be members of predominately white voluntary organizations. respondents who have relatives working in the business as paid employees are 4.35 times more likely to be a member of a predominately white voluntary organization. ______________________________________________________ table 1. determinants of membership in predominantly white voluntary organizations by self-employed black americans independent variables b coef model odds ratio education .321*** 1.379 help from immediate family -1.664** .189 friends in ethnic group 1.559** 4.754 u.s. government programs -1.533* .216 received assistance in cooking and housework from relatives 1.414* 4.114 relatives work as paid employees 1.469* 4.346 percentage of white customers .014* 1.014 r2 (nagelkerke) .420 n 133 ______________________________________________________________ ***p=<.0001 **p=<.001 *p=<.05 the percentage of white customers has a positive effect on joining a predominately white organization. for each percentage increase in the proportion of white customers there is a 1.4 percent increase in the odds of the respondents being a member of a predominately white voluntary organization. this is a multiplicative term, meaning 40 challenge that 50 percent difference in the percentage equates to a 2.02 times increase in the odds (e.0141*50 = 2.02). the accuracy of the model indicates that because of disproportionate respondents in each group, we should compare our modest prediction accuracy to the maximum by-chance accuracy rate. this simple guessing should enable us to guess at least 70 percent of the group membership accurately (the size of the largest group). our model has an accuracy rate of 81.2 percent; that is an increase of approximately 16.2 percent and is much better at predicting the non-membership group (90.3 percent) than it is the membership group (60 percent). the full model has a modified r square (nagelkerke) of .420. ______________________________________________________________ table 2. determinants of membership in predominantly black voluntary organizations by self-employed african americans b coef. independent variables model odds ratio years of schooling .1374** 1.147 service .7261* 2.067 percentage of black customers .0112** 1.011 perceptions of business success -.7738** .461 r2 (nagelkerke) .169 n 133 __________________________________________________________ *p=<.1 **p=<.05 in table 2 the dependent variable, membership in predominately black voluntary organizations, is regressed on years of education, business strategy of providing service, percentage of customers who are black and perceptions of business success. fewer years of education has a significant positive effect on being a member of a predominately black organization. each year of education increases the logistic odds by 14.73 percent of belonging to a predominately black organization. this is a multiplicative term, so to compare two people, one of whom has four more years of education, we take the original coefficient from the model (.1374) and multiply it by 4, which equals .5496. to determine the odds ratio we exponentiate this value, e.5496 = 1.73. thus, a person with four additional years of education is 1.73 times more likely to be a member of a black voluntary organization. respondents who value service as a key component of their business strategy are 2.06 times as likely to be a member of a predominately black voluntary organization. for each percentage increase in the proportion of respondents who have a higher percentage of black customers, the odds of the entrepreneur being a member of a predominately black voluntary organization increases by 1.01. this is a multiplicative term meaning that a 50 percent difference in percentage of customers who are black american translates into an increase in the likelihood of 1.75 times (e (.0112*50) =1.75). perceptions of business success is coded into a dummy variable where, “if the respondents consider their business very successful” is coded 1, and coded 0 if the rhodes 41 respondent answered moderately successful, moderately unsuccessful, or very unsuccessful. missing values are also coded 0. respondents who state that they consider their business very successful are 2.17 times less likely to be a member of a predominately black voluntary organization. the by-chance accuracy rate for this model is just over 50 percent. our model has an accuracy rate of 66.92 percent, which is an increase of about 33.6 percent--a very respectable increase in accuracy. the full model has modified r square (nagelkerke) of .169. discussion and conclusion the findings show the characteristics associated with a black entrepreneur’s grounding in volunteer organizations that are characteristic of homophily or the movement away from homophily. we examined whether or not they had membership in a black or white voluntary organization and, how granovetter’s theory of strong and weak ties can apply to social and business networking in these voluntary organizations (granovetter 1985: 95) (johansson and monsted 1997) that differ by race. social capital is a group level sociological measure which in the present study shows that social resources and advice are provided for a black entrepreneur by a selfhelp network of supportive kin, peers and community subgroups (fratoe 1988). the findings show a positive association between black friends who provided help with the business and membership in white voluntary organizations. friends encouraged black entrepreneurs to expand their networks outside of the black community to further their business. relatives who worked as paid employees in a respondent’s firm are associated with an entrepreneur’s membership in a white voluntary organization. ethnic minority entrepreneurs acquire important social capital in the use of family members, friends and co-ethnics as paid, low paid or unpaid employees that furthers community mutual solidarity ( butler and greene 1997; greene and butler 1996). relatives and friends in an entrepreneur’s social support network recognized a black group’s inequality in social capital resources in comparison to other ethnic groups (fratoe 1988) and encouraged networking in a white voluntary organization. lin et al (1990) observed that a segment of black entrepreneurs who wished to achieve social mobility outside the black social structure joined white voluntary organizations to acquire contacts that could provide them with new opportunities. in contrast, help and advice from immediate family members is associated with an entrepreneur’s affiliation with a predominately black voluntary organization. immediate family members may encourage offspring to join strong expressive-tie high density black voluntary organization networks where connections between co ethnics provides ease of access to information and opportunities, and to avoid possible rejection and discrimination that may occur with membership in white voluntary organizations. a positive association existed between increased education and membership in white voluntary organizations. better educated black entrepreneurs have a wider network, which allows them to rely less on the information and resources only from of co-racialists in black voluntary organizations. some post-secondary education and increased public school integration has led to greater interaction with whites, which by definition lead to increase racial interaction. . better educated black entrepreneurs use instrumental weak tie connections through membership in white voluntary organi42 challenge zations because they are more efficient in acquiring bridges to new contacts and new information outside the black community. lower educational levels have an association with membership in black voluntary organizations. less educated blacks may not have interacted with whites in post secondary educational institutions and would feel more comfortable in black voluntary organizations where expressive strong ties and instrumental weak ties provided access to information to assist in serving customers in the ethnic community. the mean educational level of respondents is 13.7 years. the lack of college degrees among the respondents suggests persons with higher educational levels are likely to leave a small, limited resource, black community for large metropolitan areas where there are greater opportunities in emerging high-capitalized black information technology and manufacturing businesses (bates 1993;1997). the findings showed black entrepreneurs who had received help from the u.s. government were less likely to belong to white voluntary organizations. black entrepreneurs who turned to government agencies for help did not feel it was necessary to network in white voluntary organizations for new opportunities. since there was no significant association between receiving help from the government and membership in black voluntary organizations, this suggests that assistance from the government reduced the need to network in voluntary organization whether white or black. while we did not ask on the survey what type of government aid was given, the researchers observed that the government gave technical advice, but provided few financial loans. in small black communities with traditionally underfinanced retail and personal service businesses the government was often hesitant to provide loans because of high failure rates (bates 1993). blacks who reported their businesses were unsuccessful were more likely to have membership in predominantly black voluntary organizations than white voluntary organizations. most respondents were reluctant to provide financial information on their survey. a reviewer may dismiss self-reports of success without supporting annual sales and financial returns; however, no consensus exists over whether objective measures are sufficient to define business performance (murphy, trailer and hill 1996). some researchers contend that subjective evaluations do not differ much from much from objective measures (venkatraman and ramanujam 1986) and they remove response bias due to participants not answering sensitive financial questions (besser 1999). among the objective definitions are staying in business (van de ven, hudson and schroeder 1984; reid 1991) the amount of sales and financial returns (duchesneau and gartner 1990; kalleberg and leicht 1991; tigges and green 1994) and the introduction of new and quality products (venkatraman and ramanujam 1986). objective financial measures are criticized because small business owners may be unwilling to reveal accurate and specific information related to their financial condition and they do not always equate financial performance with business success (kotey and meredith 1997). subjective views of success include personality characteristics and managerial skills (ibrahim and goodman 1986), an internal focus and belief that one has control over business results (brockhaus 1980) and the personal satisfaction of owning a business (solymossy 1997) irrespective of financial returns (cooper and artz 1995). the respondents in the present study operated small, under-financed, traditional personal service and retail businesses located primarily in small black communities rhodes 43 including some mixed racial areas with a clientele of moderate socioeconomic status. respondents had a limited opportunity to grow and improve business performance. under these conditions objective measures of financial success are less important than subjective perceptions (bates 1993). black entrepreneurs whose marketing strategy was to provide personal service to customers are more likely to belong to black voluntary organizations. membership in a co-racial organization provided greater ease of communication and trust across a wide range of strong and weak tie networks that could contribute to customer loyalty and a statement of ethnic communal solidarity. since small black business owners and members of black voluntary organizations had many shared cultural experiences, they could identify with and through personalized service satisfy their particular needs. no significant relationship exists between one particular marketing strategy and membership in a white voluntary organization. it may be a black entrepreneur will satisfy white customer needs through a variety of marketing strategies with not one standing out as important. when black entrepreneurs have a large percentage of white customers, they are more likely to join predominantly white voluntary organizations. in this environment they can make instrumental weak tie contacts to more distant parts of the social system to acquire new information, new resources and attract more customers by learning of the needs of their white customers. a drawback is that interaction in white voluntary organizations may put constraints on ease of interaction leading to superficial and less dense expressive relationships. black entrepreneurs who have a high percentage of black customers are more likely to join black voluntary organizations where they have both expressive strong tie and instrumental weak tie relationships that produce information and resources widely known in a small black community. the future of black business growth is for entrepreneurs to enter the emerging markets. however, there is still a role for small traditional black businesses. boyd (1990) has pointed out that the presence of traditional small undercapitalized business in communities where blacks represent a small proportion of the population has important non-economic value because they act as role models for youth and aspirant entrepreneurs and support the value of work. wilson (1987) viewed traditional black business as moderating the impact of economic down turns by supporting customary norms and reducing the psychological impact of separation from the larger society. this study has shown that a large number of black small business owners have membership in white voluntary organizations, a situation that would have been unheard of in the recent memory of older respondents. formerly, whites could do business within the black community while blacks were restricted to the black community. since a number of respondents had a large percentage of white customers this would suggest there is some degree of social and economic racial integration in the communities studied. this is not to deny that when engaging in traditional black business enterprises, institutional discrimination continues to limit black business development in comparison to other ethnic groups (butler and wilson 1988; butler 1991; woodard 1988; 1997). 44 challenge implications for further research scholarship has recognized a need to conduct further research on the prospective dimension of membership in a voluntary organization and entrepreneurial networking; where a researcher would actually follow an entrepreneur in their acquisition and use of contacts; and how these contacts would affect the kind of resources acquired (beggs and hurlbert 1997). of course, variation by homophily groups would also be important. for all groups grounded in homophily, gross dollar revenue data should be collected to supplement self-report perceptions of business success. this will allow financial comparisons to be made of businesses owners who had membership in expressive homophily voluntary organizations with those who had membership in instrumental voluntary organizations in a larger context. further research should determine what type of help is received by entrepreneurs from the u.s. government, whether technical assistance or loans or both, and what were the requirements to receive help. these issues should all be wrapped around the theoretical concept of homophily, and how the movement away from homophily affects the success of the enterprise. references aldrich, h., p. r. reese, and p. dubini. 1989. “women on the verge of a breakthrough: networking among entrepreneurs in the united states and italy.” entrepreneur ship and regional development 1(4): 339 356. bates, t. m. 1993. banking on black business: the potential of emerging firms for revitalizing urban economies. washington, dc: joint center for political and economic studies. bates, t. m. 1997. race, self-employment, and upward mobility: an elusive american dream. 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press. woodrum, e., c. rhodes, and j. r. feagin. 1980. “japanese american economic be havior: its types, determinants, and consequences.” social forces 5(4):1235-1254. zhou, m. 1992. chinatown: the socioeconomic potential of an urban enclave. phila delphia: temple university press. 48 challenge different-types-of-partner-violence interfaithfamilies family-and-religion-in-luba-life organizational-membership-and business-success chal_v12n1_spring06.pdf challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 african american college students’ attitudes toward hiv/aids: implications for historically black colleges and universities _____________________________________________________ sandra e. taylor department of sociology and criminal justice clark atlanta university tara jones department of medical sociology university of alabama – birmingham _____________________________________________________ abstract this paper investigated african american college students’ responses to a set of interview questions selected from a larger survey instrument in an exploratory study of basic attitudes about hiv/ aids. forty-two participants responded to an interview schedule in an investigation of student attitudinal domains regarding the hiv/ aids epidemic. results show that while most students’ attitudes were consistent with expectations, a number of students expressed attitudes that are counterproductive in the fight against hiv/aids. given the epidemic within the african american community, such findings appear ominous and implore strategies, in particular, from the institution whose primary function is the education of its populace. unless aggressive steps are taken to address the problem across college and university campuses, there can be no lessening of the epidemic’s impact within this community, and thereby no positive impact toward the goal of u.s. lowered rates consistent with recent global trends. ______________________ please direct all correspondence to sandra e. taylor, department of sociology and criminal justice, clark atlanta university, 223 james p. brawley drive, s.w., atlanta, ga 30314 or email to: staylor@cau.edu. taylor, jones 1 1 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 introduction while hiv/aids cases have declined worldwide, ironically, the leading world superpower is not experiencing this optimistic trend. according to the world health organization (2007), 33.2 million people were estimated to have hiv in 2007 compared to 39.5 million who lived with the virus in 2006. in the united states, the hiv/aids epidemic has not hit a similar leveling, in part due to the high numbers of cases affecting the african american population. and within this particular population, a further irony is the number of black college students infected with hiv. while black college students represent only a very small proportion of hiv/aids cases overall, the significance lies in the african american numbers versus those in the caucasian community, and in research showing gaps in knowledge between these two groups. in one study of ethnicity and sex differences in aids-related variables of knowledge, fear, and homophobia, the authors found that african american students had significantly lower scores on these measures (waldner, sikka, & baig, 1999). moreover, and irrespective to race or ethnicity, one would not expect such disparities from a sector focused on higher education. it is too often presumed that college campuses, replete with readily attainable informational resources, insulate their students from health-related risks, including hiv/aids. the daunting statistics indicating an increase in hiv infections among african american young adults do not exclude the college populace. one might reason that at institutions of higher learning, students are somehow more “educated” about risk factors associated with contracting hiv, and thereby, less likely to engage in high-risk behaviors. however, cases of new hiv infection (84 male college students, 73 of whom were african american) revealed in an epidemiologic investigation involving 34 schools in north carolina, show that college status is not an insulator. rates of newly reported hiv infection among african american college student men who have sex with men were similar to their non-student counterparts (cdc, 2004). this research further showed that the majority of study participants did not perceive themselves to be at risk for hiv infection despite the elevated rates of high-risk behaviors. related literature on hiv/aids and college students indicates that while this population is knowledgeable about prevention measures and risky behaviors, students tend to underestimate 2 challenge 2 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 their vulnerability. in one sample of 649 african american male and female college students (aged 18-25 years) attending various 4-year institutions in a major southeastern metropolitan area, inconsistencies in knowledge and behavior were observed. data indicate that while this population overall adheres to certain hivpreventive behaviors, they nevertheless violate other important hivprevention practices (taylor, dilorio, stephens, & soet, 1997). for example, while the college women were more likely than college men to use measures that help prevent hiv transmission, both groups reported practices that expose them to risk, including engaging in sex without knowledge of a partner’s sexual history. in an earlier study of african-american male college students, only 26% of respondents were steady condom users despite knowledge of the risk of not taking precautions (johnson, hinkle, gilbert & gant, 1992). hence, a significant gap emerges between students’ knowledge and their actions resulting in new cases of hiv infection. reasons for the failure of african-american college students as well as young african-americans in general to follow safer sex guidelines tend to center around their perceptions of being invincible and somehow being disconnected from the reality that they might contract hiv. however, other studies suggest that the gap between student knowledge and behavior might be attributed to factors outside of the invincibility/invulnerability explanation. included among these other factors are lapses in judgment (often due to alcohol or other substances), and believing that physical characteristics and appearance can inform one about their partner’s hiv status. in light of the fact that college experiences can include experimentation with mind-altering substances, education and training campaigns attempt to appropriately emphasize the high risks involved with consumption and dating. much of the literature has stressed the need for prevention and information messages that are tailored to the populations that appear increasingly vulnerable, including african american college students. while empirical evidence in accounting for the gap between student knowledge and behavior has not been consistent, also inconsistent are factors explaining the gap between hiv rates of black and white college students. research by waldner, sikka, & baig (1999) show that aids knowledge scores were significantly lower for african american university students compared to caucasian taylor, jones 3 3 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 students. african american students demonstrated higher rankings of homophobia as well. davis et al (2007) found that although it appeared that white students were more aware of hiv facts than african american students, this effect could be explained through sexual status (sexually active students versus abstaining students, with the sexually active students reporting less knowledge). a possible factor in the disproportionate number of black students contracting the virus is the increase of hiv/aids in certain u. s. regions. reif, geonnotti, and whetten (2006) document that a substantial increase in aids cases in the deep south occurred from 2000-2003. in contrast, other regions experienced more stable rates for this same time period. given that black students are disproportionately located in the south and data suggesting colleges as potentially high transmission areas in the rural southeast (hightow, leone, macdonald (2003), the regional hypothesis becomes a feasible one. an epidemic of infection occurring in some north carolina college students involving african american men who have sex with men is described by hightow et al (2005) in terms of an atrisk, accessible population deserving further hiv prevention interventions. in this study of state surveillance records examining new hiv diagnoses in men 18-30 years old, risk behavior for hivinfected men enrolled in college was compared with hiv-infected male non-enrollees. newly diagnosed hiv infection was found in men in 37 colleges located in north carolina or surrounding states and a sexual partner network investigation linked 21 colleges, 61 students, and 8 partners of students (hightow et al, 2005). as a result, the authors describe an epidemic of hiv infection occurring in north carolina college students that has captured the attention of both researchers and practitioners as well as college and university officials. the study clearly reveals that college students can no longer be viewed as a categorically low risk population, in part due to the nature of developmental stages associated with this age group. the culture of late adolescence (including the college population) and the accompanying thought processes do not necessarily nor consistently coincide with the wider culture. that is, this population may tend to view sexual phenomena in ways different from other groups. specifically, they may hold different views on what constitutes sex or particular sexual behaviors. for 4 challenge 4 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 example, while penile-vaginal intercourse is viewed as “having had sex,” oral-genital or penile-anal intercourse is not viewed as constituting “sex” as perceived by certain college students (sanders & reinisch, 1999). similarly, bogart et al (2000) found that vaginal intercourse and anal intercourse were considered sex by a group of undergraduates (n=233) under most circumstances. however, this same group categorized oral intercourse as sex contingent upon the gender and viewpoint of the actor, and whether orgasm occurred. this specific study by bogart et al (2000) assessed the impact of four factors on respondents’ judgment of whether hypothetical actors would consider a particular behavior to be “sex.” the subjects read 16 scenarios featuring a male and female and judged whether each actor would consider the described behavior to be sex. the views of the subjects indicate the realm of differences related to what constitutes sex for this population. these findings suggest, as pointed out by the authors, that items in behavior surveys need to be clearly delineated to avoid subjective interpretations by respondents. many studies on hiv/aids and adolescent/young adult age groups have repeatedly illuminated the inconsistencies that abound in defining “sex” for the college population. the training of students in alleviating attitudes and behaviors that run counter to controlling the hiv/aids epidemic is certainly the purview of the education sector, but also begs for the input of the religious/faith sector. in light of the stigma and fear associated with hiv/aids, strategies to combat the epidemic within both sectors have been severely hampered. these key social institutions within the african american community represent crucial sectors in impacting the problem, but have only recently begun to engage in more aggressive initiatives toward addressing the problem. given the increased numbers of african american college and college-aged students who have contracted hiv, and in light of knowledge and attitudinal gaps, efforts toward understanding the nature of this population’s psyche relative to the epidemic would seem feasible. within this context, an investigation into specific domains of hiv/aids was conducted in illuminating themes that adversely affect safer behaviors. taylor, jones 5 5 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 methods this research included a sample of african american college students (n=42) who regularly attended a series of hiv/aids education and prevention activities at a southeastern historically black university. activities ranged from awareness seminars and forums to health fairs showcasing innovations in hiv/aids, with a major focus on training and education for prevention. although a total of 166 participants responded to the larger survey instrument from which subsequent interview questions were extrapolated, complete interviews were conducted with forty-two students in comprising the content analysis for this study. of the 42 respondents, the average age of the sample was 20 .2 years with a median of 19 years and a range of 18 – 29. they ranged from freshmen to seniors and all self-identified as black or african american. a majority of women in comparison to men were included (26 or 61.9% and 16 or 38.1% respectively). the larger research used a survey instrument consisting of open-ended and structured questions to ascertain basic thoughts and actions of college students. these questions represent part of an extensive instrument designed to collect an array of measures on college students’ attitudes and behaviors toward hiv/aids. specific items were selected for content analysis in order to more closely investigate the students’ attitudes on critical issues related to combating hiv/aids. the intent was to examine the students’ overall disposition toward hiv/aids (i.e., whether internally-driven (including the expression of accurate information and knowledge of prevention indicative of high self-efficacy) or externally-driven (including the expression of inaccurate information and/or responses indicative of low self-efficacy). this analysis uncovered in-depth data on three important domains related to college students’ thoughts and feelings regarding hiv/aids and involve statements alluding to 1. fear, 2. conspiracy theories, and 3. a gay disease. questions that showed significant unexpected responses (e.g., assuming you had put yourself at risk, would you consent to testing if convenience and confidentiality were guaranteed?) were extrapolated for the interview schedule. this follow-up to responses resulted in the dichotomy of internallydriven students (those who would be expected to engage in safer sex/risk reducing behaviors, and thereby contributing to combating 6 challenge 6 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 the epidemic) versus externally-driven students (those who would be expected to attach lesser importance to these same behaviors, thereby exacerbating the problem). the three specific themes that emerged from the interview schedule including 1. students’ fear of individual hiv/aids test results, 2. students’ belief that the epidemic is part of a conspiracy, and 3. students’ association of hiv/aids with the gay population indicate a need for enhanced programs that teach education and prevention within a culturally-specific context. results and discussion the domains related to college students’ thoughts and feelings regarding hiv/aids and the resulting themes provide insights as to how african american college students might be inclined to violate risk reduction and safer sex practices. for this population, perceptions appear to be their reality. hence, messages about hiv/ aids prevention must be centered in situational contexts, in an effort to reach these students based on their experiences, views, and ways of life. the themes unveiled corroborate past findings indicating the need for enhanced hiv/aids education for an array of populations. the theme of “students’ fear” captures sentiments of how afraid some students are to be tested even in the face of grave risk. for example, one student explained, “if i find out i have it, then what? so i would just rather not know.” while the overwhelming majority of students (78%) stated that they would be tested if they had put themselves at risk, this leaves far too many behind still not understanding the importance of hiv testing. additionally, a few students who alluded to the “what you don’t know can’t hurt you” syndrome made statements indicative of their experience with a large burden of other concerns that would appear to place a concern about their possible contraction of hiv as a minimal priority. for example, one student stated, “right now, i’m dealing with trying to stay in school and keep my place . . . i just don’t have time to do all these things that might give me another problem.” while this student represents a minority view of the total population studied, the finding shows the myriad of complexities involved in the development of strategies for hiv/aids education and prevention. taylor, jones 7 7 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 the “conspiracy” domain is particularly interesting but perhaps is best understood from an african american historical context. still, given persons who feel that they are helpless to control their hiv status because of a master plan, consistent preventive measures are unlikely. bogart & thorburn (2005) show that hiv/ aids conspiracy beliefs are a barrier to prevention and may represent negative attitudes about condoms among black men. while only six of the 42 respondents for this analysis discussed the epidemic in terms of a conspiracy designed by the “powers-to-be,” five of the six had very strong opinions on how the virus emerged. one response captures the expressions of this group: “i do think that genocide is being committed to rid society of certain people.” another student stated, “i believe it is a plan to wipe out all black people because it mysteriously surfaced in africa to a large extent recently, and the worst effects are on africa.” still another stated, “i have proof that there was a plan . . . we need to know what they did and what they are still trying to do.” these statements indicate how attitudes and perceptions shape behaviors; hence, hiv/aids training and education specialists must consider the sentiments of this group in designing effective prevention messages. although hiv/aids awareness and prevention campaigns have done much to educate society in general about the epidemic, there still tends to be an association of hiv/aids almost exclusively with the gay community. this is particularly disturbing when college students make such blanket associations. this third domain, “gay association” surfaces as a theme from the content analysis in that students do not necessarily view all groups as being at risk. for example, 8 of the 42 students (or 19.0%) indicated “gays” to the question, “what populations or groups of people are most at risk for hiv-infection?” (the expected responses and those which had been communicated via training seminars and forums center around the point of “any persons who put themselves at risk or engage in risky behaviors.”) while the vast majority of student respondents answered in the expected direction, unacceptable numbers continue to believe that they are not at particular risk, when in fact (according to selfidentified behaviors), they are indeed. several students’ responses can be interpreted in terms of their inability or unwillingness to view hiv/aids as an equal opportunity disease. overall, in addition to uncovering consequential attitudes, results from this analysis pose 8 challenge 8 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 an important question: if students who are motivated to attend hiv/ aids awareness and prevention activities show adverse attitudes, do those not attending harbor even more severe attitudes? this and similar questions are posed for further study. the fact that college and university students are at particular risk for the transmission of hiv has resulted in a number of programs and activities to address this problem. across america, historically black colleges and universities as well as majorityserving institutions of higher education, have housed an array of projects initially including awareness efforts. more recently, however, these efforts have begun to focus more on prevention initiatives, acknowledging the platforms that have been made during the early nineties addressing awareness. given the seriousness of the hiv/aids epidemic within the african american community generally, and the numbers of hivinfected african american college students in particular, specific strategies can be suggested. first, the major social institutions within the african american community must bolster their efforts in addressing the problem. the sector of higher education has a direct opportunity to do this and should take advantage of such to incorporate hiv/aids teaching and learning across various curricula. the importance of education as the primary response of higher learning, and the various issues surrounding hiv/aids on college campuses, point to this sector as a natural ally and collaborator in the fight toward curtailing the epidemic. other institutions and community sectors are also critical in this fight, namely the religious sector or faith community. the religious/faith community has come a distance in confronting the hiv/aids epidemic, but it has to now compensate for a stagnant period by taking bolder and more aggressive steps toward combating the problem. these institutions hold enormous potential for impacting the problem, as both education and religion have historically played a major significance in the african american community. secondly, measures that directly capture and sustain the attention of black college students would seem to make a difference. for example, given the popularity of hip-hop and rap music to this group, researchers, practitioners, and activists should greater explore the relationship between this genre’s appeal and combating taylor, jones 9 9 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 hiv/aids. previous literature has discussed a model for using hiphop music with young adults as having heuristic value in promoting hiv/aids prevention (stephens, braithwaite, & taylor, 1998.) recognizing the potential of this genre of music to mobilize the targeted population, and implementing subsequent catalysts for change, can be a monumental strategy. lastly, reminders of risk to this target population at every viable opportunity cannot be overemphasized. because of gross feelings of invincibility or invulnerability to hiv-infection, college students too often act as if they were magically insulated from becoming statistics in the epidemic. persistent admonitions on risky behaviors from all socialization agents, but especially the media, can at a minimum, be a forceful reminder of the epidemic as a nonrandom culprit. ongoing hiv/aids education is undoubtedly one of the best mechanisms for stemming the epidemic within african american communities. given an epidemic with no cure and no vaccine, accurate and timely information is indispensable to the ultimate goal. specifically, within the context of african american college students, studies allude to the importance of increasing the specific knowledge level of this group regarding the subtleties of sexual transmission (bazargan et al, 2000) in empowering them to better understand their risk. conclusion this research illuminates barriers to alleviating the hiv/ aids epidemic among african american college students relative to their thinking about the disease and how it affects them. while a number of implications can be gleaned, a primary one is that until the most likely players (colleges and universities) step up in ways that only they can, improvements are not likely to occur within the black college populace. although it is difficult to predict specific interventions that would seem to bring the hiv/aids epidemic under greater control, it appears obvious that the sector of higher education can lessen the deleterious impact via the very means of its basic function. in broadening students’ knowledge of the epidemic and in serving as a catalyst for them to be proactive, historically black colleges and universities (and all institutions of higher education) across the country can be a powerful force in the fight against hiv/aids. 10 challenge 10 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 references bazargan, m. kelly, e. stein, j. husaini, b. & bazargan, s. 2000. “correlates of hiv risk-taking behaviors among africanamerican college students: the effect of hiv knowledge, motivation, and behavioral skills.” journal of the national medical association 92(8): 391-404. bogart, l. m., cecil, h., wagstaff, d. a. & abramson, p. r. 2000. “is it “sex”/: college students interpretations of sexual behavior terminology.” journal of sex research 37 (2): 108-116. bogart, l. m. & thorburn, s. 2005. “are hiv/aids conspiracy beliefs a barrier to hiv prevention among african americans?” journal of acquired immune deficiency syndromes 38(2): 213-218. centers for disease control. 2004. “hiv transmission among black college student and non-student men who have sex with men – north carolina, 2003.” morbidity and mortality weekly report 53(32): 731-734. davis, d., sloan, m., macmaster, s. & kilbourne, b. 2007. “hiv/ aids knowledge and sexual activity: an examination of racial differences in a college sample.” health and social work 32 (3): 211-218. hightow, l., macdonald, p., pilcher, c. kaplan, a., foust, e. nguyen, t. q. & leone, p. a. “the unexpected movement of the hiv epidemic in the southeastern united states: transmission among college students.” journal of acquired immune deficiency syndromes 38(5): 531-537. hightow, l., leone, p., macdonald, p. et al. (2003). “are colleges high transmission areas in the rural southeast? insights from acute hiv surveillance [abstract wo-l305].” presented at the national hiv prevention conference, atlanta, ga, july 27-30. taylor, jones 11 11 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 johnson, e. h., hinkle y., gilbert, d. & gant, l (1992). “black males who always use condoms: their attitudes, knowledge about aids, and sexual behavior.” journal national medical association 84: 341-352. reif, s., geonnotti, k. l. & whetten, k. 2006. “hiv infection and aids in the deep south.” american journal of public health 96 (6): 970-973. sanders, s. a. & reinisch, j. m. 1999. “would you say you had sex if . . .?” journal of the american medical association 28: 275277. stephens, t., braithwaite, r. l. & taylor, s. e. 1998. “model for using hip-hop music for small group hiv/aids prevention counseling with african american adolescents and young adults.” patient education and counseling 35: 127-137. taylor, s. e., dilorio, colleen, stephens, t. t. & soet, j. e. 1997. “a comparison of aids-related sexual risk behaviors among african american college students.” journal of the national medical association 89 (6): 397-403. waldner, l. k., sikka, a., & salman, b. 1999. “ethnicity and sex differences in university students’ knowledge of aids, fear of aids, and homophobia.” journal of homosexuality 37 (3): 117-133. world health organization. 2007. “global hiv prevalence has leveled off: improvements in surveillance increase understanding of the epidemic,resulting in substantial revisions to estimates.” geneva, november 20, 2007. (http://www.who.int/ mediacentre/news/releases/2007/pr61/en/index.html) 12 challenge 12 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 hiv/aids perceptions, attitudes and behaviors among hbcu students _____________________________________________________ michael hodge morehouse college bruce h. wade spelman college _____________________________________________________ abstract college environments are typically considered somewhat protected zones--protected from the “sins” of the general community. however, a recent report from cdc placed considerable attention on the resoundingly high rates of hiv infection among african american students attending predominately african american serving colleges and universities in north carolina. in the “outside” world, data show that african americans lead the nation in the rates of hiv/aids infections. this research turns on the light to view more clearly an oft-shielded group in an effort to identify and assess the exacerbating or ameliorating social forces that these campuses imbue. this project uses quantitative and qualitative methodologies to examine how college age young adults attending hbcu’s respond to the pandemic / epidemic. in the general african american population typical intervention approaches have had little to no positive effects on reducing the persistently high rates of infection. an in-depth look is taken into the lived-experiences of students at historically black colleges and universities as it relates to their sexual risk taking in the age of hiv/aids. hodge, wade 13 13 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 introduction the hiv/aids pandemic is a significant social problem at the global, national and regional levels. it impacts persons regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation or age. this scourge may even have reached communities thought to be relatively immune to such incursions—college campuses. a recent report from the cdc placed considerable attention on the resoundingly high rates of hiv infection among african american students attending predominately african american serving colleges and universities (hbcu’s) in north carolina (mmwr, august 20, 2004/53(32): 7314). one cdc official states that there is no reason to think that we will not see this same trend on other campuses as well (see hightower, l., macdonald p, et al., 2003). this research was motivated by the gaps in the literature on the sexual risk behaviors and attitudes at hbcu’s (historically black colleges and universities). the importance of this project is found in the attempt to identify the sociocultural aspects of the student populations at hbcu’s that may place them at greater risk of hiv/aids infection. by socio-cultural context, we mean the ways in which people’s behaviors are linked to their social settings such as group membership, race, class, and gender. for example, there are gender dynamics that fuel the health disparities between black men and women. consequently, while black men and women overall account for 40% of the cumulative aids cases through 2005, black females drive 60% of this rate (division of hiv/aids prevention, national center for hiv/aids, viral hepatitis, std, and tb preventions june 28, 2007). additionally, for 2005, black women constituted 66 percent of the female cases of hiv/aids (cdc hiv/aids fact sheet, june 2007). although black men have the highest rates of hiv/aids for any of the racial or ethnic groups in the u.s., hiv/aids is the leading cause of death for black women aged 25–34 (cdc hiv/aids fact sheet, june 2007). studies of social context situate health-related behaviors within the framework of the social meaning, social relations and transactions of people’s lives (abel 1991). it is critical to focus on 14 challenge 14 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 understanding the social and cultural components of developing healthy lifestyles. williams, et al point out that african americans have the highest overall hiv prevalence, hiv incidence, and hiv mortality as well as the greatest number of years of potential life lost to this disease (2003:66). sero-surveillance reports suggest that the hiv incidence among african american men 25-44 continues to increase and is particularly problematic for men who have sex with men (msm). within this group the hiv incidence is 16.7% per year compared to an incidence of 2.5% per year for white msm in their twenties. (mmwr, valleroy et al. 2000). few health behavior surveys have been conducted at hbcu’s. notably, however, taylor, dilorio, stephens and soet, (1997) reported that only 35% of students in their study reported using condoms on a regular basis. until the recent north carolina survey the only sero-prevalence study among college students was published in 1990 (gayle et al.). college students were considered to be low risk although at least one publication suggested that african american college students may be the next group affected by hiv (duncan c, miller dm, borskey ej, fomby b, dawson p, and davis l 2002). for instance, black females diagnosed between ages 13 to 24 are twice as likely to contract hiv/aids through high risk heterosexual contact as their male counterparts. black females diagnosed in this age group and risk category constitute 17.3% of new cases compared to 7.7% of men. it is important to understand the lived-experiences of these students as they negotiate a complex array of choices within their social settings. within the past decade, programs designed to stem the tide of this epidemic among african americans have made little to no significant headway (williams, ekundayo, udezulu, and omishakin, 2003; smith, gwinn, selik, miller, gaitor, maat, decock, and gayle, 2000). in the african american community, positive results are slow to be realized. clearly, there are barriers to these efforts that go beyond the individual biological and psychological considerations of most intervention/risk reduction programs. myers, et al (2003), for example, point out that “[t]his underscores the need for more aggressive and targeted risk reduction interventions for african hodge, wade 15 15 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 american men . . . because they do not seem to be getting the message about the need to be more sexually responsible” (p. 75). the scope of these risk reduction programs has not been broad enough in the african american community where, perhaps, cultural issues are more likely to impact people’s willingness to participate in open discussions of sexuality and sex, participate in support groups, and other treatments that appear effective in other communities. even when these programs are focused on ‘community’ issues, the efforts are directed toward individuals. the national college health risk behavior survey (fact sheet cdc, 1995) revealed that 79 percent of college students have ever had sexual intercourse and only 37 percent reported having used a condom during their last sexual encounter. however, this same study found that black students take fewer risks than their white counterparts. for instance, while about 10-percent of whites fail to use seatbelts when driving, only about 8-percent of blacks fail to use them. additionally, about 31% of whites and only 15% of blacks report that they drink and drive. focusing on sexual risktaking, the national youth risk behavior survey of pre-college students revealed that 62.5% of whites used a condom during their last sexual encounter compared to 72.8% of black students – even though black students were reported to have been more likely to have had sex during high school than whites. based on an ongoing health behavior survey first conducted of 1,302 first year students in the atlanta university center (auc) by the morehouse school of medicine in 2004, 64% of female and 73% of male first-year students reported having had sex at least once in their lives. only 48% of the females reported using a condom during their last sexual encounter along with 54% of the males. we will explore this rather counterintuitive finding later in this paper. methods the findings herein are based on a multi-modal data collection strategy, including qualitative interviews and survey research. we briefly describe these techniques. the internet is an 16 challenge 16 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 emerging research tool that is proving to be very useful in the social and behavioral sciences. most of the studies using the internet rely on quantitative survey methods. there are a few that have used it for qualitative analyses. focus groups and chat rooms are typically the choice for qualitative data collection and analyses (see burgess, donnelly, dillard, and davis 2001; bowen, williams, and horvath 2004; hudson and bruckman 2004). the use of interviewing strategies, such as the technique described below, is still in its nascent stages of development (davis, bolding, hart, sherr, and elford 2005). the findings of this research are based on the collection of data from five (5) predominately african american serving institutions within a large southern metropolitan area with diverse student bodies (hereafter called auc) utilizing secure internet “chat room” sites. the data reported herein is based on surveys and indepth chats with 37 students. each interview averaged 2.25 hours. respondents were paid for their time and potential costs of internet connectivity. respondents are interviewed “one-on-one” by a trained researcher using the internet as the medium of communication. this method assures complete anonymity for the respondent, thereby encouraging open, honest, and frank discussions of material that potentially could create an uncomfortable setting for the respondent. focus groups and dialog sessions were also held with students. additionally, more systematic data were collected by survey methodology. the findings discussed below are based on an annual survey completed by first-year students within the auc. the research protocol was approved by the institutional review board of the morehouse school of medicine. the questionnaires were voluntarily completed in large “convocation” settings. while the actual convocations were required, students were given the opportunity to “opt out” if they did not want to participate in the study. the majority of students completed the questionnaires; however, the lack of privacy and the large group setting undoubtedly had some impact on the quality of the data. the analysis below is based on data from the first two years of administration (2004 and 2005). the number of students who voluntarily participated in the hodge, wade 17 17 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 survey (2004 – 2005) was 2,021. the patterns of sexual involvement correspond to other data from large surveys of college students. the number of full time undergraduates at the five colleges (according to published fact books from 2004 – 2006) is 8633. of this group, 44 percent (3805) is male. results our multi-method approach yielded several key findings from the survey analysis as well as important themes related to hiv/aids risk reduction among african american college students. we will give a brief overview of the survey findings then turn to our more qualitative aspects. we compiled data from surveys conducted of first year students in the auc in 2004 and 2005. these data are shown in the tables below. table 1 shows that males were significantly more likely to report having had sex than their female counterparts. overall, about 63 percent of these first year students indicated that they had had sex at least once in their lives (56% of females and 71% of males). table 1 have you ever had sexual intercourse? female male totals no 420 (44.4%) 245 (29.3%) 665 (37.3%) yes 527 (55.6%) 590 (70.7%) 1117 (62.7%) totals 947 835 1782 x2 = 42.735, df = 1, p=.000 these data indicate that while a greater percentage of males begin having sex at slightly younger ages than females, there was no statistically significant association between gender and the reported 18 challenge 18 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 age of first sexual intercourse. however, tables 2 & 3 reveal that males report a higher number of sexual partners than females (lifetime and last 3 months). table 2 # lifetime sex partners female male totals 1 partner 162 (22.6%) 90 (14.9%) 252 (19.0%) 2 partners 174 (24.2%) 122 (20.2%) 296 (22.4%) 3 partners 99 (13.8%) 87 (14.4%) 186 (14.1%) 4 partners 124 (17.3%) 90 (14.9%) 214 (16.2%) 5 partners 68 (9.5%) 71 (11.7%) 139 (10.5%) 6+ partners 91 (12.7%) 145 (24.0%) 236 (17.8%) totals 718 605 1323 x2 = 38.936 (df = 5) p= .000 / gamma = .213 / p= .000 table 3 # sex partners in last 3 months female male totals no partners 302 (43.1%) 199 (33.4%) 501 (38.7%) 1 partner 118 (16.9%) 134 (22.5%0 252 (19.5%) 2 partners 198 (28.3%0 154 (25.9%) 352 (27.2%) 3 partners 69 (9.9%) 57 (9.6%) 126 (.09%) 4 partners 9 (1.3%) 22 (3.7%) 31 (.02%) 5 partners+ 4 (.6%) 29 (4.9%) 33 (.03%) totals 700 595 1295 x2 = 45.008 p= .000 / gamma = .149 / p= .000 hodge, wade 19 19 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 interestingly, table 4 indicates that males are more likely to report having used a condom during their last sexual intercourse than are females. table 4 condom use the last time you had sexual intercourse female male totals no 246 (34.8%) 193 (28.8%) 439 (31.9%) yes 461 (65.2%) 478 (71.2%) 939 (68.1%) totals 707 671 1378 x2 = 5.770, df = 1 p=.016 we wanted to explore this finding a little more deeply. we analyzed the responses to a 13-item condom attitude scale (dehart and birkimer 1997). the 13-item condom attitude scale had a mean of 29.69 and a standard deviation of 13.412. the cronbach’s alpha coefficient was .9214-demonstrating very good reliability. this analysis indicates that males, surprisingly, show more positive attitudes towards condoms than those of our female respondents. additional analysis was conducted using multiple linear regression to ascertain which variables impacted condom attitudes (see table 5 below). surprisingly, neither the mother’s nor father’s level of education nor parental income had a significant influence on condom attitudes in this sample. age at first sex and number of lifetime sex partners significantly (and favorably) impacted attitudes towards condoms. this finding reveals that men and more sexually experienced students are more favorable towards condoms and condom use. this may be the result of the socialization of males to favor condoms as a means of disease protection in this collegiate setting. gender attitudes probably also help to explain this difference as females are socialized to emphasize intimacy and closeness in their relationships. 20 challenge 20 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 table 5 condom attitudes beta coefficients significance sex (female = 1) b = -4.915 p = .000 age of first sex b = 1.566 p = .000 number lifetime partners b = .820 p = .043 for women, this may prove to be a dangerous attitude given the nature of the hiv/aids epidemic in the u.s. while the greatest numbers of blacks that are diagnosed with hiv/aids are between the ages of 35 to 44, blacks between the ages of 13 to 24 constitute 60.1% of all recent hiv/aids diagnoses. the centers for disease control and prevention surveillance data reveal that the primary modes of transmission among blacks include msm (men having sex with other men, 30,154 new cases), high-risk heterosexual contact (having unprotected sex with a person who is hiv+, 14,698 new cases) and injection drug use (10,415 new cases). black females diagnosed between ages 13 to 24 are twice as likely to contract hiv/aids through high risk heterosexual contact as their male counterparts (cdc, 2002). black females diagnosed in this age group and risk category constitute 17.3% of new cases compared to 7.7% of males. the primary mode of transmission for black males diagnosed at ages 13 to 24 is msm behavior (19.9%). these quantitative findings are closely linked to the evidence provided in our qualitative analysis of students from these campuses. careful analysis of indepth interviews, focus group sessions, and student dialog sessions yielded a number of interesting themes that provide contextualization of the findings expressed above. these themes are important determinants of the socio-cultural context of the auc. our findings are also consistent with other research findings that examine traditional gender roles (see, for example, hill-collins 2004; cole and guy sheftall 2003; roberts, mcnair & smith 2004; sobo 1995). unpublished data from surveys conducted hodge, wade 21 21 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 by one of the co-authors over the last two years also indicate that “serial monogamy” and low or inconsistent condom use are common among undergraduates in the auc. this research will help to inform approaches to risk reduction and hiv testing for young african americans inside and outside of the academy. one of the main ideas promoting risky sexual activity on this consortium campus was the popular media. in particular these respondents focused on what they termed highly sexual videos. they suggest that african americans are more influenced by the combination of the music and what is seen than their white counterparts. these respondents see the media, not so much as causing sexual activity, but at least promoting a carefree sexual lifestyle. as one respondent said, yes, media do influence my sexual thinking and especially my behavior. sex on tv is free. too free sex is so simplified on tv, this makes it seem so cut and dry. i feel that tv promotes the need and pressure for sex…. another respondent believes that “media encourage this behavior and our generation is easily influenced.” an interesting conversation centered on these videos and the movies that they [college age students] tend to watch. they said that none of the videos or movies ever show or suggest the use of protection in the sex scenes. they move directly from some minimal foreplay to a naked scene in the bed to the sleep scene or cut away to another shot. sex has been limited to just a normal human activity for any age these days especially on videos and shows. i guess its all cos of the change in the way we think and our being able to be more outspoken than humans were years ago. the media does influence our sexual thinking and attitudes and behaviors in a way but then i wouldnt put too much blame on them cos i think each and everyperson has the responsibility to process that information and interprete it as to whether they want to go by what they have seen or live by statutes that protect them. 22 challenge 22 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 another respondent makes comment on the amount of sexualized imagery in contemporary media presentations: there are a lot of shows on television, and in the movies that promote having a lot of sex with a lot of people, without having any regard to the safety of the individuals involved. these depictions of glamorous and desirable life stages do not present the realities of sex and sexual encounters. clearly, no one in these movies gets an sti or hiv. an important finding, captured in the students’ comments above and that is revealed from many of these qualitative interviews is the normalizing of risky sex. these respondents do not think that media are setting out to increase risky sex among the viewers of these images; however, the respondents clearly indict media for depicting risky sex as normal. in this way, these respondents say, the media presents sex in such a way that what would be seen ordinarily as risky behavior is now normal, and even expected. one respondent was particularly cogent on this point: it encourages the thinking that promiscuity is not so bad, and in fact is at times encouraged. and none of the people represented with the popular media go out of their way to promote safe sex. this heavily influences college students, who emulate what they see more than they would like to admit...like its nothing. like its money, and everyone should rush to get as much as they can from as many different sources as possible. these respondents point to many of the popular music videos and some movies where there is no sense of safe sex. actors are depicted as having sex with multiple partners, without any indication of condom usage. and, as pointed out by hill-collins (2004), the lyrics and themes of the videos are also misogynist and patriarchal. i think that since most young black males want to be a “player” and try to have sex with as many women as they can, causes diseases to be spread in our community. i think that the media encourages this behavior and our generation is easily influenced. hodge, wade 23 23 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 and, as one male respondent put it, “they allow videos that exploit sex(naked women).” consequently, females are tacitly encouraged and shown to be passive in sexual relationships. another theme that is clearly present from the data targets the sex education received as a teen in high school and from home. we see these focal socializing agents as integrally connected providing both complementary as well as conflicting messages. both agents seem to be missing the mark on sex education of children. the respondents agreed nearly unanimously that the standard approach used in high school was ineffective. they said that high school sex education tries to scare students away from sex while the realities are not discussed. it needs to start in the homes. i think the parents needs to be knowledgeable about the dangers of sexual behavior, so that they can relay the info to their children. so there should be programs implemented to inform the adults. a 20 years old male respondent very directly assesses the problem: well, i think the fundamental factor lies in the condition of the home. when i say family grounding, i mean a person may lack parental reinforcement, concerning sexual activity. the men in the group said that the extent of the sex education received at home was their fathers telling them do not get anyone pregnant so wear a condom. one respondent said “my father started giving me condoms in 6th grade.” another respondent said that he felt his father was telling him to have sex. his father told him that a “viagra erection” was somehow superior to the natural erection thereby encouraging the use of drugs with his sexual encounters. (note: there is information surfacing about the use of viagra in young men for whom it is not prescribed and not recommended in combination with other drugs including crack cocaine and methamphetamines). one of the most frequently stated ideas about college life among students is the notion of “freedom from parents.” they indicate that college provides them with the freedom to engage in all sorts of activities. without a strong foundation about sex and 24 challenge 24 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 sexuality, the likelihood of risky sexual behavior is enhanced. we note that the majority of hiv prevention programs focus on male-to-male sexual contact, male bisexual behaviors, injection drug users, and low-income women considered “at-risk”. by default, such efforts ignore the needs of black college women attending hbcu’s. our evidence highlights that societal norms, cultural productions, as well as the college environment itself encourage sexual experimentation and all types of sexual negotiation. african american women in college, many of whom arrive from inner cities and single-parent households, are part of a most recent hip hop generation that is besieged by misogyny, materialism and sexual risk-taking. many african americans strive to overcome their ascribed and inferior social status by constantly struggling against widespread stereotypes and assumptions regarding their very being. their patterns of racial identity formation and maintenance influence how they respond to such representations, even within intimate relationships. the research herein reveals patterns of thinking among students, both men and women, which need to be addressed. a female freshman student reveals her thoughts in a focus group setting: it’s hard being a black woman, you’re fighting off negativity at every moment. you gotta be strong, when you’re in the bedroom setting you don’t want to fight anymore. you become submissive. you relax and let things flow. findings in the auc corroborate those of foreman (2003). she suggests that students used certain strategies to create philosophical and emotional rationalizations for their behaviors. women also rely on a perceived level of commitment in their romantic relations to determine safer sex practices. forman also finds that students had difficulty discussing condom use with sex partners and that many perceived that they had low levels of hiv knowledge. our findings differed from those of foreman in the area of hiv knowledge. respondents had relatively high levels of knowledge even though many did not use condoms consistently. they were also less likely than those in the foreman (2003) study to cite material reasons for hodge, wade 25 25 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 having unprotected sex. a disturbing circumstance was noted in discussions with many of the respondents. the main thrust of the issue centered on attitudes towards risky sexual activity. when the question was asked why college students might engage in risk-taking behaviors, the respondents began a type of rational choice process in their responses. they believe that they weigh (accurately) the risks and determine that the risk is worth it. of course, this position is wrapped up with all the other notions of their sexual activities – from seeing images in the media, to sex education in school and home. one respondent summed it up this way: “i’d rather have sex and take the risk and hope that i don’t get it [hiv/aids] than not to have sex.” another added: “we continue to have sex because we are scared that we may not be able to have sex again.” yet another respondent states that “disease is not something we think about, we are young and figure we have time to fix whatever may happen [based on current actions].” all of these themes fall squarely into the category of invincibility or a false sense of invulnerability. in other words, these college students feel that they are incapable of suffering harm from their actions. all of these behavioral factors appear to be linked to the sociocultural constraints of the college experience. sociocultural findings many of the conversations settled on concerns of a sociocultural nature. for example, the respondents began to focus on topics such as what it means to be a college student (particularly at a black school). many suggested that college life means that you have to be having sex, and a lot of it. if you are not participating in sexual activity, peer groups view you as a child. as one respondent put it: “you’re told you’re not grown until you get a piece.” many of these students may be trying to gain some sense of adulthood through risk-taking behavior. the links between college culture and behaviors of the students, no doubt, are complex. distressingly, these respondents seem to navigate this complexity in ways that may enhance the probability of risky sex. the college culture provides the first sense of independence from parental control. peer pressure 26 challenge 26 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 may lure students to engage in activities so that one will not feel left out or be seen as an odd-ball. one of the most interesting conversations centered on the idea of sex as a proxy for the need to feel loved. the interesting thing about this conversation was that it was most often discussed by the males in the sample. the discussion from these young males is similar to literature suggesting that one of the reasons for underage pregnancy is the girl’s need to feel unconditional love. she is able to give love and have that love unconditionally reciprocated through her dependent infant. it can be intoned from this discussion that students are using sex as a stand-in or substitute for their need to feel loved. females are also socialized to emphasize intimacy and continuity in their relationships. as sobo (1995) suggests, this need for intimacy increases the likelihood of sexual risk-taking among working class women. our findings suggest that this need for intimacy among women may also contribute to less favorable attitudes about condoms and less condom usage especially in ongoing (vs. casual) relationships with their male partners (see wade 2007). more investigation is needed to understand the mechanisms of this phenomenon. discussion gender as cultural context cole (2005) aptly describes the hiv/aids epidemic among black women as “a disease of mass destruction” (2005:51). she points out the limitations of the “abc trilogy” of prevention. for many black women, providing or “teaching” the facts about abstinence, faithfulness and consistent condom usage (abc) are not enough to stem the tide of the epidemic given the societal issues that impact the broader african american community. the issues of “infidelity, rape, incest … secret bisexuality, fears of rejection and loneliness, and serial monogamy” (2005:53) make it necessary to supplement the abc model with other approaches to risk reduction. cole agrees that it is crucial that black women receive tailored and “comprehensive sex education” (2005:57) in response to this set of hodge, wade 27 27 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 issues. such gender specific programs must: 1) convey the gravity of the hiv/aids epidemic to women; 2) influence personal behaviors and notions of responsibility (abstinence, alternative forms of intimacy, risk implications of multiple partners); 3) enhance women’s sense of personal empowerment (self esteem, self efficacy, condom negotiation skills), and 4) finally, emphasize hiv/aids advocacy to overcome community apathy, fatalism and conspiracy theories. another question related to gender role expectations and sexual risk-taking for women and men is how to combat the “valorization of thug life, misogyny, homophobic violence, and a constant need to prove one’s manhood” (hill collins, 2004:81 – 82; cole & guy sheftall, 2003). such beliefs, norms and “contextual factors influence sexual risk-taking” (mcnair, 2004:107). these factors include environmental stress, relationship history, perceived victimization status, an imbalanced sex ratio – fewer available partners and an attenuated ability for females to negotiate condom use (mcnair, 2004). in a setting with an unbalanced sex ratio, there is considerable pressure on women to compete for the attention of men. further, black women in college are less likely to date outside of their race than men. consequently, more attention must be given to these environmental pressures within the framework of hiv/ aids prevention for hbcu students. although most intervention programs target the individual, health behaviors can illustrate how the health problems of americans and especially youth are embedded in the social, economic and political structures of society. evidence suggests that prevention programs need to begin early in life, before risk-taking behaviors cement themselves as a part of people’s behavioral repertoires. holtzman and rubinson (1995) observed the impact of parent versus peer communication about hiv/aids among high school students in the u.s. they found that students who discussed hiv with their parents were significantly less likely to engage in risky sexual behaviors and drug injection than their peers who primarily discussed hiv with other students. other studies have found convincing evidence linking family organization and interaction styles to risktaking behaviors (see walker, vaughn, and cohall 1991; leland and 28 challenge 28 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 barth 1993). strategies that facilitate development of pro-social environments are needed to stem the tide of risk taking behaviors. uncovering the social and cultural elements of the lived experiences of specific at-risk groups will provide much needed information for positive interventions of their risky sexual behaviors. this type of preparation for a productive life style may hold the most promise for reducing unhealthy life choices and the negative outcomes that seem to be endemic to many communities (see stokes and hodge 2000; harris, duncan, and boisjoly 2002). youth and sexuality in the age of hiv/aids a study sponsored by the kaiser family foundation/children now initiative (1999) surveyed 348 children between the ages of 10 and 15 in an effort to understand where youth receive information about subjects such as sex and aids. what the survey revealed was that youth between 13 and 15 years rely on peers as much or more than on parents for information on sex and sexual relations. for example, the respondents were asked to whom they would likely talk if they were thinking about sex. over one-fourth (27%) responded that they would talk to friends. when asked if they had ever talked to their parents about a range of issues, 24% indicated they had never talked to either parent about aids, 19% had not talked to either parent about basic facts of sexual reproduction, 26% had not talked about issues surrounding becoming sexually active, and 21% had not talked to their parents about pregnancy or sexually transmitted diseases. respondents also indicated interest in knowing more about issues concerning sex and its consequences. this and other studies show that youth are indeed interested in issues pertaining to reproductive health and health issues in general. students come to college campuses with these questions and issues still unresolved. many have already engaged in risky activities. social forces in the larger societal context operate to either aggravate or attenuate the behaviors on the college campuses. for instance, research indicates that african american adolescents initiate sexual encounters, on average, at an earlier age than their white and hispanic counterparts (bakken and winter 2002). most hodge, wade 29 29 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 interventions, therefore, focus on information processing. the idea is that the more knowledge students have about the negative outcomes, the less likely they will be to participate in risky behaviors. seminars that provide factual information are clearly a necessary component for reducing risky sexual activity; but they may not be wholly sufficient. programs that address the “cultural baggage” of students are needed to complete the package for effective behavior change. and, it is important that these programs are based on sound scientific foundations. we are looking to delineate the social and cultural structures that circumscribe the behavioral repertoires of these actors; but, moreso, we seek to understand the inter-relationships or interaction of the social context with the actor. in essence, we examine the mutual interpenetration and interdependence of agent and structure. we do not ask simply what are the social forces impinging upon each actor; but, what are the actors’ perceptions of these social forces as they negotiate the cultural milieu of on their campuses. interaction of culture and individual we believe that a major issue hampering effective intervention on college campuses, particularly hbcus, is the belief that it is ultimately the individual that controls his/her behaviors and is the author of one’s own fate. yet, sociological theory holds that individuality is constrained by social forces such as class, race, gender and social institutions such as family, education, religion, and work, among others. factors relating to these social institutions must be included when trying to implement behavioral change strategies. link and phelan (1995), for example, demonstrate the connections between family interaction dynamics and risky sexual behaviors. bakken and winter (2002) show that there is an association between family characteristics and age of sexual initiation as well as the lifetime number of sexual partners (both variables that are important in assessing sexual risk). hence, consistent with long-standing social science theory, the relationship between health-related behaviors, risk and knowledge can be incorporated in studies of social structure, social practices, and agency (abel 1991). 30 challenge 30 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 social structure is defined as the factors involving individuals’ relationships to each other and the attendant power relations. social practices are the reflexive activities in which people engage to make and transform the world. agency is defined as the ability for people to deploy a range of causal powers—to “make a difference to a preexisting state of affairs or course of events” (giddens 1984). in-depth qualitative analysis of case studies is the only way to fully assess the actor within the particular context of the college culture (burawoy 1991; feagin, orum, and sjoberg 1991). ample evidence exists demonstrating the relationship between social factors and effective health behavior intervention strategies. for example, research has shown that carefully designed interventions that take into account the socio-cultural context play an important role in reducing risky behaviors of adolescents and young adults for a variety of problem areas. kirby et al. (1994) provide a review of school based programs designed to reduce sexual risk taking behavior among adolescents. they found that a number of programs were able to successfully reduce risk taking behaviors. additionally, frost and forrest (1995) identified five programs that were successful in either reducing rates of sexual initiation by young adolescents or increasing the use of contraceptives for those who are engaging in sexual intercourse. more recently, stokes and hodge (2000) examine the effects of programs such as upward bound on the risk taking behavior of adolescents. these studies and others demonstrate the substantial influence social factors have as determinants of health behaviors. for instance, myers, javanbakht, maritinez, and obediah (2003) examine the behavioral, demographic, social, and psychological factors that may be associated with high sexual risk activities. they find that for heterosexual african american males, social support provided significantly deacreased risk-taking activities. in other words, for every mean point increase in social support there was an associated 2.3% decrease in the likelihood of risky behaviors among this population group. a recently published study examined the influence of social context on individual behaviors that may place people at risk for negative health outcomes (adimora and schoenbach 2005). these researchers found important sociohodge, wade 31 31 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 cultural factors that may put african americans at greater risk for stis and hiv. they find that sharply contrasting social settings for blacks and whites, particularly in their social networks, is likely to maintain the gap in hiv rates. they note that overlapping sexual partners is more prevalent among blacks. a lot of this finding can be traced to contextual factors such as incarceration rates of black males, segregation, and poverty. the study of sexual networks on black college campuses has not been done, to date. numerous studies of college students have explored the relationship of knowledge about hiv and risky sexual behavior (see parsons jt, halkitis pn, bimbi d, borkowski t; bazargan m, kelly em, stein ja, husaini ba, bazargan sh 2000; dilorio c, dudley wn, soet j, watkins j, maibach e. 2000). in many studies knowledge of hiv is not correlated with safe sex practices (valentine pa, wright dl, henley gl. 2003; lewis je, malow rm, ireland sj 1997) and interventions based on social cognition models have had limited success in changing risky sexual behavior (ogden 2003). other researchers have suggested the need to integrate social group process into cognition models for youth and young adults (schofield pe, pattison pe, hill dj, borland r. 2003; young ra, lynam mj, valach l, novak h, brierton i, christopher a. 2001). several scholars have noted the importance of social factors and culture on sexual health behaviors of african americans (plowden k, miller jl, james t. 2000; plowden ko, young ae 2003). college campuses provide an interesting social setting where lives are very closely intertwined on a number of levels. conclusion students work, live, play, etc. in a very small space and issues of privacy are heightened by this type of organic density. these concerns are particularly salient on historically black colleges and universities where there is greater density than on traditionally larger majority campuses (literally, everyone is, at minimum, familiar to everyone). institutional culture develops and changes as the nature of the interactions of its members adjust to social forces from inside and outside the institution. the findings chronicled herein, at least, 32 challenge 32 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 begin to focus much needed attention on the dynamic interplay among students at historically black colleges and universities. given the cultural baggage african americans bring with them to college, the lack of (or inconsistent) parental information provided to youth regarding sexual relationships and the inconsistent condom use among hbcu and other college students, it is crucial to provide students with culturally specific risk reduction programming that addresses the lack of risk knowledge, erroneous and problematic early life socialization about intimacy and relationships, and the gender imbalances in intimate relationships. hodge, wade 33 33 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 references burawoy, michael, et al 1991. ethnography unbound: power and resistance in the modern metropolis. berkeley: university of california press. campbell, carole a. 1999. women, families and hiv/ aids: a sociological perspective on the epidemic in america. cambridge:cambridge university press. centers for disease control and prevention 1997. “youth risk behavior surveillance: national college health risk behavior survey united states, 1995.” mmwr (46): 1 – 56. centers for disease control and prevention 2001. “u.s. hiv and aids cases reported through december 2001.” hiv / aids surveillance report 13 (2). centers for disease control and prevention 2004. “methodology of the youth risk behavior surveillance system.” mmwr (53): 1 – 13. centers for disease control and prevention 2007(b). “update to racial / ethnic disparities in diagnoses of hiv / aids – 33 states, 2001 – 2005” mmwr 56(9):189 193. centers for disease control and prevention 2007. “cases of hiv infection and aids in the united states and dependent areas, 2005.” hiv / aids surveillance report 17 (june, 2007). cohen, sheldon; tom kamarck; robin mermelstein 1983. “a global measure of perceived stress.” journal of health and social behavior, vol. 24 (4): 385-396. cole, johnnetta betsch and beverly guy sheftall 2003. gender talk: the struggle for women’s equality in african american communities. new york: ballantine books. 34 challenge 34 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 cole, lorraine 2005. “the politics of hiv prevention and black women.” the harvard journal of african american public policy 11 (summer): 51 – 62. dehart, d.d. & birkimer, j.c. 1997. “trying to practice safer sex: development of the sexual risk scale.” the journal of sex research 34: 11 – 25. foreman, f.e. 2003 “african american college women: constructing a hierarchy of sexual arrangements.” aids care 15: 493-504. foreman, faith e. 2003. “intimate risk: sexual risk behavior among african american college women.” journal of black studies 33(5):637 – 653. hill collins, patricia 2004. black sexual politics: african americans, gender, and the new racism. new york: routledge. roberts, george w., mcnair, lily d. & smith, dawn 2004. “introduction” the journal of black psychology 30(1):5 10. sobo, e.j. 1995 choosing unsafe sex: aids-risk denial among disadvantaged women. philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press. stokes, carla e. and gant, larry m. 2002. “turning the tables on the hiv / aids epidemic: hip hop as a tool for reaching african american adolescent girls.” african american research perspectives 8(2) :71 – 81. taylor, s.e., dilorio, c., stephens, t.t. and soet, j.e. 1997. “a comparison of aids-related sexual risk behaviors among african-american college students.” journal of the national medical association 89(6): 397-403. u. s. department of the census 2000 table p34b family type by presence and age of own children (black or african american alone householder) [20] downloaded from www.census.gov february 2, 2008. hodge, wade 35 35 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 36 challenge wade, bruce h. 2007. “the disabling nature of the hiv / aids discourse among hbcu students: how postcolonial racial identities and gender expectations influence hiv prevention attitudes and sexual risk-taking.” in wagadu: a journal transnational women’s and gender studies volume 4 (summer): 125 -141. wingood, gina m., diclemente, ralph j., bernhardt, j. m., harrington, k., davies, s. l., robillard, a. and hook, e. w. 2003 “a prospective study of exposure to rap music videos and african american female adolescents’ health.” american journal of public health, 93, 437–439. 36 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 intersection between race, gender, and sexual risk: implications for sti/hiv on hbcu campuses ____________________________________________________ sinead n. younge,1 deidre smith,2 lawrence young,1 daphne cole,2 danielle dickens,2 lauren reynolds,2 raqiyah dixon,2 wilton robinson,1 porsche n. buchanan,2 _________________________________________________________ abstract there is a disproportionate incidence and prevalence rate of human immunodeficiency virus (hiv) among african americans. hiv/aids is one of the leading cause of death among blacks, aged 25-44. it is likely that many of these individuals contracted hiv while they were college aged. black college students are an understudied group. the behaviors of college students in general, and the combination of environment and individual behaviors, warrants further investigation of sexual risk behaviors among black college students. furthermore, it is important to understand both the risk and protective factors that different environments may play. a substantial number of black students attend historically black colleges and universities (hbcus), which have purported to have protective affects on risk behaviors. this paper will give a cursory review of the sexual risk literature of black college students and identify some of the risk and protective factors associated with hbcus. ________________________________________ 1 department of psychology, morehouse college 2 departments of psychology and history, spelman college younge, et al. 37 37 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 introduction while african americans comprise approximately 13% of the u.s. population, they have higher incidence and prevalence rates of acute and chronic diseases, and overall poorer health outcomes in comparison with other racial groups. nowhere are these disparities more evident than in the hiv/aids epidemic. identified by the centers for disease control and prevention (cdc) in 1981, the human immunodeficiency virus (hiv) emerged in u.s. metropolitan cities among large numbers of homosexual males or men who have sex with men (msm) and intravenous drug users (idus). these early cases led individuals to believe that hiv, which was originally coined as gay related immunodeficiency disease (grid), mostly affected gay white males. much of the early prevention efforts targeted the gay community and despite cdc data suggesting that blacks1 may be at an increased risk for the disease as early as 1982, african americans did not become a high priority group for prevention efforts until the 1990s. this early lack of focus and prevention efforts on communities of color may have indirectly influenced the increasing hiv incidence and prevalence rates among people of color and specifically, african americans, while the rates of other groups began to decline or stabilize (cdc, 2007). once blacks became a high priority group for research and surveillance, the majority of research focused on lowincome, urban, or intravenous drug using populations despite the fact that the risk behaviors of other segments of the black population (i.e., college students) placed them at increased risk for sexually transmitted infections (stis) including hiv, and it is likely that a substantial proportion of african americans contracted hiv while in college (ferguson, quinn, eng, sandelowski, 2006). this paper will: (1) provide a cursory overview of the current literature on the understudied black college student population, (2) the unique ___________________________________________ 1 for the purposes of this paper, the labels african americans and blacks will be used interchangeably. 38 challenge 38 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 influence that hbcus can have on risk and protective factors, and (3) examine how previously identified factors such as gender, race, and sexual risk intersect to play a role in the behaviors of black college students. blacks and hiv/aids in 1992, 11 years after the cdc’s identification of hiv, blacks were 3.5 times more likely to contract aids than whites and black women were 13.8 times more likely to contract aids than white women (jenkins et al. 1993). eighteen years later in 2005, blacks accounted for 49% of the new hiv/aids diagnoses (cdc, 2007). in 2005, blacks were 10 times more likely than whites to have an aids diagnosis and black women were 23 times more likely than their white counterparts to have an aids diagnosis. among blacks, men who have sex with men remain the primary risk group for hiv followed by idus, and high risk heterosexuals (cdc, 2007). as of 2002, hiv was the second leading cause of death for individuals aged 25 to 44 (cdc, 2007). the majority of these individuals probably contracted hiv when they were college age. moving beyond the biomedical framework researchers have speculated about the multiplicity of risk factors that place blacks at increased risk for hiv. diverging from the biomedical model, the cdc reports that race and ethnicity alone are not risk factors for hiv infection. the second generation of hiv/aids research examines sexual risk behavior from an ecological perspective, examining how individuals interact with their environments and the resulting behaviors. increased susceptibility to hiv is a function of behaviors, environment, and predisposing physiological conditions such as the existence of ulcerative and nonulcerative stis that make individuals biologically more susceptible to contracting hiv by compromising the mucosal barrier that normally protects against infection (berman & cohen, 2006; clan, 2006). despite comparable or higher rates of condom use reported between blacks and whites, blacks remain more likely than whites to have an sti which increases one’s chance 3 or 5 fold of contracting hiv (cdc, 2007; quinn, 1996). this finding of similar rates of condom use among some blacks and whites, but higher rates of stis among younge, et al. 39 39 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 blacks is purported to result from other social and economic factors. for instance, blacks have historically had less access to healthcare including early diagnosis and treatment of stis, mistrust of the medical establishment, higher rates of intravenous drug use, higher rates of incarceration, and a male-female sex ratio imbalance which may result in serial monogamy, or shared partner networks, power imbalances in relationships, homophobia, and risky social norms (ferguson et al., 2006). combined, all of these factors place blacks at higher risk than their white counterparts for contracting an sti/ hiv. the majority of early research on blacks and hiv has examined the proximal determinants of hiv and has taken a deficit perspective, focusing on the individual risk behaviors. individual risk factors alone, to not explicate the disparate rates of hiv among the various racial and ethnic groups. as previously mentioned, there are a number of environmental or contextual factors to take into account. additionally, there are inherent strengths within the black community that can act as protective factors against sexual risk. discourse on hiv is incomplete without an examination of both the risk and protective factors that influence sexual behavior. black college students black college students represent only one segment of the heterogeneous black population. research on black college students can provide invaluable information about the 14% of african americans over the age of 25, who hold a b.a. degree (u.s. bureau of the census, 2003). hbcus enroll 13% to 14% of all black students in higher education in the u.s., although they constitute only three percent of america’s institutions of higher education. in 2001, more than one-fifth of all bachelor’s degrees awarded to blacks were from hbcus (provasnik & shafer, 2008). despite the high risk behaviors of college students in general, black college students remain an underrepresented and understudied group. blacks are often indirectly studied in small sample sizes as part of larger studies of the general college population at predominately white institutions (pwis). when blacks are the sole focus of a study, the risk and protective factors of these community and clinical (often low-income or idu samples), 40 challenge 40 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 may not be generalizable to the experiences of other segments of the black community (i.e., college educated samples). although extensive epidemiogical studies of the general college population are lacking, one early study speculated that the rate of hiv among college students is 2 per 1,000 students and are purported to be even higher among black college students (gayle, keeling, garciatunnon, kilbourne, narkunas, ingram et al., 1990). adolescents and risky behaviors the 2005 national survey of 9th through 12th grade u.s. public and private school students known as the national youth risk behavior surveillance (yrbs). study reported that black high school students were more likely to report having ever had sexual intercourse, having sexual intercourse before the age of 13, having more lifetime partners, being currently sexually active, and less likely to report using a condom the last time they had sex in comparison with their white counterparts. however, black students were less likely to report using a number of illicit substances and having had an episode of heavy drinking, than their white counterparts (yrbs, 2006). these risk behaviors often carry over to the college years. it is estimated that greater than 80% of all college students are sexually active by their freshmen year, and less than half use condoms consistently (fisher, spurlock-mclendon, delgado, & melchreit, 1999; lewis, malow, & ireland, 1997). previous studies suggest that college students in general, consistently engage in highrisk behaviors including inconsistent condom use, illicit substance and alcohol use during sex, and sex with multiple partners (hightow, leone, macdonald et al., 2006). hbcus in the forefront the current interest in hbcus and their roles in the hiv epidemic was stimulated in 2003 when the cdc published a report entitled “hiv transmission among black college student and non-student men who have sex with men.” based on the findings from this retrospective study conducted by the north carolina department of health with the assistance of the cdc, researchers and the general population began to speculate about the role that men who have sex with men (msm) played as vectors in the hiv younge, et al. 41 41 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 epidemic among african american women. the discussion over msm became even more publicized in the popular media with the 2004 release of j.l. king’s book, “on the down low: a journey into the lives of “straight” black men who sleep with men.” the term downlow has been in existence in the black community for a number of years, but it is currently used to describe the behavior of men who have sex with other men as well as women (msm/w) and do not identify as gay or bisexual. while some women have been infected through intercourse with bisexual men, there is simply not enough empirical evidence to confirm this claim as a major route of transmission (cdc, 2007). despite the misguided efforts of the mainstream media to assist black women in identifying or revealing non-identified msm/w as the main scapegoats in the contemporary hiv/aids epidemic in the black community, black msm continue to have the highest risk for contracting hiv of all groups, and there remains a lack of understanding of this “difficult to reach” and often misunderstood group. black men who have sex with men the white gay community has effectively mobilized and organized hiv education and prevention efforts to reduce hiv incidence rates. in contrast, the black gay community is not as visible and cohesive. hence there is a significant proportion of black msm who, due to racial, cultural, or religious reasons, do not embrace a “gay identity.” racism, cultural beliefs about masculinity, sexual orientation, and religious doctrine (which often condemns homosexual behavior) decrease the desire to take on the label of “gay.” therefore, researchers have focused on the behavior of ‘men who have sex with men,’ rather than the identity of being gay. with the advent of the internet including chat rooms and networking sites, black msm may find it easier and more comfortable to meet and interact with other msm with a certain level of anonymity and confidentiality. consequently, the internet also exposes individuals to a high number of potential sex partners with various hiv risk statuses. this perceived anonymity may sometimes cause individuals to engage in riskier behaviors-behaviors in which they would not typically engage. consequently, the internet becomes 42 challenge 42 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 a new frontier for researchers to recruit and understand sexual risk behaviors under different social networks. individuals are often first exposed to vastly new social networks during their college years. coincidently, college becomes a time when individuals of all sexual orientations may attempt to exercise their new independence and autonomy and engage in sexual exploration and experimentation and/or practice safer sexual behaviors including abstinence, monogamy, and consistent condom use (foreman, 2003). black heterosexual males an area of research that is receiving an increasing amount of attention is heterosexual african american male behavior. researchers have long claimed that men are likely to be more casual than women in their sexual behaviors and to engage in greater sexual risk taking (poppen, 1995). however, research indicates that gendered sexual risk difference is complicated and context specific. there are a number of sociocultural factors that influence the sexual risk behaviors of black heterosexual males. traditional gender roles dictate that men be the initiators of sexual activity and many of the hiv prevention campaigns that target women, hold this supposition. however, there is evidence that men will engage in unwanted sexual activities because of their partner’s tactics (russell & oswald, 2002; struckman-johnson, 1988). the types of sexual coercion by women may differ than the type of male initiated sexual coercion. interestingly, some studies estimate that up to 44% of male college students reported being the recipient of a sexually coercive tactic (russell & oswald, 2002). moreover, male initiated sexual coercion tactics are more likely to be viewed as threatening or capable of doing harm than women initiated sexually coercive tactics which may be viewed as promiscuous (oswald & russell, 2006). unlike males who may be more likely to use alcohol, verbal, or physical strategies, women are more likely to use verbal tactics. black males who are sexually coerced by women may have their masculinity questioned, and feel the need to have to prove their manhood through sexual acts, although more research in this area is needed to support this assertion. younge, et al. 43 43 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 despite engaging in high-risk activities, college students (including black college students) have a low subjective perception of hiv risk (payne, 2006). in a qualitative study conducted by thompson-robinson and colleagues (2007) of the perceptions of heterosexual (n=57) african american males’ high risk sexual behaviors, participants reported partner attractiveness, being in love, sensation seeking, substance use, knowing that another man had sex with a woman and did not contract a disease, and physical arousal as some reasons why heterosexual african american males may engage in unprotected sexual intercourse. when asked about cultural influences on african american males’ sexual behaviors and practices, the participants reported that their friends and acquaintances, media, and spirituality all influenced sexual behavior. while religious doctrine was reported as influencing sexual decisions and behaviors, concerns regarding pregnancy and acquiring hiv or other stis also acted as deterrents to risky behaviors. in a 2003, qualitative study of black college women (n=15), similar findings as those of thompson-robinson and colleagues, were reported. participants reported sensation seeking or pleasing their partners as a primary reason for not using condoms. in a longitudinal, within group, cluster analysis of the heterogeneity patterns of sexual risk behaviors among african american youth, burrow and colleagues (2007) found that patterns of sexual risk were related to lifetime psychiatric diagnoses, which is consistent with previous research in this age group (shrier, harris, kurland, & knight, 2003). african american are overrepresented in at risk populations that are susceptible for compromised mental health due to economics, incarceration, foster care, exposure to violence, access to health care (samhsa, 2008) therefore, prevention efforts need to target these groups specifically. black heterosexual women the hiv epidemic does not uniformly affect african american women. instead, the increasing incidence rates are most commonly found among women of lower socioeconomic statuses and hence most of the research has focused on this group. few studies have examined the risk factors of african american women college 44 challenge 44 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 students. one sociocultural factor that transcends social strata is interpersonal power. interpersonal power has demonstrated to be necessary to engage in hiv protective behaviors within the context of dyadic relationships and there exist a number of cultural factors that are hypothesized to intersect and predict interpersonal relationship power in relationships that are generalizable to all women. wingood and diclemente’s (1998) expanded theory of gender and power (tgp) explains how interpersonal power influences hiv protective behavior among african american women, while taking into account the intersection of culture, gender relations, and various traditional cognitive behavioral factors. namely, among black college students, these power imbalances may be less influenced by threats of violence, gender and peer norms, perceived sex ratio-imbalance, and the desire to be in a relationship, also known as the structure of cathexis in tgp. foreman (2003) found that black college women would rather relinquish their power to engage in safer sex and give in to their own or a partner’s needs or desire, than engage safer sexual behavior. in foreman’s study, participants reported that their longing for intimacy and desire for a long-term relationship overshadowed or even compromised their risk reduction (e.g., condom negotiation) capabilities (fullilove, fullilove, haynes, & gross, 1990). this compliance with partners’ actual or perceived preferences may be a result of the gender ratio imbalance articulated early in the hiv epidemic by mays and cochran (1988) and fullilove and colleagues (1990). the gender ratio imbalance among blacks exists in the general society and particularly among black college students, with black females outnumbering black males for the last several decades. the actual and perceived gender ratio imbalance, is purported to result in men having multiple sexual partners and women having to decide whether or not to accept this and perhaps knowingly engage in the act of man sharing (fergueson et al., 2006). an additional consequence of the gendered sex ratio imbalance may be women who engage in serial monogamy in hopes of securing an intimate relationship while increasing their number of lifetime sexual partners, and in turn increasing their risk of contracting an sti. subsequently, african american college women have reported being more likely to younge, et al. 45 45 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 engage in risky sexual behaviors such as condom non or inconsistent use, when they were in a committed romantic, sexual relationship (winfield & whaley, 2005). gender roles another influential social construct is gender roles which set up different sexual expectations for men and women. while biological gender differences transcend race, class, and sexual orientation, gender roles are socially constructed and may vary depending on cultural norms. in general, gender roles dictate that men initiate sexual activity and women are suppose to resist or limit sexual activity and be more concerned with romance and affection than sex (peplau & gordan, 1985). although children are socialized to various gender role norms and expectations based on their cultural mores, the college years are a time of exploration during which ideas about gender are particularly salient and may shift according to the environment. college students may be exposed to mainstream and more common stereotypes in new domains such as generalizations about masculinity and femininity in dating relationships. traditionally defined gender roles within the confines of a relationship can have a significant impact on how individuals engage in sexual encounters. traditional gender roles can influence sexual coercion or intimidation, which has been identified as a serious issue on college campuses (owald, 2005). though much of the initial research focused on men as the aggressor, recently, researchers have begun to acknowledge that women also behave in a coercive manner in their sexual encounters (oswald & russell, 2005). there is evidence that people judge men and women differently when they engage in the same aggressive behaviors (oswald & russell, 2005). subsequently, there is a double standard in how individuals of different genders are perceived. women who are sexually assertive or who carry condoms may be viewed as promiscuous. conversely, men who refrain from sex or are not assertive may have their masculinity questioned. in a recent study conducted by shearer (2005), the more men endorsed the idea that men should not behave in a feminine manner, the greater their likelihood of engaging in risky sexual behavior. 46 challenge 46 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 substance use in addition to the psychosociocultural factors that influence sexual risk behaviors, there are salient biological factors that place african american youth at increased risk. there is a well established behavioral and biological link between sexual risk behaviors and substance use including alcohol and other drugs (aod). individuals who abuse alcohol and other substances have demonstrated to be at increased risk for stis including hiv (cdc, 2007). this relationship between substance use and increased risk for stis can be caused by using substances which impair decision making, and/or comprising immune system functioning and in turn, cause individuals to be more susceptible for contracting an infection. as previously noted, college is often a time of sexual exploration, and exploration/ experimentation with various substance. the aforementioned 2005 yrbs also examined substance use behavior in a national survey of 9th through 12th graders. black students reported lower rates of cigarette smoking, lifetime and current prevalence of alcohol use, and all other illicit substances in comparison with their white counterparts (yrbs, 2006). studies confirm that students at hbcus and african american students in general drink substantially less and suffer fewer consequences than do students at predominantly white institutions (pwi). researchers purport that the disparity in alcohol consumption appears to be strongly related to protective factors such as hbcus’ general emphasis on character development in their institutional missions and possibly, their enrollment of many students with strong religious values and their own religious foundations (kapner, 2003). the environment at hbcus may mitigate against the “culture of drinking” and other substance use found on many pwi campuses (kapner, 2003). however, evidence suggests that black students who attend pwi, also have lower rates of substance use in comparison with their white counterparts therefore, the protective factors may exist prior to entering college and be reinforced on hbcu campuses. in a 2003 study of marijuana use at two hbcus, bowenreid and rhodes found that 52% of their sample reported at least one instance of lifetime marijuana use. twenty five percent of their sample reported starting to smoke between the ages of 15 to 17, younge, et al. 47 47 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 while 16% of their sample reported starting to smoke marijuana in college. approximately 6.5% of the sample reported smoking marijuana daily. gender differences also exist, males were more likely than females to smoke marijuana. the findings from this study also demonstrated that lower rates of marijuana use were related to higher levels of spirituality. therefore, as previously noted, spirituality has demonstrated to be a protective factor against risky sexual behavior and substance use. researchers are increasingly interested in the role of protective or factors that buffer against adverse health behaviors. if identified, these factors can be instrumental in developing effective prevention interventions. among a number of identified protective factors are the family, social support, and spirituality and religiosity. role of the family parents play a critical role in shaping their children’s behaviors. “generally, the role of the family is to act as the primary socialization agent and provide support and codes of conduct for social competence for children within a given network” (younge & mcadoo, in press). traditionally, blacks adhere to a communalistic or collectivist worldview and the black family has been identified as one of the most enduring strengths in the resiliency of blacks (mcadoo, 1992). additionally, the black family has been purported to act as a buffer or protective factor against “menacing societal stimuli” (hayles, bell, evans, floyd, monteiro, daniels & harrell, 2004, p. 410). previous research demonstrates that parents exert more power on the behavior of adolescents, than previously thought (hutchinson & montgomery, 2007). parental factors that influence risk behaviors include parent-teen closeness, social support, parental monitoring, parental expectations, and parent-child communication (jaccard, dittus, & gordan, 1996; diclemente, wingood, crosby, cobb, harrington, davies, hook, & oh, 2001; li, feigelman, & stanton, 2000; miller et al., 1999; dilorio, kelly, & hockenberry-eaton, 1999; dutra, miller, & forehand, 1999, st. lawrence, brasfield, & jefferson, 1994). some studies have shown that children will refrain from certain risky behaviors (e.g., substance use) for fear of disappointing their family and communities (jordan, 2001). black parents often 48 challenge 48 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 encourage their children to surpass the achievements of previous generation and children are commonly informed of the sacrifices made by their parents and prior generations. these expectations can enhance an investment in future orientation. constructs such as future orientation or ‘planning for tomorrow,’ has demonstrated to positively predict african american college women’s condom frequency. “using condoms in the present provides an individual with a safeguard against possible negative future consequences associated with failure to use condoms consistently during sexual activity” (burns & dillon 2005:184). previous research has demonstrated that parental monitoring plays a critical role in the decrease of risky sexual behavior among adolescents (diclemente et al., 2001). as individuals transition to college, parental monitoring becomes inconsequential and “social ties to family and other social institutions that promote conventional norms” (voisin et al., 2006, p. 72) may act as a buffer for risky sexual behaviors. another study examined parental influences on the sexual risk attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of african american, late adolescent hbcu students (hutchinson & montgomery, 2007). the results demonstrated that female students had a greater amount of parent-teen sexual risk communication with their mothers, in comparison with male students. as expected, male students reported greater parent-teen sexual risk communication with their fathers in comparison with female students yet there were no significant differences between males and females in the total amount of communication from parents. students who reported higher levels of communication also reported feeling closer to their parents during their high school years, and a greater perceived importance of their parent’s opinions. this research indicates that an increase in mother sexual communication is associated with more conservative attitudes towards sex by students and less difficulty discussing sexual topics with their partners. greater communication with fathers has also been associated with more positive attitudes toward condom use among female students and less difficulty discussing condoms among male students. younge, et al. 49 49 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 media influences in addition to parents, the media is influential in framing individuals’ (particularly adolescents) perceptions and images about how relationships should and do function. relatively little research has examined whether exposure to sex in the media has a long-term impact on teens’ sexual behavior. in a recent longitudinal study conducted by brown and colleagues (2006), researchers assessed whether early black and white adolescents (aged 12 to 14) who have more exposure to media were more likely than those with less exposure to media to have more advanced precoital and coital behavior by middle adolescence? their findings indicated that younger adolescents with the highest exposure to sexual media, were 2.2 times more likely than older adolescents to have had sexual intercourse. in their study, black adolescents’ sexual activity was more likely to be influenced by parental expectations and peer behavior, than media influences. this is consistent with the aforementioned influence of the black family. currently, one of the most popular and influential entertainment mediums is hip-hop or rap music. although hip hop has gone through several major iterations, the latest ongoing debate regarding its depiction of african american lifestyles remains controversial. most recently, the misogynist portrayal of women in some music videos, television shows, and movies has been publicized and criticized. one of the major concerns of most critiques is the youth who are influenced by certain propaganda and ascribe to the stereotypical roles being portrayed. thompsonrobinson and colleagues found that the media had an impact on the sexual behaviors and perceptions of hiv risk among their black male, college participants. one male participant reported that the images of females in the music videos had an ”impact on one’s psyche” and if a rap artist was not having sex with all of the women in their [videos], they were “less of a man” (thompson-robinson et al., 2007, p. 162). the use of certain aspects, such as sex, fame, and glamorization of the hip-hop culture is used as a medium to promote the sale of products and lifestyles. the inability of some young people to discern entertainment from reality becomes even more troubling and results in the emulation by both men and women, to behave 50 challenge 50 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 in a manner which is consistent with certain aspects of some hip hop artists (i.e., the objectification of women as being hyper sexual, and men as abusive, the glamorization of casual sex, promiscuity, substance use), with little attention to consequences such as the acquisition of stis. another study of african american female adolescents sought to determine whether perceiving portrayals of sexual stereotypes in rap music videos was associated with adverse health outcomes including substance use and sexual risk behaviors (peterson, wingood, diclemente, harrington, & davies, 2007). peterson and colleagues demonstrated a relationship between increased perception of sexual stereotypes and binge drinking, marijuana use, multiple sexual partners, and negative body image. it appears that exposure to rap videos had a negative impact on the health behaviors of african american adolescent girls. however, these findings must be cautiously interpreted and it must be noted that this study can not determine the direction of the relationship such that does rap have an affect on health, or does one’s sexual behavior influence how they perceive rap music? given the current age of technology, it is apparent that the media’s influence health behavior warrants further investigation. conclusion in accordance with the recognition that individual level, proximal factors such as beliefs, knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors alone do not sufficiently explain the disproportionate burden of hiv/aids on african americans, researchers have begun to look to environmental or contextual factors. additionally, rather than overwhelmingly focusing on specific segments of the black population (e.g., low income, substance users, msm), researchers are currently expanding their investigations to other segments of the black population including college students. this focus on college students despite, little epidemiological data on their actual hiv rates is supported by the fact that many african americans were infected while they were college age. application of an ecological model of health behaviors would lead to the examination of different environments for college students and the risk and protective factors associated with those younge, et al. 51 51 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 students and their environments. differences in disease rates have demonstrated to be influenced by the differential distribution of risk behaviors including, smaller partner pools (e.g., small vs. large student populations), and risk behaviors (e.g., low vs. high substance use, idu use versus alcohol or marijuana use). these differences influence the higher rates of stis and hiv in certain populations, but also indicate that certain aspects of the hbcu environment may contain certain risk and protective factors against sexual risk. the college experiences of black students vary by the type of institution they attend. research has demonstrated that there is a distinction between black students enrolled in predominantly white institutions (pwi) versus historically black colleges or universities (hbcu), that needs to be further explored (greer, 2007). the goal of this paper was to describe how race and gender can interact to influence the sexual risk behaviors of black college students with a specific interest on students attending hbcus. college students may not face some of the same inequalities as the general population (e.g., lack of access to health care and education), therefore, prevention interventions need to address the specific challenges faced by this population. it must be noted that hiv incidence in the united states is highest in the southeastern region, which is the same region of the united states which contains the highest concentration of hbcus. college students often have sexual partners who are not college students; therefore, it is imperative that risk be conceptualized from a comprehensive perspective. the nature of college campuses dictate that college students will be exposed to an abundance of sexual risk knowledge, but as demonstrated in numerous studies, knowledge alone is not enough to promote healthy behaviors. despite the increased levels of selfreport risky sexual behaviors, college students in general and black college students inaccurately do not perceive themselves to be at risk (braithwaite, stephens, sumpter-gaddist, murdaugh, taylor, & braithwaite, 1998; payne, 2006). it is important to examine the reasons why black college students still participate in risky behaviors despite their knowledge of the hiv/aids epidemic within the black community. some studies indicate that these personal fables of the consequences of sexually risky behaviors may be culturally 52 challenge 52 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 influenced. in order for prevention researchers and practitioners to be proactive and prevent black college students from being the next leading group in the hiv/aids epidemic, more research and effective interventions are critical. lastly, it is not enough for researchers to take conceptual models developed on white college student samples and simply generalize them to black college students. instead, the nuances of this group should be understood from a culturally congruent perspective. future directions a large multi-site epidemiological study should be conducted on college campuses with adequate samples of black students. there is an increased need for more accurate estimations of the sti/ hiv incidence and prevalence rates of black on college campuses. second, in order to test some of the questions raised in this paper (i.e., protective/risk factors of hbcus), the environments of black students attending hbcus and those attending pwis should be examined and compared. lastly, those individuals who are practicing healthy behaviors and in turn lowering their sexual risk, should be examined in depth. correlates of protective behaviors can be identified and implemented into effective interventions. younge, et al. 53 53 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 references baldwin, j. d., & baldwin, j. i. 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(2003). “intimate risk, sexual risk behavior among african american college women.” journal of black studies, 33(5), 637-653. fullilove, m.t., fullilove, r.e., haynes, k., & gross, s. (1990). “black women and aids prevention: a view towards understanding gender roles.” journal of sex research , 27, 47-/64. gayle, h.d., keeling, r.p., garcia-tunon, m., kilbourne, b.w., narkunas, j.p., ingram, f.r., rogers, m.f., curran, j.w. (1990). “prevalence of the human immunodeficiency virus among university students.” new england journal of medicine, 323(22): 1538. greer, t.m. (2007). “minority-related stressors and coping processes among african american college students.” journal of college student development, 48(4). 288-404. georgia department of community health (2002). “hiv/aids among minorities in georgia.” http://health.state.ga.us/pdfs/ epi/hiv_aidsminorityreport.02.pdf hightow l.b., leone p.a, macdonald, p.d.m., mccoy s.i., sampson l.a., & kaplan a.h. (2006). “men who have sex with men and women: a unique risk group for hiv transmission on north carolina college campuses.” sexual transmission disease, 33 585-593. hutchinson, m.k. & montgomery, a.j. (2007). “parent communication and sexual risk among african americans.” western journal of nursing research, 29, 6. 691-707. jaccard, j., dittus, p. j., & gordon, v. (1996). “maternal correlates of adolescent sexual and contraceptive behavior.” family planning perspectives, 28, 159-165, 185. 56 challenge 56 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 jenkins, b., lamar, v. l., & thompson-crumble, j. (1993). “aids among african americans: a social epidemic.” journal of black psychology, 19, 2, 108-122 jordan, l. c. (2001). “protective factors among youth at risk for substance abuse.” paper presented at the annual meeting of the eastern psychological association, washington, d.c. jordan, l.c. & lewis, m.l. 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(1999). “adolescent sexual risk behavior in two ethnic minority samples: a multi-system perspective delineating targets for prevention.” adolescence, 35, 313-331. provasnik, s., & shafer, l. (2008). “historically black colleges and universities, 1976 to 2001.” education statistics quarterly, 6, 3. younge, et al. 57 57 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 oswald, d. & russell, b. (2005). “perceptions of sexual coercion in heterosexual dating relationships: the role of aggressor gender and tactics.” journal of sex research, 43(1), 87-95. paul, e. l., mcmanus, b., & hayes, a. (2000). “hookups: characteristics and correlates of college students’ spontaneous and anonymous sexual experiences.” the journal of sex research, 37(1), 76-88. payne, n. et al. (2006). “acceptance of hiv testing among africanamerican college students at a historically black university in the south.” journal of the national medical association, 98, 12. peplau, l. a., & conrad, e. (1989). “beyond nonsexist research: the perils of feminist methods in psychology.” psychology of women quarterly, 13, 379-400. peterson, s.h., wingood, g.w., diclemente, r.j., harrington, k., & davies, s. (2007). “images of sexual stereotypes in rap videos and the health of african american female adolescents.” journal of women’s studies, 16, 8. 1157-1164. poppen, p. j. (1995). “gender and patterns of sexual risk taking in college students.” sex roles, 32, 545-555. quinn t. (1996). “association of sexually transmitted diseases and infection with the human immunodeficiency virus: biological cofactors and markers of behavioral interventions.” std and aids, 7(supplement 2):17-24. russell, b. l., & oswald, d. l. (2002). “sexual coercion and victimization of college men: the role of love styles.” journal of interpersonal violence, 17, 273-285. shrier, l. a., harris, s. k., kurland, m., & knight, j. r. (2003). “substance use problems and associated psychiatric symptoms among adolescents in primary care.” pediatrics, 111, e666-e705. 58 challenge 58 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 st. lawrence j, brasfield t, jefferson k. (1994). “social support as a factor in african american adolescents’ sexual risk behavior.” journal of adolescent research, 9,292-310. struckman-johnson, c. (1988). “forced sex on dates: it happens to men, too.” the journal of sex research, 24, 234-241. thompson-robinson, m., weaver, m., shegog., richter, d., usdan, s., and sanders r. (2007). “perceptions of heterosexual african american males’ high-risk sex behaviors.” international journal of men’s health, 6, 2, 156-166. u.s. census bureau (april 2003). the black population in the united states: in current population reports by jesse mckinnon. washington, d.c. online: www.census.gov/prod/2003pubs/ p20-542.pdf ) u.s. department of health and human services (2008). african americans fact sheet. samhsa voisin, d.r., diclemente, r.j., salazar, l.f., crosby, r.a. & yarber, w.l. (2006). “ecological factors associated with std risk behaviors among detained female adolescents.” social work, 5(1). 7179. winfield, e.b. & whaley, a.l. (2005). “relationship status, psychological orientation, and sexual risk taking in a heterosexual african american college sample.” journal of black psychology, 31, 2, 129-204. wingood, g., diclemente, r. (2000). “application of the theory of gender and power to examine hiv-related exposures, risk factors, and effective interventions for women.” health education & behavior, 27, 539-565. younge, et al. 59 59 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 60 challenge wright, j. (1997). “african american males and hiv: the challenge of the aids epidemic.” medical anthropology quarterly 11(4). 454-455. younge, s.n. & mcadoo, h.p. (in press). “home and family in the development of a multicultural worldview.” in j.k. asamen, m.l. ellis, & g.l. berry (eds.), handbook of child development, multiculturalism, and media. sage: thousand oaks. 60 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 promoting hiv vaccine research in african american communities: does the theory of reasoned action explain potential outcomes of involvement? _________________________________________________________ paula m. frew1,2,3,4 matthew archibald5 nina martinez1,3,6 carlos del rio1,2,3,6 mark j. mulligan1,2,3 _____________________________________________________ abstract the hiv/aids pandemic continues to challenge the african american community with disproportionate rates of infection, particularly among young women ages 25 to 34 years. development of a preventive hiv vaccine may bring a substantial turning point in this health crisis. engagement of the african american community is necessary to improve awareness of the effort and favorably influence attitudes and referent norms. the theory of reasoned action (tra) may be a useful framework for exploration of community engagement outcomes including future attendance, community mobilization, and study participation. within the context of hiv vaccine outreach, we conducted a cross-sectional survey in early 2007 with 175 african-american adults (≥ 18 years). confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modeling were performed and the findings support the potential of the model in understanding behavioral intentions toward hiv vaccine research. ____________________ 1emory university school of medicine, department of medicine, division of infectious diseases 2emory center for aids research 3the hope clinic of the emory vaccine center 4the university of georgia, college of public health, department of health promotion and behavior 5emory university, department of sociology 6emory university, rollins school of public health *please address all correspondence paula m. frew, the hope clinic of the emory vaccine center 603 church street decatur, ga 30030 or e-mail: pfrew@emory.edu frew, et al. 61 61 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 introduction in the fifty states and the district of columbia, the number and proportion of hiv/aids cases1 among african americans continue to highlight the need for new and effective prevention strategies. since the inception of the us epidemic through 2005, african americans encompassed approximately 42% of all aids cases. in 2005 alone, african americans comprised 50% of the aids burden (cdc 2007) while making up only 12.8% of the general population (u.s. census bureau 2005). the aids rate among african american men (95.1/100,000) is eight times higher than that of white men (12.1/100,000) (kaiser family foundation 2007). among women this difference is even greater. aids rates are approximately 23 times higher for african american women (45.5/100,000) than for white women (2.0/100,000) (cdc 2007). an estimated 66% of new aids cases in women during 2005 were among black/african americans (cdc 2007). regional hiv/aids data shows that the south has the highest proportion of newly reported aids cases among african americans in the country, constituting 56% of all aids cases in 2005; as well as over half (51%) of all african americans living with aids in the us (kaiser family foundation 2007). furthermore, black females accounted for 72% of hiv/aids diagnoses among women in the south (cdc 2006). with respect to the population of the southern us, it has been suggested that factors such as poverty, unemployment, inadequate access to healthcare, and sociocultural environmental factors may explain the higher aids burden (reif, geonnotti, and whetten 2006; whetten and reif 2006). sociocultural factors that can impact risk behaviors include racial disparities, a lack of access to prevention and education, high levels of poverty and homelessness, suboptimal healthcare, and the inability to obtain adequate health insurance due to low income levels (southern states aids directors work group, national alliance of state and territorial aids directors, and cdc division of hiv/aids prevention in the national center for hiv/ std/tb prevention 2003). issues such as mistrust in the medical system also prevail (gamble 1997; whetten et al. 2006), resulting in greater health disparities among minorities. black/african americans 1hiv/aids: this term is used to refer to (1) a diagnosis of hiv infection without the presence of aids, (2) a diagnosis of hiv infection with a later diagnosis of aids, and (3) concurrent diagnoses of hiv infection and aids. (cdc definition) 62 challenge 62 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 comprise 19% of the population in the south (19 million persons), making this racial/ethnic group much larger in this geographic setting compared to other regions such as the midwest (6.5 million) (southern states aids directors work group et al. 2003). black/ african americans who engage in high risk behaviors in the south may experience greater stigmatization with hiv prevention or care service utilization (southern states aids directors work group et al. 2003; whetten et al. 2006). hiv counseling and testing, as well as other evidence-based behavioral interventions, are available in many communities, but these measures alone have been unsuccessful in preventing the spread of hiv (janssen, holtgrave, and valdiserri 2001). inequitable decision-making and compromised power have been identified as primary obstacles to women’s ability to negotiate condom use (aral and wasserheit 1995; jemmott, catan, and nyamathi 1995; o’leary and wingood 2000; wingood and diclemente 2002). with respect to condom use as a preventive measure, domestic violence and economic dependency on men have been recognized as key components driving this phenomenon (aral et al. 1995). the advent of the female condom provided new barrier options, yet adoption of the new prevention technology has not been widespread in the united states. since its introduction on the market in 1993, it has not been consistently used as the method of choice by heterosexual women (choi, roberts, gomez et al. 1999; el-bassel, krishnan, schilling et al. 1998; macaluso, demand, artz et al. 2000) and men (seal and ehrhardt 1999) given a lack of awareness about the product, inexperience with the device, and other psychosexual factors. as women are vulnerable to hiv infection through heterosexual transmission, and may lack control in condom negotiation, other biomedical prevention options such as a preventive hiv vaccine would be of great benefit. while most agree that an hiv vaccine may not be available for some years (solomon 2005; tonks 2007; tramont and johnston 2003), the pipeline of preventive vaccines in clinical trials remains robust with more than 39 candidate vaccines in the testing process worldwide (iavi 2007). these ongoing clinical trials necessitate the involvement of various groups to ensure social justice aims of the effort are fulfilled, to maintain scientific integrity, and for generalizability of study findings. therefore, cultivating relationships with the community is critical to the success of hiv vaccine research frew, et al. 63 63 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 and to future vaccine dissemination efforts. this is particularly important among minority populations who are underrepresented in hiv vaccine clinical trials (djomand, katzman, di tommaso et al. 2005) and where research suspicion has been a significant barrier (corbie-smith, thomas, and st. george 2002; corbie-smith, thomas, williams et al. 1999). the role of community engagement in hiv vaccine research therefore figures prominently in addressing salient concerns among diverse groups. previous findings related to clinical trial recruitment of african americans suggest motivation differences exist among men and women from diverse communities (belue, taylor-richardson, lin et al. 2006; smith, johnson, newman et al. 2007). the results suggest the value of a strong researcher-study participant relationship for women in which study volunteers are made to feel comfortable, are treated well, and share rapport and good communication with the study team (belue et al. 2006). moreover, women appreciate notification of research conducted in their locales, and of its importance and relevance to their communities. researcher involvement in the local community also is a significant motivator in consideration of clinical trial participation (smith et al. 2007). men, however, express concern with the “business and profit elements of research” (belue, taylor-richardson, lin, et al., 2006, p. 501). this includes issues such as compensation for participation, informed consent, and reputation of the research facility and the researcher. these issues highlight an array of attitudes and beliefs among men and women from african american communities on health research. given the ill-fated history of the tuskegee syphilis study involving african american men, it is not surprising that minorities report lower levels of trust than their caucasian counterparts in the assessment of health care providers and healthcare systems (boulware, cooper, ratner et al. 2003; gamble 1997). moreover, negative experiences and perceived bias in minorities’ healthcare encounters influence trust perception of those in the medical establishment (mcalpine 2002; saha, arbalaez, and cooper 2003). direct experiences with providers and “social cues” from referent others and the environment (e.g., media), are incorporated in the formation of trust in providers and medical entities (boulware, cooper, ratner et al., 2003, p. 363). although there are similarities observed across studies, perceptions vary greatly among african 64 challenge 64 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 american communities. mcalpine (2002) notes that the variations may be due to socioeconomic status, access to care, health service utilization patterns, insurance provision, and interpersonal dynamics of patients and physicians. with this assemblage of factors, interpersonal and perceived socioenvironmental normative pressures have an influential effect on health decision-making. with the 1994 nih mandate specifying inclusion of women and minorities in research, greater emphasis has been placed on recruiting and retaining these populations. enrollment trends of racial/ethnic minorities in hiv vaccine studies from 1988 to 2002 indicate ≤ 26% enrollment of these groups in all phase i and ii studies (djomand et al. 2005). although minorities are not participating in health research at a level equal to whites (caucasians) (corbiesmith et al. 2002; corbie-smith et al. 1999; moutsiakis and chin 2007; smith et al. 2007), it is important to recognize that knowledge of and access to health research activities may have a favorable impact on willingness to participate in health research (wendler, kington, madans et al. 2006). in a large scale review study of 70,000 persons, minorities were found to be more willing to participate in clinical and surgical studies than whites (wendler et al. 2006). these findings indicate that little difference is seen in enrollment patterns when minorities are invited to participate in health research studies (wendler et al. 2006). with these differences taken into account, the authors conclude that underrepresentation in health research is likely due to other factors. recent evidence on minority participation in health research indicate a desire for information of the research activity in the community, greater demand to understand the relevance of the research efforts in addressing medical problems, and occasions to learn about clinical research entities and study volunteer participants (smith et al. 2007; wendler et al. 2006). thus, the creation of opportunities to serve these needs is a necessary precursor for effective community engagement with african american communities. involving community: issues affecting participation community engagement involves multidirectional communication for the overarching purpose of enhancing the public’s trust in the effort. evidence-based methods include consultation, dialogue, and collaboration with communities (macqueen, mclellan, metzger et al. 2001) to develop shared understanding and meanings frew, et al. 65 65 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 associated with the research programs (swartz and kagee 2006). this process also fosters voice in the research endeavor and a sense of empowerment (dickert and sugarman 2005; strauss, sengupta, quinn et al. 2001). these methods are vital in reaching minority communities and women to sustain their involvement in medical research studies (boulware, ratner, cooper et al. 2002; brownpeterside, chiasson, ren et al. 2000; brown-peterside, rivera, lucy et al. 2001; crawley 2001; djomand et al. 2005), and to promote favorable health outcomes in the population (miller and shinn 2005; sengupta, strauss, devellis et al. 2000). through the nihsponsored local partnership program (lpp) initiative, funding has been provided for the development of local community engagement programs in cities where hiv vaccine research studies are taking place. the overarching objectives of these efforts include building awareness through effective information dissemination, increasing understanding through facilitation of learning opportunities, and cultivating public support for hiv vaccines (allen, liang, salvia et al. 2005; frew, del rio, clifton et al. 2008). this can be accomplished through synergistic program efforts and the support and involvement of collaborating partner organizations (frew 2005). in cities across the united states, efforts are underway to reach, educate, and influence the american public on the importance of hiv vaccine research. these foundational efforts may potentially contribute to the realization of any number of outcomes including building sustained dialogue on issues affecting involvement and support for the cause, cultivating community mobilization, building social support, and generating interest in study volunteerism, although the existing evidence is ambiguous as to which of these will be achieved (koblin, holte, lenderking et al. 2000; swartz et al. 2006). previous research on aids volunteerism suggests a combination of factors (e.g., gaining knowledge and helping others) fuels participatory motivation (reeder, davison, gipson et al. 2001; simon, sturmer, and steffans 2000). moreover, identification with an aids service organization significantly increases the likelihood of volunteerism (simon et al. 2000), a finding similar to our own in the role of study site organizational identity in promoting hiv vaccine community involvement (frew et al. 2008). additionally, a high degree of individualism among heterosexuals, contrasting with greater collective identity among homosexuals, has been identified 66 challenge 66 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 as an important intrapersonal motivation for aids volunteerism (simon et al. 2000). earlier survey research with a population comprised primarily of african american women suggests that motivation related to hiv prevention volunteerism stems from concern for the community and a desire for hiv/aids knowledge (reeder et al. 2001). these independent predictors rank above others of personal development, esteem enhancement, and knowing those with hiv/aids (reeder et al. 2001). it is useful to frame these socioecological issues within a historical perspective. social networks arising from race and ethnicity powerfully structure the context in which knowledge, information, social experiences, attitude formation and sociopolitical action take place (mcpherson, smith-lovin, and cook 2001; putnam 2000). solidaristic networks generate a sense of trust and promote civic engagement based on concern for community (knack 2003). african american communities experience an enhanced sense of social cohesion, at least as measured by participation in local groups aiding in the mobilization of members in lieu of difficult-toobtain socioeconomic resources (verba and nie 1972). verba and nie (1972) argue that community membership exerts normative pressures promoting collective action. the salutary effects of african american cohesion on sociopolitical participation may be limited to a specific periods, however, since deeply rooted inequality precludes full community engagement (chong and rogers 2005; putnam 2000; skocpol, liazos, and ganz 2006). within the current context of hiv vaccine research, several studies have been conducted that specifically examine “willingnessto-participate” in hiv vaccine trials (buchbinder, metch, holte et al. 2004; colfax, buchbinder, vamshidar et al. 2005; halpern, metzger, berlin et al. 2001; newman, duan, roberts et al. 2006; priddy, cheng, salazar et al. 2006) and hiv “vaccine acceptability” issues (crosby, holtgrave, bryant et al. 2004a; crosby, holtgrave, bryant et al. 2004b; esparza, chang, widdus et al. 2003; tello, soong, hunter et al. 1998). overall, the hiv vaccine willingness-to-participate and acceptability literature indicate trust, confidentiality, side effects and safety concerns, social stigma, and other factors as barriers to involvement in the effort (halpern et al. 2001; hays and kegeles 1999; koblin, heagerty, sheon et al. 1998; koblin et al. 2000; priddy et al. 2006). however, altruistic participatory motives, a desire to frew, et al. 67 67 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 represent the community, the ability to “bring an end to aids,” and other health benefits (i.e., free hiv testing, medical care, etc.) counter such impediments (colfax et al. 2005; newman et al. 2006). additional work on social influences related to trial participation decision-making suggests a need for interventions targeting family and friends (allen et al. 2005; brown-peterside et al. 2000; newman et al. 2006). conceptual framework: the theory of reasoned action the theory of reasoned action was selected as a useful model of inquiry for analysis of participant behavior. the tra has been applied to hiv vaccine acceptability (gagnon and godin 2000) and other hiv/aids prevention studies (koniak-griffin 2006; koniakgriffin, lesser, nyamathi et al. 2003) including condom use (mclaws 1996; sneed 1998). more recently it has been applied to pneumococcal vaccination in urban settings (zimmerman 2005). the tra model is motivational in nature, with integration of individual (behavioral attitudes) and social (subjective norms) components in the formation of intentions which are predictive of behavioral outcomes of which persons have full volitional control (ajzen and fishbein 1980; ajzen and madden 1986; fishbein and ajzen 1975). this predictive model focuses on antecedent factors that conjoin in operation to explain behavior. in the current study we utilize an established behavioral theory (tra) to develop a predictive model of community engagement focusing specifically on the intentions of african americans, with an emphasis on women. according to the tra, formation of individual attitude is affected by behavioral beliefs and evaluation of behavioral outcome (montano and kasprzyk 2002). the salience of these beliefs (attitude), combine with the social factors normative beliefs and motivation to comply (subjective norm formation) – and are weighted in relation to each other (ajzen et al. 1986). the addition of the social component is useful for prediction of health behavior outcomes, particularly as the approval or disapproval of referent others (family, friends, colleagues), and importance afforded to these opinions can be important (counter) persuasive factors. in total, all of these form the basis for intention. as intention increases, the likelihood of realizing the behavioral outcome improves. 68 challenge 68 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 methods study sample from april 2007 through june 2007, project staff members approached members of populations attending multiple atlantabased events: a morehouse college health symposium, a georgia perimeter college health fair, two “aids 101” educational presentations, atlanta harm reduction center (ahrc) “house parties,” an hiv vaccine awareness day symposium entitled “there’s hope in our soul” at hopewell baptist church, the atlanta voice’s health outreach at a local mall, atlanta pride festival, and a small group educational session on hiv vaccines with americorps volunteers. these activities were organized and sponsored by the research study site (the hope clinic of the emory vaccine center) and its community organizational partners with a focus on building hiv vaccine awareness and providing community education on hiv vaccine research. recruitment occurred at arbitrary times and days of each week, and throughout the duration of the activities. the recruitment area was limited to atlanta, georgia. persons were eligible for study participation if they were at least 18 years of age and could read and speak english. study staff made an effort to ensure that surveys were completed only once among attendees. approximately two hundred people were invited to participate in the study. of these, 175 were eligible and provided written informed consent (yielding a response rate of nearly 87.5%). a t-shirt or health promotion incentive for participation was provided. the emory university institutional review board approved the study protocol prior to study implementation. data collection participants completed a 93-item self-administered questionnaire. the study staff and research assistants ensured that participants were provided with a semi-private area, or directed to nearby quiet spots (such as picnic tables) in outdoor locations, to complete the questionnaire. in addition, the staff and research assistants made themselves available to participants in the event that any of the instrument language required clarification. frew, et al. 69 69 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 results participant characteristics the study population (table 1) was comprised of 175 african americans of which 70% were female, including one transgender person (male-to-female). their median age was 37 years. most were between 18 and 55 years of age (86.8%), single (55.4%), employed (62.3%), and many achieved postsecondary educational status (66.3%). the majority of the respondents indicated heterosexual orientation (84%, n = 147), and 12% reporting gay/lesbian, bisexual, transsexual/queer/questioning (glbtqq) orientation, with 4% unknown. the annual household income range of participants varied, with most earning ≤ $40,000 per year (58.3%). primary motivation for attendance included a desire for more scientific/ medical information (34.3%, n = 58), an obligation to represent the community (23.1%, n = 39), to inquire about volunteer opportunities (10.1%, n = 17), to meet others with similar concerns about hiv/aids and medical research (12.4%, n = 21), and other reasons (21.1%, n = 34). most participants (57.9%, n = 99) rated the sponsoring study site as “excellent/outstanding” and “good/very good” (39.8%, n = 68) and favorably assessed the community engagement event or activity as exceeding expectations (35.8%, n = 59) or meeting expectations (59.4%, n = 98). 70 challenge 70 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 table 1: selected participant characteristics characteristic (n=175) frequency percent gender male 53 30.3 female 121 69.1 transgender (male to female) 1 0.6 age (missing =1) 18 to 25 37 21.3 26 to 35 45 25.9 36 to 45 31 17.8 46 to 55 38 21.8 ≥56 years 23 13.2 education (highest level completed) k-8 or high school 59 33.7 post-secondary education 116 66.3 sexual orientation (missing=3) heterosexual 147 85.5 lgbtq 25 14.5 motivation for attendance (missing=6) scientific/medical information 58 34.3 volunteer opportunities 17 10.1 obligation to community 39 23.1 meet others with same concerns 21 12.4 other reasons, not specified 22 13.0 multiple reasons, specified 12 7.1 rating of study site (missing=4) excellent/outstanding 99 57.9 good/very good 68 39.8 fair/poor 3 1.8 no opinion 1 0.6 rating of event (missing=10) exceeds expectations 59 35.8 meets expectations 98 59.4 does not meet expectations 8 4.8 frew, et al. 71 71 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 scale construction theory of reasoned action variables were constructed based on a review of the literature, from existing instruments (frew et al. 2008; priddy et al. 2006), and scaling options presented by the tra progenitors (ajzen et al. 1980). tra variables cover volunteers’ intentions or willingness to participate in hiv related events, and their subjective norms, attitudes, motivations and beliefs about engaging in hiv-related events. intentions. three outcome variables were used to measure volunteers’ willingness to participate in future activities and events, to mobilize others in the cause of hiv vaccine research, and to contact organizers about participating in the vaccine trials. the first outcome option was measured on a 3-point scale. participants were asked to rate the probability that they would return to hiv vaccine community engagement activities as “very likely,” “somewhat likely,” or “not likely.” of the initial 175 surveyed, most responses were captured (98%) with nearly 80% (n=137) who indicated that they were “very likely” to attend a similar event or activity in the future. to account for missing cases (n = 3) and “don’t know” responses (n =2), along with other non-response items essential to theoretical assessment, the resulting dataset was reduced to n=126 for structural equation modeling of this outcome. notably, only one person indicated “not likely” and this response was combined with “somewhat likely” to manage a potentially spurious outlier effect. the second outcome represents the probability of involving others in the cause (i.e., “community mobilization”). measured on the same 3-point scale, participants indicated that they would be “very likely” (35.4%, n=62), “somewhat likely” (34.9%, n=61),” or “not likely” (14.9%, n = 26). although the response rate was 100% for this outcome, some selected “don’t know” (14.9%, n = 26) and missing responses to essential items for theoretical analysis were identified. the dataset was subsequently reduced to n = 110 for modeling this outcome of interest. finally, the potential for study volunteerism (i.e., contact the study site about clinical trial participation) was investigated as the third outcome of interest. results indicated that 25.4% (n=44) would be “very likely,” 27.2% (n=47) “somewhat likely,” and 31.8% “not likely” to contact the study site about clinical trial participation. 72 challenge 72 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 two cases were missing responses, and 15.4% (n = 27) indicated that they were unsure if they would contact the site about participation in a clinical trial. this again resulted in data reduction yielding n = 106 for final modeling analysis with complete responses to all items for those cases. (see table 2, next page) attitudes. the influence of attitudes on the three outcome intentions was explored. communication, particularly persuasive forms (petty and cacioppo 1983; petty, strathman, cacioppio et al. 1994), plays a powerful role in attitude formation and alteration. it was therefore hypothesized that favorable responses to attitudinal items would increase intentions. respondents indicated positive attitudes toward hiv research with statement agreement on 5 items within a scale including “i like to do good for others,” “i like getting involved with hiv vaccine research,” “hiv is a serious concern in my immediate community,” “hiv testing is a benefit of an hiv vaccine study,” and “i would benefit from the medical care associated with an hiv vaccine study.” subjective norms. perceived “social pressure” (ajzen & fishbein, 1980, p. 246) to perform a behavior or forego it, is reflected in the “subjective norm” construct. in this study, participants were also asked if they thought people, including family and friends, might respond negatively to ones’ participation. we hypothesized that negative social opinion of research involvement would reduce participatory intention. influential normative concerns were directly measured through items including “people negatively judge those who participate in hiv vaccine research,” “i think some of my family members would be upset if i participated in an hiv vaccine research study,” and “i think my friends would negatively judge me if i joined in an hiv vaccine study.” frew, et al. 73 73 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 table 2: potential community engagement outcomes characteristic frequency percent likelihood of attending future activity/event very likely 98 77.8 somewhat and not likely (1 case) 28 22.2 n= 126 likelihood of involving others in the cause very likely 45 40.9 somewhat likely 44 40.0 not likely 21 19.1 n= 110 likelihood of contacting site about study participation very likely 29 27.4 somewhat likely 30 28.3 not likely 47 44.3 n= 106 behavioral beliefs. several questions measured volunteers’ salient beliefs about their role in hiv vaccine research. we hypothesized that beliefs about hiv vaccines and medical research favoring participatory behavior would increase intentions to participate in future activities, generate greater community mobilization, and study volunteerism. beliefs pertaining to selfinterest constituted modal scale 1 and those concerning the benefit to others arising from involvement were included in scale 2. scale 1 items included “my community would really benefit from an hiv vaccine,” “my actions can inspire others to act,” and “i benefit from 74 challenge 74 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 health science research.” scale 2 items included “my participation in an hiv vaccine study would be very good,” “my involvement in this cause will result in more ethical research,” “my involvement in this cause will improve my community’s trust in medical research,” and “i would participate in an hiv vaccine research study because it would help to prevent aids.” outcome evaluations. consideration of outcomes related to study participation was uniquely assessed to understand negative salient beliefs related to volunteerism. previous studies indicated logistical, physical, and psychological as barriers with respect to involvement in hiv vaccine research among ethnic minorities (newman et al. 2006; priddy et al. 2006). we hypothesized that reduced personal concerns, and decreased concern of negative health and social consequences specifically related to hiv vaccine study participation, would more likely result in greater participatory intention. items therefore included in the scale were “my participation in an hiv vaccine research study would be more trouble than it’s worth,” “even if i wanted to participate in an hiv vaccine research study, i just don’t have the time,” “participating in an hiv vaccine research study seems risky,” “i would participate in an hiv vaccine research study, but i don’t like needles.” normative beliefs. two aspects of normative beliefs were considered. those connected to beliefs about the effects of research on a community and beliefs about the effects of ones’ own participation in research for the greater good. we hypothesized that these motives would influence subjective norms and participatory intentions. normative beliefs consisted of six questions based on these two dimensions. they include reference to specific individuals within the social realm who may affect individual decision-making. items on the 5-point scale therefore included “i think my doctor would approve of my involvement in hiv vaccine research,” “i think my work colleagues would approve of my involvement in this cause,” “my immediate family is supportive of my involvement in hiv vaccine research,” “most people important to me think my involvement in hiv vaccine research is good,” “most people important to me usually support my interests,” and “if my pastor supported hiv vaccine research, i would be inclined to get involved.” motivation to comply. lastly, individuals might declare a willingness to participate or reluctance to get involved due to general compliance with referent opinion. the theorized influence of family, frew, et al. 75 75 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 friends, and others on behavioral performance will exert social pressure to act or engage in avoidance. we hypothesized that greater self agency would lead to greater participatory intention. the items measuring this domain therefore include “i tend to be concerned about what people think of me, even if i don’t know them,” “i generally do what my family expects of me,” “i would not want to do something my friends disapproved of,” “if my superiors told me to do something i disagreed with, i would obey their wishes,” “sometimes i do what my friends say to do, even though i know they are wrong.” analytic strategy a covariance structure model was used to test the causal relationships between factors implied by the theory of reasoned action. we tested the effects of normative beliefs, outcome evaluations and motivation to comply on attitudes and subjective norms. at the same time, attitudes and subjective norms were used to explain respondents’ intentions with respect to future involvement in hiv research, whether through attending future events, mobilizing others or participating in vaccine trials. a structural equation model is well-suited for this type of analysis because (1) it examines both direct and indirect paths to willingness to participate in an efficient (simultaneous) manner, (2) random measurement error can be taken into account, reducing its effect on parameter estimates, (3) non-random error can be explicitly accounted for, and (4) we can explicitly investigate the fit of these measures to tra constructs thereby promoting their more general definition. the basic structural equation model follows jöreskog and sörbom (1993): ή = βή + γξ + ζ where ή and ξ are latent constructs based on vectors of observed variables (y and x); β is a matrix of coefficients expressing the mutual effects of endogenous variables; γ represents the effects of latent exogenous on endogenous variables, and ζ is a vector of random error. one underlying assumption of the model is that the errors are uncorrelated with latent constructs and uncorrelated among themselves. assessing the measurement of constructs is possible within this framework. it is done by incorporating factor analysis into the model. although there is considerable prior knowledge about the 76 challenge 76 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 dimensions of the theory of reasoned action, its application to this health issue may be beneficial to the field. we therefore include a provisional confirmatory factor analysis of measurement fit to establish the components of the factors by estimating the strength of the relationships between indicators and constructs. spss’ amos 7 was the software package used to generate maximum likelihood estimates of the parameters (arbuckle 2006). factor analysis a preliminary confirmatory factor analysis using maximum likelihood estimation was undertaken to test the adequacy of the model measuring the underlying factors (table 3). each latent construct (intentions, attitudes, subjective norms, behavioral beliefs, outcome evaluations and normative beliefs) was identified by its corresponding measured variables. one indicator per construct was fixed to define the scales of the indicators. results of the factor analysis generally support the validity of the constructs. three exceptionally low factor loadings were: an outcome evaluation measure of the wish to participate but not liking needles; the attitude measure of hiv being a serious community concern, and, the subjective norm where respondents thought people judge hiv vaccine participants negatively. the gls χ2 was 454.24, df=407, p>.05 indicating the model fit reasonably well (the residual mean square error was .087).2 2 a generalized least squares χ2 was run because amos does not provide a maximum likelihood chi. note also that while this model fits the data reasonably well, other measures of fit such as goodness of fit index were disappointingly low and associated with problems with the fit matrix. increasing the sample size is one possible solution. frew, et al. 77 77 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 table 3: descriptive item statistics. measuring hiv vaccine community engagement variable n (%) mean sd min max factor loadings1 dependent measures2 1. future attendance: likelihood of returning to activity or event 172 (98) 1.24 0.53 1.00 4.00 .725 2. community mobilization: likelihood of involving others in the cause 175 (100) 2.09 1.05 1.00 4.00 .817 3. study volunteerism: likelihood of contacting the site about study participation 173 (99) 2.38 1.03 1.00 4.00 .810 independent measures3 behavioral beliefs scale 1 (α =0.74) bb1. my community would really benefit from an hiv vaccine. 168 (96) 1.44 0.74 1.00 5.00 .779 bb2. my actions can inspire other to act. 166 (95) 1.77 0.79 1.00 5.00 .668 bb4. i benefit from health science research 167 (95) 1.66 0.77 1.00 5.00 .735 behavioral beliefs scale 2 (α=0.88) bb3. my participation in an hiv vaccine study would be very good 164 (94) 2.07 0.91 1.00 5.00 .782 bb5. my involvement in this cause will result in more ethical research. 167 (95) 2.01 0.92 1.00 5.00 .845 bb6. my involvement in this cause will improve my community’s trust in medical research. 167 (95) 2.03 0.93 1.00 5.00 .862 bb7. i would participate in an hiv vaccine research study because it would help to prevent aids. 169 (97) 2.20 1.06 1.00 5.00 .725 outcome evaluations (α = 0.76) oe1. my participation an hiv vaccine research study would be more trouble than it’s worth. 170 (97) 3.31 1.21 1.00 5.00 .856 oe2. even if i wanted to participate in an hiv vaccine research study, i just don’t have the time. 165 (94) 3.05 1.18 1.00 5.00 .823 78 challenge 78 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 table 3 (con’t): variable n (%) mean sd min max factor loadings1 oe3. participating in an hiv vaccine research study seems risky. 165 (94) 2.74 1.22 1.00 5.00 .653 oe4. i would participate in an hiv vaccine research study, but i don’t like needles. 163 (93) 3.12 1.26 1.00 5.00 .386 normative beliefs (α = 0.82) nb1. i think my doctor would approve of my involvement in hiv vaccine research. 165 (94) 2.38 0.93 1.00 5.00 .635 nb2. i think my work colleagues would approve of my involvement in this cause. 161 (92) 2.39 0.96 1.00 5.00 .634 nb3. my immediate family is supportive of my involvement in hiv vaccine research. 163 (93) 2.61 1.01 1.00 5.00 .738 nb4. most people important to me think my involvement in hiv vaccine research is good. 161 (92) 2.45 0.92 1.00 5.00 .854 nb5. most people important to me usually support my interests. 166 (95) 1.90 0.73 1.00 5.00 .612 nb6. if my pastor supported hiv vaccine research, i would be inclined to get involved. 163 (93) 2.50 1.08 1.00 5.00 .595 motivation to comply (α=0.85) mc1. i tend to be concerned about what people think of me, even if i don’t know them. 166 (95) 3.26 1.33 1.00 5.00 .605 mc2. i generally do what my family expects of me. 167 (95) 2.92 1.21 1.00 5.00 .558 mc3. i would not want to do something my friends disapproved of. 161 (92) 3.41 1.15 1.00 5.00 .691 mc4. if my superiors told me to do something i disagreed with, i would obey their wishes. 167 (95) 3.40 1.19 1.00 5.00 .621 mc5. sometimes i do what my friends say to do, even though i know they are wrong. 164 (94) 3.74 1.19 1.00 5.00 .735 frew, et al. 79 79 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 table 3 (con’t): variable n (%) mean sd min max factor loadings1 attitudes (α=0.76) a1. i like to do good for others. 169 (97) 1.36 0.61 1.00 4.00 .507 a3. i like getting involved with hiv vaccine research. 167 (95) 2.15 0.89 1.00 .792 a4. hiv is a serious concern in my immediate community. 170 (97) 1.52 0.80 1.00 4.00 .427 a5. hiv testing is a benefit of an hiv vaccine study. 171 (98) 1.78 0.83 1.00 4.00 .633 a6. i would benefit from the medical care associated with an hiv vaccine study. 171 (98) 2.04 1.03 1.00 5.00 .742 subjective norms (α=0.60) sn1. people negatively judge those who participate in hiv vaccine research. 165 (94) 2.58 1.11 1.00 5.00 .482 sn2. i think some of my family members would be upset if i participated in an hiv vaccine research study. 164 (94) 2.80 1.27 1.00 5.00 .548 sn3. i think my friends would negatively judge me if i joined an hiv vaccine research study. 164 (94) 3.37 1.12 1.00 5.00 .895 the next set of findings refers to the causal model implied by the theory of reasoned action. table 4 provides estimates of standardized regression coefficients measuring relationships among the theoretical constructs. standardized coefficients can be interpreted as standard deviation unit changes in the outcome of interest for a unit change in its precursor. they also permit comparisons of the degree to which one variable influences another. 80 challenge 80 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 d ependent variables independent variables future attendance c om m unity m obilization study volunteerism attitudes .311 * .698 *** .687 *** subjective n orm s -.036 .092 -.087 independent variables attitudes subjective n orm s attitudes subjective n orm s attitudes subjective n orm s behavioral beliefs-other .346 ** -.347 ** -.288 * -behavioral beliefs-self .667 *** -.676 *** -.723 *** -o utcom e evaluations .020 - .005 -< .001 -n orm ative beliefs --.186 † --.185 † --.188 * m otivation to c om ply -.814 *** - .811 *** - .818 *** rm sea .077 .829 .077 .831 .079 .831 cfi chi-square 729.91 731.6 753.23 n 126 110 106 n ote: † <.10 * p< .05 ** p<.01 *** p<.001: tw o-tailed tests. frew, et al. 81 table 4: sem m axim um likelihood standardized regression c oeffi cients 81 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 the pattern of significant and nonsignificant coefficients is similar across the three different measures of intention to engage in action around hiv research. attitudes but not subjective norms had a positive affect on the likelihood of community mobilization (.698), study volunteerism (.687), and to a lesser extent, future attendance at hiv-related events (.311). respondents’ favorable attitudes about the importance of hiv vaccine trials were in turn shaped by their positive beliefs about their role in hiv research. the strength of the relationship was greater for beliefs linked to how respondents’ viewed their own actions (e.g., .667 for the model with future attendance as the intention variable) in contrast to beliefs emphasizing how respondents’ viewed the effects of their actions (e.g., .346). negative beliefs (defined as outcome evaluations) were not related to either attitudes or subjective norms. normative beliefs and motivations to comply, however, were related to both attitudes and subjective norms. the effect of respondents’ compliance to others wishes in general (e.g., “i would not want to do something my friends disapproved of ”) was linked to their subjective norms regarding participation in hiv research (e.g., “…my family members would be upset if i participated…”).the low degree of compliance with others’ expectations was robust across models (i.e., .814, .811, .818, respectively). not surprisingly, normative beliefs about doctors’ and colleagues’ encouragement to participate were less likely to be associated with negative judgments of others (i.e., -.186, -.185, -.188, respectively). although these construct coefficients contrast, the pathways suggest that independent cognitive appraisal of the hiv vaccine effort has an effect on the formation of subjective norms. however, these are less likely to be influenced by normative beliefs and they are unlikely to shape intentions to participate in hiv research when other beliefs and attitudes are taken into account. discussion this current study is significant because it utilizes an established behavioral theory (tra) in predictive modeling of hiv vaccine community engagement. this study specifically focused on intentions of african americans within the continuum of the decision-making processes about the role of the individual in the endeavor. in this study, special emphasis has been placed on african 82 challenge 82 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 american women who are greatly affected by hiv/aids, and whose participation is needed in ongoing trials (djomand et al. 2005; moutsiakis et al. 2007). this study also adds to the literature with information gathered among those attending hiv vaccine-related events and activities. as favorable attitudes, perceptions, and beliefs are theorized to be critical predisposing factors influencing future behavioral outcomes (ajzen 1991; fishbein et al. 1975; maiman and becker 1974), these attendees have the potential, at a minimum, to serve as allies in expanding needed social support for hiv vaccine research (allen et al. 2005). our results from this study offer evidence to reinforce this notion. specifically, this study extends our earlier findings on factors influencing community engagement formation (frew et al. 2008) with the addition of theory-driven assessment of outcomes anticipated with targeted community approaches. the goal of the current study was to examine the theory of reasoned action covariates impacting respondents’ willingness to participate in events surrounding hiv vaccine research. overall, the hypotheses were mostly supported, with the exception of subjective norms and outcome evaluations, and the findings suggest the importance of theoretical guidance in predicting community engagement outcomes. important relationships materialized among constructs especially those related to self-empowerment beliefs on attitude, and counter-resistance (motivation to comply) to negative normative pressure (subjective norms). in particular, belief in one’s participation resulting in positive, tangible outcomes for the community, research, and hiv/aids mediated through the attitude construct had a profound impact on the potential to mobilize the community for action (.698) and participate in hiv vaccine trials (.687). attitude formation clearly is evidenced by the lower coefficient (.311) on future attendance, indicating the critical role of effective communication and community engagement programming in fostering positive attitudes towards the cause. moreover, the set of self-empowering perceptions (.667) on attitude outweighed more generic beliefs related to involvement (.346) such as “i benefit from health science research.” our findings support the need to clearly articulate as many concrete outcomes that can be expected from involvement in hiv vaccine research. a key assumption of the value-expectancy theories frew, et al. 83 83 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 (i.e., tra) is that some end will be achieved through the performance of a behavior. yet, in the context of hiv vaccine development, it is unclear exactly what end will be met – will the vaccine partially or fully prevent infection? or, among those living with hiv, will the vaccine reduce viral loads to prevent aids-related illness? although it is likely that one of these outcomes will be achieved, participatory behaviors do not yet have clear consequences. in other words, people do not know what to expect of their involvement. thus, the findings point to a need for effective communication citing specific examples of the role of african americans in the realization of ethical oversight (i.e., participation on cabs, irbs, etc.), improving community trust (e.g., increases in study participation rates), and preventing aids (e.g., risk reduction through greater condom use among study enrollees). communication emphasis should be on individual selfempowerment to affect collective change. in contrast to previous studies examining willingness-toparticipate among predominantly minority populations (corbiesmith et al. 1999; newman et al. 2006; priddy et al. 2006) and among women (mills, nixon, singh et al. 2006), logistical concerns relating to the formation of community engagement outcomes did not materialize. with respect to inconvenience, time constraints, risk perception, and use of needles in studies, these items as related to the “outcome evaluation” construct, did not impact attitudes. the findings related to outcome evaluation may be indicative of other issues. a lack of thorough consideration may have been afforded to these issues of practical concern given the high first time attendance rate of the majority of respondents (85.4%, n=146). furthermore, the hiv vaccine messages promoted in these situations may have strengthened individuals’ resolve to manage any concerns or logistical issues likely to be encountered in the future. obviously, the relationship of subjective norms to intention was not significant in this study population. this finding is consistent with a previous hiv vaccine study that tested tra effects (gagnon et al. 2000). the result could be due to a manifestation of measurement issues associated the items designed to measure subjective norms (α = .64, n = 3 items) in combination with a small sample size. with consideration given to these shortcomings, the nonsignificant pathways between subjective norms to intention could represent a theoretical deviation. that is, negative normative influences may not causally impact community engagement outcomes. in contrast with 84 challenge 84 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 other studies citing social harms (francis, heyward, popovic et al. 2003) and negative social judgments (koblin et al. 1998) as barriers to participation, our nonsignificant finding suggests the possibility that our participants rejected the negative views of others related to behavioral intention. alternatively, the findings suggest the possibility that those who become engaged in hiv vaccine research exhibit a degree of independent thinking to resist counterattitudinal messages. surprisingly, the strength of the relationship of the (lack of) motivation to comply with subjective norms resulted in powerful pathway effects (.814-future attendance, .811-community mobilization, .818-study volunteerism). moreover, approval of doctors, family, pastors, work colleagues, and others in hiv vaccine research weakly, but significantly, offset negative opinion on involvement. thus, it is likely that a degree of social support is valuable in promoting involvement, but not required for the formation of participant initiative. it merits consideration that the emphasis on issue-relevant thinking (e.g., ending hiv/aids) in community engagement activity may result in greater psychological resiliency to withstand counterpersuasive normative thinking. within this culture-centered context, albeit a supportive situation, it is likely that the conditions favorably predispose individuals to resist negative normative pressure encountered in “real world” conversations with others. research pertaining to hiv/aids volunteerism, clinical trials participation, and other forms of elective health behavior (i.e., bone marrow donation) suggest the decisional pathways are complex and have a strong affective component (bagozzi, lee, and van loo 2001; curbow, fogarty, mcdonnell et al. 2006; davis and randhawa 2006; reeder et al. 2001). in short, the emotional commitment accompanying a health behavior may sufficiently explain the decision to become a health research volunteer or support a cause (eagly and chaiken 1993). others have argued that tra is compromised in its ability to predict intention and behavior in the face of alternative options (sheppard, hartwick, and warshaw 1988). thus, the tra model may have limited explanatory power to understand the complexity of the relationships in the broader socioenvironmental milieu of african american communities. additionally, our findings would imply that a decision to forego involvement may be highly “rational” based on reasons pertaining to historical violations of trust. frew, et al. 85 85 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 limitations findings are limited by several factors, including the inherent limitations of a cross-sectional study design, the venues where the participants were recruited, and the use of a small purposive sample consisting of primarily african american females. the views of this group may not be representative of others in the diverse african american population. with the exclusion of cases missing data and uncertainty signals given to outcome responses (e.g., “don’t know”), the resultant datasets may have been limited in their ability to detect pathway effects within this complex model. additionally, the study design does not allow for causal conclusions to be drawn. the study was solely concerned with relational modeling of various theoretical constructs thereby facilitating covariate evaluation. although the data were collected at several activities, the study cannot be characterized as longitudinal in design. an important limitation is that intent may not be strongly associated with future participatory behavior. it should also be noted that participation bias in a study of hiv vaccines and health behaviors is particularly likely (i.e., it is conceivable that people having strong beliefs and attitudes on hiv vaccine research may be the least inclined to complete the study questionnaire). thus, even though the study achieved a response rate of approximately 88%, participation bias may have affected the results. however, we do not anticipate that these limitations resulted in large or systematic errors in data collection. summary the results from our study indicate the importance of developing favorable attitudes toward hiv vaccine research among african americans living in atlanta, georgia. this construct yielded strong intentions related to community mobilization and study volunteerism intent. surprisingly, negative normative pressure had no effect on intentions. normative concerns related to medical mistreatment are deeply embedded within the culture and therefore may be more resistant to change. thus, a collective norm of mistrust and suspicion within these communities may be precluding the simultaneous realization of normative shifts within the tra model. despite this 86 challenge 86 challenge, vol. 13 [2007], iss. 2, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol13/iss2/1 finding, there is powerful evidence of self-deterministic thinking (motivation to comply) in relation to these influences. the present research points to the valuable benefit of theory-driven inquiry, yet also highlights its limitations in understanding a complex array of relationships between the individual and the sociocultural context. sources of support: this research was supported by the emory center for aids research (p30 ai050409) with additional support for programmatic activities from niaid local partnerships project (lpp) and academy for educational development (aed). acknowledgements: the authors wish to thank our partner organizations and their staff for support of the programmatic activities associated with this work: action cycling atlanta, aids alliance for faith and health, aid atlanta, aid gwinnett, aids research consortium of atlanta, aids survival project, atlanta harm reduction center, the centers for disease control and prevention, concerned black clergy, emory center for aids research, georgia perimeter college, hopewell baptist church, humanitarian endeavors, the institute for health protection, the interdenominational theological center, the legacy project, morehouse college, national aids education and services for minorities, and sisterlove, inc. special thanks to bethany wexler for editorial assistance. frew, et al. 87 87 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta 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by r. diclemente, r. crosby, and m. kegler. san francisco, ca: jossey-bass wiley. zimmerman, r.k., tabbarah, m., nowalk, m.p., raymund, m., jewell, h.k., block, b., & hall, d.g. 2005. “predictors of pneumococcal polysaccharide vaccination among patients at three inner-city neighborhood health centers.” the american journal of geriatric pharmacotherapy 3:149-159. frew, et al. 97 97 mukenge: challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2007 challenge 2007 challenge, vol. 13, no. 2 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation african american college students' attitudes_resized hiv-aids perceptions, attitudes & behaviors among hbcu students_resized intersection between race, gender, & sexual risk_resized promoting hiv vaccine research in african american communities_resized challenge, vol. 14, no. 2 3�*��%��� 6���� �� @#���@ -p�����q9�<���������r���;��� ;� >��#�� >�*� -��-�<���'�� ��#���*�'���*��9**���� >� 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�#6�5�"���� �/ $���� 1�" �%����9/��i���9//!h&�# 87 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 2 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 challenge 2008 challenge, vol. 14, no. 2 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation vol14no2.pdf challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 1 14 39 61 72 challenge the journal of the morehouse research institute black males in the college classroom: a quantitative analysis of student athlete faculty interactions eddie comeaux college athletic reputation and college choice among african american high school seniors: evidence from the educational longitudinal study jomills henry braddock, ii hua lv marvin p. dawkins “athleticated” versus educated: a qualitative investigation of campus perceptions, recruiting, and african american male student-athletes c. keith harrison the black golf caddy: a victim of labor market discrimination wornie reed joe louis and the struggle of african american golfers for visibility and access marvin p. dawkins walter c. farrell spring 2008 ▲ volume 14, no. 1 1 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 2 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 foreword sports and extracurricular activities are pervasive features in american higher education with potential for major impacts on student motivation, development, and success. sports are also highly significant activities in the african american community. yet these activities have not been widely or systematically studied. this issue examines the role of sport and its historical and contemporary connections to education within the african american community. one article examines some key historical roots of african american participation in professional golf. other studies in this special issue present analyses that examine how involvement in sports and athletic programs may be associated with and affect (a) academic investment, resilience, and achievement; (b) college choice decisions; (c) student’s perceptions of african american athletes; and (d) faculty interactions with african american student-athletes. each article will stimulate interest and promote further investigation not only of the concerns addressed here but also other issues relevant to african american males. jomills braddock guest editor 3 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 4 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 black males in the college classroom: a quantitative analysis of student athlete-faculty interactions eddie comeaux1 university of california, los angeles abstract few scholars have examined the social and academic environmental influence on college student-athletes. this study explored the relationship between black male student-athletes and faculty and the impact of specific forms of student athlete-faculty interaction on academic achievement. data are drawn from the cooperative institutional research program’s 2000 freshman survey and 2004 follow-up survey. the sample includes 739 black football and basketball players attending predominantly white institutions. the findings provided evidence that the impact of the contact is to some extent contingent upon the specific nature of the interaction for black male student-athletes. for example, faculty who provided encouragement for graduate school had a significant influence on black student-athletes’ college gpa whereas all other faculty interaction measures were not significant in this study. the implications of these findings are discussed among faculty, student affairs leaders, and others who are committed to improving male black male student athlete-faculty communication, as well as enrich their overall college experience. black males in the college classroom the gap between intercollegiate athletics and the mission and philosophy of higher education has widened significantly over the past decade ( eitzen 2003). an article in the chronicle of higher education (2001) reports that college sports are drifting from their fundamental mission. instead of enhancing the academic environment, college athletics are clearly limiting student-athletes in revenue generating sports, men’s basketball, and football, of a valuable education. college athletics have become more commercialized with a greater urgency to produce winning seasons and secure corporate sponsors at the expense of the student-athlete’s academic future (duderstadt 2000; eitzen 2003; jayakumar & comeaux 2006). toward this end, universities are challenged with addressing the increasing lack of academic productivity in certain team sports. this issue, compounded by the recent national college athletics association (ncaa) academic reform movement, requires new strategies and forms of academic engagement to be explored that challenge student affairs 1 please address all correspondence to eddie comeaux (ecomeaux@ucla.edu). comeaux, eddie 1 5 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 leaders to apply student-athletes’ competitive spirit beyond the game and into the classroom. over the years, several studies have been conducted in an effort to determine significant predictor variables such as demographic and educational criteria that influence academic achievement for college student-athletes (lang, dunham, & alpert 1988; pacarella 1995; ryan 1989; sellers 1992; simons, van rheenen & covington 1999). few investigators, however, have examined environmental influences, both social and academic, on student-athletes’ educational outcomes (comeaux 2005; comeaux & harrison 2006; edwards 1984; sellers 1992). the college environment encompasses all that happens to student-athletes during the course of their educational programs that may affect and influence the desired outcome-to graduate (astin 1993a). one potentially important aspect of the environmental experience involves student athletes’ interactions with faculty, which too often influences their educational outcomes in negative ways (engstrom, sedlacek, & mcewen 1995; sailes 1993). in this sense, it has been well documented that male student-athletes generally and black male student-athletes specifically experience some of the most detrimental stereotypes and negative labels on campus by faculty and others within the college community (baucom & lantz 2001; edwards 1984; engstrom, sedlacek, & mcewen 1995; harrison 1998; johnson, hallinan, & westerfield 1999; smith 1988; thelin 1996). according to davis, “stereotypes also represent barriers to complete integration of this group [student athletes]” within the college environment (1995: 644). in short, the dual role of a student and athlete becomes more and more difficult to balance with the negative labels and perceptions toward this nontraditional student group. drawing from a larger project that explores racial differences in student-athletes’ academic integration patterns on college campuses, this work ascertains the effect of specific forms of student athlete-faculty interaction on academic achievement. the author chose to limit the sample to black student-athletes in the revenue-producing sports of men’s basketball and football. preliminary analysis of data revealed that revenuegenerating student-athletes differed from non-revenue student-athletes in graduation rates, national collegiate athletic association (ncaa) infractions, and overall visibility in american culture (coakley 2003; eitzen 2003). furthermore, the existing literature regarding black studentathletes suggests that members of this nontraditional group are victims of negative stereotypes and myths, primarily about their academic abilities (edwards 1984; sailes 1993). they are burdened with the insidiously racist implications of the “innate black athletic superiority” myth, and the more blatantly racist stereotypes of the “dumb jock” construct linked to 2 challenge 6 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 intellectual inferiority (edwards 1984). given the degree and magnitude of these stereotypes, black student-athletes are faced with educational challenges, which in turn can have profound effects on their access to opportunities to learn, social support as well as complete integration into the college environment (davis 1995). methods and data of study the data in this study are from two surveys within the cooperative institutional research program (cirp): the 2000 student information form (sif) and 2004 college student survey (css). the cirp is sponsored by the higher education research institute at the university of california at los angeles and the graduate school of education and information studies. although the reliability of the instrument has not been formally measured during the past 30 years the cirp has generated an array of normative, substantive, and methodological research about a wide range of issues in american higher education (sax, astin, korn, & mahoney 1996). the 2000 sif was administered to first-time college freshmen during orientation programs. responses were received from 251,232 students at 494 institutions. the css was administered to fourth-year students in the spring of 2004, resulting in 38,964 responses from 161 institutions. of the total students, 14,975 students filled out both the sif in 2000 and the css in 2004. the primary purpose of the cirp is to provide baseline data on entering college freshmen so that they may be followed up over time in order to assess how college contributes to student learning and development. the cirp data set offers an extensive set of longitudinally collected variables with which to answer a variety of questions pertaining to student success and retention patterns in higher education. in addition, a known strength of cirp is its abundance of student input (demographic and other variables assessed prior to college entry) and environmental variables. the specific sample used for this study includes black, male revenue-generating student-athletes attending predominantly white institutions. because the study limits the sample to those in the revenue generating sports of men’s basketball and football, the results should can only be generalized to such individuals on college teams recognized by the national collegiate athletic association (ncaa) as division i-a. the final sample includes 739 black student-athletes attending four-year colleges and universities. comeaux, eddie 3 7 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 analytical approach this study employs the “input-environment-outcome” (i-e-o) model for studying the impact of college variables on students (astin 1993a). “inputs” refer to the students’ entering characteristics. “environment” is that to which the student is exposed to during college, (e.g., faculty, peers, diverse views, etc.). “outcomes” are the students’ characteristics after interacting with the environment (astin 1993a). the power of the i-e-o model is its ability to allow researchers to measure student change during college by measuring outcomes while controlling for input characteristics. the study used blocked stepwise regression analyses. each block of independent variables was included in the sequence in which it may have an effect on student outcome. within each block, variables (significant at p <.001) enter the regression equation in a stepwise fashion. the value of using a stepwise procedures design is that it allows for an examination of how regression coefficients change as each variable enters the equation (astin 1993a). variables the outcome variable in this study is students’ self reported college grade point average, a quantitative measure of academic achievement. college grades were obtained from students’ self-reported grade-point average (gpa). gpa is scored on a six-point scale ( a, a-, b, b-, c, and c – or less). the pretest for this outcome is students’ high school gpa (scored on an eight-point scale, from “a or a+” to “d”). the author recognizes that academic achievement encompasses much more than gpa, however given the variables within the dataset, college gpa was the most appropriate measure of academic achievement, coupled with the fact that college gpa is the most common outcome when investigating student achievement in higher education (astin 1993a; 1993b). independent variables are blocked in the following sequence: (1) students’ past achievement, family background, and high school environmental characteristics (inputs); (2) institutional type and control (environment); and (3) college environmental characteristics (environment). because the primary focus of this study is the impact of specific forms of student-athletefaculty interaction on academic achievement, independent variables are not limited to those expected to predict a given outcome. rather, many variables are included because they may shed light on the relation between black student-athletes and faculty. independent variables can be classified into the following two categories (some variables may qualify for more than one category): 4 challenge 8 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 those that previous research has identified as predictive of any of 1. the outcome measures used in this study. those included on an exploratory basis because they may mediate 2. the effects of the student-athlete-faculty interaction. input measures student background characteristics (block 1) include measures of past school achievement, family background, and high school environmental characteristics. the coding scheme for these variables is listed in appendix a. past achievement measures consist of students’ self-reported high school gpa. the importance of high school gpa as a control variable when examining college gpa is well documented (astin 1993a; 1993b; sellers 1992). family background measures include socioeconomic status (defined as a composite of mother’s and father’s educational attainment, as well as students’ estimate of their parents’ income). it was expected that these family characteristics would influence students’ expectations about college, as well as their likelihood of interacting in certain college environments (sellers 1992). finally, high school environmental characteristics consist of student-athlete and teacher relationship measures (see appendix a). the significance of incorporating these measures was to eliminate selfselecting students thereby decreasing the chance of a type i error (finding a relationship between the environment and the outcome measure when a relationship does not exist). it was impossible to eliminate all possible biasing input variables. however, the goal was to minimize the probability of a type i error. environmental measures measures of the college environment consist of institutional type and control (block 2) and interaction with faculty (block 3). institutional type is defined as university or four-year college while institutional control is defined as public or private. institution level variables are included to determine whether student-athletes are more likely to interact with faculty in universities or four-year state schools and public or private institutions. the final block contains the student-athlete-faculty interaction variables. these five measures asked students to respond to the following statement: faculty provided encouragement for graduate school, faculty provided emotional support and encouragement, faculty provided assistance with study skills, faculty provided negative feedback about academic work, and faculty provided help in achieving professional goals. the importance of comeaux, eddie 5 9 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 student-faculty relationship is well documented as a valuable aspect of the college experience (astin 1993a; milem & berger 1997; pascarella, daby, terenzini, & iverson 1983). results this study sought to understand selected faculty interaction measures on academic achievement among black student-athletes in revenueproducing sports. the results discussed here focus on the relationship between various environmental measures (i.e. student athlete-faculty interactions) and the outcome. the effects of precollege variables on the outcome are presented and discussed only when they appear to influence the outcome. to appraise the “effect” of selected precollege variables and environmental measures on academic achievement, the standardarized regression coefficient (beta-in) was examined at each step in the regression. the beta-in (as reported in spss-x regression results) is the beta coefficient a variable would receive if it entered the regression equation at the next step; all variables have a beta-in irrespective of whether they enter a regression. table 1 provides summary tables of simple correlations for the outcome, as well as beta-in at each step: (1) after controlling for precollege (input) characteristics; and (2) after controlling for measures of the environment. the purpose of this section is to examine the relationship between that environmental measure and the outcome by determining how this relationship changes throughout the regression, without addressing specifically how or why such changes occur (that discussion is saved until the next section) relationships explained by input and environmental effects while high school grades (input) had a strong positive effect on academic achievement (beta = .31, p <.001; see table 1), adding the college environment to the equation led to generally smaller effects in the relationship between faculty measures and college grades. of course, the relatively smaller “mediating” power of the environmental block was due in part to the natural correlation between inputs and environments; much of the potential “impact” of the environment had already been accounted for by students’ high school grades. this suggests that high school gpa had the greatest effect on college grades for black student-athletes. contrary to past research (lang et al. 1988), parental status and income, parents’ education had no significant effect on academic achievement. with respect to environmental factors, only one faculty interaction variablefaculty provided encouragement for graduate school had a 6 challenge 10 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 significant influence on black student-athletes’ college gpa for this study (beta = .20, p<.001 (see table 1). this finding suggests that black studentathletes who are encouraged to attend graduate school by faculty tend to perform better academically in college. finally, those attending private schools tend to have higher college gpas than those attending public institutions (beta= .18). table 1: predicting academic achievement (college gpa) among black male student-athletes in revenue-generating sports comeaux, eddie 7 beta^ after step step variable r r 1 2 3 input 1 entering high school gpa (pretest) .33 .33 .33 .33 .31 environment entering: 2 institutional control .39 .21 .20 .20 .18 3 faculty provided encouragement for graduate school .43 .24 .21 .20 .20 not entering: father’s education mother’s education parental income asked teacher for advice talking w/ teachers outside of class institutional type faculty provided emotional support faculty provided assistance w/ study skills faculty provided negative feedback about academic work faculty provided help in achieving professional goals data source: 2000 freshman survey (cirp) & 2004 college student survey (css), higher education research institute, ucla ^ the coefficient for any variable not yet in the equation shows the beta that variable would receive if it were entered into the equation at the next step 11 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 discussion of findings the present investigation provides evidence to support the effects of selected demographic and environmental variables on academic achievement for black student-athletes in this study. we can not ignore that consistent with past literature high school gpa was the strongest predictor of college gpa at least for students and is also a predictor of college gpa for black student-athletes in this study (astin 1993a). such a finding is not surprising since student-athletes are a sub sample of college students. moreover, because black student-athletes tend to matriculate from high schools and environments with inferior academic resources and preparation as compared to their white counterparts, these results are useful insofar as they have implications for dealing with black studentathletes who enter institutions of higher education (sellers 1992). with respect to environmental findings, black athletes in the revenueproducing sports of men’s basketball and football academic success is to some extent contingent upon the specific nature of their interaction with faculty. for example, faculty members who provided encouragement for graduate school make a strong contribution to black student-athletes’ academic success whereas all other faculty interaction measures were not significant in this study. a previous study by comeaux (2005) lends support to this finding insofar as the nature and quality of interactions between student athlete and faculty matters. in light the aforementioned study, one possible reason that these faculty measures did not enter the regression equation, much less influence black student-athletes academic success in this study, may stem from the ways in which they perceive and respond to the college environment that might be different from the norms, values, behaviors of their home culture or lived experiences. there is usually considerable social distance and alienation from campus life perceived by black students on predominantly white campuses (hurtado 1992; sedlacek 1987), and they may feel discomfort from their lack of knowledge and experience interacting with students and faculty different from themselves (allen 1988 1992; schwitzer, griffin, ancis, & thomas 1999). another explanation could be that there is a stigma attached to the black student-athletes as inferior academically by the college community (edwards 1984), and as a consequence, stigmatization impedes trust and motivation (cohen & steele 2002). in this context, black student-athletes may feel wary or question whether faculty will view them unfairly, and thus attempt to avoid interactions and communication with these authority figures. for example, an article in the chronicle of higher education reports that black student-athletes feel that they are marginalized and are not taken seriously by white professors in the classroom and on campus (perlmutter 2003). the college experiences of black student-athletes 8 challenge 12 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 at predominately white institutions are all too often hindered as a result of feelings of social isolation, racial discrimination, limited support, and lack of integration. in effect, black student-athletes may choose to spend as little time as possible with white faculty, who comprise approximately 89% of faculty at predominately white institutions, and instead interact and bond with mentors and other support systems off campus where they emphasize feelings of encouragement and acceptance. conclusions and ideas for change the findings documented here have important implications for designing program and policies to help black student-athletes enrolled at predominately white institutions improve their academic performance. this study calls for high schools, colleges and universities to encourage and develop a wide range of communication and learning environments that are responsive to the needs of black student-athletes (redmond, p. 1990). rather that employing a one-size-fits-all approach to learning, the challenge, accordingly, is to establish learning environments and socialization patterns that are tailored to norms, values, and behaviors of the student. when designing such programs, attention should also be given to the structure, objectives, and practices of the specific academic support programs at hand and the extent to which they can potentially affect black student-athletes in high school or college with differing educational characteristics. findings from this study indicate that black studentathletes tend to increase the likelihood of college academic success to the extent that they show academic promise and worth (e.g. high gpas) while in high school. it is clear that programs in high schools should focus on developing the academic talents of black student-athlete for competitive college readiness and also formulating critical strategies to overcome or circumvent any impediments. moreover, since black male students typically enter predominately white institution with lower gpas and less prepared than their counterparts, faculty and student affairs leaders must be well advised to appreciate their situation and work closely with these students in identifying factors that may impede or facilitate their academic talent development and/or self-identity. finally, it is clear that there is a need for much more research to understand the relationship between black male student-athletes and faculty. in the meantime, faculty and others who are committed to creating more equitable educational experiences for all students could benefit from learning about the types of conscious and unconscious prejudices and discriminatory attitudes directed toward black student-athletes. mandatory training workshops that provide insights into the nuances and comeaux, eddie 9 13 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 complexities of race, racism, and cultural sensitivity toward certain groups and that are tailored to the special institutional needs of different campus constituencies and different target audiences are imperative. in that sense, we can begin to work toward creating more inclusive environment and perhaps establishing more meaningful, day-to-day interactions and relationships between black male student-athletes and faculty. future research while the present study produced useful findings and has implications for institutional practices pertaining to student-athletes, as outlined in previous section, it is not without limitations. the lack of causal direction among the environmental measures and the dependent variable were limitations of this study. that is, do student-athletes who interact with faculty, depending on the form of interaction, receive higher grades; or is it because those with higher grades are more likely to pursue interaction or contact with faculty? also, using cirp data, this study was not able to fill completely information gaps related to the interaction patterns between black male student-athletes and faculty. future qualitative studies that explore black student-athletes’ experiences with faculty inside and outside the classroom might be successful in answering such uncertainties and filling critical theoretical and analytical gaps. additionally, the voices of black student-athletes themselves are critical to addressing this issue at both the theoretical and practical level (benson 2001). lastly, the present study focuses on whether selected faculty measures of academic achievement for black student-athletes, yet it is not known whether faculty members’ race/ethnicity, gender, college affiliation, and/ or involvement in intercollegiate athletics play a role in the types and magnitude of interaction between black student-athletes and faculty in this study. for example, the fact that black student-athletes feel that they are marginalized by white professors on campus, as discussed earlier, may cause the degree of contact to vary dramatically by race. in future studies, it may be useful to control for faculty characteristics to understand better the impact of specific forms of student athlete-faculty interaction to outcomes of college. this information will be most useful to student affairs leaders and others who are exposed to college athletics culture in american higher education. 10 challenge 14 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 references allen, w.r. 1988. “black students in u.s. higher education: toward improved access, adjustment and achievement.” the urban review 20: 165-188. _____. 1992. “the color of success: african american college student outcomes at predominately white and historically black public colleges and universities.” harvard educational review 62: 26-44. astin, a.w. 1993a. assessment for excellence. phoenix, az: american council on education & the oryx press. _____. 1993b. what matters in college? san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. baucom, c. & c. lantz. 2001. “faculty attitudes toward male division ii student athletes.” journal of sport behavior 71(2): 223-246. benson, k. 2001. “constructing academic inadequacy: african american athlete’s stories of schooling.” journal of higher education 71(2): 223-246. coakley, j. 2003. sport in society. colorado: mcgraw. cohen, g. l., & c.m. steele. 2002. “a barrier of mistrust: how negative stereotypes affect cross-race mentoring.” pp. 303-328 in j. aronson, ed. improving academic achievement: impact of psychological factors on education. san diego: academic press. comeaux, e. 2005. environmental predictors of academic achievement among student athletes in the revenue-producing sports of men’s basketball and football. the sport journal 8(3). _____. & c.k. harrison. 2006. “gender, sport and higher education: the impact of student-faculty interactions on academic achievement.” academic athletic journal 19 (1): 38-55. davidson, m. & l. foster-johnson. 2001. “mentoring in the preparation of graduate researchers of color.” review of educational research 71(4): 549-574. davis, t. 1995. “racism in athletics: subtle yet persistent.” university of arkansas at little rock law review 21(4):881-900. duderstadt, j. 2000. intercollegiate athletics and the american university: a university president’s perspective. ann arbor: university of michigan press. edwards, h. 1984. “the black “dumb jock”: an american sports tragedy.” college board review 131: 8-13 comeaux, eddie 11 15 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 engstrom, c., w. sedlacek, & m. mcewen. 1995. “faculty attitudes toward male revenue and nonrevenue student-athletes.” journal of college student development 36 (6): 217-227. eitzen, d. 2003. fair and foul: beyond the myths and paradoxes of sport. new york: rowman & littlefield publishers, inc harrison, c.k. 1998. “themes that thread through society: racism and athletic manifestation in the african american community.” race, ethnicity and education 1(1): 63-74. hurtado, s. 1992. “the campus racial climate: contexts for conflict.” journal of higher education 63 (5): 539-69. johnson, d., c. hallinan, and c. westerfield. 1999. “picturing success: photographs and stereotyping in men’s collegiate basketball.” journal of sport behavior 22 (1): 45-53. lang, g., r.g. dunham, & g.p. alpert. 1988. “factors related to the academic success and failure of college football players: the case of the mental dropout.” youth and society 20: 209-222. pascarella, e.t., l. bohr, a. nora, & p.t. terenzini. 1995. “intercollegiate athletic participation and freshman-year cognitive outcomes.” journal of higher education 66 (4): 369-387. perlmutter, d. 2003. “black athletes and white professors: a twilight zone of uncertainty.” the chronicle of higher education 50 (7): b7-b9. redmond, s.p. 1990. “mentoring and cultural diversity in academic settings.” american behavioral scientist 34 (2): 188-200. ryan, f. j. 1989. “participation in intercollegiate athletics: affirmative outcomes.” journal of college student development 30: 122-128. sack, a. 2001. “big-time athletics vs. academic values: it’s a rout” the chronicle of higher education 59 (1): 2-21. sailes, g. 1993. an investigation of campus stereotypes: “the myth of black athletic superiority and the dumb jock stereotypes.” sociology of sport journal 10: 88-97. sax, l. j., a. astin, w.s. korn, & k.m. mahoney. 1996. the american freshman: national norms for fall 1996. los angeles: higher education research institute, ucla. schwitzer, a. m., o.t. griffin, j.r. ancis, & c.r. thomas. 1999. “social adjustment experiences of african american college students.” journal of counseling and development 77: 189-197. 12 challenge 16 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 comeaux, eddie 13 sedlacek, w.e. 1987. “black students on white campuses: 20 years of research.” journal of college student development 28: 484-495. sellers, r. m. 1992. “racial differences in the predictors of academic achievement of student-athletes of division i revenue-producing sports.” sociology of sport journal 1: 46-51. siegel, d. 1994. “higher education and the plight of the black male athlete.” journal of sport and social issues 18(3): 224-233. simons, h. d. van rheenen, & m.v. covington. 1999. “academic motivation and the student athlete.” journal of college student development 40 (2): 151-161 smith, r. 1988. sports and freedom. oxford: oxford university press. thelin, j. 1996. games colleges play: scandal and reform in intercollegiate athletics. baltimore: the johns hopkins university press. appendix a. student background & involvement characteristics block variables measures block 1(input) background measures average high school grades (self-report)a socioeconomic status (ses) mother’s educationb father’s educationb parental incomec interaction with faculty (high school) asked a teacher for advice after classd talking with teacher outside of classe block 2 (environment) institutional type and control (dichotomous measures) public private university 4-year college block 3 (environment) interaction with faculty (college) faculty provided encouragement for graduate schoold faculty provided emotional support & encouragement faculty provided assistance w/ study skills faculty provided negative feedback about academic work faculty provided help in achieving professional goals a eight –point scale: 1 = “d” to 8 = “a or a+.” b eight-point scale: 1 = “grammar school or less” to 8 = “graduate degree.” c fourteen-point scale: “less than $6,000” to 14 = “$150,000 or more.” d three point scale: 1 = “not at all” to 3 = “frequently.” e eight point scale: 1 = “none” to 8 = “over 20.” 17 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 14 braddock ii, lv, dawkins college athletic reputation and college choice among african american high school seniors: evidence from the educational longitudinal study1 jomills henry braddock, ii hua lv marvin p dawkins university of miami coral gables, florida abstract this study extends research on college choice, with recent national survey data, by examining what african american students say about the importance of college athletic reputation in choosing which school to attend. we use the educational longitudinal survey to examine the overall distribution of self-reported factors that shape college choices among african american high school seniors who express plans to attend college immediately after high school. we then conduct factor analysis to examine the structure of relations among the diverse factors shaping student preferences and their contribution to understanding variation in the college choice process among african americans. finally, to understand the effect of athletic reputation relative to other relevant college selection and access factors, we undertake logistic regression analyses. our descriptive results show that roughly one out of every three african american respondents report that a school’s athletic reputation is at least a somewhat important consideration in determining their college choice. the factor analysis for the full sample revealed five common dimensions--academic/ career, economic/practical, demographic, and social. academic/career considerations-representing the strongest factors, with social/academic/ career considerations ranked somewhat lower in importance across analysis groups. an extensive and growing literature on college choice suggests that students’ decision about where to attend college can be just as important as their decision to attend (astin 1965; choy & ottinger 1998; hossler& gallagher 1987). research on the college choice process has demonstrated that a student’s selection of a college is influenced by supply and demand considerations involving decision-making processes operating at both individual and institutional levels (hossler & gallagher 1987). individual 1 an earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the american sociological association in new york, ny, august 2007. please address all correspondence to jomills h. brad dock, ii (braddock@miami.edu). 18 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 decisions occur early as students identify colleges of interest. institutional decisions occur later when college admissions officers accept or reject applicants according to their institutional needs. while both the supply and demand sides of this process are important, the present study, like most research in this area, focuses primarily on the supply-side in the college choice process—student decision-making. dembowski (1980) notes three basic decisions a student must make: (1) which colleges to apply to, (2) which colleges, if any, to visit, and (3) which college to attend. we examine student self-reports of how institutional characteristics, and a number of other relevant factors that have been identified in past research, influence their college and university choices. more specifically, this study replicates and extends research examining the importance of college athletic reputation on african american students’ college choice by: (1) employing more current national data; (2) examining gender differences; and, (3) studying college choice prospectively among a longitudinal sample of college bound seniors. review of related research carrington and sedlacek (1975) cite early research on college choice which identifies four general foci of students’ decisions: (1) factors internal to the institution (e.g., academic reputation and prestige); (2) factors external to the institution (e.g., location and proximity to student’ home); (3) human influences (relatives, friends, counselors); and (4) individual factors (personal and family finances). along with the earlier research, more recent studies have examined and affirmed the importance of these and other considerations, including: proximity to home (corey 1936; reeves 1932; holland & richards 1965; bowers & pugh 1973; erdman 1983), cost (reinhardt 1938; bowers & pugh 1973), campus social life (bowers & pugh 1973), as well as college athletic reputation (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman & lv 2006; braddock & lv 2006). erdman (1983) found that perceived reputation, location, and size are far more important than other factors examined, including cost. bowers and pugh (1973) also point out that students and their parents emphasize different factors in the selection process: parents emphasize financial factors, proximity, and academic reputation, while students emphasize social and cultural factors. research further indicates that students also differ among themselves in the relative importance they assign to particular selection factors based on: race-ethnicity (lisack 1978; mcdonough & antonio 1996); gender (holland 1958; 1959; stordahl 1970; hansen & litten 1982); academic rank (stordahl 1970); and socioeconomic status (munday 1976; hearn 1984; 1991; kelpe-kern 2000). thus, research over several decades challenge 15 19 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 suggests that college choice decisions are significantly shaped by students’ access to information about, and perceptions of, colleges’ academic programs, tuition, costs, availability of financial aid, general academic reputation, proximity to home, size, and social life (comfort 1925; ripperger 1933; keller & mckewon 1984; stewart, et al. 1987; chapman & jackson 1987; braxton 1990; kinzie, et al. 1998; hossler, schmit and vesper 1999; braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman & lv 2006; braddock & lv 2006). research on african american students’ college choice earlier research on the academic experiences of african americans suggest that there are several reasons why it is important to understand african american student’s college choice: (1) investing in higher education represents the major avenue of upward mobility for most african americans; (2) african american students’ ability to obtain access to graduate and professional education largely depends upon the type and quality of their undergraduate education; and (3) both persistence and graduation rates among african american students have been found to vary with attendance at historically white and historically black colleges (thomas & braddock 1981; braddock & dawkins 1981; dawkins & braddock 1982; dawkins 1989). more recent studies have confirmed the importance of understanding college choice in the higher education experiences of african americans. for example, hurtado, et al. (1997) report that although african americans were about as likely as whites to apply to several colleges, they were significantly less likely than white students to say they were attending their first choice, with similar findings based on american college testing (act) data being reported by maxey, lee, and mclure (1995). therefore, while previous research has examined college choice decisions, with few exceptions (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman & lv 2006; braddock & lv 2006), the question of whether, and how, a college’s athletic reputation may influence high school students’ decisions to attend particular colleges or universities has not been examined. it can be argued that we have limited knowledge about the role of college athletics because educational researchers, in general, fail to incorporate sports into their theoretical and analytic models. however, inattention to this topic is also due, in part, to the fact that most of the national data sets used to examine the college choice process have not included measures of athletic reputation (or related indicators of intercollegiate athletics). for example, the major national college student surveys (e.g., freshman norm surveys collected by heri, and the beginning postsecondary student longitudinal study collected by nces) 16 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 20 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 have not included athletic reputation or related information among the items in their college choice inventories. however, even when they have been included, the independent influence of athletics has often not been explored. rather, athletic reputation data, when available, have more typically been combined with other indicators to assess the relative effect of “social” influences on student’s college choice (hurtado, et al. 1997). athletics and student college choice in some respects, the long-standing neglect of athletic reputation in research on college choice is curious since some have characterized intercollegiate athletics as “the front door or front porch to the university (toma & cross 1998). the “front porch” metaphor suggests that college sports are what outsiders see and what eventually gets them inside. one of the populations it attracts is prospective students (toma & cross 1998). this phenomenon has sometimes been called the “flutie factor,” referring to a 25 percent increase in boston college’s applications the year following quarterback doug flutie’s “hail mary” pass, which enabled boston college to upset the university of miami in the orange bowl in 1983. similarly, north carolina state university reportedly received a 40 percent increase in applications following its ncaa basketball championship in 1983 (mccormick & tinsley 1987). more recently, following the university of florida’s 2006 national football championship, and back-to-back basketball titles in 2006 and 2007, early reports suggest the university will reap similar benefits. for example, recent undergraduate applications reached an alltime high (25,000 students applied for fewer than 7,000 slots), and the average applicant sat score is now 1400 (garry 2007). similar associations between successful athletic programs and student recruitment have also been attributed to hbcu’s. for example, according to evans, evans, and evans (2002), several hbcu’s -florida a & m university, hampton university, and grambling university—have experienced enrollment gains associated with winning teams. specifically, they suggest that, over the past five years, winning athletic programs in football, baseball, track and field, and several minor sports at florida a & m university and hampton university have helped their enrollments. grambling university has had greater success in recruiting students when its intercollegiate athletic teams had winning seasons (evans, evans & evans 2002). within the higher education community, discussions about the role and value of highly competitive intercollegiate athletics continue to generate considerable controversy. much of this debate often focuses on what may be considered “value-added” outcomes of successful athletic challenge 17 21 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 programs, such as increased alumni giving (turner, meserve & bowen 2001; sperber 2000) or enhanced student applicant pools (tucker & amato 1993; toma & cross 1998; mccormick & tinsley 1987; murphy & trandel 1994), thought to be associated with having successful high-profile sports teams. while alumni giving is clearly an important matter, we consider here only the arguments and research related to student applicant pools. in this regard, studies examining the association between colleges’ athletic reputation and student applicant pools provide limited, and somewhat mixed results. however, the more methodologically rigorous studies tend to show results which are consistent with the value-added “applicant pool” benefits hypothesis. these studies have examined either numerical gains in the applicant pool or the quality of the applicant pool. quality of applicants. economists mccormick and tinsley (1987) examined the effect of athletics on academics. based on an analysis of 150 schools (including 63 from major conferences), these researchers found evidence to support the argument that athletics serve as an advertising tool and, consequently, schools with major college athletics have academically stronger undergraduate student bodies than institutions without major college athletics. therefore, a symbiotic relationship exists between athletics and academics at many universities (mccormick & tinsley 1987). furthermore, according to mccormick and tinsly, critics of athletic success are misguided if they believe that universities will improve academically by elimination of large-scale athletic participation. rather, such action could have detrimental effects for any particular school. tucker and amato (1993) provide some evidence to support this argument by examining the association between schools’ high-profile (football and basketball) teams and student quality (as measured by average sat scores) and finding that a highly ranked football team boosted sat scores. however, the same study showed that a highly ranked basketball team did not have the same effect (tucker & amato 1993). applicant pool size. toma and cross (1998), found that success in intercollegiate athletics (as indicated by national championships in one of the two marquee sports such as football and men’s basketball) appears to translate into a sometimes dramatic increase in the number of admission applications received, both in absolute terms and relative to peer institutions. they note that football championships seem to have more profound impact on applications received than basketball, and point out that their finding of positive attention following a championship year (particularly for football), appears to be “somewhat lasting.” likewise, murphy and trandel (1994) examined 46 football schools and found that a .25 increase in winning percentage yielded a 1.370 percent gain in applications. 18 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 22 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 student choice. studies examining student college selection priorities have produced somewhat mixed results. for example, one recent telephone survey of 500 college-bound seniors reported in the chronicle of higher education suggests that “the quality of a college’s sports teams falls far down the list of factors that high-school students consider when deciding on a college” (suggs 2003). the study found that 73 percent of the respondents said their decision to attend a given college was not influenced by its position in the divisional hierarchy of the national collegiate athletic association. more than a third (37%) said they did not know whether their college of choice belonged to division i, ii, or iii (suggs 2003). these descriptive survey results are provocative but limited, methodologically. this is especially the case with regard to how this study conceptualized the quality of a college’s sports teams. the size and representativeness of the sample are also of concern. one recent, more methodologically rigorous, study using reports of college choice among students matriculating at four-year institutions arrived at different conclusions. using data from the national educational longitudinal study (nels), braddock, sokol-katz, basingerfleischman, and lv (2006) found that, while “academic” and “economic” considerations had the greatest impact on student college choice, college athletic reputation was the most important among the “social” issues students consider in selecting a college to attend. they also note that the importance of college athletic reputation tends to be emphasized by males, students from higher ses backgrounds, students who participate in varsity intercollegiate athletics, students attending public colleges and universities, and, interestingly, by students who place strong emphasis on college academic reputation. in a subsequent analysis using the african american subsample from the national educational longitudinal study (nels), braddock and lv (2006) reported generally similar results. the present study employs the more recent educational longitudinal survey to examine further what african american high school senior students say about the importance of college athletic reputation in choosing which school to attend. like toma and cross (1998), our analyses are guided by the conceptual model proposed by hossler and gallagher (1987), which considers college choice as a three stage process, including: (1) predispositions, where a student develops an interest in continuing his or her education; (2) search, where a student gathers information on the attributes and values that characterize alternatives among institutions; and (3) choice, where a student decides which institution to attend. toma and cross (1998) posit that the growth of intercollegiate athletics and the positive attention it generates has a stronger impact at the search and choice stages, challenge 19 23 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 while also influencing students at the predispositions stage, especially among those who follow sports, in terms of making them aware of higher education from an early age ( toma & cross 1998). specifically, we focus primarily on one aspect of college choice—a college’s athletic reputation. we first examine, among african american high school seniors planning to attend four-year colleges or universities, the overall distribution of selfreported factors that shaped the selection of their first choice institutions. we then conduct factor analysis to examine the structure of relations among the diverse factors shaping student preferences and their contribution to understanding variation in the college choice process among african american high school seniors. finally, to understand the relationship between athletic reputation and college choice, with other relevant college selection and access factors taken into account, we undertake logistic regression analysis. methods data the data for this study are taken from the educational longitudinal study (els) conducted by the u.s. department of education’s national center for education statistics (nces). the base year survey was conducted in 2002 when the students were in tenth grade and employed a two-stage, stratified random sample of nearly 17,000 tenth graders in some 1,000 schools who were followed up in 2004 when the respondents were in twelfth grade. estimated response rates remain consistently over 90 percent. the overall sample is made up of whites (53.7 percent), hispanics (13.7 percent), african americans (12.5 percent), asian/pacific islanders (9 percent), and native american/alaskan natives (.8 percent). however, our analytic subsample consists of 2,027 african american high school seniors who reported plans to enroll in a four year college or university immediately following graduation. we utilize the standardized nces panel weight for this sample in order to approximate the original base year sample and to adjust the data for nonresponse bias. 20 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 24 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 measures college choice influences. are measured by a likert-type inventory consisting of questions which ask the respondents: how much importance does each of the following have in choosing your first choice college or university: (a) active social life; (b) ability to attend same school as parents attended; (c) good record for placing graduates in graduate school; (d) size of school; (e) religious environment; (f) race-ethnic composition; (g) good record for placing graduates in jobs; (h) low crime environment; (i) easy admission standards; (j) strong reputation of school’s academic programs; (k) geographic location; (l) chance to live away from home; (m) availability of degree program that will allow me to get a chosen job; (n) availability of specific courses or curriculum; (o) ability to attend school while living at home; (p) low expenses; (q) availability of financial aid; and, (r) strong reputation of school’s athletic programs. the possible responses to these items range from (1=not important, 2=somewhat important, 3=very important). for the logistic regression analyses, these responses were dichotomized to reflect an assessment of either none or some importance attached to school’s athletic reputation. the none category (0) includes (1=no importance) to reflect a lack of importance attached to school’s athletic reputation. the some (1) category includes (2=somewhat important and 3=very important) to reflect some degree of importance attached to school’s athletic reputation. control variables student gender: 1=male, 0=female. family ses: this composite measure of socioeconomic status was constructed by nces, utilizing parent questionnaire data on: father’s education level, mother’s education level, father’s occupation, mother’s occupation, and family income. quartile scores on this measure are dichotomized where 1= top quartile; 0=second, third, and fourth quartiles. standardized achievement test score: is a composite scale measure constructed by nces based on students’ individual scores on reading and math standardized achievement tests. quartile scores on this measure are dichotomized where 1= top quartile; 0=second, third, and fourth quartiles. h. s. athlete: is measured by students’ reports of whether or not they participated in interscholastic varsity sports during 12th grade where 1=participant and 0=nonparticipant. challenge 21 25 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 school urbanicity: is a measure that uses u.s. census categories to classify the students’ school as urban (central city); suburban (area surrounding a central city within a metropolitan statistical area); or rural (out side a metropolitan statistical area). codes: 1=urban, 0=non-urban. results descriptive analyses table 1 presents african american high school seniors’ responses to each of the 18 original items in the college choice inventory (cci). among the full sample (left panel), there is considerable variation in the degree of importance attached to particular types of items in the cci. not surprisingly, we note that specific items associated with academic and career outcomes (e.g., school’s academic reputation, curricular offerings, job placement record, graduate school placements, and specialized degree programs), and financial considerations (e.g., low cost, financial assistance) are rated as much more important than items associated with demographic (e.g., religious environment, low crime) or social considerations (e.g., athletic reputation, social activities). 22 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 26 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 23 table 1: factors affecting african american high school seniors college choice (n=2027) very important somewhat important not important total male female total male female total male female academic reputation 66.6 61.8 70.8 26.8 30.8 23.3 6.6 7.4 5.9 active social life 34.8 39.6 30.5 48.8 47.2 50.2 16.5 13.2 19.3 financial aid 75.7 71.5 79.4 18.9 21.8 16.3 5.4 6.7 4.3 low cost 52.0 51.6 52.3 35.6 34.8 36.4 12.4 13.6 11.3 parents alma mata 6.6 8.7 4.8 13.2 17.1 9.8 80.1 74.2 85.4 grad school placement 60.3 57.7 62.6 30.1 31.5 28.8 9.6 10.7 8.6 size of school 24.7 23.7 25.6 45.7 46.9 44.6 29.6 29.4 29.8 religious environ. 58.4 58.1 58.6 30.2 30.7 29.8 11.4 11.2 11.6 race-ethnic comp. 32.0 32.0 32.0 38.3 38.6 38.1 29.7 29.5 29.5 job placement 73.0 72.0 73.9 22.7 23.1 22.4 4.3 4.9 3.7 low crime environ. 52.9 47.9 57.2 33.1 34.4 32 14 17.7 10.7 easy admissions 38.8 38.7 38.9 37.9 38.4 37.5 23.3 22.9 23.6 geographic location 28.4 28.5 28.3 45.2 44.8 45.5 26.4 26.7 26.2 live away from home 40.3 38.5 41.8 37.8 43 33.3 21.9 18.5 24.9 live at home 26.4 26.1 26.6 31.1 33.6 29 42.5 40.2 44.4 special degree program 83.3 79.0 87.0 14.7 18.7 11.3 2.0 2.4 1.7 specialized curriculum 73.4 68.1 78.0 22.6 21.5 18.2 4.0 4.4 3.7 athletic reputation 26.3 35.6 18.2 29.9 33.7 26.5 43.8 30.7 55.3 table 1: factors affecting african american high school seniors college choice (n=2027) 27 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 with few exceptions (e.g., athletic reputation, campus safety), the results for males and females in the middle and right panels, respectively, are quite similar. not surprisingly, only one quarter of african american seniors ranked a college’s athletic reputation as “very important” in their decision-making (26.3 percent among the full sample and 35.6 percent and 18.2 percent among males and females, respectively). in contrast, a larger proportion of african american seniors generally ranked college athletic reputation as “not important” in their decision-making (43.8 percent among the full sample and 30.7 percent and 55.3 percent among males and females, respectively). nevertheless, it should be noted that roughly one half of our sample of college-bound african american high school seniors (69 percent of the african american males, and 45 percent of african american females) considered a strong athletic reputation to be at least somewhat or very important in their choice of college. in many respects, these patterns are quite similar to those reported for the nels: 88 african american sample of high school seniors (braddock & lv 2006) and those reported for the full multi-ethnic national sample of high school seniors (braddock, sokolkatz, basinger-fleischman, & lv 2006). however, we should note that among african american students, the current data suggest a substantially stronger emphasis placed on athletic reputation among els college bound seniors compared to that reported for the nels college matriculant cohort. both the current patterns and over-time trends suggest that college athletic reputation should be an important consideration not only for college choice researchers, but also for college administrators and others involved with student recruitment. factor analysis principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation was performed on the set of 18 items to examine whether the cci included more than one dimension. because previous reports based on the earlier nels survey (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman, & lv 2006) have identified gender differences in the factor structure of the cci, we carried out our analyses on the full sample as well as parallel analyses for the male and female subsamples. factors with eigenvalues greater than 1.0 were retained. each factor consisted of the items loading at .50 or above on that factor. all items that received a factor loading of less than .50 were dropped from further analysis. for the full sample, one item was deleted following the initial analysis and additional factor analyses were conducted with the 17 remaining items. for the full sample, varimax rotation resulted in five factors –academic-career, demographic, economic, social, and practical. the specific items are listed in table 2 according to their factor 24 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 28 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 loadings and the factors are presented in order of their eigenvalue ranking, and proportion of variance explained. table 2: rotated factor loadings for four dimensions of self-reported influences onafrican american high school seniors’ college choice (n=2027) challenge 25 1 2 3 4 5 academic/career (1) job placement .786 grad placement .769 academic program .742 job degree program .617 demographic (2) size of school .807 geog. location .782 race-ethnic composition .669 economic (3) financial aid .786 low expense .737 specific curriculum .552 social life (4) athletic program .732 social life .647 live away home .627 practical (5) live at home .821 easy admission .561 parents alma mater .536 eigenvalue principal components extraction/varimax rotation 4.394 2.008 1.493 1.168 1.011 29 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 the factor analysis of ratings on these 17 items produced five factors that were rotated to terminal solution (table 2). the resulting five factors explained 59.3 percent of the variance in the cci importance ratings. factor 1, which was labeled academic-career, accounted for 16.3 percent of the variance. this factor consists of four items that describe college choice factors associated with academic, and status attainment concerns. factor 2, demographic, accounted for 12.2 percent of the variance. this factor consists of three items--school size, geographic location, and raceethnic composition. factor 3, economic, consists of three items—low costs, availability of financial aid, and specific curriculum--accounted for 10.4 percent of the variance. factor 4, social, which is represented by three items—athletic reputation, ability to live away from home, and active social life--accounted for 10.3 percent of the variance. factor 5, practical, consisting of three items—live at home, attend parents alma mater, and easy admissions standards--accounted for 10 percent of the variance. for males, however, varimax rotation resulted in just four factors that were rotated to terminal solution –academic-career, demographicsocial, practical, and economic. the specific items are listed in table 3 according to their factor loadings and the factors are presented in order of their eigenvalue ranking and proportion of variance explained. the resulting four factors explained 54.9 percent of the variance in the cci importance ratings. factor 1, which was labeled academic-career, accounted for 17.6 percent of the variance. this factor consists of five items that describe college choice factors primarily associated with academic, and status attainment, concerns. factor 2, demographic-social, accounted for 17.1 percent of the variance. this factor which combined consists of six items--school size, geographic location, race-ethnic composition, athletic reputation, ability to live away from home, and active social life. factor 3, practical, consists of three items—live at home, attend parents alma mater, and easy admissions standards--accounted for 10.3% of the variance. factor 4, economic, consists of three items—low costs, availability of financial aid, and specific curriculum--accounted for 9.9 percent of the variance. 26 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 30 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 table 3: rotated factor loadings for four dimensions of self-reported influenceson male african american high school seniors’ college choice (n=675) challenge 27 1 2 3 4 academic/career (1) job placement .782 academic program .754 grad placement .741 job degree program .670 low crime .545 demographic / social (2) size of school .774 race-ethnic composition .666. geog. location .655 live away from home .653 social life .552 athletic reputation .470 practical (3) live at home .822 easy admission .584 parent’s alma mater .538 economic (4) financial aid .786 low expense .734 specific curriculum .486 eigenvalue principal components extraction/varimax rotation 4.900 1.990 1.369 1.076 31 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 for females, varimax rotation resulted in five factors that were rotated to terminal solution –academic-career, demographic, economic, social, and practical. the specific items are listed in table 4 according to their factor loadings and the factors are presented in order of their eigenvalue ranking, and proportion of variance explained. the resulting five factors explained 57.9 percent of the variance in the cci importance ratings. factor 1, which was labeled academic-career, accounted for 15.3 percent of the variance. this factor consists of five items that describe college choice factors primarily associated with academic, and status attainment concerns. factor 2, demographic, accounted for 11.9 percent of the variance. this factor consists of three items--school size, geographic location, and race-ethnic composition. factor 3, economic, consisting of three items—low costs, availability of financial aid, and specific curriculum--accounted for 10.7 percent of the variance. factor 4, social, which is represented by three items—athletic reputation, ability to live away from home, and active social life--accounted for 10.2 percent of the variance. factor 5, practical, consisting of three items—live at home, attend parents alma mater, and easy admissions standards--accounted for 9.8 percent of the variance. table 4: rotated factor loadings for four dimensions of self-reported influences on female african american high school seniors’ college choice (n=773) 28 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 1 2 3 4 5 academic/career (1) job placement .788 academic program .781 grad placement .721 job degree program .573 low crime .509 demographic (2) size of school .801 race-ethnic composition .740 geog. location .734 economic (3) financial aid .777 low expense .737 specific curriculum .573 social life (4) live away home .701 athletic program .674 low expense .639 practical (5) live at home .804 parent’s alma mater .552 easy admission .525 eigenvalue principal components extraction/ varimax rotation 3.991 1.954 1.604 1.288 1.013 32 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 logistic regression analysis our analysis employs logistic regression given the categorical outcome measure in our model. we examine three different models where parallel analyses are presented for the full sample, and separately for males and females. table 5 reports the logistic regression of importance attached to college athletic reputation on gender, ses, standardized achievement tests scores, participation in interscholastic varsity sports, public-private high school attendance, and the importance african american high school seniors attach to academic reputation when selecting a college. the unstandardized regression coefficients represent the net or direct effect of each of our predictor variables on the importance african american high school seniors attach to colleges’ athletic reputations. standard errors are also reported in the tables. the reported odds ratios allow us to compare the degree of importance attached to college athletic reputation across categories of the predictor variables. table 5: effects of demographic and college characteristics on african american high school seniors’ rating of the importance of athletic reputation in college choice (n=2027) in table 5, the left panel reports results for the full sample, the middle panel results for males, and the right panel results for females. first, considering the full sample, we see that gender and standardized achievement test scores both exert significant (though different) effects on importance attached to colleges’ athletic reputation. male seniors are significantly more likely than females to attach greater importance to a college’s athletic reputation (b = .936, s.e. = .117, p<.001). specifically, african american male seniors are roughly one and one-half times more challenge 29 total males females odds ratio b se odds ratio b se odds ratio b se male 2.550 0.936a 117 tests .344 -1.066a .208 .292 -1.231a .278 .434 -.836 b .305 public 1.212 .115 .172 .965 -.036 .285 1.244 .218 .219 urban 1.083 .080 .114 1.019 .018 .182 1.152 .142 .149 acad rep imp 4.590 1.524a .245 4.308 1.460a .314 5.516 1.708a .422 varsity athlete 2.956 1.086a .125 3.467 1.243a .185 2.579 .947a .120 constant -2.066 .127 .313 .355 -1.035 .451 .102 2.279 .479 chi square 244.930a 94.288a 61.724a cox and snell r2 .149 .125 .073 a. p < .001 b. p < .01 c. p < .05 d. p < .10 33 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 likely than african american females to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college to attend (odds ratio: 2.55). on the other hand, african american seniors with high standardized test scores are less likely than african american seniors with lower test scores to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, and this difference is statistically significant (b = -1.066, s.e. = .208, p<.001). not surprisingly, african american seniors who participate in interscholastic varsity sports are significantly more likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, compared to those who did not participate (b = 1.09, s.e. = .125, p<.001). indeed, african american high school student-athletes are nearly three times as likely as non-athletes, to attach greater importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college (odds ratio: 2.96). african american high school seniors who attended public schools are also significantly more likely to attach greater importance to colleges’ athletic reputation, compared to african american seniors who attended private institutions (b = 1.052, s.e .= .307, p<.01). more specifically, african american high school seniors who attended public schools are more than 10 times as likely as those enrolled at private schools to attach importance to colleges’ athletic reputation (odds ratio: 11.71). in the full sample, the cox and snell r-square is .149, indicating that gender, ses, standardized achievement tests, varsity sports, school sector, and the importance attached to academic reputation, account for fifteen percent of the total variation in the likelihood of african american high school seniors attaching importance to colleges’ athletic reputation. the middle panel of table 5 reports, for african american males, the logistic regression of the importance of college’s athletic reputation on ses, standardized achievement tests scores, participation in interscholastic varsity sports, public-private school attendance and the importance seniors attach to academic reputation when selecting a college. here, we see that african american male seniors who participate in high school varsity sports are significantly more likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, compared to those who did not participate (b = 1.679, s.e. = .538, p<.001). indeed, african american male varsity student-athletes are more than 8 times as likely as african american male non-athletes, to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college (odds ratio: 9.76). african american male high school seniors who attended public schools are also significantly more likely to attach greater importance to college’s athletic reputation, compared to african american male seniors enrolled in private high schools (b = 2.294, s.e .= .544, p<.001). more specifically, african american male high school seniors 30 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 34 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 who attended public schools are more than 16 times as likely as those at private schools to attach importance to college’s athletic reputation (odds ratio: 17.81). among males, the cox and snell r-square is .224, indicating that ses, standardized achievement tests, varsity sports, school sector, and the importance attached to academic reputation, account for twenty-two percent of the total variation in the likelihood of african american male high school seniors attaching importance to college’s athletic reputation. for african american females, the right panel of table 5 reports the logistic regression of the importance attached to colleges’ athletic reputation on ses, standardized achievement tests, participation in varsity sports, school sector and the importance seniors attach to academic reputation when selecting a college. here, we see that african american female seniors who participate in high school varsity sports programs are significantly more likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, compared to those who did not participate (b = 1.631, s.e. = .565, p<.01). indeed, african american female student-athletes are more than 7 times as likely as african american female non-athletes to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college (odds ratio: 8.32). interestingly, african american female high school seniors, who consider a college’s strong academic standards to be important, are also significantly less likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college, compared to those who place less importance on the academic reputation of colleges (b = -1.968, s.e.= .839, p<.05). african american female seniors who give strong consideration to a college’s strong academic standards are roughly four and one half times less likely to attach importance to athletic reputation when selecting a college (odds ratio: 5.50). among females, the cox and snell r-square is .087, indicating that ses, standardized achievement tests, varsity sports, school sector, and importance attached to academic reputation, account for roughly nine percent of the total variation in the likelihood of african american female high school seniors attaching importance to a college’s athletic reputation. discussion and implications this study examined college characteristics and other factors considered by african american high school seniors when choosing a college. consistent with prior studies (braddock & lv 2006) we find that african american seniors planning to attend college consider a very wide range of issues and college characteristics in their decision-making process. our analysis focused specifically on whether a college’s athletic reputation plays a role in their decision-making. the findings suggest that while college athletic reputation is clearly not among the top factors considered, it does matter to a significant number of college bound african american challenge 31 35 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 high school seniors. specifically, our descriptive results show that, for the full sample, roughly one-half (56%) of african american high school seniors report that a school’s athletic reputation is at least a somewhat important consideration in determining their college choice. among male seniors, about two-thirds (69%) report that a school’s athletic reputation is at least a somewhat important consideration in determining their college choice. in contrast, among female seniors, less than half (45%) report that a school’s athletic reputation is at least a somewhat important consideration in determining their college choice. as previously noted, the current data suggest a substantially stronger emphasis placed on athletic reputation among els college bound seniors compared to that reported for the nels college matriculant cohort (braddock & lv 2006). while few would expect college athletic reputation to be among the most important considerations shaping african american high school seniors’ college choice decisions, the evidence presented here demonstrates that it is by no means a trivial matter. this finding is also consistent with results reported for the full multi-ethnic sample (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman & lv 2006). the results of our factor analysis revealed different factor structures across gender groups. for males, however, varimax rotation resulted in just four factors that were rotated to terminal solution –academiccareer, demographic-social, practical, and economic. among the full sample and for females we found five common factors--academic/career, demographic, economic, social, and practical. this study, like many prior studies (comfort 1925; rippinger 1933; keller & mckewon 1984; stewart, et al. 1987; chapman 1981; chapman & jackson 1987; braxton 1990; kinzie et al. 1998; hossler, schmit & vesper 1999; braddock, sokol-katz, basingerfleischman & lv 2006), found that academic/career issues represent the strongest factor with social considerations ranked somewhat lower in importance. nevertheless, not unlike results reported elsewhere for the full multi-ethnic sample (braddock, sokol-katz, basinger-fleischman, & lv 2006), the present study found that college’s athletic reputation loads on the social factor across analysis groups. this suggests that among african american high school seniors who value the potential for an active college social life, a college’s athletic reputation is also an important consideration. perhaps, a number of these students see their college social life centering, at least in part, on their school’s sports events. our logistic regression analysis revealed several interesting patterns among variables that were related to the degree of importance african american high school seniors attach to a college’s athletic reputation when deciding which school to attend. first, we found that students who score 32 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 36 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 higher on standardized achievement tests give little consideration to college athletic reputation. not surprisingly, among african american students, males, and varsity athletes (male and female) were found to give stronger consideration to college athletic reputation than females or non-athletes. while these are important findings, the study has several limitations. specifically, the present study was unable to account for variations in several potentially important characteristics of four year colleges—e.g., size, quality, location, race-ethnic composition, and the like. because we do not have access to the restricted data file containing college id (fice codes), we are unable to merge other data files which contain such relevant information on key college characteristics. for example, we were unable to ascertain whether an african american student’s college choices might vary across hbcu’s and hwcu’s. it will be important for future research to take into account such key institutional characteristics, which conceivably, might influence the impact of athletic reputation in the college choice process among african american students. notwithstanding future research needs and study limitations, the results of this study provide insights into the debate regarding the role of strong athletic programs as an important factor shaping college choice among african american high school seniors. this is significant information for consideration by college recruiting and admissions staff, as well as for reflection among faculty and staff interested in the connection between athletics and academics. we believe it is important to caution, however, that these findings should not be narrowly interpreted to suggest that prospective african american students are solely, or even primarily, attracted to institutions with successful programs in high-profile athletics such as football or basketball, or even ncaa division i athletic programs. the issue of college athletic reputation is much more complex. for example, prospective students interested in highly competitive football may choose grambling university or tennessee state university because of their long tradition of excellence in that sport, without either knowing, or caring, that those schools compete in division i-aa, rather than the more prestigious division i-a, of the ncaa. moreover, as bowen and levin (2003) suggest, the appeal of strong athletic programs operates as strongly among ivy league and elite private universities as it does among big-time division i universities. challenge 33 37 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 references astin, a.w. 1965. who goes where to college? chicago: science research associates bowen, w.g. & s.a. levin. 2003. reclaiming the game: college sports and educational values. princeton: princeton university press. bowers, t. a. & r.c. pugh. 1973. “factors underlying college choice by students and parents.” journal of college student personnel 13: 220-224. 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g.t. mclure. 1995. “are black students less likely to enroll at their first-choice college?” journal of blacks in higher education 7: 100-101. 36 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 40 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 37 mccormick, r., m. & tinsley. 1987. “athletics versus academics? evidence from sat scores.” journal of political economy 955: 1103-1115. mcdonough, p. m., & a.l. antonio. 1996. “ethnic and racial differences in selectivity of college choice.” paper presented at the annual meeting of the american educational research association. new york, ny, april 8-13. munday, l. a. 1976. impact of educational development, family income, college costs, and financial aid in student choice and enrollment in college. iowa city, ia: american college testing program, research report 77. murphy, r., & g. trandel. 1994. “the relation between a university’s football record and the size of its applicant pool.” economics of education review 104: 265-270. reeves, e. m. 1932. “which college?” journal of higher education 3: 6774. reinhardt, e. 1938. “reasons given by freshmen for their choice of a college?” school and society 47: 511-512. ripperger, h. s. 1933. “when you choose your daughter’s college: are you practical or sentimental?” good housekeeping 97: 44-45. sperber, m. 2000. beer and circus: how big-time college sports is crippling undergraduate education. new york: henry holt and company. stewart, n. r. et al. 1987. “counselor impact on college choice.” paper presented at the annual meeting of the american educational research association. washington, dc. stordahl, k. e. 1970. “student perceptions of influences on college choice.” journal of educational research 635: 209-212. suggs, w. 2003. “sports as the university’s ‘front porch’? the public is skeptical.” chronicle of higher education. retrieved may 2, 2003 (http://chronicle.com/free/v49/i34/34a01701.htm) 41 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 thomas, g. e., & j.h. braddock, ii. 1981. determining the college destination of black students. atlanta: southern education foundation. toma, j. d. & m. cross. 1998. “intercollegiate athletics and student college choice: exploring the impact of championship seasons on undergraduate applications.” research in higher education 39: 633-661. tucker, i. & l. amato. 1993. “does big-time success in football of basketball affect sat scores?” economics of education review 12: 177-181. turner, s. e., l.a. meserve, & w.g. bowen. 2001. “winning and giving: football results and alumni giving at selective private colleges and universities.” social science quarterly 82: 812-826. 38 braddock ii, lv, dawkins 42 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 39 “athleticated” versus educated: a qualitative investigation of campus perceptions, recruiting and african american male student-athletes c. keith harrison1 university of central florida abstract the purpose of this study was to conduct a qualitative investigation of student narratives (n=167) about the contemporary issue of recruiting high-profile african american male student-athletes. participants were asked to view a scene on recruiting from the film, the program (1994). participants were then presented with questions regarding a recruiting trip by an african american football player to a traditionally white campus. findings indicate that both black and white students perceived the african american male student-athletes in the film scene to be more “athleticated” than educated. they were also perceived as stereotypical sex-objects. when athletes (especially male) show up at the school, the program does everything it can to show the athlete how fun it would be to go to school there, i.e., greeted by beautiful women, surrounded by beautiful women and taken to parties with beautiful women. nothing academic is shown to them (016).2 1 please address all correspondence to c. keith harrison (kharrison@bus.ucf.edu). 2 narratives are transcribed verbatim irrespective of participant grammar or syntax. narrative excerpts are indicated by participant number in parentheses immediately following the excerpt. 43 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 40 harrison, c. keith introduction each year, one of the most visible issues in sports is the recruiting of “blue-chip” recruits to major universities. these recruits are highly visible and known in popular culture as “ballers” (boyd 2003) and often see themselves as “shot callers” of their own athletic destiny (boyd & shopshire 2000). the recruiting trip sets the academic and athletic tone for the student-athlete. although this issue is visceral to the scholarly community, little has been empirically investigated or tested in terms of a student-athletes’ recruiting inventory or `the perceptions of recruiting by the general student body. entman and rojecki (2000) articulate that “film is an intricate site of cultural expression about race” (p. 201). one of the more popular films about intercollegiate athletics, social class, and race is the program (1994). the major themes of the film are a good snapshot of fictional and non-fictional realities of college sport. this list of themes includes academic integrity, urban identities, commercialization, booster/ alumni influence, campus violence against women, and faculty interaction with student-athletes. further, the film represents various characters and their personal challenges: quarterback (alcoholism), running back (urban identity and academically challenged), linebacker (illiterate and focused on going to the nfl), a defensive lineman (steroids), fullback (elitist attitude and jealousy of his teammate), a coed (intelligent and beautiful woman that has family pressures about success), and finally a coach (constantly in the gray area of ethical leadership and the pressure to win). the current study asks the following questions based on one scene from the program: are the recruiting visit perceptions by students about student-athletes based on stereotypes and athlete biases? how will students respond to images that represent the intercollegiate athletics ritual(s) to sign major recruits in revenue sports (i.e. football and/or basketball)? what type of discussion and dialogue about academics and athletics does the qualitative data (narratives) reveal? review of related literature college sports, recruiting and perception the corruption of college football has received consistent attention from scholars in economics (zimbalist 1999), american studies (sperber 1990), and the sociology of sport (coakley 2001). many of the empirical investigations relate to some of the problems and variables that stem from intense recruiting such as academic preparation, family education, and standardized test scores (eitzen 1999; erwin et al. 1985; sellers 1992). 44 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 41 the current study investigates attitudes, feelings and perceptions of male revenue sport participants and the cultural practices of recruiting. both racial stigma (loury 2002; russell 1998) and racial media (entman & rojecki 2000) theories are the platform to analyze contemporary recruiting issues and the major findings discussed in this paper. this is important to note when considering one noted and former president’s perspective on intercollegiate athletics: one of the most sensitive issues in intercollegiate athletics concerns race. basketball and increasingly football are dominated by talented black athletes, whose representation in these sports programs far exceeds their presence elsewhere in the university. the separation that exists between athletic programs and the rest of the university can only harm the educational experiences and opportunities available to minority student-athletes (duderstadt 2000:213). shulman & bowen (2001) describe the athletic recruitment process as “highly complex.” these same two authors conducted a major databased study of several ivy league schools that has implications for other traditional campuses (public and private). before discussing the impact of racial stigma on athletic recruitment, we summarize some of their findings below: the relative number of male athletes in a class has not changed 1. dramatically over the past 40 years, but athletes in recent classes have been far more intensely recruited than used to be the case. athletes who are recruited, and who end up on the carefully 2. winnowed lists of desired candidates submitted by coaches to the admissions office, now enjoy a very substantial statistical “advantage” in the admissions process--a much greater advantage than that enjoyed by other targeted groups such as underrepresented minority students, alumni children, and other legacies; this statement is true for both male and female athletes. one obvious consequence of assigning such a high priority to 3. admitting recruited athletes is that they enter these colleges and universities with considerably lower sat scores than their classmates. admitted athletes differ from their classmates in other ways too, 4. and there is evidence of an “athlete culture.” contrary to much popular mythology, recruitment of athletes 5. has no marked effect on either the socioeconomic composition of these schools or on their racial diversity. 45 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 42 harrison, c. keith this empirical summary is an appropriate foundation to examine how racial stigma influences these issues of recruiting and admission to the university by african american male student-athletes. racial stigma and athleticism racial stigma extends that social stigmas are not static but produced by cultural perceptions and ethnic distinctions based on exposure and contact (loury 2002). the dominant exposure of african american men on predominantly white campuses is overrepresented in football and basketball compared to the general student-body (sailes 1993; sellers 2000). narrow representations such as these can create oversimplified perceptions: generalizations based on superficial physical traits by decision-making agents with the power to create facts— can have politically profound and morally disturbing consequences. but that is only part of the story. we humans are also hungry for meanings (loury 2002: 57). loury (2002) continues to build on goffman’s (1971) notion of a “spoiled” identity. this concept is based on the social reality in the viewers’ mind that the image in question is stigmatized. hence, there are cues, signs and clues of the virtual identity viewed by the masses. in the context of predominantly white institutions that recruit african american male student-athletes in the sports of football and basketball, a racial reputation is built about their academic and athletic status. this athletic status as loury (2002) contends does not immune them from the effects of racial stigma, and “the perception by non-racist fans that the sport has been ‘tainted’ by the drug use, violence, or misogyny of a few bad actors may well reflect racial stigma, at least in part” (p. 74). in the context of higher education, images of the “dumb jock” student-athlete have created realities, limiting social and academic integration of student-athletes on campus (shriberg & brondzinski 1984, cited in kirk & kirk 1993). such a portrait of the “dumb jock” is so pervasive that it has found affects on all student-athletes’ college outcomes irrespective of their academic abilities (sailes 1993; zingg 1982, cited in kirk & kirk 1993). unfortunately, this image is even more pervasive for black studentathletes at predominantly white institutions (adler & adler 1985; edwards 1984). in other words, black student-athletes have to deal with campus stereotypes associated with being black and a student-athlete. i want to suggest that the caricature of the “dumb jock” is more salient with black males. 46 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 43 related to this racial stigma phenomenon is the work of russell’s the color of crime (1998), and the concept of what she coined as “criminalblackman,” a link is made to what i call the perception on campus of the “athleticblackman.” both these terms deconstruct the entanglement of education, race, sport, social deviance, and public perception. in short, it is nearly impossible to view the african american male student-athlete on campus without the stereotypes of black men in america. finally, entman & rojecki (2000) indicated that “the flow of influence between media content and audience sentiments is reciprocal.” they combined qualitative examples with quantitative methods to capture some of the complicated flavor of race images in hollywood’s most popular movies. the present study examines a film with images of race in one of american popular culture’s most influential representations--intercollegiate athletics. methods and design participants in the fall of 2001 data were collected from 202 students at a highly selective midwestern university. all students were enrolled in an introductory survey class. the majority of the sample was female, 69.3 percent and 93 percent of the sample was 20 years of age or younger. the remaining 7 percent of the sample was between the ages of 21 and 24. the racial distribution was as follows: 73.6 percent white, followed by asian americans at 13.4 percent, then by african americans at 9 percent, hispanic americans at 3 percent and others at 1 percent. the present study (n=167) focuses on whites (n=149) and african american (n=18) and the remaining participants in the study (n=35) will be the subject of another paper. the photo/visual elicitation technique this technique may be used with any form of electronic media. visual elicitation is a technique of interviewing in which photographs are used to stimulate and guide a discussion between the interviewer and the researcher(s) (curry 1986; snyder & kane 1990). in acknowledging the salience of cultural artifacts and images in sport, the use of photographs is pertinent to study the attitudes and meanings people associate with sports (gonzalez & jackson 2001). this paper approaches the intercollegiate athletic recruiting issue with a mixed-method design that according to tashakkori and teddie (1998) “these are studies that are products of the pragmatist and that combine the qualitative and quantitative approaches within different phases of the research process” (p. 19). the goal of this approach reveals empirical answers that are meaningful, reliable and 47 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 44 harrison, c. keith solid. procedure the survey questionnaire was distributed to students in one introductory survey class. the students took approximately 30 minutes to fill out the questionnaire and the survey was distributed and collected by eight trained graduate students. before responding to structured items, one film scene was shown and students were instructed to respond in their own words to the meaning of the effigy.3 this process was repeated for each of the three domains, but the present study focuses on only the qualitative aspect and one domain from the program. students received regular class credit for their participation in the study. the primary researcher was not present in the room at the time of data collection and the class was another instructor’s students. materials and instrument the items for the current study are extracted from a larger study that examines three domains of intercollegiate athletics in higher education through the medium of film. this specific study examines one domain with several demographic items. demographic variables measured participants’ background characteristics such as gender, age, race, and community.4 qualitative data analysis participants were presented with one question visually regarding a recruiting trip by one african american football player. participants were instructed to offer an open-ended response for after viewing a scene from the program. after the written responses to the scene were collected, they were transcribed into a hard copy (text) for data analysis. hierarchical content analysis, as suggested by patton, was utilized in the analysis. following transcription, each investigator read each of the participants’ transcripts in order to get a sense of the students’ experiences. each investigator independently identified raw-data themes that characterized each participant’s responses. (raw-data themes are quotes that capture a concept provided by the participant.) then, the investigative 3 the scene selected from the program depicts a star student athlete (darnell jefferson) going on a recruiting trip and the treatment he gets. the bus pulls up and there is an entourage of cheerleaders and band members. darnell also has a personal tour guide, who shows him the stadium where he is announced like a star and key player. at the end of the scene he thanks autumn hailey (played by halle berry) for showing him around and kisses her. after the kiss he “struts” as the scene fades to the next scene. 4 item asked students to describe the community they grew up in. response choices included; large urban city, small city, suburb, small town and rural community. 48 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 45 team met to interpret and identify major themes. raw data themes were utilized in conducting an inductive analysis in order to identify common themes or patterns of greater generality. themes were derived from all of the transcripts and attempts were made to interpret commonalties among the experiences described in each of the transcripts. major themes and sub-themes were identified across transcripts and support for each theme was located in each of the transcripts. finally, utilizing the themes that were previously identified, transcripts were coded and categorized. the meaning units associated with each theme were identified in each of the transcripts in order to determine the number and percentage of participants that responded within each of the major themes (see tables 5 and 6). findings and results demographics: characteristics of study participants the majority of the students in the sample grew up in the suburbs followed by large urban cities, small cities, small towns and rural communities (see table 1). even more interesting is the racial distribution by type of community. approximately 70 percent of whites reported growing up in the suburbs, while 40 percent of african americans grew up in the suburbs (see table 2). in contrast only 7.4 percent of whites reported growing up in a large urban city compared to 44.4 percent of african americans (see table 2). the percentage of african americans present at the participants’ high schools also differed by race. while almost 70 percent of whites reported their high school population to be 10 percent or less african american, only 44 percent of african americans reported that black students at their high school made up 10 percent or less (see table 3). not surprisingly, a similar pattern was found among neighborhoods. african americans were significantly more likely to grow up in neighborhoods that were more african american than whites (see table 4). qualitative results the following are the major qualitative themes from viewing one scene from the program. students then articulated thoughts, feelings and attitudes about the scene. 49 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 46 harrison, c. keith for african americans the themes are athleticated and sex object. athleticated. participants are aware of the privileges and what the recruiting trip entails: i sensed that athletes get the red carpet treatment when they go to college. and athletes do not get exposed to “classy” girls (020). i think that the media places too much emphasis on the athletic ability of athletes and not enough on their intelligence. i also think that during recruitment colleges focus too much on “selling” the athletic program instead of the academic programs and treat recruits like royalty (023). i saw visibly that academics were not part at all of his visit. it was covered up by a pretty girl and visits to the football stadium; what about classes (029). i think many athletes would not be treated like the one in the movie. it is however likely that many special things are used to get them to attend a school (032). i thought about how well student athletes are treated on campuses more specifically football and basketball, from watching movies it seems that these athletes get everything; personal tours, the girls, and the attention (054). they treat the student like he is a superstar. he develops that stigma and also feels that way. he has a strong sense of self worth. he has already jumped to conclusions about his future (068). forty-four percent (8) of the african american participants felt that the recruiting process is skewed towards athletic glamorization versus academic building. sex object. since slavery, the black american male has been stigmatized and typecast as hyper-sexual (boyd 2003). to some students viewing the scene they were asked to respond to, this image is still reproduced and perpetuated in popular media: it’s a dream come true for a black to go to college and be a star on the field, yet this also shows that girls are one more thing on their mind. girls and how many they can acquire ranks high on the list (072). the black athlete’s astonished response to the sight of the stadium was very typical. and his pursuing manner and language for the girl were somewhat typical as well. athletes are very direct with girls, etc. (171). athlete consumed with his own athletic performance. used 50 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 47 to girls wanting him and not used to girls playing hard to get. excited about future, doesn’t really think of not playing. students, staff, media support give a lot attention (189). twenty-two percent (4) of the african americans in the study felt that males are highly recruited and that the process of a trip to campus fulfills lifelong dreams that include women and sports. for white americans the major themes are athleticated, sex object, media stereotypes, and unrealistic depiction. athleticated. students had broader applications of the scene they were shown and perceive the modern day college athlete in big-time sports to be larger than life: i think it shows all the positives to the school and only the athlete aspects but avoid the actual academics that the schools have to offer (001). that’s just about right on the jock stereotype, which in my experience holds very true. jocks, or student athletes as they are sometimes called, are very callous and tactless individuals who are also usually morons. they believe themselves to be god’s gift to women, but if you remove them from the context of a football field they are pretty much worthless (003). student athletes are catered to the environment they live in is surreal with people helping them with trivial matters (academia) while they concentrate on the important things (sports). if college athletes are legally allowed to be paid, i believe they would be very rich indeed. trillionaires probably; maybe more (006). this scene made it seem like the most important part of college is its football team and that it is even more important which players they get. although this is sometimes the case (008). seventy-four percent (101) of the participants felt the privileges that male student-athletes in high-profile sports are afforded and that they are academically unprepared for the intellectual climate of a large college institution. sex object. as mentioned earlier, sex, race and sport are intertwined for the black male. further, attitude and sexual behavior seem to coincide with how the male student-athlete is perceived: shows athletes as charmers and heroes. darnell was a bit self-obsessed in the scene in the stadium and quite sure of himself when hitting on his tour guide. it seemed as though 51 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 48 harrison, c. keith he believed the world centered around him. i think that maybe some athletes are like this, but not all—it is often a stereotype pinned on them though (009). colleges do all they can to entice a young athlete to join their team. showing him the stadium, cheerleaders waiting outside the bus; also this character thinks that he can put the moves on this girl right away because he is going to be a star athlete, and of course everyone wants to date an athlete; too much self confidence (010). colleges will do just about everything they can do in order to get the recruits to play for their program. they sugar coat everything until an athlete commits, then they treat them just like any other athlete who wasn’t heavily recruited (011). this scene depicts the athlete as a god-life figure. people are cheering at his arrival on campus, the stadium is shown as this amazing atmosphere of glory, and you feel even the woman showing him around is instantly attracted to him because of his athletic ability because there doesn’t seem to be many other characteristics of him shown. he comes off as arrogant and everyone else seems to worship him. (012). schools seem to do anything to win over an athlete for their school. they make him feel like he is the most important person there. they don’t even mention academics just that his name will be in lights on the scorecard. this is usually what i feel that happens with star players (018). eleven percent (16) of the participants felt that the black male recruit was overconfident and sexually coded by the scene’s representation. media stereotypes. the communication literature has built on the concept of racial cues (entman & rojecki 2000) and clearly to some of the students in the study there are cues that activate racial attitudes and feelings about black male athletic participants: i think the bandana and hitting on the first girl he sees highlights the stereotype that student athletes are cocky. i really had shivers on my arms during the feel good moment when the athlete threw his arms in the air in the football stadium (015). the scene portrayed black athletes and how they are concerned with two things; sports and women. the portrayal was negative since he made a move on her even though they had just met. it also showed the special treatment that athletes get at schools. they had the cheerleaders come out and welcome him (041). 52 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 49 nine percent (14) of the white americans felt that media stereotypes both cultivate and create negative perceptions of student athletes, especially african american males. unrealistic depiction. this theme was one qualitative narrative and theme away from equaling the theme media stereotypes (see above). what is interesting is that while the students that believe that the scene they viewed is far-fetched, they also are fearful that it may actually be a reality: i honestly don’t think that any school would go through that much trouble to recruit an athlete, at least i hope not. it seemed very unrealistic that everyone (cheerleaders, marching band) would bend over backwards to welcome a prospective football player like that (027). that was really fake. i don’t think cheerleaders and the marching band greets all new athletes to campus. not to mention he gets the girl in the first few hours. he was also the stereotypical african american arrogant male strumming around, into himself. i didn’t like that, and it didn’t fit into the movie well (33). in my opinion this shows an incredibly inaccurate depiction at the campus visit by a student athlete. the cheerleaders and practical rolling out the red carpet approach for the football player while effective seemed overblown and unrealistic (042). nine percent (13) of the white americans felt that the scene was unrealistic. in the next section i will discuss some possible reasons for this last theme and perception differences between blacks and whites. discussion the demographic data indicates that most of the students in the study grew up in the suburbs, followed by a portion of the african american students growing up in larger and more diverse cities. in the present study, there are over 70 percent of the white students growing up in the suburbs; nearly 70 percent attending high school with 10 percent or less of african americans; and over 73 percent growing up with 10 percent or less of african americans, some empirical assertions are implied. based on previous arguments made in this paper about the formation of racial stigmas in the public’s psyche, entman and rojecki (2000) provide further support for the demographic patterns in the current study. while this sample is not representative of the general population, the findings suggest that some of the attitudes and feelings may be representative of students at predominantly white campuses who have few diverse experiences and may 53 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 50 harrison, c. keith have a narrow view of african american male student-athletes in revenue sports. the sample size reflects the demographics of african americans and whites in predominantly white settings. thus, it is important to interpret the attitudes of whites when viewing an “out-group” image (allport 1954; entman & rojecki 2000). according to what they viewed about academic and athletic life, african american students perceive all the hype and glamour to be closer to reality. in other words, the myth of “majoring in eligibility” and using athletic talent as a pawn for victories and profit were highly salient to the african americans and white americans in the present study—a significant finding considering that this topic has been discussed at length in the research and public literature (childs 1999; davis 1996; duderstadt 2000; edwards 1984; lapchick 1996; lapchick 2001; kirk & kirk 1993; mcmillen 1992; morris 1992; rooney 1980; sailes 1998; shopshire 1996; shulman & bowman 2001; smith 1990; sparks & robinson 1999; sperber 1990; wetzel & yaeger 2000; wilson 1983; wolff & keteyian 1991). as was demonstrated earlier in the related review of literature sections, admitted athletes differ from their classmates in other ways too, and there is evidence of an “athlete culture,” and contrary to much popular mythology, recruitment of athletes has no marked effect on either the socioeconomic composition of these schools or on their racial diversity. if this continues to hold true in the 21st century for the african american male studentathlete, then what is the purpose of a selected population gaining access for athletic prowess without academic development? how does recruiting impact this socialization process while on campus and what are the effects once their athletic scholarship and eligibility are finished? the answers to these questions will no doubt continue to examine academic and athletic cultures on campus and the best practices to shift these cultures into powerful change agents for actually altering the demographic and upward mobility patterns of minority groups accessing the collegiate system of higher education. research will continue to guide our intuition as to how student and student-athlete perceptions co-exist as a culture. that was a major purpose of the present study and the three research questions posed at the beginning of the paper helped to frame all of the findings in the results section. the qualitative themes indicate the pervasiveness of racial stigma and preconceived notions about african american male football and basketball players on predominantly white campuses. the two major themes for both ethnic groups in this study were consistent: athleticated and sex object. for the african american male student athlete, there is still the prevalent idea that black s are not just stereotyped athletically but 54 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 51 also racially. this is what edwards (2000) coins as the “entangled web of contradiction.” he poignantly states: black student-athletes from the outset have the proverbial ‘three strikes’ against them. they must contend, of course, with the connotations and social reverberations of the traditional ‘dumb jock’ caricature. but black student-athletes are burdened also with insidiously racist implications of the myth of ‘innate black athletic superiority,’ and the more blatantly racist stereotype of the ‘dumb negro’—condemned by racial heritage to intellectual inferiority (p. 126). there are similarities between blacks and whites based on the rigorously coded narratives. in terms of the similarities, both ethnic groups expressed their discontent with the “privileges” and “treatment” of studentathletes. both groups perceived the recruiting process to be mostly about athleticating not educating african american male student-athletes. implications future studies should replicate this study’s design but incorporate images that represent women, sports other than football and/or basketball, and other people of color that participate in sports. specifically by examining “whiteness” as a color (dyer 1997; lipsitz 1998), film scenes should be elicited that probe at the behaviors of white americans based on both individual and group pathologies of the social and political category of “white.” this research approach would parallel, at least methodologically, the paradigm of racial knowledge and racial thoughts about african americans and other non-status quo groups’ behaviors. this type of design examines the white image in the white mind, and little empirical investigation has been focused on mainstream attitudes about mainstream behaviors in sport or society. in short, visual/photo elicitation as a design cultivated empirical data of dominant narratives with different worldviews of african americans and white americans that grow up in homogenous environments. furthermore, the present study attempts to fill a void in the literature according to debrock et al. (1995): many studies have devoted attention to the issue of graduation rates. with a few notable exceptions, however, most of them have used the particular student’s underlying academic qualifications as the explanation for different graduation rates. this approach has an inherent assumption that failure to graduate reflects some underlying lack of ability on the part of the student in question (p. 533). in the final analysis, this paper fills a void in the literature on race, 55 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 52 harrison, c. keith sport and recruiting using a qualitative method to compile narratives about african american male student-athletes on recruiting visits. as stated by the character of don haskins in the move glory road (2006), “if you want to win you have to recruit. that’s how the big boys do it.” our nation and american higher education must examine on a deeper level what type of student we recruit for competitive athletics and is this recruitment process one that cultivates perceptions about african american male studentathletes becoming more athleticated or educated? 56 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 53 references adler, p. 1985. “from idealism to pragmatic detachment: the academic performance of college athletes.” sociology of education 58(4): 241-250. allport, g. 1954. the nature of prejudice. garden city, ny: doubleday anchor books. boyd, t. 2003. young, black, rich & famous: the rise of the nba, the hip hop invasion and the transformation of american culture. new york, ny: doubleday. bogle, d. 2001. african americans on prime time blues: network television. new york, ny: farrar, straus, & giroux. bowen, w.g. & d. bok. 1998. the shape of the river: long-term consequences of considering race in college and university admissions. princeton, nj: princeton university press. _____. & s. levin. 2003. reclaiming the game: college sports and educational values. princeton, nj: princeton university press. boyd, t. & k.l. shropshire. 2000. america above the rim: basketball jones. new york, ny: new york university press. brooks, d. & r. althouse. 2000. the african american athlete’s experience: racism in college athletics. morgantown, wv: fitness information technology, inc. childs, e. 1999. “images of the black athlete: intersection of race, sexuality, and sports.” journal of african american men 4(2): 1938. coakley, j. 2001. sport in society: issues and controversies. boston, ma: mcgraw. cose, e. 2001. the envy of the world. new york, ny: washington square press. curry, t. 1986. “a visual method of studying sports: the photo-elicitation interview.” sociology of sport journal 3: 204-216. davis, t. 1995. “the myth of the superspade: the persistence of racism in college athletics.” forham urban law journal 22(3): 616-653. _____. 1996. “african-american student-athletes: 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„photo-elicitation: a methodological technique for studying sport.” journal of sport management 4: 2130. sparks, d. & k. robinson. 1999. lessons of the game: the betrayal of an all-american football star. los angeles, ca: game time publishing. sperber, m. 1990. college sports inc.: the athletic department vs. the university. new york, ny: henry holt and company. 59 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 56 harrison, c. keith sperber, m. 2000. beer and circus: how big-time college sports is crippling undergraduate education. new york, ny: henry holt and company. a. tashakkori & c. teddie. 1998. mixed methodology: combining qualitative and quantitative approaches. london, uk: sage publications. thelin, j.r. & l.l. wiseman. 1989. the old college try: balancing athletics and academics in higher education. report no. 4. washington, d.c.: school of education and human development, the george washington university. the program 1994. columbia pictures. watkins, s.c. 1998. representing hip hop culture and the production of black cinema. chicago, il: the university of chicago press. watson, w.h. 1999. against the odds: blacks in the profession of medicine in the united states. new brunswick, nj: transaction publishers. wetzel, d. & d. yaeger. 2000. sole influence: basketball, corporate greed, and the corruption of america’s youth. new york, ny: warner books. wison, h.w. 1983. “career maturity and professional sports expectations of college football and basketball players.” journal of college student personnel 28: 2937. wolff, a. & a. keteyian. 1991. raw recruits: the high stakes game colleges play to get their basketball stars-and what it costs to win. new york, ny: pocket books. zimbalist, a. 1999. unpaid professionals: commercialism and conflict in big-time college sports. princeton, nj: princeton university press. 60 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 57 tables table 1: type of community growing up5 table 2: type of community growing up by race community white percent (n) 1 african american percent (n) suburb 0.3 (104) 38.9 (7) large urban city 7.4 (11) 44.4 (8) small city 12.8 (19) 11.1 (2) small town 6.8 (10) 0 (0) rural community 2.7 (4) 5.6 (1) 5 this table does not control for racial differences community percent n suburb 63.9 129 large urban city 15.8 32 small city 11.4 23 small town 5.9 12 rural community 3.0 6 total 100 202 community white percent (n) 6 african american percent (n) suburb 70.3 (104) 38.9 (7) large urban city 7.4 (11) 44.4 (8) small city 12.8 (19) 11.1 (2) small town 6.8 (10) 0 (0) rural community 2.7 (4) 5.6 (1) 5 this table does not control for racial differences 6 some sample sizes in tables 2, 3, and 4 may not equal the total for whites (n=149) and blacks (n=18) due to missing responses from participants on various demographic items. 61 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 58 harrison, c. keith table 3: percent african americans at participant’s high school by race table 4: percent african americans in participant’s home town by race african americans at your high school 0% (n) 10% (n) 20% (n) 30% (n) 50% (n) 75% (n) 100% (n) african american 16.7 (3) 27.8 (5) 0.0 (0) 5.6 (1) 16.7 (3) 27.8 (5) 5.6 (1) white 31.5 (46) 37.7 (55) 13.7 (20) 6.8 (10) 9.6 (14) 0.7 (1) 0.0 (0) african americans in your home town 0% (n) 10% (n) 20% (n) 30% (n) 50% (n) 75% (n) 100% (n) african american 5.6 (1) 22.2 (5) 0.0 (0) 5.6 (1) 33.3 (5) 27.8 (5) 5.6 (1) white 27.2 (40) 46.3 (68) 10.9 (16) 8.2 (12) 4.8 (7) 2.7 (4) 0.0 (0) 62 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 59 table 5: qualitative themes for black program participants (n=18)6 6 all theme categories are included to report the continuum of relevance rather than truncate the thematic findings. 29 coded example number percentage athleticated i saw visibly that academics were not one part at all of his visit. it was covered up by a pretty girl and visits to the football stadium; what about classes 8 44.4% sex object it’s a dream come true for a black to go to college and be a star on the field, yet this also shows that girls are one more thing on their mind. girls and how many they can acquire ranks high on the list. 4 22.2% athletic identity he (the student athlete) comes off as cocky and confident about himself. it looks like he was more focused on the girl then the surroundings of the school, which seems a little unlikely. 2 11.1% unrealistic the cheerleader scene was unrealistic. 1 5.5% the man feeling of admiration for the student athlete all the attention he receives, media publicity, and gets to kiss halle berry. he’s a stud. 1 5.5% balancing priorities athletes face a lot of external pressures by playing sports. sports are taught to be their most important concern, eliminating the importance of other social factors. 1 5.5% cultural stereotype i think the beginning opener with the marching band and cheerleaders was little unrealistic, but the point was to show how student-athletes get special attention when coming to the university for the first time. i do believe that the coaching staff goes out of their way to accommodate new recruits. the athlete had no idea what the university had in store for him, but he was a bit problematic because he used crazy vocabulary words and was from the inner city – a common stereotype 1 5.5% 7all theme categories are included to report the continuum of relevance rather than truncate the thematic findings. 63 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 60 harrison, c. keith table 6: qualitative themes white program participants (n=149) __________ 1 some sample sizes in tables 2, 3, and 4 may not equal the total for whites (n=149) and blacks (n=18) due to missing responses from participants on various demographic items. coded example number percentage athleticated i think it is unlikely that the whole cheerleading squad and marching band will come to greet one prospective athlete. shows how they are treated far above everyone else, but i don’t think that’s the case in reality. 101 74% sex object that was really fake. i don’t think cheerleaders and the marching band greets all new athletes to campus. not to mention he gets the girl in the first few hours. he was also the stereotypical african american arrogant male strumming around, into himself. i didn’t like that, and it didn’t fit into the movie well. 16 11% media stereotypes this film clip focuses on how being on a varsity team in college is the most important thing. i never thought that athletics were more important than an actual education, and i think that portraying that in movies only make children think that. 14 9% unrealistic in my opinion this shows an incredibly inaccurate depiction at the campus visit by a student athlete. the cheerleaders and practical rolling out the red carpet approach for the football player while effective, seemed overblown and unrealistic. 13 9% positive the clip made athletics seem very glorious and rewarding. the player was so excited to see the football field and he could envision himself being a star player. i think sports is exiting and rewarding because it is a form of self-expression and catharsis. 4 3% unprepared same kind of shock when i first walked into the big house my first game. he seems almost too smooth with girls he has just met, though. school might be more than he bargained for. 1 .0067% 64 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 61 the black golf caddy: a victim of labor market discrimination wornie reed1 university of tennessee-knoxville abstract for generations, country clubs and the professional golf association (pga) tour featured white golfers crossing manicured fairways, followed by black caddies carrying their bags. now most clubs rely on golf carts; and pros on the pga tour are attended by highly paid white caddies. the transformation of the golf world has mirrored larger shifts in the american workplace, in which the increased status and increased earnings of skilled work have been accompanied by a de facto “push out” of black workers. in the 1960s, the professional golf association (pga) tour began being more popular and more profitable. many observers credit this development during this period to arnold palmer’s charismatic, swashbuckling style of play and to the growth of televised golf. the increased popularity of the sport involved wide scale marketing of golf ’s big three – arnold palmer, jack nicklaus, and gary player. by end of the 1960s, lee trevino was added to the mix, making the big four. golf caddying was becoming a respected profession, as the caddies for the big four became famous in their own right. these caddies were ernest “creamy” carolan, angelo argea, afred “rabbit” dyer, and herman mitchell, caddies respectively for palmer, nicklaus, player, and trevino. since at the time most caddies were black, it is not surprising that two of the four – dyer and mitchell – were african american. the 1960s and 1970s launched the glory years for caddying, as caddies benefited from the increasing popularity and hence increasing money prizes available in professional tournament golf. in fact, alfred dyer, gary player’s caddy, was able to send a son to princeton university (sailor 2003), a financial feat unheard of among caddies before the 1960s. however, as the status of caddies increased, the presence of african american caddies steadily decreased. 1 please address all correspondence to wornie l. reed (wreed5@utk.edu). 65 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 62 reed, wornie historical background when golf and country clubs were established in the united states in the late 19th century, caddying was a menial low-paying job typically reserved for poor african american youth, some of whom were only eight or nine years old. into the early 20th century, black boys caddying merely exemplified wide spread use of child labor, like the armies of children working 14 to 16 hours per day, six days per week in mills and coal mines. often, black boys filled the caddying ranks because they were not allowed in the dangerous, but slightly higher paying mills and coal mines with white youth (sinnette 1998). most caddies were males, until recently, when a few white females began caddying on the pga tour. currently, these females are most often the wives or daughters of the professional golfers. there is no record of a black female caddy who has worked regularly on the pga tour. in their eagerness to earn as much money as possible, a caddy at a country club would walk as many as three 18-hole rounds per day, that is 12 to 15 miles, often carrying two bags, each weighing between 30 and 50 pounds. since golf was seen as an idyllic exercise and as another position for the black servant class (sinnette 1998), and also because it was not as dangerous as factory and mining jobs, national campaigns against child labor excluded child caddies, most of whom were black. consequently, black youth labored on, making very little money. in the 1920s and 1930s, a caddy could work all day for $1. by the 1950s, the wages increased to $2 for carrying a single bag for 18 holes, about 50 cents per hour, and $3 to carry two bags of golf equipment. without child labor laws protecting them, black youth dominated the field into the 1940s and 1950s; many starting when they were less than ten years old. alfred “rabbit” dyer started at nine in the 1940s. he and his father worked at the same country club in louisiana; his father caddied for gary player in the 1960 new orleans open. rabbit then caddied for player in the 1962 new orleans open (caddybytes 2007). jerry osborn, another black former tour caddy, started at eight years of age, as did freddie burns, the long-time caddy for hal sutton. currently, most caddies at country clubs are teen-agers; some are older men, especially in the south. as young black caddies aged, they became experienced adults at country clubs and on the pga tour because the masters tournament was hosted by the augusta national golf club, this club launched many caddies who became fixtures on the pro tour since 66 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 63 all participants in the masters tournament had to use local caddies, pro golfers became familiar with them and sometimes brought their favorite caddies onto the pga tour. because of the masters tournament, augusta national golf club was the source of many caddies who became fixtures on the pro tour. several of the augusta national caddies were legendary . there was willie “pappy” stokes, the godfather of caddies at augusta national, having won fives times as a masters caddy with four different players between 1938 and 1956. he is credited in caddy circles at augusta national as the man who taught most of the “name” caddies there how to read the undulating greens. mostly, the star pros kept the same caddy at the masters through the years. willie petersen won five masters caddying for jack nicklaus. nathaniel “iron man” avery won four times with arnold palmer; o’bryant williams won three times with sam snead; fred searles won twice with byron nelson; and carl jackson won twice with ben crenshaw. even augusta national member and avid golfer president eisenhower had the same caddy through the years—willie “cemetery” poteat (clayton 2004). as regular caddies for star players over the years, the top augusta national caddies were instrumental in establishing the role of regular professional caddies. caddies on the pga tour did not have it easy. of course, most of these golf servants were black. until 1961, when the pga tour was forced to discontinue its practice of barring african americans from playing on the tour, the players were all white and most of the caddies were black. in the 1950s and early 1960s, black caddies traveled from event to event across the country on greyhound buses, segregated to the back of the bus, and changing their clothes in the woods or in the parking lot (caddy bytes 2007). as caddying on the pro tour began to rise in status, another significant development occurred in caddying. in 1983 augusta national golf club stopped its practice of requiring players to use club caddies in the masters tournament. players then began to choose their own caddies for the masters and they were mostly white. this practice reduced the participation of the famed augusta national caddies, and affected a longstanding tradition at the masters—white players with black caddies in white coveralls. as rabbit dyer explained, “white caddies did not come out on tour until the early 60s – it was below them to caddy back then” (caddybytes 2007). although a 1961 ruling decreed that the pga tour could no longer bar african americans in the tour, all players were white and most caddies were black, with the exception of lee elder who was admitted to the tour before 1975. he was admitted to play in the masters 67 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 64 reed, wornie tournament in 1975. advent of the professional golfer the professionalization of golf caddies followed the professionalization of golfers by several generations. professional golfers were not a privileged group in the early part of 20th century america. until walter hagen established professional golf by making more money playing golf than teaching it (smart 2005), the main role of the golf pro was “giving lessons, supervising the pro shop, overseeing the care of the course grounds, and building and repairing golf clubs. he did the bidding of the golf club members, who were from the upper class, and was treated the same way as butlers, chauffeurs, and maids” (clavin 2005: 37). hagen started as a caddie at the country club of rochester and became a club pro in 1912, receiving $1,000 for eight months’ work . during this time, few pros at country clubs averaged more than $50 per week . by 1913, hagen was 20-year old head golf pro, yet he had to beg his employers for time off to play in the 1913 u.s. open at the country club in boston . this was the historic tournament won by francis ouimet, a 20-year old amateur and former caddie at the country club who defeated the british golfers harry vardon and ted ray . vardon was golf ’s first superstar and ray was the reigning british open champion . ouimet’s victory changed the american perception of golf from a sport for rich foreigners to a sport that everyday people could play. walter hagen finished third in the 1913 open. he was then sponsored by members of the country club of rochester and won the 1914 u.s. open at chicago’s midlothian country club. there, for the first time, golf pros could enter the clubhouse. hagen initiated this practice by marching into the locker room instead of changing shoes in the parking lot as pros had previously been compelled to do (gabriel 2001). not only was hagen the first american professional touring player, he was also a key participant in the creation of the professional golf association (in 1916). after winning the 1919 u.s. open, hagen left his club job and become the first golfer to earn his livelihood completely from tournament incomes and endorsements. 68 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 65 table 1: total purses on the pga tour by decade year number of events total purse 1938 38 $ 158,000 1950 33 459,950 1960 41 1,335,242 1970 55 6,751,523 1980 45 13,371,786 1990 44 46,251,831 2000 49 157,000,000 source: j. luft. 2000. http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/statitudes/news/2000/08/28/ tigermoney_statitudes/ professional golf grew steadily during the first decades of the 20th century, with sharp increases in status and earnings after 1950. in the 62year period between 1938 and 2000, purses grew 1,000-fold (see table 1). the huge increase in total purses between 1995 and 2005 is credited to the impact and popularity of tiger woods, who joined the tour in 1996. professional caddies the role of the professional caddy goes beyond carrying the bag and handing the player a club. a good caddy who knows the game of golf can play a major role in the success of his player. caddies prepare for competitive rounds by walking the course, checking yardages, and finding trouble spots on the course. they may be involved in crucial decisions during play . for example, they advise the pro on club selection, a decision influenced by estimated wind speed and direction and the terrain of the golf hole. they also assist with “reading the greens,” determining the effect that undulations in the green will have on the path of putts. the early caddies on the pga tour were a “ragged crew of itinerant african-americans who, like their pros, followed the sun from one tournament to the next, eking out a living as they lived on the edge of society. these ‘professional’ caddies were the last in line when it came to respectability” (babbles 2007). with the increased status of the pga tour and the increase in tournament purses in the 1960s, more players began to have regular caddies; and of course, since most of the caddies were black, caddies on the tour tended to be black. 69 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 66 reed, wornie caddies are paid according to the earnings of the professional golfer . caddy pay is a closely held secret and the pay formula varies slightly between golfer-caddy teams. however, the typical formula is widely reported. caddies on the tour are generally paid $1,000 for each tournament played, plus at least five percent of the player’s earnings. if the player finishes in the top ten places, the caddie gets seven percent of the player’s earnings, and if the player wins the caddy gets 10 percent. thus, as the prize money for tournaments rose, caddies began earning more as well (see table 2). table 2: earnings of leading pga tour money winners by year, with corresponding estimates of caddy earnings year earnings of leading money winners* estimated caddy earnings 1955 $ 63,122 $ 6,176 1965 140,752 13,773 1975 298,149 29,174 1985 542,321 53,066 1995 1,654,959 161,938 2005 10,628,024 1,039,955 *source: l. ruberstein and j. neuman. 2006. a disorderly compendium of golf. new york: workman publishing. the calculations of the 2005 estimated caddy earnings in table 2 were based on the typical formula—10% for wins, 7% for top ten finishes, and 5% for non-top tens—applied to tiger woods’ tournament by tournament earnings in 2005, as he was the leading money winner that year. the resulting caddy earnings rate—9.785% of the pro golfer’s winnings—was applied to the other years, 1955 to 1995, for the respective estimated caddy earnings. currently, about 70 caddies on the pga tour make $100,000 or more for about 30 weeks’ work, as few golf pros play in more than 30 weekly events per year. steve williams, caddy for tiger woods, has even started a charitable foundation with some of the millions he has made carrying tiger woods’s bag. caddying has established itself so well in recent years that there is a professional association, the professional tour caddies of america (pcta) which includes some 130 full time pga tour caddies. the majority of pga tour players are said to employ ptca caddies. to qualify for membership, a caddy must have worked a minimum of 15 pga tour tournaments. the ptca advocates for caddies by working “closely with pga tour officials 70 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 67 and personnel to assure policies and communications between the pga tour and pcta tour caddies is accurate and positive” (pcta 2007). the ptca operates a mobile restaurant and gathering place for all caddies that is set up at many tour venues. disappearance of black caddies on tour the professionalization of the role of the caddy has come at the expense of blacks. in 1998, only one of the top 50 golfers on the pga tour employed an african american caddy: freddie burns, caddy for hal sutton. as burns tells it, “in 1981, there were twice as many black caddies as whites. now [in 1998] i’m the only one carrying a top-50 bag” (sailor 2003). in 1998, 55 pga tour players earned over $1,000,000 in prize money, which meant that 54 white caddies earned at least $100,000, with only one black caddy, freddie burns, earning as much (benet 2002). in 2007, with sutton past his prime and no longer playing the pga tour, the figure has moved to zero. no player in the top 50 and virtually no other player employs a black caddy on a regular basis. not even tiger woods employs a black caddy. what happened? clearly, african-americans were prominent among the professional caddy ranks when caddying was first established as a “profession. ” however, africa americans are no longer at the top levels of their profession. what happened? several developments undoubtedly affected the status of african americans as caddies. one was increasing use of motorized golf carts which have replaced caddies at the majority of golf courses. nationally, only 7.3 percent of the 16,398 golf clubs in the united states with at least 18 holes offer caddie services (fowler 2007). another development was the growth in employment options for black youth, along with a growing disdain for such a subservient-appearing job as caddying. although the widespread use of golf carts and poor image are relevant to the radical decline in numbers of black caddies, it is critical to note that the position of “the caddy” remains a fixture of golf tour. only the color of these caddies has changed. african american caddies have been the victims of a process that journalist william rhoden calls “the jockey syndrome” (rhoden 2006). similar “push out” scenarios african americans dominated the jockey ranks from the era of slavery up through the end of the 19th century; and they represented an overwhelming majority of professional horse trainers. former slaves who worked closely with animals naturally continued to work with horses. 71 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 68 reed, wornie many gained considerable status as winning jockeys and trainers. during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, horse racing grew in the united states. however, the emphasis was more on the horse than on the jockey. between the end of the civil war and 1900, the status of the jockey increased substantially, with leading jockeys earning between $5,000 and $6,000 per year, seven to ten times the income of the average worker of that time (rhoden 2006). the leading jockey of this era, african american isaac murphy, earned more than the entire payroll of the leading major league baseball team during this period. however, by the turn of the century, as horse racing grew in status and in financial rewards, whites became increasingly visible as jockeys, quickly pushing blacks out of their former occupation. jimmy winkfield, the last of the great black jockeys, won the kentucky derby in 1901 and 1902, but was forced out of the country to find work as a jockey, as it became extremely difficult, if not impossible, for him to be hired to race. he moved to russia in 1904, where he because the most celebrated athlete in the country (hotaling 1999). with the elimination of winkfield, the pushout of african american jockeys was complete. this process had actually started in 1894 when a racing “union,” the jockey club, was established by several prominent thoroughbred owners and breeders. headquartered in new york city, it became the administrative arm of the horse-racing industry. among its tasks was the licensing of jockeys. the practice of not licensing black jockeys, combined with the growing reluctance of white horse owners to hire black riders, were driving forces in the demise of black jockeys in america (rhoden 2006). this “push out” scenario reflects broad labor market discrimination dating back to the 19th century. for example, up to around 1820, a large proportion of the artisans in philadelphia were free blacks. however, the number of these black artisans had declined significantly by 1837 after the influx of european immigrants and the concomitant “push out” of black workers in skilled trades (darity 1990). other push outs from skilled trades occurred later in the century in the united states in general and in the south in particular. at the end of the civil war, there were five times as many black skilled artisans as whites in the united states. many slaves who had been trained in skilled trades became urban contractors; a combination of former slaves and freed blacks dominated the skilled trades (hine, hine, and harrold 2005). consequently, skilled trades were seen primarily as “black jobs. ” however, throughout the latter third of the 19th century, black skilled artisans steadily lost ground. by 1900, while there were twice as many black skilled artisans 72 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 69 (most of whom lived in the south), as there had been in 1865, blacks represented a rapidly decreasing proportion of the skilled labor force. as southern white workers began crowding into cities and competing with blacks in the traditional skilled trades, the emerging trade unions restricted and eventually prevented the employment of blacks in the transportation service, new mills, and construction, where new techniques and skills were being introduced (moreno 2006). “racial discrimination was undoubtedly a major factor in the decline and eclipse of the [black] skilled worker” (darity 1990:108). conclusion in golf, as in horse racing and skilled trades, as occupations gained status, african americans were pushed out and replaced by whites. while the golfing establishment did not organize and use unions to exclude black caddies, as had been done in horse racing and skilled trades, black caddies have been the victims of systematic labor market exclusion. the process by which this has occurred may very well be explained with macro-economic principles described by deidre royster (2002): …economists’ concern with formal institutional arrangements, such as contracts, property rights, laws, regulations, and the state, have tended to downplay the potential importance of the ways in which informal norms and networks affect how institutions “act” economically (p. 30). this perspective argues that white workers continue to engage in customs of black exclusion despite laws and regulations designed to prohibit such action. royster (2002) described social “networks of inclusion” and “networks of exclusion” that operate to produce racial inequality in labor markets. the disappearance of black caddies on the pga tour—as well as the champions tour and the ladies professional golf association tour— is a recent example of a phenomenon that has happened several times in african american history: blacks dominate the ranks of an occupation until whites are attracted to it. this attraction is often the result of the work’s increasing in status, which is associated with increased remuneration for the work. money and status attract whites, who move into the occupation and push blacks out. 73 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 70 reed, wornie references babbles, john coyne. 2007. “caddie days on the pga tour.” retrieved august 22, 2007 (http://peacecorpswriter.blogs.com/). becker, gary. 1957. the economics of discrimination. chicago: university of chicago press. benet, siobhan. 2002. “where we once roamed: black caddies are all but extinct at major tournaments.” black enterprise (september). caddybytes. 2007. caddy hall of fame interview with alfred dyer (http://www.caddybytes.com/alfred_dyer.htm). clayton, ward. 2004. men on the bag: the caddies of augusta national. ann arbor, mi: sports media group. clavin, tom. 2005. sir walter: walter hagen and the invention of professional golf. new york: simon & schuster. darity, william, ed. 1990. race, radicalism and reform: selected papers of abraham l. harris. new brunswick, nj: transaction publishers. fowler, scott. 2007. last of a generation carries on. the dallas morning news: sports day (http://apse.dallasnews.com/contest/2001/ writing/100-250.feature.thir...). gabriel, mike. 2001. the professional golfers’ association tour: a history. london: mcfarland & company. halberstam, david. 1999. the best american sports writing of the century. boston: houghton mifflin company. hotaling, edward. 1999. the great black jockeys. rockland, ca: prima publishing. hine, darlene clark, william c. hine, and stanley harrold. 2005. the african-american odyssey. boston: pearson custom publishing. lardner, john. 1999. “the haig”: rowdy rebel of the fairways, in halberstam, david (1999). the best american sports writing of the century, boston: houghton mifflin company. 74 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 71 moreno, paul d. 2006. black americans and organized labor: a new history. baton rouge: louisiana state university. professional caddies association. 2007. retrieved august 22, 2007 (http://www.pcaworldwide.com/halloffameinductee.htm). ptca. 2007. professional tour caddies of america pga tour caddy. retrieved september 10, 2007 (http://www.protourcaddy.com/). rhoden, william c. 2006. forty million dollar slaves. new york: crown publishers. roberts, selena. 2006. “sports of the times: blue-collar caddies now white collar.” new york times. retrieved september 10, 2007 (http://select.nytimes.com/search/restricted/ article?res=f50e16fc3). royster, deidre. 2002. race and the invisible hand. berkeley and los angeles: university of california press. sailer, steve. 2003. the decline of the black caddie. retrieved august 22, 2007 (http://www.isteve.com/golf_decline_of_the_black_ caddie.htm. 8/22/07). smart, barry. 2005. the sport star: modern sport and the cultural economy of sporting celebrity. thousand oaks, ca: sage publications. sinnette, calvin. 1998. forbidden fairways: african americans and the game of golf. chelsea, mi: sleeping bear press. spalter-roth, r., and teri ann lowenthal. 2005. “race, ethnicity, and the american labor market.” asa series on how race and ethnicity matter. washington, dc: american sociological association. 75 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 72 dawkins, farrell joe louis and the struggle of african american golfers for visibility and access marvin p. dawkins1 university of miami walter c. farrell university of north carolina-chapel hill abstract this study examines the role of joe louis in stimulating greater interest in golf among african americans during his reign as world heavyweight boxing champion (1937-1949) and in joining the fight to end discrimination in golf after his retirement from boxing. during his boxing career, louis promoted golf by participating in golf tournaments as an amateur player, employing black golf professionals as his personal golf tutors, organizing his own national tournament, and creating opportunities for interracial golf competition. failing to achieve success in creating access for black golfers to play in the prestigious, all-white, pga golf tournaments, louis became more aggressive in these efforts and joined the movement to end racial discrimination in the sport. while achieving limited success, joe louis is credited with contributing to the initial steps in removing racial barriers in golf, which eventually led to removal of the infamous “caucasian-only” clause from the pga constitution, thus, paving the way for charlie sifford and other african americans to attain full pga membership. the phenomenal success of tiger woods, as the lone golfer of african american descent currently competing on the professional golfers association tour (pga tour), has also stimulated interest in race relations and the sport of golf (sinnette 1998; mcdaniel 2000; kennedy 2000; dawkins and kinloch 2000; dawkins 2003). much of this interest has focused on the historical impact and cumulative, long-term effect of overt and institutionalized discrimination to explain why, with the exception of woods, no african americans are playing on the regular pga tour today. particular attention has been given to the pioneering role of black golfers who competed at the professional level during the era of jim crow segregation in america but were formally excluded from participating in pga events. for example, charlie sifford, the first african american to 1 please address all correspondence to marvin p. dawkins (mdawkins@miami.edu). 76 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 73 gain full pga membership, described the racist treatment he experienced as one of a few black professional golfers attempting to play in segregated, all-white golf tournaments during the 1950s and 1960s (sifford and gullo 1992). only after social and legal pressure forced the pga to remove a long-standing clause in its constitution restricting membership to persons who were “caucasian only,” did sifford gain full pga membership in 1964. although little coverage of golf ’s discriminatory past can be found in the literature on the history of golf in america (graffis 1975; barkow 1974), the struggles faced by black golfers during the jim crow era received wider treatment after arthur ashe (1988) briefly covered their experiences as part of a larger project examining the history of black athletes in america. the exclusionary treatment faced by african americans who attempted to participate in mainstream golf activities extends back to the earliest appearance of golf in america during the 1890s, through the establishment of the professional golfers association in 1916 and the institutionalization of discrimination in 1943, when the pga inserted the “caucasian only” clause into its constitution. in response to discrimination, african americans developed their own organizations such as the united golfers association (uga). the uga, which was established in 1926, developed golf activities that paralleled the pga, including the development of a national championship golf tournament, the “negro national open,” held every year from 1926 (except during world war ii) until the late 1960s. the uga and many local black golf organizations were also viewed as launching pads that would propel accomplished black golfers into the world of “mainstream” golf. some of the black professional golfers of the jim crow era held the hope of one day gaining access to pga sponsored tournaments and participation in other mainstream golf tournaments controlled by whites (dawkins and kinloch 2000). an especially hopeful period for african american golfers who held aspirations of wider participation in the sport at the professional level was the decade of 1940-1950. as they witnessed the racial barrier being broken at the professional level in the major sports of baseball, football and basketball, their hopes were given a boost during this period when boxing hero, joe louis, became a major figure in the world of black golf. however, few accounts have documented the efforts of african americans to break through the racial barrier in golf during the 1940s and early 1950s and the role that world heavyweight boxing champion joe louis played in this struggle (dawkins and kinloch, 2000). in this paper, we focus on the role of joe louis in: (1) raising the level of interest in golf among african americans, (2) promoting interracial contact between black and white professional golfers, and (3) joining forces with others to resist discrimination and push for greater access to white-controlled golf tournaments. 77 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 74 dawkins, farrell while much has been written about the “hero” status that joe louis held for millions of african americans whose hopes and aspirations for overcoming racial oppression were lifted, at least symbolically, as he achieved success in the boxing ring, little attention has been given to his involvement in golf. although biographical accounts of joe louis’s boxing exploits have received widespread attention, the few treatments of his golf activity tend to suggest that golf was pursued only as a form of leisurely relaxation and escape from boxing (mead 1985). however, as we shall see, a closer examination will reveal that joe louis was a catalytic force in stimulating participation in golf by blacks, generally, and promoting interracial play among golfers at the professional level. during his reign as world heavyweight boxing champion (1937-1949), joe louis also devoted serious attention to his development as an amateur golfer. shortly after his retirement from boxing, louis became more forcefully involved in efforts to break through long-standing racial barriers to golf tournament entry. this view of louis as an activist in pursuit of social justice for black golfers also suggests a need to correct a widely held image of joe louis as uninformed, non-radical and accommodating on racial issues. the hero status of joe louis in boxing and golf among the biographical accounts of the life and career of joe louis, mead’s (1985) critically acclaimed biography of louis provides the enduring image of a hero in the black community during the highly discriminatory period of the jim crow era in america. by carrying the hopes and aspirations of the entire african american community with him each time he entered the boxing ring, the success of joe louis as a boxing champion accorded him the status of “black hero in white america” (mead 1985). while his boxing exploits are well documented, few biographical accounts have been given of his role in the advancement of black golf in america. instead, the few accounts of joe louis’s involvement in golf during his boxing career suggest that he pursued golf only as a hobby, encountered criticism because golf distracted him from competing effectively in the boxing ring, and was only marginally successful as a golfer. for example, ashe (1988) notes that some observers attributed the lost suffered by joe louis in the initial fight with german boxer max schmeling in 1936 (before winning a return match in 1938) to the distraction of spending too much time engaging in his golf hobby. throughout his boxing career, golf was a target for criticism whenever his performance in the ring was less than spectacular. for example, after a lackluster performance against “jersey” joe walcott in 1947, where he was knocked down twice by the challenger before winning a disputed verdict, louis was criticized for using time 78 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 75 needed for fight preparation engaging in his golf “hobby.” subsequently, joe louis was voted “biggest disappointment” of 1947 by the nation’s sports editors in the annual year-end poll conducted by the associated press (new york times, january 17, 1948, p. 13). despite such criticism, after gaining the world heavyweight boxing championship in 1937, joe louis increased his interest and activities in golf and became highly visible in the world of african american golf. however, unlike his success in the boxing ring, the success of joe louis off the golf course earned him the reputation of being an “ambassador” for black golf and should accord him the status of “golf hero.” he launched his own national golf tournament, “the joe louis open,” in 1941, promoted interracial competition between black and white golf professionals, and supported black professional golfers by hiring them as his personal golf tutors, while encouraging other black athletes and celebrities to follow his example. far from being a hobby, golf was a passion for joe louis during his boxing career and after he retired from the ring. his passion extended beyond enthusiasm as a player to a determination to seek visibility and social justice for the many good golfers among the ranks of african american golfers excluded from participation in the mainstream golf activities in white america. therefore, the golf “heroics” of joe louis are related less to his talents as a player and more to his activities in stimulating greater interest in golf among african americans and seeking interracial playing opportunities for talented black golfers. the joe louis open golf tournaments following his victories over jim braddock for the heavyweight boxing title in 1937 and max schmeling in a return match in 1938, the mass appeal of joe louis as an american boxing hero received wide press coverage in the general popular media (cf. new york new times, june 23, 1938, p. 14; look, may 7, 1940, p. 50; life, june 17, 1940, pp. 48-56; time, september 29, 1941, pp. 60-64). however, only in the black press did his rising popularity as a boxing champion and novice golfer receive significant coverage. such national black newspapers as the pittsburgh courier, chicago defender and baltimore afro-american provided detailed accounts of his boxing career and growing recognition as a serious golf enthusiast. by 1940, louis was playing as an amateur and had begun to enter golf tournaments sponsored by local and regional affiliates of the uga. he was particularly drawn to the local, public golf course (rackham) in his hometown, detroit, michigan. according to bernard o’dell, louis was persuaded by local black professional golfer, bob seymour, to initiate his own tournament, “the joe louis open golf tournament,” which would become one of the major annual events in black sports, nationally 79 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 76 dawkins, farrell [personal interview, 1998]. between 1941 and 1951, eight “joe louis open” golf tournaments were held in detroit and attracted the top black golfers from around the country, while providing greater exposure for them and the sport of golf throughout black america. o’dell served as tournament director for five of these tournaments and indicated that, while the idea for the tournaments was seymour’s, louis enthusiastically lent his name to the event [personal interview, 1998]. since there was only one national tournament for black golfers (the uga’s negro national open), the joe louis tournament served as a second, and equally attractive, tournament for the best black golfers in the country, while offering a larger purse than the uga national tournament. the mass appeal and media coverage of louis as world heavyweight boxing champion was expected to increase the visibility of african american golf to the public and raise prospects of a black golfer being eventually selected as a “break-through” player in all-white, professional golf tournaments. ironically, this would become a reality during the 1940s in the popular sport of baseball, when jackie robinson broke into the major leagues in 1947, six years after the first joe louis golf tournament was held. the joe louis open tournaments as a showcase for talented black golfers joe louis was enthusiastically involved in the initial tournament and saw it as an opportunity to showcase the talents of black golfers as serious competitors. he put up the $1,000 prize money and stated: “i think this tournament will prove conclusively to our white friends that we have some [walter] hagens and [gene] sarazens in our group” (baltimore afroamerican, march 15, 1941, p. 21); further noting that “it is my aim in giving this tournament to promote and introduce our leading negro golfers into the golfing world. we have a number of golf pros playing ‘par’ and ‘below par’ golf who are not known to the general public... [and] have a right to their place in the world of sports” (pittsburgh courier, july 12, 1941, p. 17). throughout the decade between 1941 and 1951, evidence indicates that the joe louis open golf tournament did, indeed, provide a showcase for talented black golfers and increased their national visibility through coverage in the black press. the first joe louis tournament was held at detroit’s rackham golf course in 1941 on august 12, 13 and 14, the weekend before the annual uga national championship, which was already scheduled for august 19 through the 22nd in boston. the date of the tournament was strategically selected to lure the best black golfers throughout the nation, who would normally attend the uga championship but could now attend the joe louis open, first, and then go directly to the 80 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 77 uga championship the following weekend. more than 250 entrants were anticipated as the black press gave extensive coverage, with the baltimore afro-american calling it “the largest of its kind ever sponsored by colored people” (baltimore afro-american, march 15, 1941, p. 21) and “the richest tournament among colored golfers” (baltimore afro-american, july 19, 1941, p. 20). the lure of joe louis’ name (richmond afro-american, august 16, 1941, p. 21 ) produced the greatest amount of attention that had ever been given to black golf as amateurs and professionals throughout the nation made plans to be a part of this history-making, double-dose of black golf extravaganza (dawkins and kinloch 2000). the enticement of $500 top prize for the winner in the professional division and the greater visibility than in any previous year were factors which generated even greater interest in the joe louis tournament than the uga annual negro national open championship, where the tournament winner had become traditionally regarded as the “champion” of black golf. among the notable black stars expected to compete at the first joe louis tournament, the leading contenders included past uga national champions robert “pat” ball, john brooks dendy, howard wheeler, edison marshall and local (detroit) professionals, clyde martin, bob seymour, ben davis and eddie jackson. another local golfer, dr. remus robinson, who was the reigning national amateur champion, was among the favorites to capture the first joe louis open amateur crown (pittsburgh courier, august 2, 1941, p. 17). chicago pro, pat ball, was given the inside track by some observers who expected him to win because he won the uga national open championship when it was last held at detroit’s rackham course in 1934. others felt that clyde martin, who was joe louis’ personal golf instructor at the time, was the favorite (pittsburgh courier, august 9, 1941, p. 16). in recent practice rounds on the rackham course, martin shot a 69, two under par, and was continuing to blister the course (pittsburgh courier, august 2, 1941, p. 17). however, tournament director, bernard o’dell, noted that the large field of challengers included long shots among the outstanding black professional and amateur golfers from the far west, the atlantic seaboard and the deep south (baltimore afroamerican, august 2, 1941, p. 21). many of the 68 pros and 118 amateurs scheduled to play were less known, nationally, but considered outstanding golfers in their local communities and welcomed the opportunity for wider exposure which participation in the joe louis tournament would bring. included in this group were jerry hood (chicago, il), tup holmes and hugh smith (atlanta, ga), landy taylor and walter stewart (norfolk, va), joe roach (new york, ny), lonnie shields (seattle, wa), pleasant goodwin (washington, d.c.), sam shephard (st. louis, mo), and mac dalton (milwaukee, wi) (pittsburgh courier, august 16, 1941, p. 17). 81 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 78 dawkins, farrell the first joe louis open golf tournament lived up to its billing as a headliner in black sports and attracted the major black amateur and professional black golfers throughout the country. the excitement generated by the wide publicity given by the black press was matched by the sterling performance of black golfers at this first joe louis tournament. as dawkins and kinloch (2000) describe, the competitive play in the final round of the tournament was clear evidence of the high level of skillful performance indicative of black professional golfers. the winner in the pro division was not decided until the last few holes as clyde martin started the final 18 holes with a one stroke lead over challenger, calvin searles. earlier in the round, searles claimed the lead for the first time and tried unsuccessfully to maintain it. as approximately 1,000 spectators followed the golf stars around the course, martin was two down going into the seventh hole. searles took seven on the par-5 seventh hole, while martin had a birdie to recapture the lead. although martin appeared to be in the driver’s seat, up by three going into the last nine holes, searles had evened it up again by the 12th and jumped out in front on the par-3 thirteenth hole when he scored a birdie. however, martin evened it up again on the fourteenth hole, when he took a five and searles a six. martin shot par golf from the fifteenth through the eighteenth hole to close with a two-stroke margin (292 total for the 72 hole event) over searles (294), who finished one over par on the 15th and 18th holes (pittsburgh courier, august 23, 1941, p. 17). although searles finished second, he was tied by zeke hartsfield of atlanta, who came on with two rounds of 69, the best two rounds in the tournament, on the final day. four golfers finished at 301, including theodore rhodes, who would become the next pro to tutor louis, ben greene of new orleans, along with local favorites ben davis and bob seymour of detroit. howard wheeler finished in eighth place at 302, while solomon hughes of gadsden, alabama and eddie jackson of detroit shared ninth place with 303 totals (chicago defender, august 23, 1941, p. 25). the success of the first joe louis open golf tournament in 1941 gave a tremendous lift to the hopes and aspirations of black golfers. however, the boxing feats of joe louis in 1941 may have overshadowed interest in the white press of covering his eventful golf tournament of the same year. in 1941, louis successfully defended his boxing championship five times from january to may in what some called the “bum-a-month” campaign, leading to a historic 6th fight in june against billy conn and a record 7th defense against lou nova in september (capeci and wilkerson 1983). while the first joe louis open tournament was a rousing success, plans were cut short for the 1942 staging of what were now regarded as the premier “twin” events in black golf, the joe louis open in detroit and the 82 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 79 uga national open scheduled for washington, d.c. the united states’ entered world war ii after the bombing of pearl harbor on december 7, 1941. joe louis, himself, joined the military as both the joe louis open and uga negro national open golf tournaments were canceled until the close of the war in 1945. however, the resumption of the tournament in 1945 and subsequent tournaments between 1946 and 1951 continued to produce exciting play for recognized veterans and emerging “stars” of black golf. a list of champions (professional division) of joe louis open tournaments held between 1941 and 1951 are shown in table 1. table 1. joe louis open golf tournament winners, 1941 – 1951 year winner (professional division) 1941 clyde martin 1942-44 (no competition-world war ii) 1945 solomon hughes 1946 theodore rhodes 1947 theodore rhodes 1948 theodore rhodes 1949 theodore rhodes 1950 al besselink 1951 howard wheeler among the most notable emerging stars showcased at the joe louis tournaments were bill spiller, ted rhodes and charlie sifford. william “bill” spiller, a member of los angeles’ cosmopolitan golf club, won the joe louis open amateur championship in 1946 (pittsburgh courier, august 3, 1946, p. 28) and began playing as a professional in 1947. later, spiller would become one of the forceful black golfers in the push for pga entry. by 1946, theodore “ted” rhodes of nashville had ascended to the top as the most highly regarded black golfer nationally. ted rhodes had become the most consistent winner in tournaments that he entered and became joe louis’s private teaching pro. louis, in turn, supported the career of rhodes, who was one of the best hopes for black pros to break through the pga race barrier. rhodes not only won in 1946, but dominated in following years, winning four consecutive joe louis open championship titles from 1946 to 1949. charles “charlie” sifford was another participant in the joe louis tournaments whose recognition was continuing to grow. originally from charlotte, north carolina, sifford came up through the caddy ranks and moved to philadelphia, where he was influenced by howard wheeler and other established golfers. in 1948, sifford was rated by his peers as the 83 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 80 dawkins, farrell most improved pro golfer on the tournament circuit and the main reason for the success of teddy rhodes, who had to go all out to top him. sifford’s short game was described as being very good with iron shots true to the pin and a putting touch that was equally true, leading tournament director, bernard o’dell to predict that “with more experience, [in] about two years, sifford may become negro golf ’s top man” (pittsburgh courier, july 31, 1948, p.15). the joe louis open tournaments as a context for interracial golf competition the joe louis golf tournaments also became a staging ground to promote interracial golf competition. from the outset, louis was able to arrange an exhibition match between well known white professionals and noted black pro golfers. the purpose of these matches was to demonstrate how well african american golfers performed against established white golf pros. in these matches, black golfers accorded themselves well against white competitors. for example, in the first joe louis tournament in 1941, an exhibition match was arranged between two white pros, brothers emerick and chuck kocsis, and two of the outstanding black pros, clyde martin and howard wheeler. in fact, it became the highlight of the tournament drawing close attention to how well african americans performed in direct competition with white pro golfers. emerick kocsis was the current state pga champion, while chuck was a former american walker cup star and leading pro. martin and wheeler were logical choices for louis to select to represent black pros. louis thought very highly of martin, who was his personal golf instructor, while wheeler was a three-time uga national open champion. wheeler was also a gallery favorite, known for his colorful play, such as an unorthodox, cross-handed grip which produced long drives from a tee made of paper match boxes. the exhibition match became even more of an attraction when a friendly side bet of $400 on the white pros against “joe’s pros” was put up by a group of white golf enthusiasts in attendance. the thrilling match was clinched by wheeler and martin (3-2), with the deciding shot made by wheeler as he exploded from a trap for a birdie on the 380-yard fifteenth hole. veteran golfers who witnessed the shot called it “one of the best of the season” (baltimore afro-american, august 23, 1941, p. 22). the kocsis brothers were gracious in defeat, stating that “it was the first time that they had played against colored golfers, but they had enjoyed the match and would like to play again… [further noting that] the colored golfers should be real proud of joe louis who was the finest sport they had ever met” (richmond afro-american, august 30, 1941, p. 22). the kocsis brothers also commented on the performance of clyde martin, who won the first joe louis open tournament championship in 1941, stating that “clyde would be among the first twenty [golfers] in the 84 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 81 country if given a chance in big-time company” (richmond afro-american, august 30, 1941, p. 22). by the end of the decade, joe louis expanded efforts to promote interracial play through invitations extended directly to white golfers to enter the regular field of entrants to the joe louis open tournament. for example, at the 1949 joe louis open, white golfers were invited to enter and a major press conference was held to announce to a national audience that black golfers would play in direct competition with their white counterparts. also in that year (1949), the uga championship and joe louis open tournaments were being held in the same city on back-toback weekends. therefore, the press conference announcing the coming of the 1949 uga and joe louis tournaments to detroit generated significant attention. the press gathering was held at detroit’s gotham hotel, with the governor of the state of michigan, g. mennen williams, donating trophies for the two events. many of the state’s leading dignitaries stood alongside the governor at the press conference. also on hand to lend his support to the two tournaments was world renown golfer, walter hagen, one of professional golf ’s pioneers, who held many championship titles including a record 4 pga championships in a row from 1924 to 1927. joe louis increased his sponsorship purse to attract stronger interest than in previous tournaments in hopes of promoting interracial participation. the cash prize of $4,000 provided by louis was the largest amount ever offered by a private individual sponsor, even surpassing the $3,000 that bing crosby annually provided for his hollywood open tournament. both tournaments were also scheduled to be aired over the recently instituted medium of television (pittsburgh courier, august 20, 1949, p. 24). the 1949 joe louis open golf tournaments was won by ted rhodes, as he had done in the three previous years, but he set a record by also winning the uga title six days earlier (pittsburgh courier, september 3, 1949, p. 22) to become the only golfer to win both of these titles in the same year (pittsburgh courier, september 10, 1949a, p. 18). while rhodes turned in his usual sterling performance, the tournament took on added significance as the runner-up was a white, michigan pga pro, mike dietz, who tied for second with robert mccockrell of newark. dietz was one of several whites who were invited by joe louis to play in the tournament. another white golfer, elmer priskhorn, shared a fifth place tie with charlie sifford (pittsburgh courier, september 10, 1949a, p. 18). at the event’s closing, televised interviews were held with louis, rhodes, dietz, and amateur champion, emmet hollins, who were all congratulated by detroit’s mayor, eugene van antwerp (pittsburgh courier, september 10, 1949b, p. 18). 85 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 82 dawkins, farrell the efforts by joe louis to promote interracial competition finally appeared to be paying off as expectations were rising that the showcase of black talent displayed in the 1949 twin black golf championship tournaments provided convincing evidence of the competitiveness of black professional golfers. adding to this atmosphere of rising expectations for african american golfers who held aspirations of entering the pga were two earlier events. the first event was the racial breakthrough in the sport of baseball, with the signing of jackie robinson to the major league’s brooklyn dodgers in 1947. the second event was an out of court settlement reached in 1948 in relationship to a suit filed against the pga by black golfers bill spiller, ted rhodes and madison gunter. spiller, rhodes and gunter, who were denied entry to the pga sponsored richmond hills open golf tournament in california, were persuaded by their lawyer to drop their law suit in exchange for a promise by the pga to review its “whites only” provision (mcrae, 1991; pittsburgh courier, july 24, 1948, p. 9). the stellar performance of african american golfers at the 1949 joe louis open golf tournament, especially in direct competition with white professionals, was the final signal that the timing was right for a racial breakthrough in golf. despite high expectations generated by these events and continuing efforts by joe louis and others to promote interracial golf competition, the decade of the 1940s ended without any progress in the struggle of african american golfers to gain access to tournaments controlled by whites. joe louis and the push for pga entry although the joe louis tournaments were successful in stimulating greater interest in golf among african americans and promoting interracial competition, they failed to open up opportunities for black professional golfers in breaking through continuing racial barriers in the sport. in the early 1950s, louis became involved in more aggressive efforts to fight the continuing exclusion of blacks from all-white golf tournaments. for example, as law suits were filed against cities that maintained segregated public golf courses, joe louis joined in protesting against such discriminatory practices. louis commented forcefully in 1950 when black golfers were not permitted to enter the bing crosby and long beach open golf tournaments in california. he wrote mayor burton chase of long beach and blasted the exclusion of blacks from the long beach open, stating that “prejudice and discrimination have no place in sports” (pittsburgh courier, june 28, 1950, p. 21). the long beach mayor’s response became a typical answer to such charges during this period. he pointed out that the long beach open was co-sponsored with the professional golfers association which sets all rules and regulations. therefore, the matter was out of his hands or those of the local sponsor, the long beach lions club (pittsburgh courier, june 28, 1950, p. 21). the pga continued to maintain its exclusionary 86 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 83 “caucasian only” policy, which was clearly inconsistent with the times as baseball and other sports began to reverse their policies and practices of racial exclusion. although black golfers were not permitted to participate in pga co-sponsored events, a few non-pga golf tournaments allowed them to enter. for example, black golfers could enter the annual los angeles open tournament and pit their skills against many leading white golfers. african american golfers were also invited to play in the all american and world championship tournaments at the tam o’shanter golf and country club near chicago. these tournaments were organized by the club’s flamboyant president, george may, and, while providing an opportunity for black golfers to demonstrate their skills against some of the leading white pros during the 1940s and early 1950s, the tam o’shanter tournaments were not regarded as mainstream, since may introduced golf patrons to a carnivallike atmosphere. nevertheless, by the early 1950s several of the top black golfers, including ted rhodes, bill spiller, howard wheeler and the young charlie sifford, were able to demonstrate through participation in these events that they were primed for pga entry. these black golfers, and others, felt that they could continue to elevate their game if opportunities for expanded play with stiffer competition were available. however, the pga continued to use race as the basis for excluding them from pga membership and participation in its events. nevertheless, joe louis was determined, as chester washington of the pittsburgh courier noted, “to keep punching until old jim crow is counted out in golfing circles” (pittsburgh courier, january 28, 1950, p. 21). as dawkins and kinloch (2000) note, the opportunity for a “return match” with the pga came in 1952 in a well publicized confrontation between joe louis and the pga in relationship to a co-sponsored golf tournament in san diego, california. joe louis and black pro golfers, bill spiller and eural clark, applied for entry to the $10,000 san diego open. the local sponsors of the tournament, san diego chevrolet dealers, at first welcomed their application and invited them to compete, but then told them that the invitation had to be rescinded because of a pga ruling that did not allow blacks to participate in pga sponsored events. joe louis’ reaction and the ensuing battle became national headline news and received coverage in the country’s leading newspapers. the new york times carried a blow-by-blow account of the golf fight leading up to and during the week of the tournament (january 15-20, 1952). louis’ initial response to the pga-invoked ban on their participation was that this battle was the “biggest fight of his life” and, in making an analogy between the pga and its president, horton smith, and the nazis at the time of his 1938 87 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 84 dawkins, farrell boxing match with max schmeling, he “want[ed] the people to know... we got another hitler to get by” (new york times, january 15, 1952, p. 31). the new york times article was accompanied by a photo of louis, who was now retired from boxing, in full golf attire holding a raised golf club in his hand with the caption heading “the brown bomber fights again.” realizing that louis was galvanizing national support for his fight against the discriminatory pga policy, smith immediately called a meeting of the seven-member pga tournament committee and the co-sponsors to seek a face-saving resolution to the ordeal. in the meantime, bill spiller and eural clark as pros were allowed to play qualifying rounds, where clark fell short of qualifying by two strokes (79-77 for a 156 total), while spiller just made it with a 152 total. since louis was an amateur, he did not have to play a qualifying round. the pga tournament committee decided to approve the invitation for joe louis to play as an invited amateur under a rule that permitted local sponsors to invite ten amateurs exempting them from qualifying. however, despite his performance in the qualifying rounds, the pga committee declared that as a professional golfer “the pga bylaws and other qualification rules could not be waived in the case of spiller except through changes in the pga constitution” (new york times, january 16, 1952, p. 30). this action drew criticism from some groups which saw the pga as attempting to maintain its historic practice of golf bias. for example, the top national officers of the congress of industrial organizations (cio) adopted a resolution which called for the pga to end its ban on black players entering its professional tournaments. the cio pointed out that admitting joe louis to participate while excluding bill spiller served only to emphasize the discriminatory pga policy (new york times, january 19, 1952a, p. 19). since horton smith predicted that the pga would take up the non-caucasian rule at its next annual meeting with an eye toward its removal, louis reluctantly agreed to play in the tournament. however, louis made it clear that he would continue the effort “to eliminate racial prejudice from golf, the last sport in which it now exists” (new york times, january 16, 1952, p. 30). joe louis, therefore, became the first african american to play in a pga co-sponsored tournament. expressing dissatisfaction with the decision by the pga tournament committee to continue the ban on black professional golfers, bill spiller reappealed for an explanation of his ineligibility and threatened to sue the pga, as he had done four years earlier before agreeing to an out of court settlement when the pga promised to review its “caucasian-only” policy in 1948. a truce was reached on the issue generated by the 1952 san diego open affair whereby pga president smith he would seek pga tournament committee approval of an “approved entry clause,” which would permit the tournament committee to circumvent the pga constitutional restriction 88 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 85 by devising a supplemental list of black golfers to compete in a pga tournament provided the names were approved by the local sponsor and the host club of a city (new york times, january 18, 1952, p. 31). under the plan, a special committee of black golfers would screen their own players with the aim of selecting one professional and one amateur to play in each pga sponsored tournament. the proposed screening committee would be co-chaired by joe louis and ted rhodes with eural clark, bill spiller and howard wheeler as other members (new york times, january 19, 1952, p. 19). as the san diego open reached its final day, the fate of the proposed plan rather than the golf action itself received top billing by the new york times which carried an article with the heading “p.g.a. committee votes to ease tourney ban on negro players” followed by the subheading “action to help admit them to co-sponsored events effective at once, smith says” and finally a second subheading “[ted] kroll’s 206 leads in san diego open” (new york times, january 20, 1952, p. s1). kroll eventually won the san diego open, his first major golf tournament victory, after holding off the pressure applied by veteran jimmy demaret (miami herald, january 21, 1952, p. 1-d). also, hardly noticed was the elimination of joe louis earlier in the week as he finished the first 36 holes with a score of 158, eight strokes over the 150 needed to qualify for the final 36 holes of the tournament (new york times, january 19, 1952b, p. 19). while the historic plan was characterized as a lifting of the pga tournament ban on black golfers, the door to participation could still be closed at the discretion of local sponsors or clubs. pga president horton smith expressed the desire that these groups would invite blacks but was careful to note in describing the details of the plan that the “p.g.a. actually is a guest at wherever tournaments are played and must necessarily be governed by rights of local sponsors, and clubs (new york times, january 20, 1952, p. s1). co-sponsors of pga tournaments held in the south or, for that matter, any place that wanted to maintain its traditional practices of racial discrimination could do so without facing pressure from the pga or sponsors in other cities. critics of the plan in the african american community argued that “no committee was named to pick jackie robinson to play with the brooklyn dodgers, nor marion motley to play [football] with the cleveland browns. each was judged on his ability” (chicago defender, january 26,1952, p. 19). therefore, while the confrontation of 1952 in san diego initiated by joe louis (and bill spiller) drew national attention to the ongoing battle to end the pga’s jim crow policy, the result of these efforts represented partial removal rather than complete destruction of the racial barrier to full black participation in pga events. this “crack” in the racial 89 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 86 dawkins, farrell barrier, nevertheless, enabled african american golfers to begin playing in pga tournaments for the first time in 1952 when “invited” by the pga (provided that local sponsors did not oppose). only a handful of black golfers were able to take advantage of this “opportunity,” given the lack of resource support needed to sustain “touring” black players and other risks associated with such an undertaking. the immediate effect of the new policy was that black golfers were permitted to participate in 10 pga tournaments in 1952 and 15 in 1953; however, none of these tournaments were held in the south (mcrae 1991). charlie sifford was the only african american golfer who played on a sustained basis in pga co-sponsored tournaments beginning in 1952 as an “invited guest.” despite not having the sponsorship support of most white touring professional golfers and facing racial threats, sifford embarked on this long journal, which eventually led him to become the first black golfer to gain full pga membership in 1964 and, in 2004, the first african american to be inducted into the prestigious world golf hall of fame. joe louis can be seen as a major catalyst, who paved the way for the assault on the pga “caucasian only” policy and its removal under social and legal pressure in 1961 leading to sifford’s achievements (dawkins 2003). conclusion in this paper we examined the role of world heavyweight champion boxer, joe louis, in stimulating greater interest in the sport of golf among african americans and participating in efforts to end discrimination against black golfers during the period of his national prominence, especially in the 1940’s and early 1950’s. unlike many of the early black golfers whose initial exposure to golf came through caddying at exclusive white country clubs, louis was attracted to the sport after excelling in boxing. however, his enthusiasm and passion for golf matched that of those blacks who rose from the caddy ranks to become recognized golfers throughout black communities in america. at the height of his recognition as world heavyweight boxing champion, joe louis became a serious golfer, who not only pursued an amateur career but also supported the careers of other black golfers. he also expanded playing opportunities and promoted interracial golf competition by creating his own tournament which became an instant national success. the joe louis open tournament was a showcase for displaying the talents of african american golf stars, increasing interest in golf among blacks generally and providing a staging ground for the promotion of interracial contact and cooperation in golf. therefore, louis became an “ambassador” of black golf, a role which was expected to break the long standing racial barrier to greater access to playing opportunities for blacks. failing to produce these results, however, louis turned to a more aggressive approach, using his notoriety to draw 90 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 87 national attention and outrage to the pga’s denial of access by blacks to pga sponsored events. although the more militant stance produced limited initial results, these efforts coincided with the rise in direct actions attacking racial exclusion growing out of the civil rights movement of the 1950’s. louis, therefore, helped to draw attention to golf discrimination and opened limited opportunities which increased the chances of a few black golfers to play in pga events as non-touring players. another consequence of louis’ involvement in golf was the impact of his activities on increasing the coverage of black golf in the media, especially the black press. the overwhelmingly greater coverage of baseball by the black press during the heydays of the negro leagues of the mid 1940’s yielded a bit as louis attracted attention to golf through his travels and involvement in golf tournaments and informal play. finally, this paper reveals that joe louis played an active and sometimes aggressive leadership role in pursuit of social justice for african american golfers, suggesting a need to correct the image that is often presented of louis as non-radical and accommodating on racial issues. 91 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 88 dawkins, farrell references ashe. arthur 1988. a hard road to glory: a history of the african american athlete(volumes i and ii). ny: warner books. barkow, al. 1974. golf ’s golden grind, the history of the tour. ny: harcourt brace jovanovich. baltimore afro-american. 1941. “$1,000 for pro golf champ, louis donates prize to winner of tournament.” march 15, p. 21. ______. 1941. “marva disliked playing role of golf widow.” july 19, p. 20. ______. 1941. “$500 prize big magnet in louis golf tourney.” august 2, p. 21. brown, earl. 1940. “joe louis, the champion idol of his race sets a good example of conduct.” life magazine, june 17, pp. 49-55. capeci, d. j. and m. wilkerson 1983. “multifarious hero: joe louis, american society and race relations during world crisis, 19351945.” journal of sport history 10:5-25. chicago defender. 1941. “clyde martin wins joe louis open tourney.” august 23, p. 25. ______. 1952. “how louis upset pga race barrier.” january 26, p. 10. dawkins, marvin p. 2003. “race relations and the sport of golf: the african american golf legacy.” western journal of black studies 27:231235. dawkins, marvin p. and graham c. kinloch. 2000. african american golfers during the jim crow era. westport, ct: praeger. graffis, herb. 1975. pga: official history of the pga of america. ny: thomas y. crowell publishers. kennedy, john h. 2000. a course of their own: a history of african american golfers. kansas city, ks: andrews mcmeel publishing. louis, joe and gene kessler. 1940. “i hate to hurt anybody.” look magazine, may 7, p. 50. 92 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 89 mcdaniel, pete. 2000. uneven lies: the heroic story of african-americans in golf. greenwich, ct: american golfer. mcrae, finley f. 1991. “hidden traps beneath the placid greens.” american visions 2:26-29. mead, christopher. 1985. champion: joe louis, black hero in white america. ny: scribner. miami herald. 1952. “ted kroll captures coast golf.” january 21, p. 1-d. new york times. 1948. “louis top ‘disappointer.’” january 17, p. 13. ______. 1952. “joe louis insists on entry in golf.” january 15, p. 31. ______. 1952. “pga clears way for louis to play.” january 16, p. 30. ______. 1952a. “c.i.o. decries golf bias.” january 19, p. 19. ______. 1952b. “kroll captures four-stroke lead in san diego open golf.” january 19, p. 19. ______. 1952. “pga committee votes to ease tourney ban on negro players.” january 20, p. s1. pittsburgh courier. 1941. “joe louis golf meet in detroit.” july 12, p. 17. ______. 1941. “golfdom’s best to compete in joe louis’ open tourney.” august 2, p. 17. ______. 1941. “clyde martin is favored to win joe’s tourney.” august 9, p. 16. ______. 1941. “68 pros and 118 amateurs play in joe’s tournament.” august 16, p. 17. ______. 1941. “martin wins detroit golf tourney.” august 23, p. 17. ______. 1946. “cosmopolitan golf club’s 1st round winners named.” august 3, p. 28. ______. 1948. “sifford, clark rated most improved golfers.” july 31, p. 15. 93 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 90 dawkins, farrell ______. 1948. “pga damage suit set for september.” july 24, p. 9. ______. 1949. “nation’s top golfers set for joe louis tournament.” august 20, p. 24. ______. 1949. “ted rhodes does it again; captures uga title.” september 3, p. 22. ______. 1949a. “ted rhodes’ monopoly in joe louis open continues.” september 10, p. 18. ______. 1949b. “rhodes, the master.” september 10, p. 18. ______. 1950. “big time golf events blasted: louis helps launch attack on link bias.” january 28, 1950, p. 21. richmond afro-american. 1941. “louis lures golfers.” august 16, p. 21. ______. 1941. “golf by nat rayburg.” august 30, p. 22. sifford, charlie and jim gullo. 1992. just let me play: the story of charlie sifford, the first black pga golfer. latham, ny: british american publishing. sinnette, calvin h. 1998. forbidden fairways: african americans and the game of golf. chelsea, mi: sleeping bear press. time magazine. 1941. “black moses.” september 29, pp. 60-64. 94 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 subscribe to challenge the journal of the morehouse research institute challenge is a peer-reviewed journal licensed by ebsco publishing, a leading global vendor for aggregated collections. challenge publishes scholarly papers on all issues relevant to african american life. particular emphasis is placed on african american men, their families, and their communities. subscription form challenge is published twice a year. the subscription price (including postage) is $20 for individuals and $40 for libraries and institutions name: _______________________________________________________________ affiliation: __________________________________________________________ address: ____________________________________________________________ city, state, zip: ______________________________________________________ e-mail: _______________________________________________________________ telephone: __________________________________________________________ individual ___ $20.00 libraries/institutions ___ $40.00 please remit this form and the appropriate amount to: morehouse research institute 830 westview drive, s w atlanta, georgia 30314-3773 © 2007 morehouse college, atlanta, georgia. issn-1077-193x $40.00 95 mukenge: challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 published by digitalcommons@robert w. woodruff library, atlanta university center, 2008 96 challenge, vol. 14 [2008], iss. 1, art. 1 http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/challenge/vol14/iss1/1 challenge 2008 challenge, vol. 14, no. 1 ida rousseau mukenge recommended citation journal 14 no1.pdf black males in the college classroom: a quantitative analysis of student athlete-faculty interactions eddie comeaux1 university of california, los angeles abstract few scholars have examined the social and academic environmental influence on college student-athletes. this study explored the relationship between black male student-athletes and faculty and the impact of specific forms of student athlete-faculty interaction on academic achievement. data are drawn from the cooperative institutional research program’s 2000 freshman survey and 2004 follow-up survey. the sample includes 739 black football and basketball players attending predominantly white institutions. the findings provided evidence that the impact of the contact is to some extent contingent upon the specific nature of the interaction for black male student-athletes. for example, faculty who provided encouragement for graduate school had a significant influence on black student-athletes’ college gpa whereas all other faculty interaction measures were not significant in this study. the implications of these findings are discussed among faculty, student affairs leaders, and others who are committed to improving male black male student athlete-faculty communication, as well as enrich their overall college experience. black males in the college classroom the gap between intercollegiate athletics and the mission and philosophy of higher education has widened significantly over the past decade ( eitzen 2003). an article in the chronicle of higher education (2001) reports that college sports are drifting from their fundamental mission. instead of enhancing the academic environment, college athletics are clearly limiting student-athletes in revenue generating sports, men’s basketball, and football, of a valuable education. college athletics have become more commercialized with a greater urgency to produce winning seasons and secure corporate sponsors at the expense of the student-athlete’s academic future (duderstadt 2000; eitzen 2003; jayakumar & comeaux 2006). toward this end, universities are challenged with addressing the increasing lack of academic productivity in certain team sports. this issue, compounded by the recent national college athletics association (ncaa) academic reform movement, requires new strategies and forms of academic engagement to be explored that challenge student affairs 1 please address all correspondence to eddie comeaux (ecomeaux@ucla.edu). comeaux, eddie 1 leaders to apply student-athletes’ competitive spirit beyond the game and into the classroom. over the years, several studies have been conducted in an effort to determine significant predictor variables such as demographic and educational criteria that influence academic achievement for college student-athletes (lang, dunham, & alpert 1988; pacarella 1995; ryan 1989; sellers 1992; simons, van rheenen & covington 1999). few investigators, however, have examined environmental influences, both social and academic, on student-athletes’ educational outcomes (comeaux 2005; comeaux & harrison 2006; edwards 1984; sellers 1992). the college environment encompasses all that happens to student-athletes during the course of their educational programs that may affect and influence the desired outcome-to graduate (astin 1993a). one potentially important aspect of the environmental experience involves student athletes’ interactions with faculty, which too often influences their educational outcomes in negative ways (engstrom, sedlacek, & mcewen 1995; sailes 1993). in this sense, it has been well documented that male student-athletes generally and black male student-athletes specifically experience some of the most detrimental stereotypes and negative labels on campus by faculty and others within the college community (baucom & lantz 2001; edwards 1984; engstrom, sedlacek, & mcewen 1995; harrison 1998; johnson, hallinan, & westerfield 1999; smith 1988; thelin 1996). according to davis, “stereotypes also represent barriers to complete integration of this group [student athletes]” within the college environment (1995: 644). in short, the dual role of a student and athlete becomes more and more difficult to balance with the negative labels and perceptions toward this nontraditional student group. drawing from a larger project that explores racial differences in student-athletes’ academic integration patterns on college campuses, this work ascertains the effect of specific forms of student athlete-faculty interaction on academic achievement. the author chose to limit the sample to black student-athletes in the revenue-producing sports of men’s basketball and football. preliminary analysis of data revealed that revenuegenerating student-athletes differed from non-revenue student-athletes in graduation rates, national collegiate athletic association (ncaa) infractions, and overall visibility in american culture (coakley 2003; eitzen 2003). furthermore, the existing literature regarding black studentathletes suggests that members of this nontraditional group are victims of negative stereotypes and myths, primarily about their academic abilities (edwards 1984; sailes 1993). they are burdened with the insidiously racist implications of the “innate black athletic superiority” myth, and the more blatantly racist stereotypes of the “dumb jock” construct linked to 2 challenge intellectual inferiority (edwards 1984). given the degree and magnitude of these stereotypes, black student-athletes are faced with educational challenges, which in turn can have profound effects on their access to opportunities to learn, social support as well as complete integration into the college environment (davis 1995). methods and data of study the data in this study are from two surveys within the cooperative institutional research program (cirp): the 2000 student information form (sif) and 2004 college student survey (css). the cirp is sponsored by the higher education research institute at the university of california at los angeles and the graduate school of education and information studies. although the reliability of the instrument has not been formally measured during the past 30 years the cirp has generated an array of normative, substantive, and methodological research about a wide range of issues in american higher education (sax, astin, korn, & mahoney 1996). the 2000 sif was administered to first-time college freshmen during orientation programs. responses were received from 251,232 students at 494 institutions. the css was administered to fourth-year students in the spring of 2004, resulting in 38,964 responses from 161 institutions. of the total students, 14,975 students filled out both the sif in 2000 and the css in 2004. the primary purpose of the cirp is to provide baseline data on entering college freshmen so that they may be followed up over time in order to assess how college contributes to student learning and development. the cirp data set offers an extensive set of longitudinally collected variables with which to answer a variety of questions pertaining to student success and retention patterns in higher education. in addition, a known strength of cirp is its abundance of student input (demographic and other variables assessed prior to college entry) and environmental variables. the specific sample used for this study includes black, male revenue-generating student-athletes attending predominantly white institutions. because the study limits the sample to those in the revenue generating sports of men’s basketball and football, the results should can only be generalized to such individuals on college teams recognized by the national collegiate athletic association (ncaa) as division i-a. the final sample includes 739 black student-athletes attending four-year colleges and universities. comeaux, eddie 3 analytical approach this study employs the “input-environment-outcome” (i-e-o) model for studying the impact of college variables on students (astin 1993a). “inputs” refer to the students’ entering characteristics. “environment” is that to which the student is exposed to during college, (e.g., faculty, peers, diverse views, etc.). “outcomes” are the students’ characteristics after interacting with the environment (astin 1993a). the power of the i-e-o model is its ability to allow researchers to measure student change during college by measuring outcomes while controlling for input characteristics. the study used blocked stepwise regression analyses. each block of independent variables was included in the sequence in which it may have an effect on student outcome. within each block, variables (significant at p <.001) enter the regression equation in a stepwise fashion. the value of using a stepwise procedures design is that it allows for an examination of how regression coefficients change as each variable enters the equation (astin 1993a). variables the outcome variable in this study is students’ self reported college grade point average, a quantitative measure of academic achievement. college grades were obtained from students’ self-reported grade-point average (gpa). gpa is scored on a six-point scale ( a, a-, b, b-, c, and c – or less). the pretest for this outcome is students’ high school gpa (scored on an eight-point scale, from “a or a+” to “d”). the author recognizes that academic achievement encompasses much more than gpa, however given the variables within the dataset, college gpa was the most appropriate measure of academic achievement, coupled with the fact that college gpa is the most common outcome when investigating student achievement in higher education (astin 1993a; 1993b). independent variables are blocked in the following sequence: (1) students’ past achievement, family background, and high school environmental characteristics (inputs); (2) institutional type and control (environment); and (3) college environmental characteristics (environment). because the primary focus of this study is the impact of specific forms of student-athletefaculty interaction on academic achievement, independent variables are not limited to those expected to predict a given outcome. rather, many variables are included because they may shed light on the relation between black student-athletes and faculty. independent variables can be classified into the following two categories (some variables may qualify for more than one category): 4 challenge those that previous research has identified as predictive of any of 1. the outcome measures used in this study. those included on an exploratory basis because they may mediate 2. the effects of the student-athlete-faculty interaction. input measures student background characteristics (block 1) include measures of past school achievement, family background, and high school environmental characteristics. the coding scheme for these variables is listed in appendix a. past achievement measures consist of students’ self-reported high school gpa. the importance of high school gpa as a control variable when examining college gpa is well documented (astin 1993a; 1993b; sellers 1992). family background measures include socioeconomic status (defined as a composite of mother’s and father’s educational attainment, as well as students’ estimate of their parents’ income). it was expected that these family characteristics would influence students’ expectations about college, as well as their likelihood of interacting in certain college environments (sellers 1992). finally, high school environmental characteristics consist of student-athlete and teacher relationship measures (see appendix a). the significance of incorporating these measures was to eliminate selfselecting students thereby decreasing the chance of a type i error (finding a relationship between the environment and the outcome measure when a relationship does not exist). it was impossible to eliminate all possible biasing input variables. however, the goal was to minimize the probability of a type i error. environmental measures measures of the college environment consist of institutional type and control (block 2) and interaction with faculty (block 3). institutional type is defined as university or four-year college while institutional control is defined as public or private. institution level variables are included to determine whether student-athletes are more likely to interact with faculty in universities or four-year state schools and public or private institutions. the final block contains the student-athlete-faculty interaction variables. these five measures asked students to respond to the following statement: faculty provided encouragement for graduate school, faculty provided emotional support and encouragement, faculty provided assistance with study skills, faculty provided negative feedback about academic work, and faculty provided help in achieving professional goals. the importance of comeaux, eddie 5 student-faculty relationship is well documented as a valuable aspect of the college experience (astin 1993a; milem & berger 1997; pascarella, daby, terenzini, & iverson 1983). results this study sought to understand selected faculty interaction measures on academic achievement among black student-athletes in revenueproducing sports. the results discussed here focus on the relationship between various environmental measures (i.e. student athlete-faculty interactions) and the outcome. the effects of precollege variables on the outcome are presented and discussed only when they appear to influence the outcome. to appraise the “effect” of selected precollege variables and environmental measures on academic achievement, the standardarized regression coefficient (beta-in) was examined at each step in the regression. the beta-in (as reported in spss-x regression results) is the beta coefficient a variable would receive if it entered the regression equation at the next step; all variables have a beta-in irrespective of whether they enter a regression. table 1 provides summary tables of simple correlations for the outcome, as well as beta-in at each step: (1) after controlling for precollege (input) characteristics; and (2) after controlling for measures of the environment. the purpose of this section is to examine the relationship between that environmental measure and the outcome by determining how this relationship changes throughout the regression, without addressing specifically how or why such changes occur (that discussion is saved until the next section) relationships explained by input and environmental effects while high school grades (input) had a strong positive effect on academic achievement (beta = .31, p <.001; see table 1), adding the college environment to the equation led to generally smaller effects in the relationship between faculty measures and college grades. of course, the relatively smaller “mediating” power of the environmental block was due in part to the natural correlation between inputs and environments; much of the potential “impact” of the environment had already been accounted for by students’ high school grades. this suggests that high school gpa had the greatest effect on college grades for black student-athletes. contrary to past research (lang et al. 1988), parental status and income, parents’ education had no significant effect on academic achievement. with respect to environmental factors, only one faculty interaction variablefaculty provided encouragement for graduate school had a 6 challenge significant influence on black student-athletes’ college gpa for this study (beta = .20, p<.001 (see table 1). this finding suggests that black studentathletes who are encouraged to attend graduate school by faculty tend to perform better academically in college. finally, those attending private schools tend to have higher college gpas than those attending public institutions (beta= .18). table 1: predicting academic achievement (college gpa) among black male student-athletes in revenue-generating sports comeaux, eddie 7 10 with respect to environmental factors, only one faculty interaction variablefaculty provided encouragement for graduate school had a significant influence on black student-athletes’ college gpa for this study (beta = .20, p<.001 (see table 1). this finding suggests that black student-athletes who are encouraged to attend graduate school by faculty tend to perform better academically in college. finally, those attending private schools tend to have higher college gpas than those attending public institutions (beta= .18). table 1: predicting academic achievement (college gpa) among black male student-athletes in revenue-generating sports table 1 beta^ after step step variable r r 1 2 3 input 1 entering high school gpa (pretest) .33 .33 .33 .33 .31 environment entering: 2 institutional control .39 .21 .20 .20 .18 3 faculty provided encouragement for graduate school .43 .24 .21 .20 .20 not entering: father’s education mother’s education parental income asked teacher for advice talking w/ teachers outside of class institutional type faculty provided emotional support faculty provided assistance w/ study skills faculty provided negative feedback about academic work faculty provided help in achieving professional goals data source: 2000 freshman survey (cirp) & 2004 college student survey (css), higher education research institute, ucla ^ the coefficient for any variable not yet in the equation shows the beta that variable would receive if it were entered into the equation at the next step discussion of findings the present investigation provides evidence to support the effects of selected demographic and environmental variables on academic achievement for black student-athletes in this study. we can not ignore that consistent with past literature high school gpa was the strongest predictor of college gpa at least for students and is also a predictor of college gpa for black student-athletes in this study (astin 1993a). such a finding is not surprising since student-athletes are a sub sample of college students. moreover, because black student-athletes tend to matriculate from high schools and environments with inferior academic resources and preparation as compared to their white counterparts, these results are useful insofar as they have implications for dealing with black studentathletes who enter institutions of higher education (sellers 1992). with respect to environmental findings, black athletes in the revenueproducing sports of men’s basketball and football academic success is to some extent contingent upon the specific nature of their interaction with faculty. for example, faculty members who provided encouragement for graduate school make a strong contribution to black student-athletes’ academic success whereas all other faculty interaction measures were not significant in this study. a previous study by comeaux (2005) lends support to this finding insofar as the nature and quality of interactions between student athlete and faculty matters. in light the aforementioned study, one possible reason that these faculty measures did not enter the regression equation, much less influence black student-athletes academic success in this study, may stem from the ways in which they perceive and respond to the college environment that might be different from the norms, values, behaviors of their home culture or lived experiences. there is usually considerable social distance and alienation from campus life perceived by black students on predominantly white campuses (hurtado 1992; sedlacek 1987), and they may feel discomfort from their lack of knowledge and experience interacting with students and faculty different from themselves (allen 1988 1992; schwitzer, griffin, ancis, & thomas 1999). another explanation could be that there is a stigma attached to the black student-athletes as inferior academically by the college community (edwards 1984), and as a consequence, stigmatization impedes trust and motivation (cohen & steele 2002). in this context, black student-athletes may feel wary or question whether faculty will view them unfairly, and thus attempt to avoid interactions and communication with these authority figures. for example, an article in the chronicle of higher education reports that black student-athletes feel that they are marginalized and are not taken seriously by white professors in the classroom and on campus (perlmutter 2003). the college experiences of black student-athletes 8 challenge at predominately white institutions are all too often hindered as a result of feelings of social isolation, racial discrimination, limited support, and lack of integration. in effect, black student-athletes may choose to spend as little time as possible with white faculty, who comprise approximately 89% of faculty at predominately white institutions, and instead interact and bond with mentors and other support systems off campus where they emphasize feelings of encouragement and acceptance. conclusions and ideas for change the findings documented here have important implications for designing program and policies to help black student-athletes enrolled at predominately white institutions improve their academic performance. this study calls for high schools, colleges and universities to encourage and develop a wide range of communication and learning environments that are responsive to the needs of black student-athletes (redmond, p. 1990). rather that employing a one-size-fits-all approach to learning, the challenge, accordingly, is to establish learning environments and socialization patterns that are tailored to norms, values, and behaviors of the student. when designing such programs, attention should also be given to the structure, objectives, and practices of the specific academic support programs at hand and the extent to which they can potentially affect black student-athletes in high school or college with differing educational characteristics. findings from this study indicate that black studentathletes tend to increase the likelihood of college academic success to the extent that they show academic promise and worth (e.g. high gpas) while in high school. it is clear that programs in high schools should focus on developing the academic talents of black student-athlete for competitive college readiness and also formulating critical strategies to overcome or circumvent any impediments. moreover, since black male students typically enter predominately white institution with lower gpas and less prepared than their counterparts, faculty and student affairs leaders must be well advised to appreciate their situation and work closely with these students in identifying factors that may impede or facilitate their academic talent development and/or self-identity. finally, it is clear that there is a need for much more research to understand the relationship between black male student-athletes and faculty. in the meantime, faculty and others who are committed to creating more equitable educational experiences for all students could benefit from learning about the types of conscious and unconscious prejudices and discriminatory attitudes directed toward black student-athletes. mandatory training workshops that provide insights into the nuances and comeaux, eddie 9 complexities of race, racism, and cultural sensitivity toward certain groups and that are tailored to the special institutional needs of different campus constituencies and different target audiences are imperative. in that sense, we can begin to work toward creating more inclusive environment and perhaps establishing more meaningful, day-to-day interactions and relationships between black male student-athletes and faculty. future research while the present study produced useful findings and has implications for institutional practices pertaining to student-athletes, as outlined in previous section, it is not without limitations. the lack of causal direction among the environmental measures and the dependent variable were limitations of this study. that is, do student-athletes who interact with faculty, depending on the form of interaction, receive higher grades; or is it because those with higher grades are more likely to pursue interaction or contact with faculty? also, using cirp data, this study was not able to fill completely information gaps related to the interaction patterns between black male student-athletes and faculty. future qualitative studies that explore black student-athletes’ experiences with faculty inside and outside the classroom might be successful in answering such uncertainties and filling critical theoretical and analytical gaps. additionally, the voices of black student-athletes themselves are critical to addressing this issue at both the theoretical and practical level (benson 2001). lastly, the present study focuses on whether selected faculty measures of academic achievement for black student-athletes, yet it is not known whether faculty members’ race/ethnicity, gender, college affiliation, and/ or involvement in intercollegiate athletics play a role in the types and magnitude of interaction between black student-athletes and faculty in this study. for example, the fact that black student-athletes feel that they are marginalized by white professors on campus, as discussed earlier, may cause the degree of contact to vary dramatically by race. in future studies, it may be useful to control for faculty characteristics to understand better the impact of specific forms of student athlete-faculty interaction to outcomes of college. this information will be most useful to student affairs leaders and others who are exposed to college athletics culture in american higher education. 10 challenge references allen, w.r. 1988. “black students in u.s. higher education: toward improved access, adjustment and achievement.” the urban review 20: 165-188. _____. 1992. “the color of success: african american college student outcomes at predominately white and historically black public colleges and universities.” harvard educational review 62: 26-44. astin, a.w. 1993a. assessment for excellence. phoenix, az: american council on education & the oryx press. _____. 1993b. what matters in college? san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. baucom, c. & c. lantz. 2001. “faculty attitudes toward male division ii student athletes.” journal of sport behavior 71(2): 223-246. benson, k. 2001. “constructing academic inadequacy: african american athlete’s stories of schooling.” journal of higher education 71(2): 223-246. coakley, j. 2003. sport in society. colorado: mcgraw. cohen, g. l., & c.m. steele. 2002. “a barrier of mistrust: how negative stereotypes 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intercollegiate athletics. baltimore: the johns hopkins university press. appendix a. student background & involvement characteristics 20 appendix a. student background & involvement characteristics appendix a block variables measures block 1(input) background measures average high school grades (self-report)a socioeconomic status (ses) mother’s educationb father’s educationb parental incomec interaction with faculty (high school) asked a teacher for advice after classd talking with teacher outside of classe block 2 (environment) institutional type and control (dichotomous measures) public private university 4-year college block 3 (environment) interaction with faculty (college) faculty provided encouragement for graduate schoold faculty provided emotional support & encouragement faculty provided assistance w/ study skills faculty provided negative feedback about academic work faculty provided help in achieving professional goals a eight –point scale: 1 = “d” to 8 = “a or a+.” b eight-point scale: 1 = “grammar school or less” to 8 = “graduate degree.” c fourteen-point scale: “less than $6,000” to 14 = “$150,000 or more.” d three point scale: 1 = “not at all” to 3 = “frequently.” e eight point scale: 1 = “none” to 8 = “over 20.” conyers 33 dual deviants: the balancing act of black graduate students1 addrain conyers college at brockport, state university of new york abstract the study of deviant behavior was designed to focus on departure from a group’s normative expectations; however, the primary focus of deviance research has been the departure from the dominant group’s norms. what happens when one is stigmatized by the dominant group and their minority group? making use of interview data, this study investigates the life of black graduate students as they manage two spoiled identities, one in the academic world and the other in the black community. there were three major strategies used to manage their identities: (1) passing and covering via language manipulation; (2) fronting via professionalism and realism; and (3) own and wise via a black niche and mentorship. 1 please address all correspondence to addrain conyers, department of criminal justice, college at brockport, state university of new york, 350 new campus drive, brockport, ny. email : aconyers@brockport.edu 34 challenge introduction human behavior is deviant to the extent that it comes to be viewed as involving a personally discreditable departure from a group’s normative expectations, and it elicits interpersonal or collective reactions that serve to ‘isolate,’ ‘treat,’ ‘correct,’ or ‘punish’ individuals engaged in such behavior (schur 1971: 24). according to this definition, the study of deviant behavior is designed to focus on departure from a group’s normative expectations. this discreditable departure mars the individual’s character and brings about a collective reaction from the group that possesses sanctioning powers. however, the primary focus of deviance research has not been departure from any group’s normative expectations, but more so the dominant group’s expectations, creating an effect of the dominant group having a condescending attitude toward the subordinate group (oyserman and swim 2001). becker (1963) discusses deviant behavior by stating: …social groups create deviance by making the rules whose infraction constitutes deviance, and by applying those rules to particular people and labeling them as outsiders (9). once again, the definition includes concepts such as social groups, rules (normative expectations), and infraction of those rules (departure). it is very rare to find a study that researches deviance from the in-group’s (subordinate) normative expectations. for example, a study focusing on homosexuals would typically be based on their violation of norms from a group who are heterosexuals (i.e., the dominant group). it is unlikely to find a study on homosexuals as a deviant group from the normative perspectives of homosexuals. each group has its norms, and deviance is based on the breaking of norms within that particular group. if homosexuals, who are stigmatized by the larger society due to sexual orientation, break a rule within the homosexual subculture that results in sanctions, how are they viewed? where is their place in society? how do they simultaneously deal with the stigma placed on them by the greater society and the stigma from their own rule breaking subculture (homosexual) because they broke a norm within the group? more importantly, since they are already stigmatized and labeled deviant by the dominant society, how do they survive in a world where they are stigmatized by the dominant group and their in-group? i refer to people in these particular situations as “dual-deviants” because they have to balance two worlds in which they are stigmatized. conyers 35 the group used to illustrate dual deviancy in this paper will be blacks in higher education. this paper seeks to explore the balancing of the two worlds that include lower class blacks in higher education, specifically graduate school, who are stigmatized. the goal of this paper is to investigate the lives of dual deviants, individuals stigmatized by the dominant society (i.e., whites) as well as their in-group (i.e., blacks). simultaneous deviant statuses blacks in higher education institutions there is a plethora of contemporary research that illustrates how blacks are stigmatized in academic settings because of their race (hodge 1994; van tyle 1996; prantkanis and turner 1996; jabbra 2001; bergin and cooks 2002; dovidio et al. 2001). van tyle (1996) writes about the court of law finding that a stigma of inferiority, meaning that they are nondeserving, was attached to applicants admitted to an institution due to their race. this common finding, blacks being stigmatized, is largely based on whites’ views that affirmative action is racial preference or “reverse racism” and minorities are lacking in merit (jabbra 2001). since the 1950’s many african-americans have taken advantage of different educational opportunities targeted towards the academic and scholarly growth of minorities in the united states. the educational opportunity mostly associated with blacks is affirmative action (hodge 1994), however, many blacks also took advantage of the gi bill of rights of 1944 (ebony 1992). despite the educational opportunities affirmative action created, many feel that is has failed in its approach to help eliminate discrimination. blacks have to deal with the stigma attached to them by whites, who perceive them as getting into college only because of their skin color and not their intellect. there is a sense of inferiority that blacks feel in scholarly and academic stature due to the stigma attached to them because of affirmative action (hodge 1994; van tyle 1996; prantkanis and turner 1996). black students who are accepted into higher education institutions based on their own merit still have a stigma attached to them because black americans are viewed as a homogenous group, regardless of class or educational attainment (mcdermott 2001; payne 1998). educated blacks in their communities mcwhorter (2001) has presented the issue of blacks being antiintellectual. he presents the common views on education in contemporary black culture, and the major perception is that black youths are raised 36 challenge to believe that scholastic success, and applying oneself academically are “white,” and real blacks are not suppose to enjoy school. it is as if blacks feel that they should do the opposite of whatever whites do. hence, being an educated black can be seen as deviant in black culture. fordham and ogbu (1986), discuss how the academic success of black students is undermined by accusations and the fear of “acting white.” through ethnographic data, they describe how unsuccessful black students react to black students who are academically successful. they suggest that successful students have developed strategies to avoid the “acting white” stigma, such as not boasting about their academic achievement; misbehaving; or even having a bully protect them in exchange for helping the bully with his schoolwork. bryan’s (2001) study examined the identity issue for black professionals in welfare organizations and black students in higher education. she highlighted some of the fears black students have becoming professional and losing their “black identity.” upon becoming a professional, some feel they will have to sacrifice their black identity. she also discusses the stigma that can be attached to the educated blacks by other blacks. she refers to labels placed on the educated blacks such as ‘coconut’ and ‘oreo.’ these terms imply blackness (skin color) on the outside, but whiteness (views and behaviors) on the inside. dual deviants the research mentioned illustrates the simultaneous deviant statuses that black graduate students must manage. they are stigmatized because of their race in educational institutions and because of their education in black communities. this dual deviant status is a position that needs to be acknowledged in the sociology of deviance. it extends the ideology of deviance beyond dominant cultural norms into sub-cultural norms. theoretical perspectives commonly utilized in the sociology of deviance do not limit what constitutes deviant behavior to dominant cultural norms. researchers limit the focus to dominant cultural norms, and consequently neglect sub-cultural deviants who also face social consequences because of their status. a familiar perspective will be used to examine the dual deviant discussed in the paper, goffman’s stigma. theoretical foundation: stigma schur’s definition of deviance, as previously discussed, includes the term “discreditable,” which provides a natural passageway to a complementary concept used in this study, “stigma.” goffman (1963:3) defines stigma as conyers 37 “an attribute that is deeply discrediting.” he identifies three major types of stigma: (1) abominations of the body; (2) blemish of a character; and (3) tribal stigma. the first refers to physical deformities that a person might possess and these can include, but are not limited to the handicap, obesity, or even something as common as male baldness. the second is based on an individual possessing certain acts, beliefs, and behaviors that can cause them to be stigmatized. persons to whom this type of stigma might be applied include, but are not limited to, homosexuals, drug addicts, or alcoholics. the third contaminates all members of a specific group. the groups can be categorized by a: family, race, nation, or religion. racial and religious minorities can be stigmatized due to their known beliefs or a previous stigma passed down through lineages. there are two other important concepts associated with the general concept stigma; they are the “discredited” and the “discreditable.” a “discredited” person is someone whose discrediting attribute is known before hand or apparent upon meeting. examples of a discredited person can be a blind man with sunglasses and a cane or an extremely obese person. a “discreditable” person is someone whose discrediting attribute is not known before hand and is not apparent. a senator who is an alcoholic possesses a discreditable attribute because it is not apparent when you see him, but he is at risk of it becoming revealed if he is constantly caught drunk in public settings. a great portion of goffman’s work also deals with the reaction to being stigmatized. one way one deals with being stigmatized is by receiving moral support from the “own” and “wise” (19). the “own” are individuals who share the same stigma. the “wise” are individuals who are “normal,” but sympathetic with the life of the stigmatized and have a “courtesy membership” in the group. a wise person can be a relative (i.e., a spouse) or someone who caters to the stigmatized (i.e., nurses). another strategy that the stigmatized use in reaction to their discreditable behavior is “managing of identity.” goffman focuses on two techniques that deal with managing one’s identity, passing and covering. passing is “management of undisclosed discrediting information about self” (42). there are four common strategies used in “passing”: (1) “conceal” signs that are associated with the stigma; (2) use “disidentifiers”; (3) “present” signs of their discreditable behavior as signs of another less stigmatizing attribute; and (4) “divide” their world into two groups, one that knows nothing and the other that knows all (92-95). covering refers to “an effort to keep the stigma from looming large” (102). the common techniques used in “covering” are to: (1) “restrict the 38 challenge display of those failing most centrally identified with the stigma” (103); and (2) learn about the structure of interaction in order to know how much they need to change their behavior in order to minimize the stigma (102104). an obese person at a party would utilize the covering strategies by: (1) “restrict the display…” by not eating a lot of food; and (2) learn about the people in the party so he will know how much to eat or not to eat. through passing and covering, deviants manage their identity. a review of stigma can leave one asking the question: “who is stigmatizing?” research has commonly focused on the consequences individuals face from the dominant society; however, goffman does not specify who has the power to stigmatize. this project illustrates the power of the subculture to stigmatize, in addition to the dominant culture’s power. goffman’s discussion of stigma, will serve as an invaluable theoretical foundation in this study. this study will use these concepts and terms to ascertain how blacks in graduate school, as dual deviants, balance their two worlds. methodology the data for this study were gathered from 20 interviews with black graduate students working toward an advanced degree at a large midwestern state university. the racial/ethnic composition of the graduate student body is 68.8 percent white, 14.9 percent black, 3.2 percent hispanic, 2 percent asian american, 5.62 percent foreign, and 4.73 percent unknown. approximately, 46.2 percent of the graduate student body is male and 53.8 percent female. interviews were used as a source of data collection because: attention to personal statements by individuals who deviate from dominant norms …provide more direct indications than do other kids of “data” of just how such deviators view and feel about their activities and situations (schur 1971:3). the insider’s perspective is a research agenda that is based on: (1) insiders’ experiences and perceptions, (2) connects the theoretical basis of research into the larger social psychological literature (3) and provides a mean to unravel the process by which outgroup stereotypes and prejudices and ingroup behavior, attitudes, and coping strategies are intertwined (oyserman and swim 2001). the respondents were located through a list serve that included all black graduate students registered with a black graduate student organization recognized at the university. an email was sent to these conyers 39 students, informing them of the study and seeking their participation. the interviews lasted for approximately one hour and were audio taped. each participant was given a consent form and guaranteed confidentiality. all interviews were conducted by the researcher in the researcher’s office, the graduate student’s office, or a quiet section of the school’s student center. each participant was assigned a pseudonym to assure anonymity. description of members twenty black graduate students working toward an advanced degree in graduate school were chosen because of their lack of economic mobility. unlike successful blacks who have already become professional, these blacks who are in the process of becoming professionals do not have as many options to live outside the black community. however, simultaneously they have to work and study in a professional environment such as that existing in an academic institution. they are stuck “between a rock and a hard place.” since they are not yet professional and do not possesses the income to move out of the black community, they are still forced to communicate and live in the community. common forms of compensation for graduate students include federal loans, graduate assistantships and research assistantships, which are insufficient forms for relocation. thirteen of the respondents were female and seven were male. their ages ranged from 23 to 40, with a mean age of 26. three of the students (two females and one male) had children and two female subjects were married. fourteen out of the twenty have had two or more years of graduate school. ten students were working toward master’s degrees and ten toward a doctorate of philosophy (ph.d.). there were a diverse group of majors: two english (one master’s and one ph.d.); four educational psychology (two master’s and two ph.d.); five rehabilitation counseling (two master’s and three ph.d.); two administrative justice (all master’s); two anatomy/ physiology (all master’s); one music (master’s); one educational administration (ph.d.); and three sociology (all ph. d.). all of the informants were from black families and came from predominantly lower middle or lower class black communities. interview schedule the respondents were asked a series of open-ended questions about their backgrounds (e.g., place of origin, description of community etc.) and current academic and social life. the interviews were subsequently coded in relation to the research question and theoretical perspective and concepts. the data were sorted into emerging themes. 40 challenge the interview schedule allowed the black graduate students to supply as much or as little information about their lives as black graduate students. many of the items included in the interview schedule are taken from existing literature on blacks and education. additional items were included because the existing literature did not pursue the areas crucial to understanding blacks in graduate school, such as marital status or their views on the black professionals they will soon be. the schedule included a number of background/ demographic questions such as age and education level. also included were questions concerning their views about life as a black in graduate school, their family and communal backgrounds, how they (i.e., family and community) view their educational accomplishments, and questions about their feeling towards the black professionals’ role and place in society. findings this research on dual deviants resulted in findings that can contribute to research in the sociology of deviance. the results of the study clearly indicate that students were aware of their stigma and used a combination of techniques to manage their identity. there were three major themes and managing techniques that emerged from the interview and coding process: (1) passing and covering via language manipulation; (2) fronting via professionalism and realism; and (3) the own and wise via a black niche and mentorship. passing and covering: language manipulation language manipulation is defined as the ability to manipulate and modify one’s language so that it is appropriate for a specific social context. this concept is similar to a concept called “code switching.” code switching is “the use of two or more linguistic varieties in the same conversation or interaction” (flowers 2000). language manipulation differs from code switching in that it does not occur in the same conversation or interaction. it is more likely to occur in different conversations or interactions. this appeared to be an important skill for the black graduate student in this study. fourteen of the twenty interviewees, 70%, noted that the ability to change the way one talked based on the social context was important to them. lisa, in her late 30’s, had accomplished a great deal in her life. after marrying and having three children, and earning her nursing license, she decided to pursue her ph.d. in rehabilitation counseling. lisa was very straightforward about the way she would manipulate her wording to fit her environment. she said: conyers 41 when i’m at home around my family, i tend to be more relaxed and i’ll talk like you know, some street talk, some slang and you know stuff like that, i’m not very pretentious at all. lisa makes her conscious decision to speak a certain way very clear when she states and uses words such as: “i tend…” and “pretentious.” she is aware of her environment, and more importantly aware of the way she needs to speak in that environment. this is a clear example of goffman’s passing. the strategy employed here is the concealing of signs associated with the stigma. lisa is not “pretentious”; by not being pretentious, she is able to conceal her education level. this skill was obtained by either observation of someone who already possesses the ability or through the social reaction of speaking inappropriately in an environment. if the skill is obtained through observation of someone who already possesses the ability (i.e., parent), it is an indication of certain values being passed from generation to generation. martin, a ph.d. student in english, came from a lower class black family in a midwestern urban environment. through observation, he learned when it was appropriate to speak a certain way, and when other choices were more acceptable. he recalled: my mother would be on the phone in a professional voice [enunciating] “i am just calling to confirm….” and then she would look at me and be like [relaxed, urban slang] “boy, if you don’t sit your butt down.” so, i learned how to do it at a young age. martin’s quote is a clear illustration of how values, and more importantly, techniques for identity management, can be transmitted from generation to generation as part of the socialization process. he learned how to structure his language style according to his audience by observing his mother’s behavior. terry, a young black female in her early twenties, is working toward her master’s degree in administrative of justice. terry learned from others’ reactions when it is appropriate to speak a particular way. she noted: when the stuff with the sniper was going on we were talking about it, i’ll be talking all professional, using the aj [administrative justice] terms, they’ll [her friends] be like “girl stop playing, why you talking like that?” so i just laughed it off and watched the way i spoke. 42 challenge the audience’s reaction was an informal sanction due to the way terry spoke, she noticed it, and she made the appropriate changes. in this instance, terry learned from the reaction of others what style of language was appropriate in a given context. even if she already knew the appropriate style, her audience was there to remind her if she had somehow forgotten. her reaction to her audience was just as important as their reaction to her. terry “laughed it off,” implying that she did her best to fix her mistake and move on with the conversation. this is also an example of goffman’s passing. terry presented her discreditable attribute as being part of something less stigmatizing, a comedian. as her friends laughed, she laughed along. another goffman strategy is evident in terry’s quote, the second covering strategy. she learned about the structure of the interaction and modified her language appropriately. others expressed similar views as lisa, martin, and terry. for example, sarah stated: i use big words, they come out when i’m with my friends and they’re go like “what?” like i just bust out with a word, i talk with slang and vocabularies. i’ll come out with a word and be like “oh, don’t worry about it.” james stated: i don’t know….it’s tough. the big words might slip out sometimes, and then you get called carlton [laughing]. but it’s aight…. i mean you’re going to find something to laugh about at each other with your peeps anyway…. so it might as well be you be laughing at ‘cuz you sound smart [laughing]. james’ situation is an example of passing; more specifically, he is using the strategy of making the discreditable behavior part of another less stigmatizing attribute, humor. james refers to carlton, who is a character from a popular syndicated t.v. show about a rich, educated black family living in bel air, california. carlton attends a preparatory school, wears khakis and polo shirts, and is viewed as a “nerd.” hence, carlton’s character is an example of a deviant in the lower class black community. the ability to master this skill, language manipulation, tends to be extremely valuable when college educated blacks return to the black community. through language manipulation, blacks are able to avoid the possible stigma of “being a sell out” or “oreo” (bryan 2001), as james’ comment referring to being called “carlton” implies. the respondents conyers 43 revealed their awareness of “sounding educated” as a discreditable attribute by manipulating their speaking style to sound appropriate in a non-educational setting. in addition to the changes they made to be accepted in their home communities, they were also aware of the changes they needed to make to facilitate their adaptation to an academic setting. james: i know people look at me funny when i’m talking in the classroom. i can feel it. it’s like they’re surprised to hear a brother sounding educated…. but i kinda like it… you know? it’s like i’m proving them wrong, and it keeps me on my toes. hey, it makes it that much better….excuse me, gratifying [laughing]. james shows his awareness of what is expected from him (a black male) when he states, “they’re surprised” or “proving them wrong.” he finds motivation and encouragement from proving the stereotypes wrong. this is an example of goffman’s covering, more specifically his strategy of learning the structure of interaction in order to know how much to change to minimize his stigma. james knows he is in a classroom, and makes the appropriate changes to minimize his stigma. terry takes another approach to the idea of language manipulation when she said i don’t like talking in class, but i know have to because i don’t want the professor and the others [students] to think i don’t know anything or i didn’t read. so i get an answer ready before class, and [will] be ready to sound smart. terry, as james did above, displays her awareness of what is expected of her and counteracts it through preparation before class. it is clear that black graduate students are aware of the necessity to alter their verbiage in given situations. as terry, for example, indicates above, she prepares an answer before class and works to “sound smart.” james on the other hand, sees it as opportunity to prove people’s stereotypes about young blacks males wrong. when in the classroom, amongst professors, or even in conversation with their scholarly peers, these students did not feel that it was appropriate to talk in a relaxed fashion. they are using goffman’s covering, as previously discussed, by learning the structure of interaction to alter their behavior appropriately to minimize the stigma. simultaneously, the students recognized the importance of relating to their ethnic peers 44 challenge by speaking in urban slang when in their non-academic community. this usually resulted in a more relaxed talk that is often influenced by contemporary cultural slang. according to these respondents, language manipulation is used to avoid isolation in both the student’s academic environment and social, ethnic, and familial environments. passing and covering via language manipulation proved an invaluable identity management technique for dual deviants. fronting: professionalism and realism the second major theme discovered in this study was the idea of “fronting.” “fronting” is the ability to change one’s demeanor so that it is appropriate in a given social context. goffman (1959) in, the presentation of self in everyday life, defines a front as “that part of the individual’s performance which regularly functions in a general and fixed fashion to define the situation for those who observe the performance” (p. 23). this is similar to language manipulation, but the differences exist in public presentation. goffman also discusses how individuals display particular regional behavior in order to maintain the standards and expectations of a particular region. the first major type of fronting identified was “professionalism.” many students felt it was necessary in academia to act professional. rhonda, a soon to be graduate in educational psychology, felt that this was an important skill that the black graduate student needed to acquire in order to be successful in graduate school. rhonda said: a lot of african american students feel that ‘as long as i get the grades that’s enough,’ nobody is there to say you need to be professional, that’s just as important as your research paper… a professor can stop you from getting your degree just because… because they don’t think you’re ready. you have to represent the school, and they don’t feel you can represent them. rhonda, having two years of graduate school experience stresses the importance of behavior. rhonda’s quote illustrates it is more than what the student does, but how they do it. the professional attitude and demeanor is just as important as the grades. lisa, a ph.d. student in rehabilitation counseling, was very adamant about her professionalism around her professors. she stated: i’m around say three or four professors at one time, like conyers 45 when we are in the department and a lot of them are around, i tend to be more you know, i tend to be more professional. i act more professional. they say it’s ok for me to call them by their first name, but i don’t. lisa set clear boundaries between her and her professors. she did this to remind herself of the environment that she was in, and simultaneously prevents the professors from seeing the non-academic/ ethnic side she presents in her black community. this approach can help her stay focused, and more importantly, lets her professors know that she is focused. she does not cross the line. this is a clear example of goffman’s passing strategy. lisa clearly has divided her worlds. in contrast, a second major fronting type that emerged focused on the students’ perceived need to present a “keeping it real” type of attitude within their ethnic communities. the black students, in this study, feel that the academic institutional setting has certain expectations for behavior, and black students need to demonstrate their understanding and acceptance of these norms. however, the academic setting is not the only region in which the students feel they need to “front” in. this attitude of “keeping it real” refers to the strategy students use to validate their ethnic authenticity within their community. students displayed realism not only by the way they spoke, via language manipulation, but also in the style of dress and physical demeanor. james said: i don’t change when i’m home or around my boys, i just…. you know, i just keep it real... if you go back around your blocks and you act the same way you do here [the university], you might get punked out, and you know that ain’t happening. james illustrates the importance of separating his two worlds. more importantly, he makes it clear that he is aware of the sanctions attached for acting a certain way. he does not want to be “punked out,” a slang term commonly used in some black communities to indicate worthlessness. the fronting acts of both “professionalism” and the “keeping it real” attitude were common amongst these black graduate students. it is also clear that the particular act of fronting appeared to be almost innate; verbal feedback from a particular audience was not always needed for the student to know which mode to work in. the “professionalism” and “keeping it real” are clear examples of separating two worlds. as with language manipulation, the students recognized the appropriateness of behavior 46 challenge based upon the given environment. the context of the situation is important in determining the appropriate behavior for dual deviants, especially since presenting professionalism or realism in the wrong environment can result in negative consequences. own and the wise: black niche and mentorship the third major theme that emerged was the idea of a black niche and mentorship. through analysis of the interviews, a niche was presented as a group of members with similar traits who are available for support and encouragement. this black niche can also be viewed as “fictive kinship,” an anthropological term used by fordham and ogbu (1986) to demonstrate a reciprocal social relationship that exist between persons of similar backgrounds who are not related through the institution of family. this idea of a black graduate student support group arose in the conversation in a couple of different ways. it was first noted that some of the research participants had already created their niche or had a previous niche that had been sustained. martin stated: i feel like you create your own niche in society. you don’t wait for other people to accept you or bring you within their realm… especially if they’re not accepting anyway. but in today’s society a lot of times people are accepting, you know even though you are an african american, most different levels of society, be it um like on corporate boards, or what ever, there areas that blacks have broken barriers and they do work within those areas. this need for a niche is well illustrated in martin’s quote, in his emphasis on not waiting for one, but going to make your own. he suggested that the individual take on personal responsibility. he also demonstrated his knowledge of what is currently happening in the professional world regarding blacks and acceptance. martin, just as the other black graduate students in this study, demonstrates awareness, not just of expectations, but also of accomplishments by black americans. this niche, in goffman’s terms, can be seen as the own, the ones who share the same stigma. secondly, these students felt that it was important to have a sense of community. their need for a community niche was deemed important due to the sparse number of black graduate students. dovidio et al. (2001) conducted a series of studies that demonstrated “the development of a common group identity can diffuse the effects of stigmatization… among college students and faculty.” other friends of the research participants conyers 47 from their various communities might have ventured down much different paths that offered minimal opportunity. the difference in paths taken makes it harder for them to relate to those previous friends. due to the loss of that peer level cultural camaraderie, a group with similar characteristics is needed to help diffuse the stigma. although the majority of these black graduate students stressed the importance of having or creating niches, other students held a different view. these participants did not de-emphasize the value of niches, but rather sought out groups and organizations that they either had belonged to or were familiar with. these groups are used as their surrogate niche. note how rebecca, a master’s student in anatomy, stresses the importance of her black sorority: i’d be lying if i said i didn’t want more [black graduate students] around. i have my sorority, which is very respected, and we have a lot of sisters in school [graduate] nationwide. we come together for our meetings and conferences and show each other support. it’s really motivating. rebecca shows that the black niche not only serves as support, but can also serve as a networking group that is available nationwide in the black sorority. the benefit of having a group to belong to, inferred from these interviews, that shares the burden of this stigma was deemed invaluable. it was particularly invaluable, as some of the participants noted, due to the sparse numbers of black graduate students. these niches not only aided the participants in their scholarly growth, but also allowed them a chance to interact socially as kinsmen. goffman’s “own” is visible throughout their quotes, but also “passing,” more specifically the strategy when the stigmatized divide their world into two groups, the all knowing and the not knowing. this group, the black niche, knows all because they are the “own” and experience the same stigma. mentorship also serves as a form of support; however, it was discussed by the black graduate students in this study in a much different manner than peer support. mentorship is more than mere support; it embodies a conglomerate of support and guidance on both a professional and personal level by one already established in a particular area. mentorship has proven to be a very powerful positive device in the guidance and growth of a black student (cropper 2000). leslie states: you’re in grad. school and most people connect with a mentor, when you’re in an environment when there are 48 challenge no black mentors, either you become an official network together and try to connect with other black students ….or you kind of out there on a limb…. you don’t have someone to guide you, someone to connect with…… they [black professors] have some understanding of what the situation is going to be like as a black student and how that differs from a white student’s experience. many of the respondents have come to recognize and accept that there are very few black mentors available at predominantly white institutions. the lack of black mentors empowers the students to be creative and use whoever is willing and available to them. this is stated by a few of the respondents, as lisa points out: … coming here to this university, there are no black female professors within my department, so i got a white man, you don’t have to have someone with the same racial identity as you in order to learn and grow. you can use someone else as a mentor. lisa felt that it was not necessary to have someone of the same ethnicity to mentor you, especially if you are looking to grow academically within your substantive area. the mentor is someone who has succeeded and is knowledgeable to advise upcoming students on many of the responsibilities of graduate school. the mentor can be viewed as goffman’s “wise,” they are normal, but sympathize with the life of the stigmatized. these mentors are another key component in the balancing of worlds, especially the academic. one of the interviewees expressed her passion to become a professor in her field, but was aware of the lack of black graduate students and professors in her area. a professor’s lab assistant (an employee of the school) helped her in validating her feelings and need for mentorship, and the possibility of her being a future mentor. rebecca stated: she was just talking about how there aren’t any black professors in our department, forget that…. there aren’t many [blacks] nationwide in the natural sciences. even in our department, it’s just me and another guy. she was letting me know how it can offer me more leverage, me getting my ph.d. … i can be a mentor to the other few blacks in natural sciences. it’s funny here she was trying to help me out, and she ain’t even black! ….more importantly the fact that i was listening showed how much i valued what she was saying. conyers 49 rebecca stressed the issue that the professor’s assistant she was receiving advice from was not even black. more importantly, by rebecca listening, she still realized that the assistant has valuable knowledge that can prove to be beneficial in rebecca’s scholarly growth. the research participants viewed mentorship in a different light than that of the value of the black niche. mentorship was needed not only for support but also for the invaluable guidance that it offered. the participants also recognized that having a mentor is relevant irrespective of the race or ethnicity of the professor. some of the participants who received mentoring from non-black professors used the lack of black mentors in their fields to encourage them to complete their respective programs successfully. while mentorship is sought out in whatever form, it was also noted that the need for more black mentorship exists. the black niche and mentors served as support groups to provide the dual deviants with peer support and guidance. despite the three major themes that emerged there were other themes that occasionally appeared throughout the interviews. it was common that stress relief activities were mentioned to help lighten the burden of living in two worlds. one of the respondents stated: “i like to cook and watch the food network, it helps get mind off of the stress of school.” another stated, “spiritually is important, whatever your preference is, you need to become one with yourself.” other themes that occasionally came up focused around parents (their influence or lack thereof), grades, and relationships. discussion the purpose of this study was to investigate the lives of dual deviants, black graduate students. the black graduate students experience two types of stigma. one, their involvement in higher educational institutions is seen as a blemish of character when they are back in their community. two, their race is a tribal stigma in the educational institution. these blacks in graduate school balance their two communities, ethnic and academic. both forms of stigma are reported in the literature on blacks in education. their tribal stigma is a discredited attribute due to the fact their race is apparent in the educational institution. their education level is a discreditable attribute in the black community because it is not always apparent upon initial contact. they are at risk of being discredited by each group because of their affiliation with the other. more importantly, they are aware of both types of stigma and consequently develop strategies to deal with them. three major themes emerged in this research including: 1) passing 50 challenge and covering via language manipulation; (2) fronting via professionalism and realism; (3) and the own and wise via black niche and mentorship. the data revealed that these black graduate students spent a great amount of their time managing their identity in their academic and social life. the strategies they used for managing their dual deviant identities were consistent with goffman’s techniques of “covering” and “passing.” the first two themes of “language manipulation” and “fronting” clearly fall within the goffman scheme. using language manipulation, goffman’s concept of “passing” was very apparent when these blacks were in their ethnic communities. they had a discreditable attribute, their education level, but they concealed associated signs with the stigma by not “talking white.” they used disidentifiers when in the black community by using contemporary ethnic slang so people would not identify them as being black and educated, a devalued status to some minority group members. during their time in the academic institution, they used covering to help prevent their tribal stigma from looming large. they downplayed their stigma by talking more educated and showing their scholarly peers that they also possess the knowledge to be successful in their respected areas, contrary to the stereotypical images of blacks held by some dominant members in the academy. this covering and passing was also evident in the “fronting” theme. one technique for covering is to learn about the structure of interaction in order to know how to modify their behavior in order to minimize the stigma. as illustrated in their accounts, they learned about interaction and norms in the academic institution. acting professional was a key component in the way they presented themselves in their department. the presentation of the self was an important factor in helping reduce the stigma of race to these black graduate students. since they are already discredited due to tribal stigma, covering becomes an important strategy in the managing of their identity. passing was once again a technique used when the blacks were back home in their ethnic community. the discreditable attribute of educational accomplishments is not always apparent, so they use a front of “keeping it real” as a mechanism designed to earn the respect of their ethnic peers in their community. the first two themes, language manipulation and fronting, clearly displays the dual deviancy that exists in blacks in graduate school. they are caught between two worlds, and in each, they are stigmatized because of their affiliation with the other world. the context of the interaction was a major factor in determining which “normal” behavior to portray. conyers 51 the last theme that emerged in this research, black niche and mentorship, is reflective of goffman’s “own” and “wise.” as previously mentioned, the “own” are individuals who share the same “stigma,” and the “wise” are normal, but sympathetic with the life of the stigmatized and have courtesy membership in the group. these two types of relationships also prove to be invaluable strategies to graduate students in the balancing of the two worlds. the own and the wise provide moral support to help lighten the load of being dual deviants. the own, in this study, are clearly identified as other blacks in higher education. the wise are identified as non-black professors who provide moral support. by using the black niche and non-black professors, the students had the moral support needed to balance their two worlds. these dual deviants have developed normalizing techniques that enable them with not only balancing, but also separating their two unique worlds. a combination of passing, covering, and moral support, are the tools they use to survive as dual deviants. it is particularly interesting that these dual deviants spend very little time discussing how they are stigmatized, but more so how they avoid or downplay the stigma. this gives evidence of their awareness of the deviant life they live and the need to normalize based on the context they find themselves. the results differed from previous research findings on stigma and blacks. it differed because the respondents spent very little time actually discussing the stigma, but focused more on how they deal with the stigma. despite that difference, there were similar findings in regards to support group and mentorship (cropper 2000; dovidio et al. 2001). the data discovered in this study suggest that the concept of dual deviancy is real and therefore should be acknowledged and further explored in future studies. the previous literature clearly illustrates how blacks are deviant in the dominant group and their in-group, and the results are dual deviants. black americans are not a homogenous group although often they are seen as such (mcdermott 2001; payne 1998). this study cannot represent all black americans but can give a clue of the ones from predominantly lower class black communities working toward a validated degree in graduate studies, and can be used to help assess black graduate students in future studies. this study is limited due to the small sample, the school’s region of the country, and the interviews being based from one university’s population. future studies on dual deviants need to focus on normative expectations of the in-group. there needs to be a clear understanding of how in-group expectations compare and conflict with that of the dominant group and 52 challenge how outsiders adapt to their devalued status. our studies need to evolve just as different forms of deviance continue to emerge in our society. conyers 53 references becker, howard s. 1963. outsiders: studies in the sociology of deviance. new york: the free press. bergin, david a. and helen c. cooks. 2002. “high school students of color talk about accusations of ‘acting white.’ the urban review 34: 113-128. bryan, agnes. 2001. “black on black encounters: exploring some psychological and political processes among black professionals and students in black-only support groups.” journal of social work practice 15:23-35. cropper, andrea. 2000. “mentoring as an inclusive device for the excluded: black students’ experience of a mentoring scheme.” social work education 19:597-607. dotter, daniel 2002 “creating deviance: scenarios of stigmatization in postmodern media culture.” deviant behavior: an interdisciplinary journal 23:419-448. dovidio, john, samuel l. gaertner, yolanda flores nieman, and kevin snider. 2001. “racial, ethnic, and cultural differences in responding to distinctiveness and discrimination on campus: stigma and common group identity.” journal of social issues 57: 167-188. flowers, doris a. 2000. “codeswitching and ebonics in urban adult basic education classrooms.” education and urban society 32:221-236. goffman, erving. 1959. the presentation of self in everyday life. double day dell publishing group, inc. _________. 1963. stigma: notes on the management of spoiled identity. new york: simon and schuster harris, anthony r. 1976. “race, commitment to deviance, and spoiled identity.” american sociological review 41:432-442. hodge, sharon brooks. 1994. “affirmative action’s no panacea for corporate glass ceiling.” national minority politics 6:8-9. jabbra, nancy w. 2001. “affirmative action and the stigma of gender and ethnicity: california in the 1990s.” journal of asian and african studies 36:253-274. lemmelle jr., anthony. 1997. black male deviance. praeger publishers inc. mankoff, milton. 1971. “societal reaction and career deviance: a critical analysis.” the sociological quarterly 12: 204-217. 54 challenge mcdermott, monica. 2001. “class structure and racial consciousness among black americans.” critical sociology 27:1-28. mcwhorter, john h. 2000. losing the race: self-sabotage in black america. new york: the free press. oyserman, daphna and janet k. swim. 2001. “stigma: an insider’s view.” journal of social issues 57:1-14. payne, richard j. 1998. getting beyond race: the changing american culture. boulder, co: westview press. pratkanis, anthony, r. and marlene e. turner. 1996. “the proactive removal of discriminatory barriers: affirmative action as effective help.” journal of social issues 52:111-132. riddick, barbara. 2000. “examination of the relationship between labeling and stigmatization with special reference to dyslexia.” disability and society 15:653-667. schur, edwin m. 1971. labeling deviant behavior: its sociological implications. new york: harper and row. van tyle, peter. 1996. “the other shoe drops: courts make college admissions a risky business.” liberal education 82:30-37. challenge, vol. 14, no. 2 >"� ������ � �# �� �������� ��������������� �� ��� ��9��:�;� ���������������� -����� � ����� � ���� <��#+� "�� ����#������������$%��� �������� �� ������ �)� ��� 4$�������� ������ ��� �� �������� ���� � ��� �� ���� ��� ���� ��� �� ������� ��������"� �����"�������)� ��� ��� ���� ��� �������� ���� ��� � �������#�*�� ��� � ��� ������������ �� ����� ���� � ��� ����� ���e������� (����� ���� �k�� �" ��" ���� ���� ��� � �"���� �)���"�� � � ��� ��"���� �� �#6� ��#�#���� ��a� ���� .#�8� ������ 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