login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * 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main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an 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open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal… 180 the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal development: a discussion paper suchitra sugar (2021) new york: unicef, 44 pages available as a free download at https://www.unicef.org/documents/necessityurban-green-space-childrens-optimal-development a new discussion paper from unicef, the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal development, signals unicef’s attention to a large and rapidly growing body of research on the importance of access to safe green spaces for people’s health and happiness. the paper calls on national, state and local governments and organizations of civil society to review how they are implementing the convention on the rights of the child in order to include promoting access to nature for all children, simultaneously achieving multiple economic, health and environmental benefits. in addition to reducing costs for public health, green infrastructure in cities reduces urban heat, sequesters carbon, improves air quality, and provides flood protection and a refuge for biodiversity. the paper covers its topics concisely, in an attractive format that includes vivid images of children around the world enjoying green spaces of different kinds. in 1989, when the united nations general assembly adopted the convention on the rights of the child, the number of studies that demonstrated that people need greenery and green spaces near them for their health and wellbeing could be counted on one hand, and none of these pioneering studies involved children. in the 1990s, a cluster of new studies appeared. since 2000, research on the benefits of including nature in the places where people live, work and play has become a robust field of study, with its own textbook (van den bosch & bird, 2018), conferences that convene people from across the globe, and many reviews of this burgeoning research, including studies involving newborns, early childhood, middle childhood, and adolescence. the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal development assembles a compelling case that it is time to integrate the implications of this research into urban policies and programs. with this paper, unicef takes a step in this direction; at the same time, it provides a substantial resource that can be used by any organization that works to increase young people’s wellbeing or to increase green land surface in cities. the author, suchitra sugar, presents findings related to children, nature and health through concise research summaries, a table, and extensive citations. she begins with benefits for newborns, who are more likely to be born with a healthy weight when their mothers have greenery around their homes and nearby green spaces that they can visit. she proceeds through early childhood, middle childhood and adolescence, summarizing benefits for physical, mental and social development, as well as the development of concern and care for nature. when children have nature nearby, physical benefits include more physical activity and better balance and motor coordination. greenery around schools and homes is associated with better cognitive development in terms of improved concentration, attention, working https://www.unicef.org/documents/necessity-urban-green-space-childrens-optimal-development https://www.unicef.org/documents/necessity-urban-green-space-childrens-optimal-development book review: the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal… 181 memory, and academic performance. time in nature reduces hyperactivity, and access to nearby nature is associated with less stress, fewer social and behavioral problems, and lower rates of depression and other psychiatric disorders. because children in high-income families are more likely to have greenery around their homes and well-maintained parks nearby, sugar only cites correlational studies that were conducted in low-income neighborhoods or that controlled for family income. she also draws on experimental, quasi-experimental and observational studies. she observes that most research has been carried out in western countries but introduces a number of studies from east asia and the global south. she points out that some studies measure physiological changes that occur while in nature, including reduced levels of stress hormones and blood pressure; these are involuntary biological reactions that are likely to be consistent in children everywhere. after this review, sugar highlights the implications of these findings for local communities, institutions like schools and child-care centers, municipal governments, national governments, and organizations like unicef that respond to humanitarian crises. to ground her recommendations in the realities of difficult circumstances, she interviewed experts who are seeking to connect children to nature even under the conditions of slums, refugee settlements, or life on the street. she shares stories that suggest that access to nature can be an important source of resilience for children in difficult circumstances. sugar itemizes barriers that limit children’s safe access to nature, such as the health risks of pesticide use in parks and other green spaces—to which children are especially vulnerable, as well as risks of crime, bullying, air pollution, waste, and disease vectors, which are most likely to affect green spaces in low-income communities. she notes that even when safe green spaces exist, children are often barred from their use by entrance fees or rules that prohibit active play, or excluded because they represent a marginalized group. for example, one of the experts whom sugar interviewed, sudeshna chatterjee, shares a story from her research with slum children in india, who begged her not to improve a vacant lot where they played. if the site were beautified, they explained, people with power would no longer allow slum children to use it. sugar observes that children with disabilities and girls often face the highest barriers to access. she advocates joint ownership and stewardship of green spaces by local communities as a way to ensure safety and maintenance of the spaces, and non-discriminatory community monitoring to deter anyone who threatens children’s safety or attempts to bar access. sugar defines “green spaces” to include nature at every scale: not just parks, playgrounds and agricultural land, but also home and community gardens, overgrown vacant lots, street trees, roadside verges, and green roofs. this point deserves repeating, because as chatterjee’s story shows, small pieces of nearby nature can be most accessible. in her research with children in slums of indonesia and india, lyndsey deaton found that because children were often expected to stay close to home—and this was especially the case for girls—small pockets and edges book review: the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal… 182 of nature were essential for their access. she warns against exporting western definitions of access, such as a park within a 10 minutes’ walk, when what matters in many children’s lives are places to gather under street trees on in gardens or small green lots in their immediate neighborhood (deaton, 2021). it also bears repeating—and sugar herself makes this point repeatedly—that children should be included in evaluating, designing and maintaining green spaces that serve them. the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal development is a visually attractive tool that individuals and groups of all kinds can use in advocating for the inclusion of nature in children’s lives. it can be used to encourage greening initiatives in schools and child-care centers, to introduce nature into humanitarian responses like refugee settlements, and to approach governments at every level. given the global recognition of unicef’s name, this document can add weight to any initiative to connect children with nature. review by louise chawla program in environmental design university of colorado boulder references deaton, l. (2021). no place to play? studies of how adolescents use public space in dispossessed communities. (doctoral dissertation, university of oregon). proquest dissertations & theses database. van den bosch, m. & bird, w. (2018). oxford textbook of nature and public health: the role of nature in improving the health of a population. oxford university press.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 expert response to climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights to participate in global conversations pravin bhiwapurkar college of design, art, architecture, and planning university of cincinnati citation: bhiwapurkar, p. (2018). expert response to climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights to participate in global conversations. children, youth and environments, 28(1), 115-118. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi “climate change, an unwelcome legacy” highlights the lack of child representation in climate change-related policies and decision-making since the convention on the rights of the child (crc) was established in 1989. the crc treats as core principles children’s right to participate and to be heard. it is one of the most rapidly and widely ratified international human rights treaties in history. the crc depicts children as agents with independent minds and ideas; they are subjects, not objects, of rights. child participation is an important step towards climate justice, safeguarding the rights of the most vulnerable age group, and emphasizing the need for intergenerational and international equity. as children are at a defenseless stage of human development, they are at a higher risk of being negatively impacted by climate change. important negative impacts resulting from climate change include malnutrition, health hazards, health, violence, migration and exploitation. these impacts are interconnected and crc article 6 acknowledges how climate change threatens children’s rights to life and survival. the paper highlights effective efforts to improve child engagement and participation that are centered on the four conditions of space, voice, audience, and influence as suggested by the lundy model to fully implement article 12 of the crc. successful models of child participation described in the paper include national-level children’s parliaments and youth councils, such as the national congress of children and young people in bolivia, as well as local-level decision-making processes, such as children’s ability to officially vote in a school-relocation referendum in the philippines. child participation can clearly impact climate change-related policies from the local to the global scale. further, children are able to engage families, http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi expert response to climate change, an unwelcome legacy… 116 schools, and societies and connect them with regional, national and global authorities to help minimize the effects of climate change. nonetheless, child participation in ratifying countries is still limited. the paper emphasized that there was little to no mention of or participation by young people in three major climate-change related global events, namely the 1992 rio summit; the 2008 un joint framework initiative on children, youth, and climate change; or the 2013 conference of parties that ratified the un framework convention on climate change (unfcc). consequently, the paper argues that the authorities responding to global climate crises are violating children’s rights by not acknowledging their right to express their opinion (crc article 13), not hearing them, and not including them in decision making (crc article 12). collins (2016) points out that the important question to be answered is: how is children’s participation understood? shedding light onto the ways that young people’s participation is interpreted and incorporated into decision making will help explain—among other things—why the un joint framework initiative on children, youth, and climate change and other efforts have consistently failed to influence the conference of parties. to make significant progress toward honoring children’s rights and meaningfully involving them in climate-change policy, it is essential to more fully understand the variations in children’s participatory opportunities, as well as the causes of those disparities. first, it is important to understand the variation in participation between countries. for example, in some countries, long-standing practices and attitudes (e.g., it is adults’ responsibility to make decisions on children’s behalf), as well as political and economic realities, create major barriers to child participation in government decision making. moreover, in some countries more than others, a lack of funding and staffing, lack of recognition, and adult-dominated forums are cited as common concerns. further, structuring an analysis of participation disparities in terms of developed versus developing countries, regional differences, countries with varying population trends, and the like, could add nuance to our understanding of variations in child participation. it would also help us understand the extent to which such barriers are applicable to all crc-ratifying countries. additionally, researchers should collect data about the age, gender, relative disadvantage, and location of children who participate in decisions regarding the impact of climate change and disaster (ciel & gi-escr, 2017). this is relevant because the crc acknowledges that certain groups of children, including younger boys and girls, as well as children belonging to marginalized and disadvantaged groups, face particular barriers in the realization of their rights. another valuable research contribution would be to provide clarity on the role of agencies, from the global to local scale. gaining perspective on their successes, failures, or lack of effort in specific contexts would provide valuable lessons. the efforts by non-governmental organizations to include children in decision making should also be taken into consideration. in addition, gaining context-based understanding of how climate change-related decisions are actually made would expert response to climate change, an unwelcome legacy… 117 help reveal opportunities to include children, as well as challenges that contribute to their current lack of participation, at the local level. successful approaches to children’s meaningful participation, such as those included in the paper, can provide clues as to how children, families, schools, and societies can be represented in global events connecting participation and protection. using such examples as a reference, connections as well as gaps between local, regional, national, and global efforts and agencies could be identified, built upon, or filled, and opportunities for meaningful child participation developed. however, expecting other countries to change because of these success stories could be considered idealistic. lessons learned must be shared in ways that take local institutional, political, and bureaucratic landscapes into consideration. children’s participation advocates should also investigate the connection between specific regional climate change issues and young people’s relationship to them. recognizing regional variations in climate change threats, as well as the ways children perceive those impacts and what sparks their interests in the issues, can lead to the development of creative approaches to teach them about relevant causes and solutions, and expand their meaningful participation in decision-making. further, sharing success stories from participating countries on new ways they are improving participation could be useful. for example, access to the internet and smart phones have increased dramatically in several nations, and social media and technology provide many opportunities to improve child participation. these rapidly growing networking and learning tools may help overcome local institutional or bureaucratic barriers by making it simpler, faster, and less expensive to hear children’s voices, register their opinions, and use their suggestions to inform decision making. according to unicef (2017), children and youth have increasingly been participating in their communities, cities and countries, particularly through advances in mobile technology and social media, while it exposes them to new risks. they are also actively taking a role in developmental efforts that affect them, from local projects such as peer education and child-friendly cities, to international children’s congresses, parliaments, special sessions of the united nations general assembly, and dialogues with world leaders at g8 summits. while these are encouraging signs, moving from tokenistic representation to meaningful participation remains a challenge. pravin bhiwapurkar, ph.d. is an assistant professor in the school of architecture and interior design at the university of cincinnati. his research investigates how development contributes towards urban heat island (uhi) effect, which modifies outdoor and indoor thermal environments in urban spaces. uhi affects building energy needs, microenvironments, as well as human health, especially that of children. his community-engaged research focuses on providing evidence to support resident-led changes. expert response to climate change, an unwelcome legacy… 118 references ciel & gi-escr. (n.d.). states' obligations under the conventions on the rights of the child, in the context of climate change. retrieved from http://www.ciel.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/hrtbs-synthesis-reportcrc.pdf collins, t. m. (2016). a child’s right to participate: implications for international child protection. the international journal of human rights, 21(1), 14-46. doi:10.1080/13642987.2016.1248122 unicef (2017). the state of the world’s children 2017: children in a digital world. retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/sowc2017/ http://www.ciel.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/hrtbs-synthesis-report-crc.pdf http://www.ciel.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/hrtbs-synthesis-report-crc.pdf doi:10.1080/13642987.2016.1248122 https://www.unicef.org/sowc2017/ login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: for the children? protecting innocence in a carceral state 170 for the children? protecting innocence in a carceral state erica r. meiners (2016) minneapolis and london: university of minnesota press, 255 pages £19.16 (paperback); isbn 978 0 8166 9276 7 this is a really important book for childhood and educational researchers. its central argument concerns how well-intentioned commitments and practices to protect children turn out to perpetuate all kinds of oppressions, especially for women, poor and minoritized populations, including children and youth. the particular focus is what meiners calls the “carceral state,” drawing on analyses of the “prison-industrial complex.” this designation derives from foucauldian analyses of disciplinary and regulatory institutions that have come to structure modern societies and which have now acquired intensified coercive force under widespread global neocapitalist conditions of further marketization and securitization. in a sense, this book begins where foucault’s (1977) discipline and punish ends: meiners unpacks the forces at play that produce what used to be called juvenile delinquency and give rise to the criminalization of children and youth, as well as their families and communities. biometrics now play an increasing role in tracking and surveying stigmatized groups, while anxieties around security are increasingly migrating from individual bodies to families, neighborhoods, communities, and even states. the key recurring trope that meiners critically interrogates (especially across the first section of the book) is the so-called “school-to-prison pipeline,” mobilized by various campaigning groups whose strategies to exceptionalize or otherwise account for young people’s problematic trajectories inadvertently re-inscribe normalizations and pathologizations of various characteristics of children and childhood. drawing on both a comprehensive critical historical review of u.s. policies and practices as well as an impressively wide range of examples, including her own involvements in various community education programs with children and youth in marginal situations, adult education initiatives in prisons, post-prison educational programs and more, meiners systematically highlights how gendered heteronormativities intersect with classed racializations to render especially africanamerican children, youth and families under greater threat of intervention and incarceration. the book is structured into three substantive sections—childhoods, school and prison, and adulthoods—with a final, more utopian chapter entitled “after and now.” while children and youth figure explicitly throughout most of the book, once the trope of innocence has been queried (and indeed queered), racialized, gendered and heterosexed normativities are then available to be explored: “new sites of resistance and mobilization are created by unpacking what counts as a child in this political moment and how heterogendered and racialized forms of innocence are reproduced through the use of the child in campaigns” (p. 26). various other key myths (as in barthes’ (1972) sense of tropes anchoring assumed constellations of social norms) are shown to be secured by “the artefact of the child” (p. 27) that book review: for the children? protecting innocence in a carceral state 171 have consequences for adults, communities, professional and institutional practices and state policies. substantive examples are discussed at all levels—history, current policy and provision, and personal practice in specific projects and settings—and include campaigns for public safety, prison reform, and campaigns for and against prison closure, educational provision for prison inmates (both juvenile and adult), and post-prison educational initiatives. on the way, restorative justice programs come in for very critical treatment as merely re-personalizing and thus foreclosing analysis of the structural and institutional conditions that gave rise to these situations. i found the discussion of the school-to-prison pipeline very helpful in unpacking how educational initiatives collude in the perpetuation of social inequalities by limiting the domain of explanation and thus of intervention. perhaps a particularly graphic but indicative chapter is the penultimate one, concerned with the construction and consequences of acquiring the label of being a sex offender (which, shockingly for this british reader, can arise for young people who engage in consensual sex but who are considered under-age or where certain sexual practices—oral sex, for example—are considered criminal within state legislation). the asymmetries of treatment and trajectory through the criminal justice system according to fateful intersections of age, gender, sexuality and racialization are shown through recent cases. i was appalled to read that sex workers (who are of course poor, mainly women, and mainly from black and minority backgrounds) are prosecuted as sex offenders, and that trans people are particularly vulnerable to being charged for soliciting merely by being visible. meiners’ account includes engaging and challenging personal reflections on particular campaigns and projects with which she has been involved, including dilemmas encountered that strained her feminist and anti-racist commitments and called for critical reflection and revision of her preconceptions. the projects, programs and events are specific and named, and much of what she discusses is focused on chicago, where she lives and works. the power of this account arises in part from the passion, power and specificity of her examples. i was impressed (and i confess a little overwhelmed) by the sheer scale of her political commitments and involvements in so many worthwhile (if also, as she discusses, problematic) community education initiatives, each of which merits separate extensive discussion beyond what i can cover here. there is also a coherence of argumentation here that challenges child campaigners, feminist activists, proand anti-prison organizers, and anti-racist movements to explore how commonsense investments in children’s innocence come to structure classed and racialized approaches to individual and community safety, and so also work to limit analysis of how to respond to and transform the widespread social inequalities that give rise to the problems that lead people to end up in prison, including poverty, distress, and violence of various forms. i read meiners’ account as a prescient version of the emerging paradigm, child as method (e.g., burman, 2018a and b), which not only focuses on the consequences of the social structuring of childhood for those positioned as currently subject to that categorization but also traces how this structuring configures other key axes book review: for the children? protecting innocence in a carceral state 172 and dynamics. this is no mere academic analysis. while policies and practices in the u.s. may sometimes seem a little distant from those elsewhere, they exercise considerable traction, as do corresponding academic and political debates. i am writing this in late march 2018, a few days after the massive mobilizations of school students across the u.s. demonstrating for gun control, after the latest school schooling on february 14 in parkland, florida, alongside an estimated 800 marches worldwide (laughland, 2018). while trump may have responded to the shooting by proposing to arm the teachers, the child and youth resistance and mobilization have clearly led the way to other responses. reviewed by erica burman erica burman is professor of education at the university of manchester where she researches the intersections of childhood, subjectivity, developmental psychology and education. she is author of deconstructing developmental psychology (brunnerroutledge, 2017), developments: child, image, nation (brunnerroutledge, 2017), and fanon, education, action: child as method (brunnerroutledge, 2018). references barthes, r. (1972). mythologies. (a. lavers, trans.) new york: hill and wang. burman, e. (2018a). child as method: implications for decolonising research. international studies in sociology of education. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09620214.2017.1412266 burman, e. (2018b). brexit, “child as method,” and the pedagogy of failure: how discourses of childhood structure the resistance of racist discourse to analysis. review of education, pedagogy and cultural studies, 40(2), 119143. https://doi.org/10.1080/10714413.2018.1442082 foucault, m. (1979). discipline and punish: the birth of the prison. new york: vintage. laughland, o. (2018). us gun law student protesters demand a revolution. guardian, 26 march, 24-5. author’s response dr. erica burman’s too-generous review reminds me foremost that feminist research—writing, thinking, political practice—is always collective and in relation. her engagement is also a needed push for me to return to why i write and publish: to motivate myself to rigorously engage challenges and contradictions, and to learn and to engage new tools to imagine and to build more anti-racist, feminist, and queer freedoms, leaving no one behind. while this project is in my rearview mirror http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09620214.2017.1412266 https://doi.org/10.1080/10714413.2018.1442082 book review: for the children? protecting innocence in a carceral state 173 magnifying all the omissions—why didn’t i include the chapter on child protective services? a real conclusion? why didn’t i read more widely?—i wrote this book because of the awkward child-feelings that persistently crept into my political work in the united states. this trouble with the child emerged because i crossed siloes: research related to queer (and other) young people with convictions for sex offenses. participation in campaigns that elevated the figure of the child to shame elected officials into keeping schools open or to close prisons or to eliminate punitive school disciplinary policies. tracing how courts try and convict select 15-year-olds as adults. learning with adults caged in a maximum-security prison who painstakingly track the emerging neurological research that supports diminished capacity arguments for “young offenders” (but locks their cell doors ever more tightly). work in a white heterogendered teacher education program where love for the child is seemingly the central prerequisite for employment. and on and on. for the children? was my attempt to trace, explain and examine the shifting political work of the figure of the child in these domains. “child as method,” as burman’s important conceptual intervention suggests, requires us to consider the political work that the figure of the child does—never losing site of what the historian anita casavantes bradford (2014) recognizes as the blurriness or a “tentative heuristic distinction” between “flesh-and-blood children and symbolic representations of the child” (p. 2). burman’s responses, and her current scholarship, should also provoke readers to ask: what is the work that critical childhood studies can do? can we harness her framework of “child as method” to recognize new constellations of oppression, particularly forms of state violence, and therefore to support and cultivate sites for resistance? scholarship sometimes “trickles down” and “trickles up,” and thus can shape policies and practices that impact the worlds of “flesh-and-blood” young people. however unevenly, temporally and never innocent, pockets of ethnic studies, black studies, gender and women’s studies, and queer studies continue to both interrupt the forms of premature death the academy engenders and simultaneously reflect the forms of lived resistance that communities practice. what of critical childhood studies? can this disciplinary arrangement explore, as burman invites us, “the consequences of the social structuring of childhood for those positioned as currently subject to that categorization but also traces how this structuring configures other key axes and dynamics”? from the prison industrial complex to brexit, the stakes are high. reference casavantes bradford, a. (2014). the revolution is for the children: the politics of childhood in havana and miami, 1959–1962. chapel hill: university of north carolina press.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play john h. mckendrick glasgow school for business and society, glasgow caledonian university glasgow, scotland janet loebach centre for addiction and mental health london, canada theresa casey international play association: promoting the child’s right to play edinburgh, scotland citation: mckendrick, j. h., loebach, j., & casey, t. (2018). reflections on the challenges to providing environments for play. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 262-272. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi returning to challenges outlined in general comment no. 17 this special issue of children, youth and environments has outlined visions to create better play environments, reflected on the fusion of nature in everyday play, considered how play could be better facilitated for particular groups of children, and shown how technology could be used to the advantage of understanding and facilitating play. in conclusion, we reflect on the learning that is pertinent to each of the 11 challenges that were identified in general comment no. 17. we end by reflecting on the role of experts in improving children’s play. lack of access to nature the benefits for children of providing experiences to encounter the natural world through play are articulated in general comment no. 17, noting that urban children in low-income families may have particularly poor access. the benefits do not only accrue to children; seeds for stewardship for the earth’s resources can be sown through childhood play. lack of access to nature is not universal. profice and tiriba (“living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children”) describe how indigenous education in brazil facilitates engagement with nature. outdoor play routinely and extensively utilizes the natural environment. these experiences respect community traditions, which include encouraging knowledge to be shared across generations. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 263 the affordance of the local natural environment—rivers, trees, embankments—are utilized in daily play within the school day, with teachers presenting as both relaxed and engaged, encapsulated in their description as being “attentive to the safety of all, but not waiting for imminent disaster.” the young tupinambá people convey strong positive associations with nature. similarly, drawing from the ipa’s access to play in crisis, in “children's coping, adaption and resilience through play in situations of crisis,” chatterjee shows how ready access to rivers for the children of both the nimtola ghat community in kolkata and the saphan pla community southwest of bangkok provides an exciting natural play resource, albeit one which is fraught with social and environmental danger. in these “crisis” situations, the key issue might be better understood as lack of access to “nature without danger.” living in a rural area does not ensure access to nature in play. as terada, ermilova and kinoshita explain in “why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas? the revitalization project of ishikawa, fukushima, japan,” rural depopulation has changed the landscape and play culture in parts of rural japan to the point at which it has become necessary to stimulate environment-based play in some rural areas. the intergenerational evidence that the authors present provides powerful evidence of the loss of nature-based play in japan in recent times; for example, 79 percent of parents reported that, as children, they went to the forests and hills to play, compared to only 37 percent of today’s children. this loss is also evident for playing in rivers, climbing trees, making fires and other dimensions of natural play. access to nature can also be created in what is presented as “natural playscapes.” these manufactured environments are designed to provide opportunities to engage nature. schlembach, kochanowski, brown and carr explore “early childhood educators perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape” on a university campus in north america. initial concerns over risk and danger are allayed as early educators report how the natural playscape is encountered as relaxing space for both parents and children alike, and a place in which behaviors are improved, interactions among children are extended, and a range of opportunities to develop competencies present. on the other hand, parents’ quest for a “better life” can inadvertently lead to disengagement with nature in their children’s play. this was clearly evident in wirunrapan, boranmool, chaiarkhom and kathawong’s field report on “the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand,” in which migrant children from mynamar lamented the transition from their childhood freedom to play in nature, without danger and among flowers and fruits in the forest to environments that were socially and environmentally hazardous, with access much restricted. perhaps giving voice to children and affording them the opportunity to share their accounts of the everyday environment that they encounter should be viewed as a first step toward enriching the role of nature in children’s lives. to this end, the under the same sky: children’s rights and the environment toolkit (reviewed by templeton) provides inspiration and guidance on how to make existing peoplereflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 264 environment connections (or lack of) more visible to adults and other local decisionmakers. lack of recognition of the importance of play and recreation general comment no. 17 opines that play is misunderstood and undervalued “in many parts of the world”; regrettably, that some forms of play are more highly valued than others; and that play is particularly in deficit for adolescents. although short-sighted, meeting children’s play needs may be considered less pressing, relative to other concerns. for example, in the immediate aftermath of environmental crisis and amidst everyday hazards, it is perhaps to be expected that play is not prioritized and that the focus of life is on survival or recovery. indeed, chatterjee highlights how some parents in post-earthquake japan forbade their children access to outdoor play, largely on the grounds of protecting them from perceived social and environmental dangers. however, chatterjee challenges us to rethink what appears to be common-sense and shows how play can be a vehicle for recovery and a means for children to cope with the transitions that they have encountered. similarly, wirunrapan and colleagues observe a lack of recognition of the importance of play among adults in their case study of migrant communities. parents’ more pressing concerns of avoiding detection and avoiding the social and environmental hazards that are perceived to prevail, lead adults to dissuade their children from play, rather than facilitate access to it. in a different geographical context, almon and keeler (“the rise of adventure play provision in north america”) sense that the nadir has been left behind and that there are many emergent signs, both local/informal and national/professional, that the value of play and the pivotal role of adventure play provision is increasingly being recognized in north america. however, owens would disagree, based on the experiences of teenagers in west sacramento, california she describes in “‘we just want to play’: adolescents speak about their access to public parks,” thus reinforcing the claims in general comment no. 17. both yuen (“championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong”) and yantzi, landry-altmann and camirand-peterson (“the communitybased revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood playground in greater sudbury, canada”) provide examples of how ignorance of the importance of play for some children can be a stimulus to achieve progressive and positive outcomes for all. each project draws strength from a case study in which access to play is denied, i.e. a mother describing how her 24-year-old son with special needs was prevented from using a playground swing (yuen) and a plea from a father that a playground development should not inadvertently deny his son the opportunity to play (yantzi et al.). although in both instances, the project outcomes are positive, the gains were only achieved after sustained efforts spanning several years. for yuen and colleagues at playright children’s play association, this involved actively engaging stakeholders, professional specialists and interest groups, which took four years of incremental progress, while for yantzi and colleagues it involved repeated and innovative use of a timely funding stream over a ten-year period. reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 265 of course, recognition of the value of play in the life of children does not necessarily imply that play is facilitated; as lynch, moore and prellwitz demonstrate in “from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play.” in their review of play policies across europe, they find that—despite asserting the child’s right to play through article 31 of the uncrc—there are very few examples of national play policy that provide an impetus for these aspirations to be realized. there is also a risk that children’s absence from the outdoors is misinterpreted as reflecting their preferences, rather than their restricted opportunities, which as terada and colleagues highlight, was the interpretation of some adults who questioned the demand to create a natural play space in their locality in rural japan. unsafe and hazardous environments in general comment no. 17 it is acknowledged that hazards are particularly prevalent in the lives of the poorest children and that these hazards may arise from social contexts and poorly managed urbanization. however, these problems are neither insurmountable nor unavoidable. “street play in the revitalization of lowbirthrate communities: playborhood street tokyo” by shimamura could be read as showcasing how play utility can be recovered from what otherwise might be considered an unsafe, inappropriate or hazardous environment. the objective of this initiative is not to remove the hazard, but rather to suspend it for a timelimited period by opening up streets to facilitate community play (which is also presented in general comment no. 17 as a means of balancing risk and safety). some may criticize the limitations of this response to a hazardous environment, i.e. limited not only in time, but also by the necessity of having adults present to manage the transition of the environment from hazardous to hazard-free. however, in the specific context of the playborhood tokyo project, these “limitations” are not pertinent, as one of the goals of the project is to encourage intergenerational interaction through play. although not expressed directly, profice and tiriba show that danger is also matter of perception. rivers, trees and steep embankments are not conceived as hazards to be managed in the world of the indigenous educators of the tupinambá children in bahia, northeast brazil. on the contrary, they are merely part of the everyday landscape providing affordance and opportunity that children realize through play. (mis)perceptions of what constitutes a hazard can also be challenged through experience, as schlembach and colleagues found when early childhood educators reflected on their experiences of leading children’s play in a natural play space environment. embracing risk is also writ large in the experiences of those children encountering everyday hazards and crisis in india and thailand (chatterjee). in the same project, however, parents in nepal were more nuanced when appraising the neighborhood environment, advising their children to limit their play to safe spots amidst a wider landscape of destruction. it is also important to note, as chatterjee observes, that “practice makes perfect.” the unrestricted access of children in thailand to undoubtedly hazardous everyday environments leads to the transformation of these places from unsafe spaces into friendly places for play. careful not to dismiss the dangers presented by hazardous reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 266 environments or the role of supportive adults in fashioning child-friendly environments, it is nevertheless an important observation that children can flourish even when more palatable situations do not prevail. as she observes, these children’s lives are “privileged with spontaneity, creativity, play, freedom of movement and emotional expressions. the very qualities that we seek to recover or reinstate when we lament the loss of childhood in the modern consumerist society.” balancing risk and safety general comment no. 17 is not advocating removing all risk from the environment. although it is necessary to seek to remove the risk of serious harm from children, it is also acknowledged that “some degree of risk and challenge is integral to play” and therefore must be managed. one way to seek the optimum position is to address misperceptions of risk that prevail, as shown by almon and keeler. examples and evidence are provided from north america of how three risk myths associated with adventure playgrounds are being challenged: 1) research demonstrating that accident rates are low, and possibly even lower in adventure playgrounds, relative to conventional “destination playgrounds”; 2) lawsuits are rare; and 3) on the basis of this evidence, no additional insurance premiums are levied as there is no evidenced enhanced risk to cover. it might be speculated whether the social hazards that must be negotiated by children in the migrant communities in thailand (wirunrapan et al.) lead children to seek refuge in spaces that, although hazardous, are actually less dangerous and certainly less threatening to children. similarly, associations of “natural” play spaces with risk may be misplaced. as shown by schlembach and colleagues there are grounds for re-appraising these as safe(r) spaces for children; the authors portray these as less-overwhelming environments and ones that afford a “calm, peaceful escape from the rigors of daily classroom life.” prohibitions against play can have unintended consequences but can also be deployed effectively to allow children to embrace what the everyday environment can offer while avoiding harm. chatterjee shows nepalese parents’ nuanced appraisal of the neighborhood environment, advising their children to limit their play to safe spots amidst a wider landscape of destruction. wirunrapan and colleagues observed simpler approaches to prohibition, with the unintended consequence that children sought out risk as a result of being restricted in where they could play. on one hand, parents’ prohibitions that prevent children from accessing what they might otherwise perceive as attractive environments for play (such as river banks or deserted buildings), led some children to create feelings of risk through imaginative play (as evidenced in the spirit board game). on the other hand, prohibition was also found to increase some children’s resolve to access these forbidden spaces. observing that this is characteristic primarily of boys, the authors found that the boys create risk through certain behaviors (e.g., throwing stones at windows), but also use their imaginations to transform forbidden and hazardous spaces into sites of adventure (e.g., fighting imaginary warriors or running away from wild beasts). in all these examples, children embrace risk. reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 267 resistance to children’s use of public spaces children are being curtailed in their use of public space in many ways and in many places. general comment no. 17 argues that this has adverse consequences for children and for wider society. examples of the restrictions placed upon children in public space are reported in many forms in this collection. for yuen, this finds expression in the exclusion of an adult with special needs from a children’s playground in hong kong. this is strikingly similar to the curtailment of play that is reported by teenagers in west sacramento (owens). contrasting the views of almon and keeler, a group of teenagers (mainly boys) in west sacramento argue that their play is not only ignored, but also overtly curtailed in the public parks in their neighborhood. migrant children in thailand must limit their play and use of public space due to the concern over drawing attention to the illegal status of their family; it is the perhaps misplaced concern to protect their children from environmental hazards that led parents in japan to forbid outdoor play in the aftermath of the great east japan earthquake (chatterjee). the resistance to children’s use of public space is being challenged. owens shows that all is not lost, and that participatory action research can be deployed to encourage the wider community, and key decision-makers within it, to rethink their prior understanding of teenagers and play. yantzi and colleagues in canada and terada and colleagues in japan identify similar benefits through playground redevelopments. similarly, the tokyo playborhood project described by shimamura brings community members together to acknowledge their (lost) shared interests in play. more remains to be done by parents and employers to ensure children’s play opportunities within migrant communities, as chatterjee and wirunrapan et al. also observe. pressure for educational achievement there are many ways in which an emphasis on formal academic success is curtailing both opportunities to play and the nature of play in educational settings and beyond; general comment no. 17 provides examples of seven ways in which play is threatened through education. work in this collection suggest possible correctives. although not fully exploring the issue in his paper, shimamura notes in passing that a pre-occupation with education in japanese society leads to play being understood as a form of education; i.e., that it should be structured and purposeful and is best managed for children by adults. interestingly, shimamura’s reflection is not that there is a deficit of independent play. rather, he suggests that play in japan is impoverished because “ordinary (local/adult) people” are excluded from children’s play experience, as is evidenced by the man in ishinomaki who is encouraged by children playing with spinning tops. profice and tiriba’s work challenges our understanding of what constitutes “educational achievement.” working within the framework of brazilian national indigenous education guidelines, they illustrate how respecting community traditions and inter-generational knowledge exchange are conceived as “educational reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 268 achievements.” in this instance, this provides an impetus for nature to be blended into everyday schooling and for biophilia to be sustained through play in nature. what constitutes educational achievement need not be reconfigured in order to find positive outcomes through play. one of the most striking conclusions drawn from schlembach and colleagues’ work with early educators was how the children gained “conceptual awareness” in the field, which they then applied to activities in the classroom (such as when rolling objects down the hill in the play space was later related to work with ramps in the classroom). indeed, the observation that there were opportunities for children to experience being successful and competent may be suggestive of the relative advantages of natural play space settings for learning. overly structured and programmed schedules not all of the threats to playtime come from the quest for formal academic success. increasingly, there is concern—particularly in developed economies—about how children’s leisure time seems to be over-structured, with adults often preferring children to be engaged in activities that appear more “productive” and which are undoubtedly more organized. almon and keeler make the argument for embedding adventure play opportunities in everyday “conventional” play settings (such as the schoolyard) and establishing the presence of adventure play space in the neighborhood, as opposed to providing pop-up adventure play. in contrast to organized leisure, this is premised on a different model of learning (child-led, less programmed) and works toward different learning outcomes (more concerned with relationships/ creativity/ adaptive behaviors, less focused on skill acquisition, less overtly cerebral). it may also be useful to be clearer about the nature of the problem with “overly structured and programmed schedules.” the structured incorporation of naturebased play in the school day of both the tupinambá children in brazil (profice and tiriba) and the children in a north american university pre-school setting (schlembach et al.) are testimony to that. neglect of article 31 in development programs although not directly concerned with development programs, the two papers in this collection from the ipa access to play in situations of crisis project (chatterjee and wirunrapan et al.) provide some evidence to support the contention in general comment no. 17 that in situations of adversity, a concern for survival crowds out opportunities for the child to thrive through play. the relevance of the point extends beyond development programs. shimamura ends his reflection on play in tokyo by juxtaposing the presence of play on tokyo’s streets in relation to the olympic games of 1964 and the olympic/paralympic games planned for 2020. whereas he observes that play was “driven off the streets” in 1964, he envisages a role for the playborhood movement to repatriate play to its rightful place on the streets as a legacy of the 2020 games. more generally, the lack of national play policies, identified by lynch and colleagues, suggest that article 31 is being neglected beyond development programs (which is also a concern that voce raises when reflecting on arup’s design guide for urban play). rintoul observes that the reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 269 playwork practices that empower practitioners to facilitate play in situations of crisis would be entirely relevant for staff who support play in non-crisis situations. lack of investment in cultural and artistic opportunities for children as is observed in general comment no. 17, there are wider concerns that the broader artistic and cultural sector does not do enough to embrace and promote opportunities for children. play redevelopment affords opportunities for children to engage in artistic and cultural activity. for example, the redeveloped ridgewood playground in sudbury, canada (yantzi et al.) was surrounded by artwork produced by young people. it may be significant that this artistic opportunity was presented in the context of a playground development (ostensibly a development for children). perhaps ironically by railing against the limitations on opportunities for play, teenagers in west sacramento deployed their creative talents to raise awareness among the wider community, initially by creating a web-based public map to share their stories, which were illustrated through videos and photographs. as owens describes, their participatory action research work culminated in the production of a comic book, which was their preferred means to communicate favorite recreation opportunities, challenges, adjustments and recommendations to decision-makers. marketing and commercialization of play this collection has been primarily concerned with outdoor play opportunities in public spaces. consequently, the challenges presented by unregulated and pervasive commercialization and marketing of domestic play products has been less central in our papers. indeed, much of the play that has been reported—such as the adventure play that is advocated by almon and keeler—is an antidote to marketed and commercialized play, particularly when adventure play is provided at a neighborhood level. however, it is interesting to note that this collection of papers has demonstrated the importance of marketing and communication strategies to promote play. this is perhaps most clearly shown by yuen in hong kong, where the media was initially used to highlight the problem, public awareness was raised through the production of documentary videos and public design competitions with media engagement throughout. growing role of electronic media the premise for many of the papers in this collection, reflecting a concern expressed in general comment no. 17, is that children are increasingly spending too much time engaged in play through digital platforms and media. as with many of the challenges identified, the adverse consequences are perceived to impact the children themselves (e.g., exposure to cyberbullying) as well as wider society (e.g., the erosion of traditional play and play cultures). although not belittling this issue, it is interesting that wirunrapan and colleagues present children’s play with electronic media as part of their solution to the problem of accessing play in their hazardous environments in thailand. similarly, chatterjee presents such play as a coping mechanism used by adolescent girls in japan, who are described as stealthily playing games on mobile phones to enliven their daily routine of chores and schooling. similarly, and as noted above, owens reports how reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 270 the teenagers of west sacramento utilized electronic media to produce a webbased public map and comic book, which they used to articulate the case for improved provision for teenager play in their neighborhood. on a different tack, researchers in the service of play often deploy technology. in “state of play: methodologies for investigating children's outdoor play and independent mobility,” han and colleagues weave together child-friendly methods and technology-based applications (gps and accelerometer data) to provide intelligence about outdoor play and independent mobility in three case study neighborhoods in the vancouver area. cox, loebach and little show in “understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate children's activities in outdoor play spaces” that we can utilize the advanced analysis capabilities of geographic information systems to examine the complexities of children’s interactions with outdoor environments, and better understand and visualize their playful environmental behaviors. the expert voice the play sector benefits from the expertise and commitment of a wide range of professionals who advocate and campaign on behalf of play, such as playworkers, playground designers, researchers specializing in play, and play therapists. it is not in any way to undermine or deny the importance of this expertise when we note that this collection has demonstrated that a much broader “expert” base exists and can be harnessed to promote children’s play. following the impetus provided by the uncrc, it is no surprise that this expert base now includes children themselves, whose talents have been deployed in the guise of junior playground commissioners/designers (yuen), illustrators (yantzi et al.; owens), and expert reference/user groups (yuen; yantzi et al.; han et al.). the under the same sky toolkit (reviewed by templeton) provides some guidance on how this expert voice can be articulated. however, it is equally important to acknowledge the specific contributions that a wide range of adults can contribute, including local elected representatives (yantzi et al.; owens); local residents, including parents (yuen; yantzi et al.; almon and keeler; owens; chatterjee; han et al.); private sector providers (wirunrapan et al.); researchers (yantzi et al.; almon and keeler; terada; cox et al.; owens; lynch et al.; shimamura; han et al.); design specialists (yantzi et al.; terada; arup as reviewed by voce); government officials (yantzi et al.; owens; lynch et al.); and professionals working in educational/childcare settings (yantzi et al.; almon and keeler; schlembach et al.). the challenges that must be overcome to realize the optimum environment for children’s play are not inconsequential. however, as this collection demonstrates, there are many ways in which these can be achieved and a broad community of committed and potential interest groups that can work toward this end. we hope that this collection serves as a call to action and encourages further research and practical initiatives throughout the world. john mckendrick is professor & co-director of the scottish poverty and inequality research unit in the glasgow school for business and society at glasgow reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 271 caledonian university in glasgow, scotland. john’s research interests span the studies of the provision of environments for children, children’s use of space, children’s play, and child poverty. he was on the board of directors of play scotland from 2007-2017, writing several research reports including school grounds in scotland (2005), local authority play provision in scotland (2007), developing play in scotland (2008) and the scottish national play barometer (2013). his earliest work in the field of play was the business of children’s play, an examination of the commercial provision of play space for young children in the uk (funded by the economic and social research council). he has delivered keynote addresses to conferences convened by playboard northern ireland, play scotland, skillsactive, yorkshire play, children’s play council, european cities for children, generation youth, european child in the city and play education. he has experience with presenting research findings to a wide range of user groups and is committed to applied research. in 2018, he co-edited a collection of papers on “the playway to the entrepreneurial city” for the journal of entrepreneurship and innovation. he has edited two collections of papers examining the impact of austerity on playwork (journal of playwork practice, 2014) and playspace provision (international journal of play, 2015) and an earlier collection of papers on “children's playgrounds in the built environment,” a 1999 special edition of built environment. more importantly, he is dad to lauren (29), corrie (24) and morven (9) and granddad to finn (2). dr. janet loebach, ph.d., p.eng, is an environmental design researcher and consultant based in ontario, canada, and the principal consultant for thrive design consulting. she is also a post-doctoral fellow at the center for addiction and mental health institute for mental health policy research. her research and practice focus on children’s perception and use of their everyday environments, including home, school and neighborhood, and the socio-environmental factors that influence children’s behavior and well-being. her areas of expertise include assessment and design of natural and built play and learning environments for children, as well as residential, healthcare and care facilities. she also has extensive experience with participatory, child-led and community-based planning processes. dr. loebach currently serves as vice president of the board of directors of the international play association (canada) and as co-chair of the children & youth environments network of the environmental design research association (edra). theresa casey served as president of the international play association: promoting the child’s right to play (ipa) from 2008-2017. with the ipa board and council, she coordinated the initiatives leading to the publication of general comment no. 17 on the right of the child to rest, leisure, play, recreational activities, cultural life and the arts (article 31 of the un convention on the rights of the child). in her final term as president (2014-17), theresa led ipa’s thematic work on access to play in crisis, and children’s rights and the environment linking to the uncrc day of discussion 2016. in 2013, she drafted the scottish government’s play strategy action plan and took up the role of vice-chair of the implementation group. she has an honors degree in painting and a post-graduate certificate in playwork. her playwork practice began in an adventure playground in scotland and led to play development in thailand where she worked for three years. theresa is a freelance consultant and writer on play, inclusion and children’s reflections on the challenges to providing optimum environments for play 272 rights and frequent presenter at conferences in scotland and internationally. her recent publications include free to play: a guide to creating accessible and inclusive public play spaces (inspiring scotland, 2018); play types: bringing more play into the school day (play scotland, 2017), inclusive play space guide: championing better and more inclusive play spaces in hong kong (playright child’s play association & unicef, 2016); loose parts play (2016, inspiring scotland). returning to challenges outlined in general comment no. 17 lack of access to nature lack of recognition of the importance of play and recreation unsafe and hazardous environments balancing risk and safety resistance to children’s use of public spaces pressure for educational achievement overly structured and programmed schedules neglect of article 31 in development programs lack of investment in cultural and artistic opportunities for children marketing and commercialization of play growing role of electronic media the expert voice login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led initiatives in the u.s. and the pacific islands? samantha cocco-klein milano school for international affairs, management and urban policy, the new school beatrice mauger equity for children citation: cocco-klein, s., & mauger, b. (2018). children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led initiatives in the u.s. and the pacific islands? children, youth and environments, 28(1), 90-103. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this position paper explores two initiatives, in the u.s. and the pacific islands, in which children have held leadership roles on climate change, and explores 1) the motivation behind each initiative, and 2) the contributions the initiatives have made to mitigation and adaptation. we argue that children, as representatives of the “generation most affected,” have a unique role in advocating for mitigation policy. at the same time, children’s status within families and communities can help facilitate inclusive adaptation. the initiatives provide evidence that children’s leadership can be an effective way to engage in policy advocacy and community transformation. keywords: climate change, children, leadership, mitigation, adaptation http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 91 introduction when signing the paris agreement in the united nations, u.s. secretary of state john kerry carried his young granddaughter to the podium, a reminder of the importance of the treaty to future generations. the symbolism was obvious, as the daily mail wryly noted in their headline, “ok, mr. kerry, we get it—it’s for the children” (konstantinides, 2016). the inter-generational dynamics of climate change are well known, and kerry’s granddaughter was among many children who have stood before world leaders as a reminder of adults’ moral obligation to preserve the earth’s atmosphere. beyond symbolic acts, young people have played far more dynamic roles in serving as a voice for their generation. a few weeks before the signing at the un, a federal judge confirmed the rights of 21 young people, aged 8 to 19, to sue the u.s. government “for violating their constitutional rights to life, liberty and property, and their right to essential public trust resources” by enabling the continued use of fossil fuels. far from serving as silent tokens, the young people are playing an instrumental role in what has been called the “most important lawsuit on the planet right now” (our children's trust, 2016). the lawsuit is a potent reminder that children, with the right support from adults, can substantively contribute to confronting climate change and fostering social transformation. in this position paper, we make the case for children’s leadership, focusing on two key dynamics. the first is the reason or rationale for engaging children in leadership role on climate change, asking what motivates social movements or nongovernmental organizations to empower children. the second dynamic is pragmatic; we ask whether child-led initiatives can make a measurable contribution to mitigation and adaptation. in answering these questions, we aim to provide evidence that children’s participation can be an effective way to engage in policy advocacy and community transformation. to make our case we draw on the experience of two child-led initiatives. from the u.s., imatter kids vs. global warming is highlighted as an exceptional initiative, both for the degree to which it has been driven and led by children, and for the ambition of the movement’s goals. imatter began as a simple presentation by a 12year-old boy, alec loorz, who wanted to take on climate change denial and engage other young people in demanding action to reduce greenhouse gases. his actions quickly grew from school presentations and community projects to a national campaign, global youth marches and groundbreaking judicial and legal action. in six pacific island countries,1 the child-centred climate change adaptation (4ca) program supported communities to adapt to the risks of climate change by actively involving children and youth in building disaster resilience. part of a wider initiative by plan international, an international child rights organization, 4ca aimed to address the urgent threat posed by climate change to children’s survival and well-being. it is highlighted as one of the few significant initiatives by an international non 1fiji, kiribati, papua new guinea, solomon islands, tonga, and tuvalu children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 92 governmental organization to put young people at the center of climate change adaptation and disaster risk management. the rationale for empowering children as leaders on climate change the moral authority of the generation most affected a primary reason for involving children as leaders on climate change is because they will disproportionately bear the brunt of changing weather and environments. this is grounded in the temporal dimension of climate change, with the most significant impacts occurring in the future (pahl, sheppard, & boomsma, 2014). a child born in 2000 will be 50 years old at mid-century, a point in time often used in future climate scenarios. they can expect to experience rapid change projected with global warming. their children and grandchildren, at the end of the century, will likely live with weather, coastlines and environments vastly different from today. linked to temporality is the element of “time-lag” between the cause and effect. carbon emitted today will contribute to climate change for centuries to come (pahl, sheppard, & boomsma, 2014). this represents an inter-generational transfer of costs, in which current generations enjoy the economic and standard-of-living benefits of carbon usage, while future generations disproportionately bear the costs (moellendorf, 2009). from a moral and ethical standpoint, a strong argument can be made that it is indefensible that people living in the future, whether children today or still to be born, should be denied the same right to health, safety and a stable environment enjoyed by people currently (schuppert, 2011) the temporal and ethical dimensions of climate change are central to imatter. the movement’s founder, alec loorz, has described a feeling of betrayal at the inaction of current leaders and a corresponding conviction that is up to the generation that will be most affected to demand accountability (loorz, 2016). imatter’s initial activities focused on raising awareness among young people and tackling climate change denial using scientific evidence—an important first step in making an ethical case for action. when risks are vague, uncertain, or not supported by evidence, then the urgency of change will necessarily be limited (gardiner, 2004). however, loorz and the other members of imatter found that an approach based on awareness-raising and science did not generate the necessary political will to end the climate crisis. this realization led to a partnership with our children’s trust to pursue inter-generational justice through the courts. alec loorz and other members of imatter joined legal proceedings at federal and state levels in the u.s. (coccoklein, 2015b). initially, the cases focused on the public trust responsibility of the federal government to protect the atmosphere for future generations. subsequent cases have expanded to include freedom from the dangers and harm that greenhouse gas pollution will cause (our children's trust, 2016). a precedent for inter-generational justice can be found in the philippines. in 1992, 43 children, acting as representatives of succeeding generations, petitioned the children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 93 federal constitutional court of the philippines for the government’s failure to prevent the destruction of the country’s rainforests. the government subsequently passed a law to declare the remaining forests to be a national protected area (stone & lofts, 2009; gibbons, 2014). nevertheless, similar legal approaches to inter-generational climate justice face significant hurdles, not the least because the effects are still in the future. the young defendants must also demonstrate “standing”; in other words, that they have personally been injured and a causal link can be drawn back to the government’s inaction (jamieson, 2015; nguyen, 2017). an alternative approach is engaging directly with elected governments on policy, shifting from inter-generational justice to inter-generational accountability. recently, imatter has re-focused their campaign on mobilizing young people to advocate with city councils to enact carbon reduction plans (cocco-klein, 2015b). as the young people do not directly vote for city council members, they rely on their “moral authority” to shift decision-making away from a focus on the present to one in which the interests of future generations are also given consideration (beckman, 2008; flora & rosier-renouf, 2014). the primary reason cited by imatter for this shift is that it enables more children to be involved in climate activism than the court cases, and as such, adheres to the original vision of a childled movement to end the climate crisis. the pragmatic reasons for children’s activism the temporal case for children’s activism is grounded in morality, but also overlaps with more pragmatic arguments. imatter argues that because young people have the most at risk, they will bring more passion and urgency to finding solutions (loorz, 2016). but is this necessarily the case? survey results from the u.s. indicate that teenagers are no more likely than adults to view climate change as an urgent problem, and do not view themselves as being at greater risk (flora & rosier-renouf, 2014). likewise, the young people polled globally on development priorities for the myworld 2015 survey ranked “action on climate change” dead last, giving much greater weight to education, health and jobs (united nations, 2013). since young people are no more likely to be climate activists than adults, what a younger generation possibly can bring is the energy that comes from working on their first campaigns and discovering for themselves the power of collective action. imatter’s founders believe that young people “don’t take no for an answer” and expect faster change than more seasoned activists (cocco-klein, 2015b). beyond motivation, there is the effect that children potentially have on adults. for imatter, the value of childand youth-led communication is based on the principal that love of and concern for children is something everyone shares. when children and young people discuss climate change it brings an emotional appeal to ‘do the right thing.’ children can urge behavior change in the lives of grown-ups who care for them in a way that other adults cannot (coccoklein, 2015b). children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 94 this rationale also emerges with the 4ca in the pacific islands. the 4ca project coordinator noted that children are able to “innocently challenge the mindsets of the adults in their communities” (cocco-klein, 2015a). these pragmatic reasons for engaging children in advocacy align with the recognition that decisions about climate change are rarely driven by rational choice alone. instead, human cognition and motivation have a strong role to play (weber, 2015). behaviorally, humans are primed to prioritize current risks over more distant threats, (pahl, sheppard, & boomsma, 2014) and likewise, political decision-making is more focused on present concerns than future problems (beckman, 2008). children can play an important role in motivating action by adults, by making the issue more immediate and personally relevant, the strategy used by imatter in their new city-based approach (cocco-klein, 2015b). risks to one’s own children are more likely to elicit action than appeals for generalized and hazy “future generations” (weber, 2015). children’s right to participate children’s vulnerability to climate change is not limited to future generations. with climate change already underway (ipcc, 2013), children are experiencing its effects now, directly through increased mortality and morbidity, and through a host of knock-on effects, from malnutrition to displacement (bartlett, 2008; unicef, 2015). children living in poverty face the greatest levels of risk, and climate change is increasingly recognized as a direct threat to the fulfillment of their rights to survival, development and protection (guillemot & burgess, 2014; gibbons, 2014). the un convention on the rights of the child establishes universal standards for the treatment and protection of children, and also commits countries to uphold children’s right to participation. the serious risks posed by climate change, coupled with a commitment to children’s rights, motivate “child-centered” approaches to adaptation (cabot venton, 2014). the 4ca program exemplifies this child-centered approach. plan international, working with the foundation for peoples of the south pacific international (fspi) funded education and community-based projects in communities at risk of extreme weather events and rising sea levels. primary school students and out-of-school adolescents received training on climate change and local impacts, and then worked with their communities to develop locally appropriate solutions (cocco-klein, 2015a). the 4ca project moved children away from being passive victims in the face of natural disasters and a changing environment to being active participants in building resilience. however, the right to participate on its own may not be enough to secure children’s rights in a changing climate. none of the 4ca community projects addressed the needs of children aged 0 to 5, who face the most severe threats to survival and well-being. an inter-sectional approach, which looks at the differing needs and resources of children alongside mothers of young children and other marginalized groups, may be more effective for community-based adaptation (bartlett, 2011; kaijser & kronsell, 2014). children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 95 in addition to community-based approaches to children’s participation, international organizations have promoted children’s right to participate in international climate meetings and negotiations. the first major forum for children was in 2009 at cop 15.2 the children’s climate forum, organized by unicef, brought young people from developed countries and at-risk countries to meet and work together for the first time (unicef, 2009). among them was alex loorz from imatter, who while in copenhagen, hatched the idea to organize a march by kids on washington, d.c. the single march on the capitol became 200 marches in 42 countries (cocco-klein, 2015b). since cop 15, children have participated in almost all unfcc negotiations, sometimes joining national delegations as youth representatives (gibbons, 2014), at other times participating in side events and briefings with decision-makers (joint framework initiative, 2014). this approach has helped to lift young people’s voice on the world stage and empowered an international cohort of young activists. children’s engagement also supports trans-localism: linking young people’s actions and building solidarity across countries (di chiro, 1997). however, the number of children who are able to participate in international negotiations and national leadership programs remains limited, and their influence on policies and plans is unclear. with the breakthrough paris agreement, agreed at cop 21, state parties were formally asked to consider children’s rights and intergenerational equity when taking action (unfccc, 2015).3 regrettably, it is in the non-binding portion of the agreement and stops short of holding states accountable for the protection of these rights (crin, 2015). nor does the historic agreement provide any specific mention of children’s potential to contribute to national mitigation and adaptation, indicating there is still some distance to go before the value of children’s participation on climate change is recognized at a global level. in summary, the two case studies present a range of reasons for empowering children as leaders on climate change. some of these reasons are normative and legal. others are guided by the belief that as the “generation most affected,” children should have a stake in policy discussions. what is striking is that both of the initiatives also cited pragmatic rationales, from children’s intrinsic energy and interest to their influence on adults. this dual approach, both normative and practical, likely reflects the unspoken concern that children’s participation is seen as “nice but not necessary.” in other words, children’s contributions are valued, but ultimately adults are seen as more effective agents of change. the following section goes to the heart of this concern, critically examining the extent to which children have achieved change. 2 the conference of parties (cop) is comprised of all state parties that have ratified the united nations framework convention on climate change (unfccc). 3 acknowledging that climate change is a common concern of humankind, parties should, when taking action to address climate change, respect, promote and consider their respective obligations on human rights, the right to health, the rights of indigenous peoples, local communities, migrants, children, persons with disabilities and people in vulnerable situations and the right to development, as well as gender equality, empowerment of women and intergenerational equity. children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 96 what contributions have child-led initiatives made to mitigation and adaptation? the mitigation learning curve: from riding bikes to policy advocacy imatter has focused largely on the challenge of mitigating climate change by reducing greenhouse gas emissions. the movement’s initial actions were geared towards raising awareness about the climate crisis and encouraging lifestyle changes by children and adults. alec loorz and the other children in imatter advocated for voluntary measures such as using less electricity at home and riding bikes instead of using cars (cocco-klein, 2016). however, as monitoring was not incorporated into the activities of imatter, it is difficult to gauge the extent to which the young people were able to foster behavior change and substantively reduce carbon emissions. even if measurement had been incorporated, it is widely recognized that voluntary actions are not sufficient to address climate change. as a “global commons problem,” government regulation is required to ensure that everyone, and not just the highly committed, reduces emissions (edenhofer et al., 2014; giddens, 2011). for the young activists in imatter, it became apparent that they needed to shift their advocacy away from individuals and towards elected officials. in short, they needed to become politically active (cocco-klein, 2015b). however, policy advocacy and political lobbying is a role not often associated with children. as they cannot legally vote or hold office, children generally are treated as “political actors in waiting” who can be educated about issues but not engaged as activists in their own right (skelton, 2010). reflecting this preconception, alec loorz’s initial request to be trained by vice-president gore’s climate reality project was turned down. eventually, as his activism gained prominence, alec received training and resources, and imatter’s advocacy shifted from local awareness and behavior change to marches and meetings with elected officials urging legislative action on climate change. however, the slow pace of political change was a source of frustration to the young activists. a meeting with our children’s trust in 2011 led to a dramatic shift in strategy. alec loorz and the other young activists, working with pro-bono lawyers, brought landmark lawsuits in all 50 states. in june 2015, the young plaintiffs had their first victory when a judge in washington state ordered the department of ecology to consider the most current science on climate change when regulating carbon dioxide emissions (our children's trust, 2015). the legal cases are evidence that even without formal political rights, children can play a critical role in policy advocacy, potentially achieving outcomes that adult activists working on their own have struggled to achieve. a new campaign, imatternow, was launched in 2015, which shifts the focus of advocacy away from federal and state levels to the municipal level. this shift is motivated by the belief that children are more effective advocates at the local level, and their impact is greatest when appealing to adults responsible for their wellbeing (cocco-klein, 2015b). this shifting, referred to as “venue shopping,” is a recognized tactic of political actors looking to find an arena where their interests will have the greatest traction (baumgartner & jones, 1991; stone, 2012). in each city, children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 97 young people design and lead their campaigns. at the national level, adults and youth provide mentoring to the city teams (cocco-klein, 2015b). in many ways, the new campaign mirrors the evolution of mainstream climate advocacy groups, such as 350.org and the citizens climate lobby, which are being increasingly called upon by donors to “move the needle on climate change” (coccoklein, 2015b)—that is, to demonstrate measurable results. this requires a degree of formalization and standardization that has not traditionally been the norm for ngos and social movements (giddens, 2011). each step of imatternow is organized around specific actions that children can take, culminating in the use of climate report cards. developed with input from iclei and national experts, the report cards enable children to review and rate their municipalities’ efforts to reduce carbon emissions. once completed, the report cards are presented at press events to mayors and councils, who, in turn, are asked to pass climate inheritance resolutions. as of the end of 2016, the imatter campaign was working with youth teams in 17 states and two canadian provinces (cocco-klein, 2015b). by early 2018, city councils in illinois, indiana and minnesota had committed to drastically reducing their carbon emissions (imatter, 2018). it is still too early to tell the impact that imatternow will have on local mitigation policy at scale, but by all indications they are meeting many of the criteria for successful political advocacy on the issue. the movement has a distinctly nonpartisan approach that aims to bypass the political polarization that has stymied progress on climate change in the u.s. (giddens, 2011). at the same time, the young activists are not just advancing their interests, but actively working to redefine the ideas and definitions around costs and benefits of mitigation, using not just arguments based on numbers and efficiency, but also through appeals to emotions and moral intuitions, a cornerstone of policy advocacy (stone, 2012). adaptation: the value of an inclusive approach with human-induced climate change already underway in regions around the world, there is an increasing focus on preparing for and responding to its impacts. in contrast with mitigation, which requires coordinated policies, adaptation is often more local in nature. it involves building the capacity of communities to deal with the current and future impacts of climate change (rumbach & kudva, 2011; field, barros, dokken, mach, & mastrandrea, 2014). the 4ca program in the pacific islands provides a way for children to contribute to these processes, while reducing their own vulnerability. this approach is rare. a review of adaptation actions around the world found that only 3 percent specifically mentioned vulnerable groups such as children, women and the elderly (berrang-ford, ford, & paterson, 2011). what does a child-led adaptation action entail? given the complex interplay of normal climate variability, long-term climate change and varying hazards across geographical sites, any adaption actions need to start with a clear understanding of these dynamics (field et al., 2014). a key element of 4ca was to provide significant education and training for young people. 4ca translated relatively new and complex climate science concepts into accessible materials for use in classrooms and in community-based settings (cocco-klein, 2015a). http://www.iclei.org/ children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 98 notably, these materials were also used by adult community members, who appreciated the simplification of often abstract climate science, and the tying of this science with specific, local impacts. for the pacific island communities, baseline knowledge was often low to begin with. for example, in the solomon islands, 90 percent of the community members at the outset of the project were not aware of climate change’s link to disasters, even as they lived with the impacts (cocco-klein, 2015). by facilitating access to scientific evidence and creating local knowledge, the childcentered initiatives contributed to empowering disadvantaged communities, an approach shared with the environmental justice movements (di chiro, 1997). a focus on education and local knowledge also contributes to “adaptive capacity,” the ability to learn from and adapt to environmental shocks and hazards (smit, burton, klein, & wandel, 2000). to do this requires learning, but also “reflexivity,” the ability to reflect on previous experiences, question assumptions and explore a wide range of potential solutions (matyas & pelling, 2014). adaptive capacity also requires inclusion in learning and decision-making by a diverse range of stakeholders (turner, et al., 2003; o'brien, hayward, & berkes, 2009). in facilitating a leadership position for children, 4ca also opened the door to the wider participation of other vulnerable community members including the elderly and the disabled. in fiji and tonga, partnerships with organizations for the disabled led to their active involvement in drills and other practical activities to prepare for disasters (cocco-klein, 2015a). this indicates a depth of inclusivity and not often seen in mainstream adaptation and resilience initiatives (adger, 2006). the education provided by 4ca laid the foundation for local adaptation actions by children. projects ranged from improved water collection and storage at schools on islands experiencing drought, to mangrove restoration and sea walls in communities dealing with rising sea levels and more intense cyclones. the smallscale projects are characteristic of “incremental adaptation”—investments that enable people and institutions to withstand the effects of a changing climate (field et al., 2014). in line with most adaptation initiatives, these projects address not just the long-term effects of climate change, but also more immediate environmental concerns (smit & wandel, 2006). there is a risk, however, that small projects may only make a dent in reducing the overall vulnerability experienced by children. to have a true impact, adaptation and resilience initiatives need to go beyond the school or household level and address the wider socio-environmental context in which children live (smit & wandel, 2006). 4ca nested the child-led projects within community development plans, which in turn were linked with the goals and targets of the national adaptation plans of action (cocco-klein, 2015a). by connecting with community and national strategies, the child-led projects contributed to broader societal adaptation. in summary, including children in broader community-based adaptation has benefits for both children and adults. at a pragmatic level, education and children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 99 information on climate change developed for children and adolescents will be more accessible to adults with low levels of education. this contributes to local knowledge and adaptive capacity. from a more transformative perspective, when community participation is opened up to girls and boys, other vulnerable groups such as the disabled and elderly can also find it easier to participate. this type of broad-based and inclusive approach is needed if there is to be equitable adaptation to climate change (adger, 2006). through connections with national adaptation plans or by linking with environmental networks, even small-scale child-led projects can make real contributions to a sustainable future. conclusion with the impacts of climate change already underway, and global progress potentially stalling with the decision by the u.s. to withdraw from the paris climate agreement, it is critically important that we rethink how we communicate about and address this global threat. as giddens notes in the politics of climate change, “we do not as yet have a developed analysis of the political innovations that have yet to be made if our aspirations to limit global warming are to be made real” (giddens, 2011, p. 4). bringing in the fresh perspective and energy of young people is an innovation that has proven to bear results, as the experience of imatter and 4ca illustrate. children’s participation and leadership is an effective strategy that can contribute to limiting global warming and spur adaptation. a review of the reasons for engaging children as leaders on climate change shows that children have a unique voice in mitigation and adaptation efforts. as representatives of the “generation most-affected” and of “future generations,” child advocates can exert moral pressure on political leaders and defend their interests in court. along similar lines, human rights-based approaches emphasize children’s right to contribute to the decisions that will affect their lives. at the community level, enabling children’s participation also helps to open the door to other groups who are disproportionately at-risk in a changing climate, including the disabled and elderly. children’s participation fosters adaptive capacity through education and local knowledge on climate science that is widely accessible. in addition to their unique voice, children have a unique status within families and society. this status can help to overcome the steep psychological and sociological barriers to changing beliefs and behaviors linked with climate change. likewise, children can reframe policy arguments, away from the focus on nature and environment that characterized the early green movements, towards a focus on the human costs (giddens, 2011). this is particularly the case at local level, where children can make appeals to the adults directly responsible for their well-being. public policy debates at their heart are about defining costs and benefits; how big are the costs or benefits, and who wins and who loses? (stone, 2012) by including children in these debates, it becomes more difficult to discount the future costs of inaction. samantha cocco-klein is a ph.d. candidate in public and urban policy at the milano school for international affairs, management, and urban policy at the new children’s leadership on climate change: what can we learn from child-led… 100 school university. she also serves as senior advisor to equity for children. prior to joining the new school, she worked for over 15 years as an advocate for children and international development specialist with unicef, the un and international rescue committee in countries around the world. beatrice mauger is associate director of equity for children, a research and advocacy initiative for children. prior to joining equity for children, she worked as a development and alumni affairs consultant for teach for america, helping to provide children in underserved communities in new york with a quality education. beatrice graduated from the new school’s studley graduate program in international affairs. references adger, w. n. 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(2003). a framework for vulnerability analysis in sustaianbility science. proceedings of the national academy of sciences, 8074–8079. unfccc (2015). paris agreement. retrieved from http://unfccc.int/files/essential_background/convention/application/pdf/engli sh_paris_agreement.pdf unicef (2009). media advisory: children’s climate forum. retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/media/media_51907.html unicef (2015). unless we act now: the impact of climate change on children. new york: unicef. united nations (2013). myworld analytics. retrieved from http://data.myworld2015.org/ weber, e. u. (2015). climate change demands behavioural change: what are the challenges. social research, 82(3), 561-580. http://unfccc.int/files/essential_background/convention/application/pdf/english_paris_agreement.pdf http://unfccc.int/files/essential_background/convention/application/pdf/english_paris_agreement.pdf https://www.unicef.org/media/media_51907.html http://data.myworld2015.org/ login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: designing for kids: creating for playing, learning, and growing 159 designing for kids: creating for playing, learning, and growing krystyna castella (2019) abingdon, oxfordshire, uk: routledge, taylor & francis group, 466 pages $42.36 usd (ebook); isbn: 9781315266015 $42.36 usd (paperback); isbn 9781138290761 $168.00 (hardback); isbn: 9781138290754 krystyna castella—author, designer, and professor of industrial design and business at california’s artcenter college of design—offers an admirable and comprehensive roadmap in designing for kids. drawing on insights from experts across a range of disciplines, she argues that “understanding the developmental and cultural needs of children and teens helps designers make more informed decisions” (p. 1). she advocates for a deep understanding of the various stages of child development and children’s everyday experiences in relation to parenting styles, gender, generational divides, economic constraints, safety, sustainability and cultural expressions. designing for kids offers a crash course for answering myriad questions about child development and childhood today. here are only a few: how do colors and materials influence children’s preferences and choices? what legal issues arise in children’s markets? what’s the best way of engaging kids in design processes? what does play-testing or co-design look like? how do kids and adults experience their built environments differently? what kinds of environments help children learn? how can designers help advocate for the rights of children to play? with over 150 full-color images, varied layout and content, this book will appeal to a wide range of readers. the text is divided into three broad sections, the first being “the design process,” which provides designers with a veritable toolkit of research strategies and methodological approaches. the following section, “child development,” explores physical, emotional and cognitive changes young people (infants, toddlers, younger children, older children and adolescents) experience as they grow up. “childhood today,” the final section, explores children’s everyday experiences, using a sociological lens. chapter 9, “children’s media and technology,” offers a constructive contribution to current debates about childfriendly design. it highlights the rise of social media and internet communications, which are indelibly changing young people’s lives. understanding how these new technologies will continue to alter the landscape of childhood is crucial for designers now and into the future. with the inclusion of small case studies, nearly 100 interviews (with advocates, researchers, industry experts and designers), plus design prompts and discussion questions, the book offers plenty of takeaways for practitioners. throughout, a key message is the importance of involving children themselves in design processes. this participation can manifest in several ways, depending on a project’s nature. designers can involve children in a non-intrusive manner by book review: designing for kids: creating for playing, learning, and growing 160 merely unobtrusively observing their behavior while they play, for example, or can work with them directly, through play-testing or even co-design. not only does the participation of children help designers make better-informed decisions, but under the right circumstances, children can find this type of participation engaging and empowering. young people can be inventive, uninhibited, and unpredictable (even unforgiving), as castella tells her readers (p. 8). designers are to be mindful that their projects celebrate young people’s capacity to learn and grow, as well as teach the adults in their lives about serious fun, humor and play. the importance of incorporating knowledge from outside one’s own expertise is another key lesson of the book. it is challenging to be well-versed in environmental design, materials, design and safety standards, child development and psychology, educational outcomes, interactive media, plus business and marketing. designers can certainly consult with experts, however—including children, themselves. while designing for kids is an excellent resource, there are some curious limitations. the first chapter reaches some 120 pages in length, followed by eight chapters, each less than half that size—an odd structure. that first chapter bundles together various research and design subjects, which could easily have been separated. the book also seems to end somewhat abruptly. a concluding chapter could have helped the collection draw to a close more smoothly and perhaps even featured questions to help guide professional practice and research going forward. these observations aside, designing for kids is extensive and thorough. fortunately, the index provides a quick way to search for and access topics. overall, designing for kids is a valuable and versatile resource spanning the design of products (toys and games) and the design of spaces children inhabit (home spaces, community places, playgrounds, educational spaces, and spaces for “edutainment”). industrial designers, interior designers, architects, landscape architects and urban planners—all will find useful insights. both accessible and readable, designing for kids will also help many others (parents, teachers, early childhood educators, and anyone working with children) understand how they can be part of providing more safe, inclusive, child-friendly spaces. review by matt gowdar and rae st. clair bridgman matt gowdar is completing his master of city planning degree at the university of manitoba. his research interests include heritage planning and the adaptive reuse of historically significant buildings. rae st. clair bridgman is a professor in the department of city planning at the university of manitoba. her research explores child-friendly cities, playful cities, and architectural & building toys. she is also the author and illustrator of fantasyadventure books for kids. film review: ciudad grande (big city) 180 ciudad grande (big city) a film by tuline gülgönen and ana álvarez (2017). mexico city: center of mexican and central american studies and the french embassy in mexico. 31 minutes. https://ciudad-grande-documental.tumblr.com what we know of mexico city, a megacity of nine million people, tends to be gained from socio-spatial descriptors: congestion, population, density, air pollution, crime. yet here, in the 31-minute film ciudad grande, producers/directors tuline gülgönen and ana álvarez set out to show us how children observe and experience the city, through the eyes of five sets of children living in vastly different delegations of the city. in so doing, they show us poignant vignettes not only of the challenges of their lives, but also the opportunities and potentials of the city as a place for children. the film is loosely organized into three sections that juxtapose children’s experiences moving about, playing in public spaces, and experiencing nature in the city. our entry to mexico city looks like this: riding the bus through the maze of mexico city traffic while reading aloud the advertisements and store names we pass by. chipping icy fruit treats with a wrench in a worn colonial courtyard. kicking a ball in a quiet street with the backdrop of dogs barking and the green hills above iztapalapa. scootering through the tree-lined and cobbled streets of coyoacán. roller-blading through the smooth tile halls of a high-rise, talking through a walkie-talkie to mom. in the first five minutes, we see just how different these children’s experiences are. the producers’ technique of using drones to zoom in and out from children’s experiences helps us to witness children’s lives not only from the child’s perspective but also from the urban context in which they live. these aerial views give a sense of the urban form, greenery, topography, and density of each neighborhood and help us relate this context directly to children’s experiences of the city. this technique also helps us transition from one zone of the city to another. we leave the social play of children in a colonial courtyard playing a hand-clap game, laughing as they sing, “my school, my home, the world!” and move to the isolation of life in the high rise with one girl peering through plate glass windows out at the megacity saying, “here there is a swimming pool, two jacuzzis, and a changing room.” through the plate glass, we see an empty pool; an outdoor courtyard with glass walls several stories high separates the development from its surrounding community. https://ciudad-grande-documental.tumblr.com/ film review: ciudad grande (big city) 181 what was documented in 1980 by berg and medrich—that children in more affluent neighborhoods within the city of oakland, california, were more isolated in their play than children in a more degraded but socially networked part of the city— continues to be true in many cities today. in ciudad grande, we see this in the experiences of a child in the isolation of her high rise; children being escorted through streets, by bus, by car, by family members; and children who are able to move about on their own. these variations lead to different experiences of the city: watching the city through the windows of a bus; making a pretend call from the phone on the sidewalk as you pass by; playing ball with a friend until someone tells you “watch out: someone is watching you.” there is no one city, only distinct experiences of it. producer tuline gülgönen has also studied children’s experiences of the street and public spaces with colleague yolanda corona. together, they describe children in more affluent neighborhoods having significantly less independent mobility than children in a less affluent one. in ciudad grande, we experience these differences directly and profoundly. in their research, gülgönen and corona (2015) also found that children’s ideal vision of the city was one with extensive nature. the aerial views in the film help us to see the greenery and topography of each delegation, and children’s small scale experiences of this nature: from the boys who hang a sign that reads “take care of the plants” next to a playground with a single bush, to the mature greenery of an expansive part in coyoacán. as the film comes to an end we are left with a profound sense of the distinct ways children navigate the city. the child in coyoacán cries from his carseat: “i want to walk, i want to walk.” we see playground equipment decades old and abandoned amid the cars and traffic. we are left with a sense of the mysteries and diversity of a city as big, old, and complex as mexico city. this film is produced with little dialogue except for the words of the children themselves. there is no adult commentary or translation of children’s experiences into an academic language of children’s environments. it is not until the end of the film that we learn the names of the children and the districts where they live. by allowing us to experience the city along with these children, we see both the universality of children’s experiences and desires as well as the distinct character and affordances of each place. the documentary, produced in spanish with english subtitles, will be useful for scholars, planners, and designers interested in children’s experiences of independent mobility, safety, play, and megacities. as good art can, the film leaves you with rich imagery and questions to ponder. perhaps the film’s only limitation is that it is not accompanied by more information about these places. the mexico city novice may be left wanting more. but this is perhaps a good problem to have, and producer ana álvarez and colleagues (2006, p. 353) posed a series of questions that can apply to this film as well: how do these images feed into your perception film review: ciudad grande (big city) 182 of the “authentic” place? what cultural dimensions do you recognize? to this list i would add: what is universal to the childhood experience? what is specific? for it is here that this film sits—providing us imagery of the city, authentic places that are very much distinct, and yet, through their elegant juxtapositions, showing us also what is shared amidst the beauty and plights of childhood. review by victoria derr victoria derr is assistant professor of environmental studies at california state university monterey bay, where her teaching and research focus on the intersections between people and places, with specific interest in children and their environments, sustainable communities, place-based environmental education, and social justice. for more than 20 years, victoria has engaged children, youth, and communities in participatory research in both rural and urban settings with tribal, spanish land grant, and recent immigrant communities, and in international settings. she holds a masters and ph.d. from yale university. references álvarez, a., rojas loa, v., & von wissel, c. (2006). citamblers: the incidence of the remarkable. mexico city: cultura sin fondos. berg, m. & medrich, e. a. (1980). children in four neighborhoods: the physical environment and its effect on play and play patterns. environment and behavior 12(3), 320-348. gülgönen, t. & corona, y. (2015). children’s perspectives on their urban environment and their appropriation of public spaces in mexico city. children, youth and environments, 25(2), 208-228. directors’ response ciudad grande (big city) is a documentary that aims to portray the relationships children of different ages and social backgrounds have with urban public space. this work is part of a larger project called “urban public spaces for children in mexico city,” facilitated by the center of mexican and central american studies (cemca) and financed by the french embassy in mexico. the urban public spaces project aims to unveil the status of children in the city through the study of the public spaces with which they interact. the first phase of the project consisted of research on public spaces for children in the city and an analysis of relevant policies and programs (gülgönen, 2017). the second phase produced this documentary. big city follows children of different ages and living areas to show it is impossible to speak of a singular childhood experience of the city but rather of multiple experiences. the shooting of the documentary was based on previous guided tours led by the children themselves through the spaces they inhabit on daily basis. some film review: ciudad grande (big city) 183 of their comments through these guided tours were included as voice over in the documentary but apart from that, the documentary doesn't include direct interviews. it rather works in their perspectives visually. we found that the use of this audiovisual format allowed us to depict the different dimensions of children’s daily life, which have to do not only with the physical and social conditions of space but also with the children’s height—the level at which they can actually perceive their surroundings with their eyes. we aimed to contrast this particular point of view with aerial shots of the city that allow us to frame these singular experiences into the social and spatial issues of the areas in which the children move. the use of shifting viewpoints also shows that a megalopolis has multiple facets and experiences: on one side, the profound social inequalities of a fragmented city and on the other, the different problems that contribute to the exclusion of children in urban spaces. the documentary also shows that despite all these obstacles, children have the capacity to turn the city into a space for play. this film was screened for the first time in december 2017 to an audience of children, including those who participated in the documentary. since then, it has been screened at different film festivals, universities, and professional symposia. it was also part of the international exhibition “the playground project,” curated by gabriela burkhalter and presented at the bundeskunsthalle in bonn, germany. references bundeskunsthalle (2018). the playground project. kunstund ausstellungshalle der bundesrepublik deutschland gmbh. available from https://www.bundeskunsthalle.de/ausstellungen/playground-project.html gülgönen, t. (2017). jugar la ciudad: reimaginar los espacios públicos urbanos de juego. mexico city: cemca/laboratorio para la ciudad. available from https://issuu.com/labcdmx/docs/jugarlaciudad https://www.bundeskunsthalle.de/ausstellungen/playground-project.html https://issuu.com/labcdmx/docs/jugarlaciudad book review: placemaking with children and youth: participatory practices… 144 placemaking with children and youth: participatory practices for planning sustainable communities victoria derr, louise chawla, and mara mintzer (2018) new york: new village press, 416 pages $40 paperback; isbn: 978-1613321003 this is a rich resource for those interested in exploring young people’s perspectives on their communities, based on several years of rigorous academic and practicebased research. it begins by outlining a solid theoretical argument for engaging children and youth in sustainable participatory projects, and goes on to present researchers and practitioners with detailed guidelines for realizing potential projects and affecting change. underpinning the importance of engaging children and youth in this participatory practice are two objectives: recognition of their rights under the un convention on the rights of the child, and ensuring sustainability in urban development. these are both laudable and challenging aspirations, but as things stand for the future of the earth, essential. recent figures on climate change present a very bleak picture for today’s children and youth who will face the consequences of maintaining the status quo, and young people are acutely aware of this. in some cases, young people are asserting their need to engage in participatory planning programs so as to avoid what greta thunberg calls, “bad ideas that got us into this mess.”1 the publication of this book is timely, coinciding with these growing concerns around the future sustainability of the earth and a body of work advocating research on young people’s everyday geographies and spatialities (e.g., hackett, proctor, & seymour, 2017; aitken, 2018; smith & mills, 2019), with a focus on the value of participatory practice in sustainable urbanism (christensen et al., 2018). this discussion is manifest in urban planning programs such as arup’s cities alive: designing for urban childhoods (2017) and the bernard van leer foundation’s urban95 program. the book is framed by the un convention on the rights of the child, which outlines young people’s participatory rights. child friendly cities are identified as a template that gives expression to their rights under the convention, while placemaking is defined as “the participatory act of imagining and creating places with other people” (p. 2). it is useful to attempt to offer some clarity on these concepts at a time when questions have been raised around how the child friendly city is interpreted by city authorities (voce, 2018), and the objectives of those engaged in placemaking projects are being interrogated (fincher, pardy, & shaw, 2016). the ethics of conducting participatory programs are discussed in great detail with the onus placed on ensuring the empowerment of the participants. the book then shifts into the communities of children and youth, and readers are urged to begin 1thunberg speaking at cop 24, un climate change conference, katowice, poland, 2018 book review: placemaking with children and youth: participatory practices… 145 any project by developing an in-depth understanding of the local community with whom they are engaging. the bulk of the book describes methods for participatory research and practice that are quite diverse, including arts-based practices from collage to video making and more traditional methods such as interviews and questionnaires. working on site is encouraged and the methods here include child-led tours, “bioblitzes” and map making. each process is described in considerable detail, ensuring suggested approaches are readily adaptable to prospective projects. perhaps more use of digital technologies as a method for capturing young people’s experiences might have been an interesting addition for today’s generation. the book describes case studies across six continents. the focus throughout is on sustainability, and the authors give space to projects that address climate change, transport, flooding and housing, as well as incorporate play and playfulness. examples of successful projects range from children working to improve informal housing settlements in south africa, to a participatory video project on responses to climate change in the philippines. these discussions are vivid and thought provoking, and many of the more innovative methods presented offer scope for profound insights into the everyday lives of children and youth. the authors do not shy away from acknowledging the challenges and difficulties of realizing the outcomes of participatory urban projects. the importance of allocating time, often many months and sometimes even several years, and of being aware that these projects are in fact dynamic and will evolve, is discussed. readers are advised to avoid assuming participatory sustainable planning projects can mold to a “one size fits all” (p. 11) approach, and reminded that affecting change often meets with many obstacles. however, persistence is encouraged, as engaging children and youth who are listened to and “treated as valued guides” (p. 279) is a crucial step towards developing sustainable communities. this book is an excellent guide to participatory sustainable planning, presented as a celebration of children, youth, the knowledge they have to share with us, and the possibilities for creating a more sustainable world when we work with them. references aitken, s. c. (2018). children’s geographies: tracing the evolution and involution of a concept. geographical review, 108(1), 3-23. doi:10.1111/gere.12289. arup (2017). cities alive: designing for urban childhoods. retrieved from https://www.arup.com/perspectives/publications/research/section/citiesalive-designing-for-urban-childhoods bernard van leer foundation. urban95. retrieved from https://bernardvanleer.org/solutions/urban95/ https://search-proquest-com.ucd.idm.oclc.org/indexinglinkhandler/sng/au/aitken,+stuart+c/$n?accountid=14507 https://www.arup.com/perspectives/publications/research/section/cities-alive-designing-for-urban-childhoods https://www.arup.com/perspectives/publications/research/section/cities-alive-designing-for-urban-childhoods https://bernardvanleer.org/solutions/urban95/ book review: placemaking with children and youth: participatory practices… 146 christensen, p., hadfield-hill, s., horton, j. & kraftl, p. (2018). children living in sustainable built environments: new urbanisms, new citizens. london: routledge. fincher, r., pardy, m. & shaw, k. (2106). place-making of place-masking? the everyday occurrence of ‘making place.’ planning, theory and practice, 17(4), 516-536. https://doi.org/10.1080/14649357.2016.1217344. hackett, a., proctor, l. & seymour, j. (eds.) (2017). children’s spatialities: embodiment, emotion and agency. london: palgrave macmillan. smith, d. p. & mills, s. (2019). the ‘youth-fullness’ of youth geographies: ‘coming of age’? children’s geographies, 17(1), 1-8 https://doi.org/10.1080/14733285.2018.1539701. voce, a. (2018, august 21). redesigning cities for kids risks squeezing out poorer families. apolitical. retrieved from https://bit.ly/2ql8l0k review by jackie bourke dr. jackie bourke lectures in the department of geography, university college, dublin. she received her ph.d. in children’s urban geographies from the technical university, dublin. her research interests focus on the everyday experience of urban public space and the synergies between arts-based practices and academic research. https://doi.org/10.1080/14649357.2016.1217344 https://doi.org/10.1080/14733285.2018.1539701 children claim the naturalization of their schoolyard: the participatory creation of the outdoor class (place) as a pedagogical tool for empowerment and emancipation  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 young children claiming their connection with nonhuman nature in their schoolground irida tsevreni anna tigka department of early childhood education university of thessaly volos, greece citation: tsevreni, i., & tigka, a. (2018). young children claiming their connection with nonhuman nature in their schoolground. children, youth and environments, 28(1), 119-127. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this field report examines whether connection with nature was a priority for the young children attending an environmental education program in a greek day nursery and the ways these children were involved in the “naturalization” of their schoolground. the report presents recommendations and pedagogical guidelines for a place-based approach to environmental education programs that includes young children’s connection with nonhuman nature in their immediate environment. it is argued that children’s connection with nonhuman nature in their schoolgrounds will not be established through official channels or conventional educational structures, but claimed by the children and their educational communities. keywords: environmental education, young children, schoolgrounds, place-based education, greece http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi young children claiming their connection with nonhuman nature… 120 place-based environmental education that connects children with nonhuman nature in this field report, we explore the potential for the participatory design of schoolgrounds to serve as a pedagogical empowerment tool that can contribute to children’s connection with nonhuman nature. we also attempt to identify some essential pedagogical principles and methods for environmental education programs focused on place-based teaching and learning. the children-nature relationship is not a new concept in pedagogy. nature played a major role in rousseau’s pedagogical ideas and in the work of great pedagogues such as fröbel and steiner (knight, 2013). current trends in early childhood education, such as nature preschools and forest kindergartens, underline nonhuman nature as an important factor for young children’s holistic development and the empowerment of their environmental consciousness (sobel, 2016). today, children who grow up in the urban centers of developed countries are often alienated from nonhuman nature and are less likely to enjoy the benefits of children-nature bonds, including development of their body, mind and spirit, improvement of their physical and mental health, reduction of stress and empowerment of environmental consciousness (elliott, 2010; wilson 2008). in this analysis, we approach the children-nature relationship under the lens of place-based environmental education. the “children in nature movement” has emphasized the need for children’s return to nature (louv, 2005). however, it has been recently criticized from a posthuman stance regarding its romantic, anthropocentric and class dimensions (dickinson, 2013; malone, truong & gray, 2017). responding to the challenges of the anthropocene, new pedagogical trends based on posthumanism have recently revealed the need to overcome the animal/human and nature/culture dichotomies and our hyper-separation from the nonhuman nature (malone, 2016). they also reposition children “within the heterogeneous and interdependent multi-species common world in which we all live” (taylor & pacini-ketchabaw, 2015, p. 507) and focus on the kinds of learning and coexistence when children meet with their nonhuman others in their everyday multispecies environment. contemporary school systems tend to take little notice of place’s pedagogical potential (gruenewald, 2003a; orr, 2013). however, a school’s place is pedagogical as it is a means of experience that teaches us about the world and how our lives fit into the spaces we occupy (gruenewald, 2003a). in the current research, we were inspired by a critical environmental education approach that uses place and space as an educational tool for critical inquiry, participation, collaboration, empowerment and change (gruenewald, 2003b; tsevreni, 2011; tsevreni & bentenidi, 2013). today, due to the limited environmental experiences of urban children, schoolgrounds are increasingly one of the few sites where children can engage in environmental learning, providing a basis for real-life environmental experiences and activating their natural curiosity (malone & tranter, 2003a). in recent years, schoolgrounds research has grown and some studies reveal schoolgrounds as pedagogical tools to enrich children’s real-life natural experiences and promote their young children claiming their connection with nonhuman nature… 121 environmental learning and cognition, along with their contact with nature (dyment, 2005; malone & tranter, 2003b; rickinson & sanders, 2005). schoolgrounds are empowering and can contribute to child-to-child activity and learning, as well as children’s engagement with the “extraordinary restorative power of nature” (moore & wong, 1997, p. 199). the schoolground can be a place that encourages children’s participation, reinforces the development of the “whole child,” creates a collaborative and self-learning environment, cultivates cooperation and solidarity, and reconnects children with nature (moore & wong, 1997). children’s interactions with their environment can support experiential learning as well, as children participate in knowledge co-construction (vygotsky, 1980) and improvement of their environment. it can also develop children’s environmental consciousness and the need to care for the planet (hart, 1997). through highly vegetated green schoolgrounds children can engage with many environmental subjects such as biodiversity, food production and renewable energy (danks, 2010). we investigate here whether young children that attended a day nursery environmental education program had an authentic need for connection with nonhuman nature. we also claim that the “naturalization” of children’s everyday environments will most likely not be established through official channels, urban planners and the formal educational system. on the contrary, we demonstrate it will be implemented by children and educational communities, and the pedagogical process itself will educate the participants in democratic processes. research methodology the environmental education program was conducted by the educator/researcher and her class of 15 children aged 4 years old, at a day nursery in volos, greece, during the 2015-2016 school year. the aim of the program was to connect children to the outdoor environment, to involve them in the design process and to research the potential of young children to participate in the improvement of their immediate environment. the implementation of the program was based on action research as it connects education with emancipatory ideals and promotes change (kemmis, 2006). furthermore, it is an ideal method in environmental education through which children can be involved in critical inquiry, participation and action for environmental improvement and develop a social and political consciousness (hart, 1997). various participatory planning methods were used to interpret young children’s ideas and encourage their participation (cele, 2006; hart, 1997), including brainstorming, photography, walks in the schoolground, discussions and collaborative drawings, modelling and creation of a scale model presenting the children’s schoolground vision (tigka, 2017). the environmental education program evolved in three action research cycles: a) detection of children’s needs and ideas and development of a collaborative vision; b) creation of a scale model, presentation of children’s ideas in the school community, and discussion with adults; and c) action for and participation in changes. young children claiming their connection with nonhuman nature… 122 the children participated in every stage of the research process, expressing and communicating their ideas, creating a common vision and working together with adults to improve it. children benefited in various ways from their participation in the educational program, including the development of critical thought, communication skills, and empowerment (tigka, 2017). we investigated whether children’s connection with nonhuman nature was a priority for them in their everyday school environment by implementing a secondary analysis of some primary research data (heaton, 2004), based on the following research question: “was the connection with nonhuman nature an authentic need of children for their everyday school environment?” the selected data analyzed included interviews with children and educators, children’s creations regarding their vision, and the educator/researcher research diary. since we had not indicated to the children in the study that they should include nonhuman nature (plants, animals, natural elements, green spaces, etc.) in any phase of the participatory design, we thought that it would be very interesting to return to our research data and to investigate whether young children desired a relationship with nonhuman nature without any adult/educator instructions. if so, in what ways did they claim that connection? findings and discussion in the following pages we examine children’s desired and claimed connection with nonhuman nature and offer recommendations and pedagogical guidelines for placebased environmental education. children’s desired and claimed connection with nonhuman nature in their schoolground as compared to other elements of their surroundings, the children emphasized their need for contact with nonhuman nature. in particular, they asked for plants, animals and natural elements in their schoolground (tigka, 2017). as indicated in table 1, the majority of children’s ideas reflected their desire to connect with nonhuman nature. table 1. children’s ideas for their schoolground nonhuman nature natural elements (water, soil) nonhuman beings (trees, flowers, dogs, birds, snails, fish, ants) colors a colorful rainbow painted on the wall colorful railings at the schoolground outdoor reading an outdoor library the young children’s expression and communication of their ideas led to the creation of a common vision that empowered them to negotiate with adults, and encouraged them to take action and make changes in the schoolground young children claiming their connection with nonhuman nature… 123 collaboratively with the teachers and the school staff. the children planted flowers in the garden and took care of the existing plants. they also experienced water through a water trough placed in the schoolground, where they could explore water’s relaxing and sensory properties. finally, they constructed bird feeders and placed outside vessels with water and food for animals (figure 1) (tigka, 2017). figure 1. the young children planted flowers and attracted birds children and adults collaboratively planned and created a schoolground, where nonhuman nature was not only the main element, but also an educative tool for creative play, environmental learning, collaboration and development of empathy for the natural world. together, the children and adults planted flowers, played with water and cared for animals. by designing and changing their schoolground, the young children’s environmental awareness was promoted, and they were encouraged to develop an outdoor classroom where they could coexist with nonhuman nature. place became an educational tool that promoted children’s bonding with their immediate environment and active contribution towards improvement. the children claimed and were successful in “naturalizing” their schoolground, not through ambitious schoolground plans or spectacular and expensive changes, but with collective, collaborative, handmade solutions that transformed their everyday environment into a creative and valuable green place. they were participants in democratic dialogues, decisions and planning, undertook collaborative action and claimed environmental experiences and learning. young children claiming their connection with nonhuman nature… 124 recommendations and pedagogical guidelines for place-based environmental education that emphasizes children’s connection with nonhuman nature we suggest the main challenge in designing a participatory project with young children is finding ways to facilitate their free expression and communication of ideas, experiences and feelings and to empower their self-confidence and ability to connect with and manage their immediate environment. indeed, children can participate as equal partners if participatory models of collaboration are encouraged. this story of an environmental education program founded in a participatory approach that supported young children’s engagement in creation of their outdoor classroom suggests some pedagogical and methodological recommendations: inquiry into and observation of children’s need to connect with nonhuman nature the “naturalization” of children’s everyday environment should not be imposed on children by fixed, pre-existing plans. in the program presented here, contact with nonhuman nature emerged as a need for children through their participation in the improvement of their schoolground. this detail is extremely important if we are concerned with contributing to the development of young citizens, who identify and claim their needs. it is the first and vital step of an educational path towards children’s empowerment. reinforcement of children’s coexistence with nonhuman nature the participatory design of a schoolground can include adults’ trust in children’s need for interaction with nonhuman nature. in our study, the children showed instinctive interest and experienced strong feelings for plants and animals, as well as for natural elements. the schoolgrounds themselves can serve as pedagogical tools, where educators empower children’s bond with nonhuman nature and work against the separateness from the nonhuman natural world that more formal educational systems force (malone, 2016). ideally, this could be achieved by providing children with both the opportunity and responsibility to create circumstances for connection with nonhuman nature. through the environmental educational program, the children claimed their bond with nonhuman nature, expressed their needs, and acted to care for plants and animals, and played with elements such as soil and water. the use of appropriate pedagogical methodology the combination of action research with participatory planning methods was an ideal methodology for young children’s empowerment and participation. through action research, children and adults worked through a cyclical process of planning, action and reflection, and became emboldened to make changes in their educational praxis while transforming their schoolground. the children reacted positively to the selected participatory methods; for example, they were excited with methods that included drawing, photography, play dough and the development of a scale model. the use of multiple methods ensured the participation of each child, according to his/her abilities and preferences. however, it is worthwhile young children claiming their connection with nonhuman nature… 125 noting the challenges for children working with methods such as group discussion and decisions. difficulties in expressing and negotiating their needs were sometimes apparent. this was a new approach that they had never experienced before as equal partners. nonetheless, as researchers we understand the use of participatory methods with children in action research to be invaluable for the creation of more democratic and more inclusive/child-centered educational programs. empowerment through collaboration the environmental education projects were child-centered, but implemented in collaboration with adults (teachers, schoolmasters, school staff and parents). we argue that taking an intergenerational, place-based educational approach contributed to improved appreciation of the schoolground as well as intergenerational solidarity (mannion, adey, & lynch, 2010). the children became empowered and the teachers evaluated the need for a more democratic pedagogy that invited children to participate as researchers and equal partners in the authentic issues of their immediate environment. concluding remarks within more formal educational systems that preclude multiple avenues for connection with nonhuman nature, the “naturalization” of children’s everyday environment may be difficult to establish through official routes. we argue that it can be more readily established through an educational approach based on children’s empowerment and the educational community’s democratic selforganization. as a community of environmental educators and researchers, we should find ways to enable children’s participation in their immediate environment and to support the vital role they can play in their everyday communities. this may be achieved if we broaden our perspectives, take into account the potential for incorporating children’s immediate environment within the teaching and learning process, and include children in place-based environmental programs aimed at empowerment and change. acknowledgements we would like to thank the children, the teachers and the headmistress of the nursery school “ariadne” in volos for their participation and support of the research. irida tsevreni is an assistant professor at the department of early childhood education, university of thessaly, greece. her research interests include environmental education, critical pedagogy, children's participation and the humannature relationship. anna tigka is a preschool teacher in a nursery school in volos, greece. she holds a diploma in early childhood education and a master’s degree from the department of early childhood education of the university of thessaly on pedagogical play and educational material. young children claiming their connection with nonhuman nature… 126 references cele, s. (2006). communicating place: methods for understanding children’s experience of place. stockholm: stockholm studies in human geography stockholm universitet. danks, s. g. (2010). asphalt to ecosystems: design ideas for schoolyard transformation. oakland, ca: new village press. dickinson, e. (2013). the misdiagnosis: rethinking “nature-deficit disorder.” environmental communication: a journal of nature and culture, 7(3), 315335. dyment, j. e. (2005). green school grounds as sites for outdoor learning: barriers and opportunities. international research in geographical and environmental education, 14(1), 28-45. elliott, s. (2010). children in the natural world. in j. m. davis (ed.), young children and the environment, early education for sustainability (pp. 43-75). cambridge: cambridge university press. gruenewald, d. a. (2003a). foundations of place: a multidisciplinary framework for place-conscious education. american educational research journal, 40(3), 619-654. gruenewald, d. a. 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(2008). nature and young children encouraging creative play and learning in natural environments. london/new york: routledge. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(2), 2021 changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth in northern kenya roy van anda brett l. bruyere jonathan salerno human dimensions of natural resources, colorado state university alfonso lengima vivian alinta apin yasin samburu youth education fund, archer’s post, samburu, kenya citation: van anda, r., bruyere, b. l., salerno, j., lengima, a., alinta, v., & yasin, a. (2021). changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth in northern kenya. children, youth and environments, 31(2), 34-53. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract impacts on rangeland health as a result of climate change, land fragmentation, and modernization continues to threaten pastoral livelihoods and ecosystem processes around the world. in response, more and more pastoral youth are enrolled in formal education, with hopes of diversifying their future incomes with non-pastoral employment. as youth spend more time in the classroom and less time herding, perceptions and values of traditional pastoral livelihoods may be changing, which may directly affect local grazing pressures and local rangeland health. using a game-like scenario methodology, this study measured perceptions and values of traditional pastoral livelihoods and non-traditional contemporary income-earning opportunities among formally educated youth of samburu, kenya. results found all student groups generally aspired to destock their herds and diversify their incomes. male students showed some tendency to restock following favorable conditions, and students with more years of formal education tended to destock the most. implications of the findings on the future of pastoralism is discussed, including potential effects on livestock holdings, and the possibility that formal education can lead to changes in rangeland condition. keywords: pastoralism, kenya, samburu, livelihood diversification, formal education http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 35 introduction the rangelands of sub-saharan africa are a valuable but threatened resource, supporting a variety of wildlife populations alongside pastoral communities that manage herds of sheep, goats, camels, and cattle. like other pastoral communities around the world, the samburu (italicized refers to samburu as a tribe; nonitalicized refers to the geographic location) of northern kenya face several complex socio-ecological changes: climate change, human population growth, land tenure change, and fragmentation, among others (reid, fernández-giménez, & galvin, 2014). these factors contribute to the frequency and severity of many challenges, including drought, disease, tribal conflict, human-wildlife conflict, and rangeland degradation, all of which directly threaten the long-term viability of pastoralism in the region (comesa, 2009; opiyo, wasonga, nyangito, schilling, & munang, 2015). rangeland health in particular has become a focal point for many conservation projects in regions such as kenya, where 84 percent of the land mass is classified as drylands and some reports estimate that 70 percent of the sub-saharan african rangelands overall are considered to be moderately to severely degraded (united nations, 1994; kimiti, hodge, herrick, beh, & abbott, 2017). mobility has historically been one of the most effective adaptation strategies to sustain pastoral livelihoods. however, pastoralists are increasingly more inclined or even pressured to settle due to large-scale infrastructure (e.g., roads, fences) and land tenure changes (e.g., shifts to private land), as well as recent conservation planning initiatives that can restrict movement. consequently, pastoralists often must adopt other strategies to meet their needs (opiyo et al., 2015; pas, 2018). income diversification is one such adaptation strategy, which often requires pastoralists to settle, at least temporarily, to pursue wage labor or salaried occupations (lesorogol, chowa & ansong, 2011). income diversification is often considered in tandem with formal education, since formal education is thought to help contribute to poverty alleviation by equipping students with skills and knowledge to pursue alternative income sources, whether they be livestock-based or not (kuria, 2019; little, aboud, & lenachuru, 2009; maiyo & ashioya, 2009; tarabini, 2010). in recognition of this connection, pastoralists in regions such as samburu enroll their children in formal education now more than ever before (buchmann, 2000; bruyere, kincheloe, pickering, heisel, & lekanta, 2018; enns & bersaglio, 2016; lesorogol, 2003). the purpose of this study was to determine how formal education may influence perceptions and decisions about future livestock holdings and non-livestock livelihoods among formally educated samburu youth. results and the methods used from this project can help influence pastoral adaptation and livelihood diversification practice and research, and be useful to conservation agencies, governments and non-governmental organizations as they determine conservation and development plans. changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 36 literature review income diversification in pastoral communities for this study, we define income diversification similarly as little, smith, cellarius, coppock, and barrett (2001) to mean any non-pastoral income-generating activity, such as wage labor, salaried employment, farming, shop ownership, and gathering and selling of natural materials (e.g., firewood gathering, charcoal burning). literature has primarily framed income diversification for pastoralists as a riskreduction strategy during shock events such as drought (barret, reardon & webb, 2001; little et al., 2001; opiyo et al., 2015). in many instances, diversification is temporary; pastoralists who lost a significant portion of their herd may seek other income in the short term and eventually return to herding when conditions improve (opiyo et al., 2015; scoones, 1998). relationship between formal education and income diversification education has a well-established positive influence for obtaining non-pastoral employment (kuria, 2019; little et al., 2001; little et al., 2009; maiyo & ashioya, 2009; rao, lawson, raditloaneng, solomon, & angula, 2019). pastoral households with educated heads of household often have larger incomes (kuria, 2019) and have a foundation for long-term sustained income, which leads to important outcomes such as improved food security (little et al., 2009). for example, an ethiopian study by headey, taffesse and you (2014) found that education proved to be a more successful long-term poverty alleviation strategy than irrigation and similar agricultural and infrastructure development, as education increased a community's technical capacity and empowerment. while income alternatives to pastoralism in many areas are more numerous now than in previous years, these opportunities remain relatively limited overall in subsaharan africa (buchmann, 2000; bruyere et al., 2018; lesorogol, 2003). for example, a study in turkana in northwestern kenya found that many youth saw the emerging oil industry as a potential alternative to pastoralism. however, there were actually few employment opportunities created by the oil industry, which exacerbated socio-economic differences between a select few individuals and the rest of the community (enns & bersaglio, 2016). further, while new income options are increasing, accessibility to formal education needed for those jobs remains limited for many households, which can contribute to more risk and tribal conflict in some communities, as some individuals prosper economically while others are left behind (enns & bersagilo, 2016; maiyo & ashioya, 2009). regardless of the actual job opportunities from formal schooling, the perceived value of education is generally positive in many pastoral regions, as there is recognition that school also improves a person's knowledge and skills such as social mobility, status and critical thinking, which are important in a variety of roles in life (buchmann, 2000; headey et al., 2014; lesorogol et al., 2011). in a study by bruyere and colleagues (2018), formally educated individuals ranked all options for a traditional pastoral life as the least desirable, while less educated individuals’ responses were more variable, desiring both modern and traditional ways of life. similar trends in youth aspirations shifting away from pastoralism and towards changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 37 education and salaried employment have been found throughout other parts of the world, including india (dyer, 2001), mongolia (ahearn & bumochir, 2016), china (iselin, 2011) and south africa (rao et al., 2019). destocking and restocking behavior as formal education and income diversification become more common in pastoral communities, changes in the ways in which herds are managed has followed (little et al., 2009). recent evidence from a study conducted in samburu suggests that as income diversification increases, herd size decreases. the same study noted that 90 percent of pastoral participants destocked their herd size significantly and added more non-pastoral income sources in the past 20 years (lenaiyasa, bruyere, salerno, & pickering, 2020). follow-up interviews from the study found that households that diversified their income did so out of concern for the instability of livestock ownership. further, formally educated individuals who have regular non-pastoral income tend to lose a higher percentage of their herd during shock events such as drought, more than their less formally educated peers who lack non-pastoral income (little et al., 2009). on the other hand, little and colleagues (2009) also found that in the time period following a drought when livestock prices are low, the same formally educated individuals increased their herds by almost 50 percent more than their less formally educated counterparts (little et al., 2009). in numerous studies, individuals with formal education were better positioned, via non-pastoral income, to restock following times of market failure, such as during and after drought and disease outbreaks (headey et al., 2014; little et al., 2001; little et al., 2009; mcpeak, little, & doss, 2011). gender, education, and livelihood diversification in patriarchal pastoral communities like those in east africa, gender norms play a significant role in how households respond to socio-ecological change. women are particularly at risk to stressors like drought due to their low economic, political, and social status (nelson, meadows, cannon, morton, & martin, 2002; ongoro & ogara, 2012; rao et al., 2019). in pastoral tribes around the world, including samburu, women have responsibilities, such as gathering firewood and water, that directly put their lives at risk as drought and human-wildlife conflict make such tasks more arduous, time-consuming and dangerous. women are also often dependent on their husbands’ livestock and monetary assets to support their role as caretakers for the home and children, leaving women vulnerable as they balance financial dependence with their critical role in maintaining well-being for the household (nelson et al., 2002; ongoro & ogara, 2012; rao et al., 2019). in response, women in kenya and elsewhere practice their own income-generating activities such as selling beadwork, poultry keeping, charcoal burning and selling, and small livestock sales (ongoro & ogara, 2012; smith, 2015). however, women’s income diversification options remain limited in samburu, in part because women are not typically prioritized for formal education (lesorogol, 2008; maiyo & ashioya, 2009). while contemporary views and initiatives prioritize women's education as a way to reduce poverty and promote sustainability (see changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 38 duflo, dupas, & kremer, 2015; lesorogol, 2008; roudi-fahimi & moghadam, 2003; kuria, 2019), cultural barriers continue to challenge the success of these initiatives, indicated in part by persistently higher school dropout rates by girls (buchmann, 2000; lesorogol, 2008; unesco, 2003; roudi-fahimi & moghadam, 2003). based on prior literature and the needs of the samburu region, the purpose of this research was to address two important questions: how do formally educated samburu youth perceive and make decisions about future potential income-earning options, including livestock herding? further, do their perceptions and decisions differ based on years of formal education and gender? study area the samburu population is estimated to be around 310,000, nearly evenly split among men and women (kenya national bureau of statistics, 2019), occupying 300km2 of mostly semi-arid rangelands located in the samburu district of north central kenya (figure 1). the region supports numerous megafauna wildlife species that are, in part, the basis of a robust wildlife tourism economy in the area. rainfall is bimodal, averaging between 200-250 mm annually between march and early june, and november to december, though drought events are increasingly frequent, occurring approximately every five years. rangelands in this region are considered to be severely degraded with increasing accounts of soil erosion, gully formation and bare ground spread (kimiti et al., 2017). figure 1. location of samburu, kenya source: adapted from https://www.21global.ucsb.edu samburu county is one of the poorest regions in kenya with 70-75 percent of residents below the national poverty line, estimated to be below usd 30 per adult per month (kuria, 2019; njonjo, 2013). like other pastoral regions, samburu’s https://www.21global.ucsb.edu/ changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 39 population is skewed toward the young, with children (up to 14 years of age) estimated to be around 43 percent of the population, and those between 15 and 34 an additional 35 percent. approximately 68 percent of the population have not completed any formal education, 26 percent have completed primary school, and 6 percent have completed secondary or post-secondary school (njonjo, 2013). the net school enrollment rate in samburu county is approximately 43 percent of boys and 40 percent of girls actively attending primary school, which is among the lowest rates in kenya (mumiukha, ngugi, ndiga, & fedha, 2015). pastoralism has been practiced for hundreds of years in the region, with herders tending to goats, sheep, cattle and camels. historically, young men (called moran) were responsible for herding and protecting livestock, oftentimes moving long distances to access healthy rangelands for grazing. young boys may herd small livestock closer to home prior to joining the moran age set and its herding responsibilities. women and girls traditionally were less involved in herding animals, although it is not unusual for women to tend to smaller livestock kept at the home. nowadays, with a changing landscape, more land privatization, higher emphasis on school enrollment for children, and more settlements, closer-to-home herding can take a variety of shapes and forms in terms of who is tending to the animals, though traditional nomadic herding still remains the responsibility of moran. this study took place in the community of archer’s post, located in samburu county along the ewaso ngiro river. archer’s post is the largest market town and permanent settlement in the waso ward of the county, hosting five primary and two secondary education schools. in addition, a number of non-pastoral income opportunities are available, such as small-scale retail/trade, wage labor, and tourism-related services. these activities are becoming more common as the relatively new development of a tarmac highway has increased accessibility to neighboring communities and markets. methods study design we developed an interactive activity that used a game-like approach to collect data. design of the interactive activity was driven by local input to ensure regional relevance and cultural context, as well as to replicate realistic scenarios. after the first version of the activity was designed, local youth research assistants piloted the activity with participants, resulting in adjustments to improve activity flow and contextual accuracy. at the beginning of the activity, the two-person teams were provided with the same baseline of assets: 20 goats, two cows, and 10,000 ksh (approximately usd 98), which represented a modest and relatable amount of assets. in addition, teams had the option to purchase tree seedlings, wildlife deterrents and fuel-efficient stoves at the beginning of every round. the activity consisted of 13 rounds in which participants were given opportunities to buy or sell livestock in every round, adopt non-livestock income earning opportunities (e.g., open a small shop, build rooms changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 40 for local rentals), pursue post-secondary training, and make adjustments in their type of housing, cooking fuel and similar locally relevant choices. many choices required students to first acquire the assets to fund their preferences, which often required consideration for whether to retain or sell livestock. assets could be increased via livestock reproduction (representative of real gestation rates for each livestock type) and other options associated with salaried jobs, one-time projectbased work (a common employment opportunity in the region), or investment options (e.g., building a boarding complex with rooms for rent). in addition, in each round students responded to a scenario in which they had to deliberate a course of action, often in response to social or environmental change (e.g., droughts, wildlife conflict, heavy rains). in some instances, the scenario was intentionally trivial (i.e., no bearing on livestock, income or rangelands) and aimed at keeping participants engaged; in other instances, the scenario had a direct impact on livestock, income or rangeland health, and was intended to prompt participants to consider actions that affected their livelihoods. at the end of each round, each teams’ livestock holdings, cash assets, and decisions were recorded on a data sheet by the participants to be later collected by research assistants for analysis. local research team members debriefed with participants about how they felt while playing the game. see table 1 for a list of scenarios in each round. table 1. scenarios in each round of a livelihood activity by youth in samburu, kenya round scenario 1 participation in a cultural performance for tourists. dice roll determines amount of compensation. 2 livestock loss to predators based on fuel sources (i.e., leaving livestock less attended to gather fuelwood versus prior purchase of fuel-efficient stove) 3 early signs of drought / livestock prices decrease / option to buy/sell 4 determining livestock loss to predators based on ownership and use of predator deterrents 5 option to sell numerous livestock at competitive price to commercial buyer 6 continued signs of drought / livestock prices decrease further / option to buy/sell 7 charitable donation to participants’ choice of a community cause. participants choose between conservation or non-conservation options 8 rains return / livestock prices increase / option to buy/sell 9 erosion concerns from rains / extent of erosion determined by dice roll / situation potentially mitigated by prior purchase of tree seedlings 10 contribution (amount determined by dice roll) for rangeland restoration efforts 11 early signs of drought / livestock prices decrease / option to buy/sell 12 option to earn extra one-time income / participants choose between conservation or non-conservation options 13 end of activity / no scenario changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 41 sample using a convenience sampling approach, local members of the research team recruited participants from all four levels of secondary school (i.e., forms 1 through 4), upper levels of primary school (i.e., standards 6 through 8) and secondary school graduates. participants’ age was not a consideration; samburu more commonly identify with an age set (an approximately ~15-year time period) rather than a specific age number, so the latter is not reliable information when asked. in our convenience sampling approach, idle students were asked by local members of our team if they would be interested in participating in an activity about pastoral and non-pastoral options for the future. the activity took place in common spaces such as local eateries and community centers to provide easy access and to conduct the activity in a setting familiar to participants. participants were paired into teams of two individuals based on the same gender and grade levels. two teams played the activity simultaneously, although the activity itself was not a competition between the two teams, and there was no incentive or reward contingent on how one team performed compared to the other. the rationale for teams was due to the collaborative decision-making style that is common among tribes in the region—rarely are decisions made individually (lesorogol & boone, 2016)—and to establish a more engaging research environment for participants by participating with their peers. the activity was played 39 times for a total of 78 teams (156 total youth), averaging between 90 and 120 minutes per activity. analysis we entered data into the statistical program for the social sciences (spss) for statistical analysis. statistics included descriptive aggregate statistics, pre/post comparisons of assets at various points during the activity (including beginning and end), and group comparisons based on gender (t-tests) and years of formal education (anova). in addition, linear regression analyses were run to determine predictive strength of years of education on livestock and cash assets. livestock holdings were calculated based on tropical livestock units (tlus) following lenaiyasa et al.’s (2020) approach in the same region: one tlu was the equivalent of 1.0 cows, 0.7 camels and 12.0 goats/sheep. statistical significance was set at the p < 0.05 level. methodological rationale the interactive activity was developed as a way to measure the preference of various livestock and non-livestock opportunities by samburu students. this approach was selected for multiple reasons. first, some members of the research team represented demographics historically associated with power, and we wanted a method which relegated those members’ roles to mostly being observers. second, the activity had more potential than traditional methods (e.g., focus groups, surveys) to engage our participants with the research, through discussion and collaborative decision-making, which could further help minimize the effect of the researcher-participant differences (franks, 2011; riet, 2009). finally, the activity provided opportunities to contribute to student learning; it required teams to analyze options, consider tradeoffs, calculate gains and/or losses, and other changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 42 cognitive activities. this helped ensure that participation itself provided benefit to the youth, an important ethical consideration to our research team regarding reciprocity. results of the 78 teams, 26 were enrolled in primary school (13 male teams, 13 female teams), 28 in secondary school (17 male teams, 11 female teams), and 24 teams were secondary school graduates (12 male and 12 female teams; table 2). table 2. characteristics of 78 participant teams education level of team male teams female teams total upper primary school 13 (16.6%) 13 (16.6%) 26 (33.3%) secondary school 17 (21.8%) 11 (14.1%) 28 (35.9%) graduate of secondary school 12 (15.4%) 12 (15.4%) 24 (30.8%) totals 42 (53.8%) 36 (46.2%) 78 (100%) all teams started with 242 livestock tlus, and average tlus decreased every round during the activity except twice (figure 2). within the first two rounds, in which there was no introduced scenario that affected livestock prices, mean tlu totals were reduced by an average of 60.65. following round 5, the mean tlu was 161.21 compared to the 242.00 tlu starting point. total tlus increased only at the end of rounds 7 (from 78.79 to 96.05) and 8 (from 96.05 to 115.81), following a scenario of improved rangelands condition due to rain. changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 43 figure 2. total livestock units by the three cohorts of students one-way anova results of tlus between primary, secondary, and graduate level students were significantly different (p < 0.05) in round 5 (p < 0.04), round 6 (p < 0.04) and round 13 (p < 0.01; see table 2). primary school teams, on average, had more tlus on-hand at the end of every round, apart from round 8. moderate restocking occurred across all groups in rounds 7 and 8 (overall tlu average increase of x̅=38.46 by round 8; see table 3) following a drought scenario when livestock value reached its lowest point. table 3. average total livestock units for entire sample at key points in the activity* activity round mean sd primary secondary graduates f-ratio p-value tlus at start end of round 1 end of round 2 end of round 3 end of round 4 end of round 5 242 214.45 181.35 148.24 131.76 89.93 n/a 50.61 64.41 72.73 75.91 73.76 242 219.12 190.15 160.87 151.75 115.80a 242 220.97 186.70 151.20 130.54 88.47 a,b 242 203.27 167.19 132.65 112.99 65.53b n/a 0.99 0.97 1.01 1.73 3.19 n/a 0.38 0.38 0.37 0.18 0.05 end of round 6 end of round 7 78.79 96.05 62.61 81.93 102.07a 109.13 74.73 a,b 111.14 59.56 b 67.89 3.26 2.46 0.04 0.09 end of round 8 end of round 9 end of round10 end of round 11 end of round 12 115.81 95.11 85.22 73.64 82.15 98.31 86.81 72.80 72.50 106.65 121.28 105.44 102.95 99.25 97.57 141.21 100.01 72.28 53.26 52.02 84.95 79.88 80.44 68.42 96.84 2.40 .63 1.31 3.01 1.74 0.10 0.54 0.28 0.06 0.18 end of round 13 52.26 62.53 90.00a 21.10 b 45.70b 10.62 < 0.01 * different subscripts indicate significant (p < 0.05) group differences 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 r0 r1 r2 r3 r4 r5 r6 r7 r8 r9 r10 r11 r12 r13 tl u s round primary secondary graduates changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 44 linear regression analysis found years of formal education to be a significant predictor of tlus at round 5 (adjusted r2 =0.08%; p = 0.05; see table 4 and figure 2) and round 13 (adjusted r2 =20.2%; p < 0.01; see table 5 and figure 2). with each additional year of formal education, the tlu value is predicted to decrease by 0.30 in round 5 and 0.46 in round 13. table 4. regression analysis to determine effect of years of education on total livestock units at end of round 5 standardized regression coefficient (β) t sig. f adjusted r2 independent variable 4.48 <.01 6.013 0.08 years of education -0.30 -2.45 < .01 dependent variable = livestock units at end of round 5 table 5. regression analysis to determine effect of years of education on total livestock units at end of activity (round 13) standardized regression coefficient (β) t sig. f adjusted r2 independent variable 5.60 <0.01 16.69 0.20 years of education -0.46 4.09 < 0.01 dependent variable = livestock units at end of activity in terms of gender, no significant difference in tlu values was found between male and female teams except for rounds 8 (p= 0.02) and 10 (p= 0.03; see table 6). in round 8, on average, male teams restocked more (average tlu increase of x̅ = 59.58) than females (average tlu increase of x̅ = 15.32). changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 45 table 6. average total livestock units (tlu) for male and female teams in all rounds group round mean (x̅) tlu for male teams mean (x̅) tlu for female teams t-value p-value end of round 1 218.31 209.28 -0.77 0.44 end of round 2 180.57 180.47 0.01 0.10 end of round 3 147.02 150.67 -0.21 0.83 end of round 4 132.52 131.00 -0.09 0.93 end of round 5 90.86 84.32 0.39 0.70 end of round 6 79.99 73.00 0.49 0.63 end of round 7 105.68 81.72 0.19 0.88 end of round 8 139.57 88.31 2.35 0.02 end of round 9 111.34 78.90 0.10 0.36 end of round 10 81.01 87.79 0.69 0.03 end of round 11 68.58 78.44 0.46 0.09 end of round 12 86.45 75.88 0.43 0.67 end of round 13 48.12 58.75 0.46 0.14 discussion destocking the results indicate that students across all education levels and genders generally chose to destock from the very beginning, a goal that remained consistent throughout most of the activity. the desire to attain non-pastoral income sources was stronger than the desire to accumulate livestock, indicating a potential value shift away from traditional pastoral livelihoods and toward more diversified incomes. exposure to alternative income-earning options via the classroom has likely impacted the students’ perceptions; primary schools in our study site are typically located in settlements and near market centers, providing direct exposure to alternative livelihoods and lifestyles in those locations. students also participate in field trips that facilitate exposure to other regions and communities that represent contemporary lifestyles. in addition, peer observation of others who have gone to school and media exposure further showcase aspects of a non-pastoral life that are likely influencing how students think and feel about their future. students’ destocking behavior and interest in non-pastoral income sources coincides with previous research findings in this community. both lenaiyasa et al. (2020) and bruyere et al. (2018) have pointed to increased interest and practice of non-pastoral livelihoods among youth in general, a finding that was stronger for those with formal education. our study is consistent with these results, and also parallels evidence of similar shifting values and perceptions of livelihoods among youth in other pastoral communities around the world (see ahearn & bumochir, 2016; dyer, 2001; iselin, 2011; rao et al., 2019). changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 46 difference by education level results from the regression analyses and group comparisons showed that as individuals complete more formal education, they are more likely to prefer smaller herds of livestock and pursue non-livestock livelihoods. for example, in the first nine rounds of the activity, teams with the most formal education (i.e., secondary school graduates) consistently had fewer tlus than their primary and secondary school peers. secondary school graduates also took greater advantage of a fluctuating livestock market by selling more livestock when market prices were high. by the end of the activity, however, graduates and students currently in secondary school were similar in their tlus, while primary school students owned more livestock than both groups, on average. this pattern can be at least partially explained by different levels of exposure to alternative livelihoods as well as higher-level critical thinking, as individuals attain more skills and exposure with additional years of school. secondary students typically attend school outside of their home community of archer’s post, often in much bigger cities and towns, while primary students remain at home where there is less diversity of livelihoods. the cross-cultural and cross-community interaction facilitated by secondary school enrollment appears to play at least a partial role in impacting students’ perceptions of their future livelihoods. these experiences are more numerous as students proceed through, and eventually complete, secondary school, and thus our graduated participants destocked at the highest rates. results from lenaiyasa et al. (2020) pointed to similar findings about education’s influence on interest in livestock herding. in their study, moran, who typically have little to no formal education, were found to have higher interest in livestock-based activities than their counterparts who attended school. our results indicated that as an individual received more education, they were more likely to be involved in buying and selling livestock, particularly in response to market forces, and ultimately ending up with a much smaller herd than that which they started. this is a notable finding; pastoral participation in actively buying and selling livestock has often been minimal in the past (schilling, opiyo, & scheffran, 2012), and increased buying and selling may positively affect drought adaptation (opiyo et al., 2015). those with larger herds may be more likely to actively participate in livestock trading (rutto, odhiambo, njuguna, & murithi, 2013), but as individuals receive more formal education and diversify their income, the size of one’s herd can affect individuals in different ways; some may choose to invest in more livestock—in particular, higher-value livestock such as cows and camels—while others may shift away from livestock altogether. restocking average tlus increased only following a second drought scenario, when livestock prices reached their lowest point. livestock holdings began to drop again shortly thereafter, after market prices returned to the original value, indicating motivations to buy and sell were based on a mix of factors related to market forces (buying at low prices) and non-livestock aspirations (sell at high prices to afford start-up of a non-livestock income option). overall, the objective for most teams appeared to be to maintain a small number of livestock while acquiring and saving cash to engage changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 47 in non-pastoral income sources and taking advantage of “buy low” opportunities when they arose. participants’ buy/sell responses to scenarios that influence livestock prices act as a risk mitigation strategy, by adjusting herd size in times of resource scarcity (e.g., drought), resource abundance (e.g., rainfall) and market opportunities (e.g., opportunity for large-scale livestock purchase by an outside entity). in this way, income diversification may support pastoral livelihoods, particularly during times of drought and similar challenges, as the literature suggests (opiyo et al., 2015; scoones, 1998). however, the interest in pastoralism has seemed to decrease overall, as interest in alternative income sources increases and social values shift away from the accumulation of livestock to the accumulation of modern currency. the motivation to diversify among our participants, regardless of the level of education and gender, is possibly associated more with opportunities that are perceived as more desirable, rather than to mitigate the risk of herding. lenaiyasa et al. (2020) found similar results, as those who diversified their income did so not only to avoid risk associated with herding, but because they preferred to pursue jobs and alternatives they learned about in school. gender comparison males and females destocked throughout the activity at similar rates. however, male teams reacted to market price fluctuations (i.e., buying and selling) more than females, such as restocking more when livestock prices bottomed out. this difference may be rooted in the tradition of pastoralism, which is historically practiced by males, and their social status, in which herd size is one indicator of standing in a community. females, on the other hand, may have a greater interest in non-pastoral activities, for a variety of reasons. one, females in this region are more responsible for livelihood diversification of their household (including nonpastoral income generation; see walker et al., 2021). this also coincides with findings from ongoro and ogara (2012) and smith (2015) in which women were the primary livelihood diversifiers of their households, while men remained primarily interested in herding activities, despite the risk. second, while women do participate in some herding activity in the region, they may give more consideration than men to non-livestock income options, given that such options are accessible to them and oftentimes more stable sources of income than livestock. finally, women earning their own income can lead to enhanced autonomy, decision-making and stature in her community, and the options for doing so are more abundant in the non-livestock sector. conservation implications rangeland degradation is among the highest primary concerns in samburu, as rangelands provide the base support for pastoralism, wildlife (and wildlife-based tourism in the region), and overall ecosystem services and processes (kimiti et al., 2017). rangeland near permanent settlements tends to be more severely degraded, driven by herders maintaining similar-sized herds of livestock but keeping them closer to home, as well as climate change and drought. in response, non-governmental organizations and conservancies have developed and adapted various grazing management plans in consideration of both wildlife and changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 48 human/livestock populations. these organizations might also consider investing in youth education as an avenue that can positively influence grazing pressures in the future, as individuals with more formal education may be more willing to change the composition and size of their herds to mitigate risk and influence rangeland condition. in fact, many community-based organizations focused on conservation in the region provide educational support already. the cultural value of livestock remains strong among pastoral tribes in samburu. in our study, tlus decreased but never reached zero. pastoralism will continue given its long tradition, but herd sizes or the composition of herds might change as levels of formal education enrollment and non-livestock employment increase, affecting rangeland health in some way depending on the changes and how they are managed. for example, cattle can have positive or negative effects on rangelands depending on other environmental conditions (kimuyu et al., 2017), and goat herding often needs a management regime to ensure rangelands are not overly degraded (garcía, garcía & osoro, 2012). an investment in education can also build greater local capacity to solve complex issues relevant to the region, including overgrazing, tribal conflict, and persistent poverty. education is therefore not only a direct benefit to the student and their household, but beneficial to the wider socialecological system. recommendations samburu county of northern kenya is an impoverished region with significant socio-ecological challenges that can exacerbate rangeland degradation. formal education can contribute to poverty alleviation, food security, and potentially alleviate grazing pressures on local rangelands. while enrollment in formal education is increasing, completion rates remain significantly low as the cost of education (e.g., tuition, uniforms, and school materials) remains high and the opportunity to earn a sufficient income is unstable. to reap the socio-economic and environmental benefits of education, public and non-governmental entities need to not only prioritize educational access but also persistent enrollment, particularly for women, as they face significant risks that contribute to high dropout rates. further, emphasis needs to be placed on developing opportunities for non-pastoral employment, particularly occupations that can be fulfilled by women as they continue to demonstrate a strong desire and ability to diversify their income and improve the resilience and adaptive capacity of their households as a result. limitations young women in this region typically have less time availability, as they bear a substantial portion of the household labor burden; this led to an unequal male/female participant balance in our study. while the difference was relatively minor (46.2% versus 53.8%), there may be characteristics or preferences within our female sample that are more telling of the young women who were actually available to participate than those who were not. similarly, sample sizes across education levels were unequal as both the participants and the research team faced time constraints, specifically secondary school graduates and secondary students who are more likely to be out of town to attend school or jobs. in addition, there was not a control group that included youth with little or no formal education, which changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 49 would enable us to better determine the influence of education. finally, two of the authors of this study were affiliated with a conservation academic department at a university in the united states, and although they were committed to structure the research team in a way to distribute decision-making and influence across all members, they represented demographics associated with power and historic marginalization in this region of kenya. acknowledgements we acknowledge and are grateful for gabriel lengamunyak, lucy lekuton, and longida lemarle who contributed so much to make this study possible. we also thank boniface isigi, veronica lenaiyasa and christine namunyak for their guidance, feedback, and insights about the samburu community. roy van anda, m.s., completed his master’s degree in the human dimensions of natural resources department at colorado state university. (roy.van_anda@rams.colostate.edu) brett l. bruyere, ph.d. is an associate professor in the human dimensions of natural resources department at colorado state university. (brett.bruyere@colostate.edu) jonathan salerno, ph.d. is an assistant professor in the human dimensions of natural resources department at colorado state university. (jonathan.salerno@colostate.edu) alfonso lengima served as a research assistant with the samburu youth education fund in samburu, kenya. (samburu@samburuyouth.org) vivian alinta is a program coordinator at the samburu youth education fund in samburu, kenya. (vivianalinta.syef@gmail.com) apin yasin is a program director at the samburu youth education fund in samburu, kenya. (mailto:myasinapin.syef@gmail.com) references ahearn, a., & bumochir, d. (2016). contradictions in schooling children among mongolian pastoralists. human organization, 75(1), 87-96. barret, c. b., reardon, t., & webb, p. 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(2010). education and poverty in the global development agenda: emergence, evolution and consolidation. international journal of educational development, 30(2), 204-212. changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth… 53 united nations (1994). elaboration of an international convention to combat desertification in countries experiencing serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in africa (general assembly text from the convention to combat desertification: ge.94-64371). new york: united nations. walker, s. e., bruyere, b. l., zaretsky, j., yasin, a., lenaiyasa, e., lolemu, a., & pickering, t. (in press). education and adaptive capacity: the influence of formal education on climate change adaptation of pastoral women. climate and development. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(1), 2020 meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12 student experiences of the school cafeteria christine c. caruso department of nutrition and public health, university of saint joseph amy rosenthal bloustein school of planning and public policy, rutgers university citation: caruso, c. c., & rosenthal, a. (2020). meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12 student experiences of the school cafeteria. children, youth and environments, 30(1), 101-122. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract research into school cafeterias has largely focused on the nutritional content of food and what students consume. however, the cafeteria is also an important setting for understanding and promoting the overall well-being of students. through 17 group interviews with 96 students, we conducted an open-ended exploration of their perspectives on the environment in which they eat. the interviews highlight a variety of stressors present in the cafeteria setting, including crowding, volume, and frequent adverse social interactions. we use the framework of proxemics and the concept of incivilities to reflect on students’ experience of the social and built environment of the cafeteria, suggesting that a more positive lunch experience would offer a better balance of stimulation and privacy for students. keywords: school meals, cafeteria environment, student wellness, proxemics, incivilities http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 102 introduction research in school cafeterias has largely focused on the nutritional content of the food, how accessible different types of foods are, and what students end up consuming (byker shanks, banna, & serrano, 2017; cummings et al., 2014; peckham, kropp, mroz, haley-zitlin, & granberg, 2019; terry-mcelrath, o’malley, & johnston, 2015; turner, ohri-vachaspati, powell, & chaloupka, 2016). where there has been attention to the “cafeteria environment,” this term has almost exclusively referred to the availability and accessibility of particular types of foods, namely making healthy foods more available and restricting access to less-healthy foods (ang et al., 2018; nollen et al., 2007; terry-mcelrath, o’malley, & johnston, 2014; williamson, han, johnson, martin, & newton, 2013). few studies have attended to the physical and social space of the cafeteria. in this paper, we use a phenomenological perspective to explore students’ lived experience of the school cafeteria. we suggest that the framework of proxemics and studies of incivilities offer ways to understand the atmosphere of the cafeteria and its effects on students’ wellbeing and potential engagement with school lunch. first, we review the literature on the physical and social environment of the cafeteria. then, we present students’ perspectives on their cafeteria environment, drawn from student focus group data from the prek-12 school food: making it healthier, making it regional project. we discuss three major themes found in student comments: crowding, volume, and incivilities. finally, we offer theoretical implications and practical suggestions that integrate understandings from proxemics and incivilities literature, highlighting the need to attend to the built environment of the cafeteria as well as the policies that govern the lunch period. literature review cafeteria environment school spaces influence student experiences at school (langhout & annear, 2011; maxwell & schechtman, 2012; ogden et al., 2010). literature further suggests that the built and social environment of the cafeteria can influence student eating behaviors; however, few studies have explicitly examined the physical experience of being in a school cafeteria (gorman, lackney, rollings, & huang, 2007; moore, murphy, tapper, & moore, 2010; rollings & wells, 2018). in a systematic narrative review of related literature, frerichs and colleagues noted school architecture and design related to student food consumption as an “emerging area of investigation” (frerichs et al., 2015). research investigating the effects of cafeteria noise and crowding on student consumption has found an association between student consumption of fruit and whole grains and a less-crowded cafeteria, as well as between consumption of vegetables and whole grains and a less-noisy cafeteria (graziose et al., 2019; gross, biehl, marshall, paige, & mmari, 2018). validation of a cafeteria environment assessment tool also confirmed an inverse relationship between student consumption of produce and crowding and noise in the cafeteria (rollings & wells, 2018). jan poppendieck (2010) noted that some schools saw improved social interaction at lunch time when teachers enforced lower noise levels and that the meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 103 dirtiness and crowdedness of the cafeteria may contribute to students’ negative perceptions of school lunch. however, a study of the effects of cafeteria volume, illumination, temperature, and humidity on plate waste found only a small effect related to humidity, and little difference in student perceptions of these factors (sanchez & contreras, 2003). in terms of the social experience of the cafeteria, some researchers have explored students’ lack of time to eat and relax (conklin, lambert, & anderson, 2002; moore et al., 2010; poppendieck, 2010). in the few studies that have directly asked students about their experience of school lunch, students reported long lines as well as the chaotic environment of the cafeteria as negative elements of school lunch (asada, hughes, read, schwartz, & chriqui, 2017; payán, sloane, illum, farris, & lewis, 2017). amy best noted that students enjoy the cafeteria as a more relaxed space than other school settings, seeing it as a place designed for play and socializing, where they have more freedom and feel less like they are “in school” (best, 2017). the analysis below aims to add to this literature by exploring how students across school levels report on their physical and social experience in their school cafeterias, with the goal of identifying strategies to mitigate the more negative features identified by students. methods procedure this paper presents findings from a secondary analysis of data collected as part of the prek-12 school food: making it healthier, making it regional (mhmr) project; see rosenthal and caruso (2018) for a full reporting of that project’s methods and findings. table 1. mhmr participating school district details, 2016-17 school year district location total student enrollment students qualifying for free or reducedprice lunch (%) lunch participation (%) florida 186,332 68 60 georgia 180,000 54 70 iowa 32,979 74 66 kentucky 100,063 68 68 south carolina 17,301 35 68 virginia 89,901 40 62 note: data on student enrollment and students qualifying for free or reduced-price lunch comes from the national center for education statistics (u.s. department of education, n.d.). each district provided its lunch participation rate (the average percentage of students participating in the national school lunch program each day). meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 104 in phase 1 of the mhmr project, we conducted observations of school foodservice operations in each of the six districts presented in table 1. these observations raised questions related to the student experience of school lunch, so we designed phase 2 of the project to gather student perspectives. we visited two to four schools in each district and conducted one student group interview at each school, for a total of 17 group interviews in five high schools, seven middle schools, and five elementary schools (see table 2 for details). school foodservice staff in the district office recommended schools to visit, and school staff or faculty chose the students who would participate (often participants in a cooking or agriculture program or members of the student council). school staff or faculty also distributed parental consent forms, and only students who brought back a signed form and gave their own consent participated in the interview (see table 2 for student demographic details). the study was approved by the rutgers university institutional review board. table 2. demographic characteristics of participating students and schools district location school level number of students in interview age range of students in interview students qualifying for free or reducedprice lunch (school %) lunch participation (school %) florida high 6 15-17 53 37 middle 5 12-14 52 43 elementary 3 6-8 100 98 georgia high 4 16-19 76 middle 3 13 26 middle 6 12-13 88 elementary 8 10-11 30 iowa middle 8 11-14 78 92 elementary 7 8-10 83 kentucky high 7 15-18 32 35 middle 7 11-15 47 67 elementary 7 8-11 60 71 south carolina high 5 16-17 18 76 middle 3 11-12 55 69 elementary 6 8-11 100 77 virginia high 4 16-17 45 63 middle 7 11-12 53 82 meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 105 total students age range (mean, standard deviation) students qualifying for free or reducedprice lunch (school %)a lunch participation (school %)b 96 6-19 (12.3, 3.3) 58 67 high 26 15-19 (16.4, 1.0) 45 53 middle 39 11-15 (12.4, 1.1) 57 71 elementary 31 6-11 (9.4, 1.3) 74 82 note: data on students qualifying for free or reduced-price lunch comes from the national center for education statistics (u.s. department of education, n.d.). each district provided lunch participation rates. lunch participation rate data were not provided for schools in the georgia district or for the elementary school in iowa. a average of participating schools b average of participating schools group interviews took place during the school day and lasted 45 to 90 minutes. in each interview session, after brief introductions, the students began by drawing their responses to prompts about the typical school lunch, a healthy lunch, and the experience of the cafeteria (einarsdottir, dockett, & perry, 2009; honkanen, poikolainen, & karlsson, 2018; nomakhwezi mayaba & wood, 2015). the facilitator then led an open-ended discussion in which students used these drawings as a starting point to explain their experiences with and reactions to school meals, including the food and the cafeteria. as no standardized interview tools exist, we developed a basic interview guide, for use in all school levels, from the project research questions and based on our previous observations in schools and interviews with school foodservice staff (rubin & rubin, 2011). (see rosenthal and caruso (2018) for more detail on the drawing and interview prompts.) analytic strategy all student group interviews were professionally transcribed. as we analyzed these interviews as part of our primary analysis for the mhmr project, student experience of the cafeteria emerged as a salient theme worth further exploration. to do so, we used phenomenological analytic strategies and a grounded theory approach, based on the constant comparative method (corbin & strauss, 2014; glaser, 1965). we developed a set of initial codes based on prior observations and discussion (miles, huberman, & saldana, 2014; saldana, 2009). each author then read a set of transcripts, reviewed the others’ work, and together we discussed any coding revisions and emerging themes until reaching theoretical saturation (bradley, curry, & devers, 2007; glaser, 1965). meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 106 literature on using visual methods with children cautions against over-interpreting children’s drawings, so we conducted only high-level content coding on student drawings in response to the relevant questions from the drawing exercise: “what is your cafeteria like during lunch? who is there? what do you see when you go through the lunch line? what does it sound like?” (darbyshire, macdougall, & schiller, 2005; einarsdottir et al., 2009). we used these drawings to triangulate student comments in the group discussion. for triangulation we also used our own experiences while observing cafeteria environments as part of the mhmr project. results student descriptions of the cafeteria most commonly invoked concerns about crowding and noise in the cafeteria as well as the types of social interactions that flowed from or contributed to the physical experience. in figure 1, for example, a student represents the tight spacing and long lines as well as the multiple sources of noise as salient characteristics of the cafeteria. figure 1. high school student drawing of cafeteria while for ease of explanation we examine crowding, noise, and social interactions individually, it is important to note that students expressed these experiences as deeply enmeshed. moreover, the inadequate amount of time typically allotted for the activities associated with lunch at most schools is a critical factor of students’ experience of lunch overall. although we do not discuss time explicitly, it is a contextualizing factor for the major themes presented here. also, we note that while students often told us about negative experiences in the cafeteria, many highly valued and looked forward to their lunch time. meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 107 crowding the design of the lunchroom sets the stage for students’ interaction with school foodservice. students reported crowding as a concern in each middle school, three high schools, and two elementary schools. while students generally seemed to expect it in the cafeteria, and crowding was not found universally unpleasant, students often observed it as a problem. students noticed inefficiencies with the flow of movement through the cafeteria space, which affected their overall experience of lunch given the limited time they had available. they noted that bottlenecks form in particular locations, especially around doors (see figure 2 for example). several student interview groups, especially of middle schoolers, described how crowded the line could be, with terms like “a big jumble of people,” “like a mob at the doors,” and “just so squashed.” a few described in detail concerns about the amount of space or the flow as they got their food and checked out, offering suggestions for improvements. for example, describing his drawing, one student explained, “over here is the milk and over here is another milk. but the thing is there's only two registers so everybody flocks over here and over here, so it is impossible to get to the milk.… so, i think they should move this [milk cooler] inside.” figure 2. elementary school student drawing of cafeteria moreover, there was a feeling that not enough room was provided in the seating area. students were often packed in tightly without sufficient personal space to comfortably sit or navigate their immediate surroundings. one middle schooler explained, meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 108 see, these are literally what the tables look like. you have to stand up and, then, when you do stand up, if you're standing there, and i'm standing here, and we both stand up, we collide. and then, i turn, and i hit you with my tray. it just, it sucks, depending on who you're sitting by. these crashes were described as problems of layout: tables were placed so closely together that students must either wait for each other to sit or stand, else unpleasant collisions will occur. students often expressed desires for greater choice and diversity of seating options. one middle schooler noted, “a lot of people are just rushing…because they want to be at the front so they can go get a good spot and they can sit by their friends.” there was a sense that lunch is short, with little time to eat and socialize, so getting through the line as fast as possible to find one’s friends and the best seats was a preoccupation for students. more desirable options could take the form of more varied seating within the lunchroom, most of which were large, box-shaped structures with regularly spaced and identical seating, as well as the opportunity to choose other spaces to sit in for lunch. students also expressed a desire to eat outdoors, as another student explained: “i think i would also like to have lunch outside, because sometimes just being in the school all day, being in classes. i want to see the sun. it would be nice to have tables outside where you can actually just relax with your friends.” this wish for other spaces in which to eat was often expressed in terms of a need to escape unpleasant sensory experiences such as smells, noise and crowding, demonstrating an urge to find a haven from these adverse experiences. figure 3. middle school student drawing of the cafeteria meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 109 volume across schools, school level, and districts, students described their cafeteria as loud. in 14 of 17 student group interviews, at least one student commented on their auditory experience. often students’ first response to the question “what is your cafeteria like during lunch?” was “loud” or “noisy.” in figure 3 a student illustrates loudness with dashed lines encircling the cafeteria. students emphasized their meaning using modifiers (such as “very loud,” “very noisy,” “really, really loud”) or creative comparisons: lunch sounded “like a rock concert,” “like a hurricane was blowing through,” and “like people getting killed.” students reported the noise in a matter-of-fact way, signaling an expectation that cafeterias would be like this. a few specifically mentioned that they have become “kind of used to it,” indicating their acclimation. when asked directly about their feelings toward the noise, many described negative reactions. one elementary school student noted, “sometimes there is a loud scream once in a while that gets, like, we get frightened.” some mentioned headaches, either aggravated by or as a result of the noise. students most commonly expressed frustration with noise preventing normal socializing because it was difficult to hear one’s friends: student 1: …they really talk a lot, and it’s really loud, and it’s aggravating, and it gives me [a] headache sometimes. student 2: especially when they're talking to a person that's either right next to them or in front of them…. a person right beside you, they're just screaming, and they’re, like, right beside you, but they can’t hear you. student 3: sometimes, like, if me and my friends are talking normally, we can't even hear each other. that's how loud it gets sometimes. this cafeteria noise was perceived as enjoyable by some students, when it indicated or encouraged social interaction. one middle school student noted that the loudness in the cafeteria was “a good thing kind of,” going on to describe the funny things his friends might say. however, he did qualify that the noise was a good thing “unless you have a headache, then that sucks.” the volume level was the major point of interaction for students and teachers or administrators in the cafeteria and often one of tension, especially as reported by elementary school students. in several elementary school cafeterias teachers used systems such as playing music, displaying different colors of cups on the lunch tables (i.e., red, yellow, green), or holding up fingers to indicate when students were allowed to speak or not. students in two schools described these systems in detail, explaining that they responded to the rules by self-disciplining in order to avoid group punishment. however, students also reported trying to evade the rules (for example, by trying to sit away from lunch monitors) due to frustration at limits on their ability to socialize. as one student noted, “sometimes we don't really get to talk a lot because we have silent lunch through the whole [time].” describing a cafeteria in which students were not allowed to talk when the teachers played classical music, a meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 110 student said, “i think they should have no music, 'cause lunch is time for a break from learning and interacting with people, and sometimes they'll have the music on the whole lunch.” when silence was enforced in the cafeteria, as one student noted, “the only time we interact is recess.” figure 4. elementary school student drawing of the cafeteria elementary school lunch monitors, as well as those in secondary schools, were also seen as contributing to the noise. students reported that teachers or administrators attempted to make themselves heard over the students by using whistles or clickers, or most often by “yelling,” sometimes through sound equipment. in figure 4, the student conversation is eclipsed in scale by the adult figure shushing them. in one middle school, “[the administrators] do this thing where they count down from five... if everybody's not quiet by the time you get to five he yells even louder through the microphone. and louder, and louder, and louder. and it's just—it's awful.” overall, the noise of the cafeteria and attempts to manage it seemed to create an experience that, for the most part, was not positive for the student experience of lunch. it might be physically unpleasant, frustrating to attempts to relax, and even threatening, as students shouted at one another and teachers yelled at students. the cafeteria environments described did not seem to promote, and may even inhibit, the possibility of positive social interactions among students and between teachers and students. incivilities students reported several types of “incivilities” in the cafeteria. we use this term to categorize a range of anti-social interactions that students experience as rude, unwelcome, antagonistic, or aggressive (caza & cortina, 2007). these may occur meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 111 among students or between students and cafeteria staff or other adults. similar to the noise of the cafeteria, students generally reported these interactions as negative; however, they also may give them little emotional interpretation or may seem habituated to these types of experiences. for some students, particular incidences or the overall atmosphere offered experiences of fun and freedom. the least-aggressive types of incivilities noted were instances of bad behavior or bad manners, such as using curse words, not picking up food that was dropped, or talking while eating. food left or thrown on the floor both disgusted other students and led to incidents of slipping and falling. students in almost half of the schools described instances of throwing food or food fights in their cafeteria, a slightly more aggressive form of incivility. in some schools students commented specifically on students or teachers screaming or making noise. as noted above, one group of elementary schoolers reported getting frightened at random screams from other students. a few students also reported others screaming curse words, which older students might interpret as “funny” but younger ones did not. in addition to adding to the volume of the cafeteria, such screaming can also be considered a form of antagonism, particularly in cases where teachers or other adults used volume or noise to try to elicit certain behaviors, such as quieting students down or encouraging them to hurry. one student described an administrator banging on her table to get students to leave the cafeteria. the cafeteria line was identified as the site of many incivilities. in every middle school, students described waiting in line as an experience of being crowded and jostled, with students “pushing and shoving” and acting “crazy” and “rowdy.” one student said, “people try going over me, beside me, squeezing, doing whatever they can.” at least one middle school and one high school group noted the advantages of being physically bigger when in the lunch line. some middle schoolers and especially high schoolers also reported issues with other students skipping ahead of them in line. a few admitted to the practice, and the rest seemed to consider it an annoying yet inevitable reality of the cafeteria line. figure 5 depicts the eagerness of the student to move through the line. meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 112 figure 5. excerpt from middle school student drawing of the cafeteria disputes over place in line might turn more contentious. as one middle schooler noted, “when people cut they don't give it a second thought, but when you cut them they get all triggered and cuss at you.” another noted that when in line, “sometimes we have arguments over who should go first,” and when asked if it became aggressive, he said, “i wouldn't say aggressive but… they're kind of mean.” one high schooler described the line as a place of “rough housing.” this chaos gave opportunities for students to practice other incivilities, such as stealing milk. physical violence also becomes possible within this uncivil environment. the drawing in figure 6 depicts both food fights and physical fighting, along with other forms of aggression such as screaming. one high school and two middle school groups specifically reported witnessing fights. while one of the middle school groups noted that these happen “occasionally,” the other noted that “there are so many fights at lunch.” in the high school group, two female students tried to minimize the fighting saying, “it’s not that serious” and “every school has fights.” a male student persisted in describing “samantha’s fight… when that dude slammed her into a table,” and one of the female students moved quickly to cut off the conversation. while this was the only incident we heard about in such detail, its extreme nature alerted us to not only the potential for serious violence in the cafeteria but also the level of habituation to such incidents that students may develop. meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 113 figure 6. middle school student drawing of the cafeteria most students described the overall atmosphere of the cafeteria as negative, using words like “crazy,” “chaotic,” “hectic,” “scary” and “not fun.” as with the loud volume, some seemed habituated to it, accepting it as normal for that environment. a few students alluded to the opportunity for fun and freedom. describing her drawing of the cafeteria, one middle school student said, “i put loud and lit, which means it's fun, and you're with your friends, and you feel like you can just, like, do anything.” another student immediately responded, “but you can't,” highlighting some of the underlying tension of the student cafeteria experience. these tensions were also evident in a comment from a student in a different middle school, who said, “it's fun, but it's not great.” while lunch might offer the chance to socialize, blow off steam, and act more uncontrolled, such an atmosphere may not be or feel safe or even positive for all students all the time. discussion descriptions of their experience at lunch indicate that for many students, the cafeteria is an unpleasant and sometimes even hostile space, where students experience physical discomfort, constrained social interaction, and even fear. while many students seem to have acclimated to loud, chaotic, crowded cafeterias, these spaces seem unlikely to encourage student social, emotional, and physical wellbeing (langhout & annear, 2011; maxwell & schechtman, 2012). nor does such a cafeteria space seem conducive to efforts at health promotion. meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 114 in this section, we reflect on the findings in terms of the interactions of incivilities and proxemics as factors that shape students’ meal experience and impact wellbeing. we see that incivilities and their impact may be amplified by the spatial organization of typical cafeterias, which are not designed for student control over personal space and privacy. lunchroom rules may also fail to prevent students from experiencing incivilities and may even contribute to them. implications for theory: understanding the space and place of the school cafeteria frerichs and colleagues (2015) suggested that literature from the field of proxemics can help make sense of the cafeteria environment. proxemics provides a conceptual framework to understand how spatial factors influence both individual experiences and social interactions (hall, 1966). edward hall and colleagues laid out the ways in which violations of spatial norms, in domains including touch, voice loudness, and smells, can cause misunderstanding as well as stress and conflict. students regularly experience loudness and crowding in the cafeteria, which may lead to discomfort as these sense experiences violate expected boundaries. the notion of personal space flows out of this early work on proxemics, and research has focused on the conditions of personal space that contribute to discomfort and stress (lang, 1987; namazian & mehdipour, 2013; sundstrom & altman, 1976). aiello and aiello (1974) investigated the development of personal space practices among children, finding that children use more space as they mature and adopt adult social space norms around age 12. this suggests that most of the students in our study would have already developed or would be close to having fully developed adult social space norms and thus could be expected to be impacted by infringements of personal space experienced in the cafeteria. robson and kimes (2009) theorized that diner satisfaction is associated with the experience of personal space, observing the need for a balance between privacy and stimulation. in the cafeteria context, we understand privacy as the ability of students to manage their own personal space, contrasted with the stimulation of noise and crowding (namazian & mehdipour, 2013). stimulation can also take the form of incivilities that may further disrupt the student lunch experience and social wellbeing. caza and cortina characterized incivility as “low-intensity deviant behavior,” a more common and more minor form of antisocial behavior than severe forms of aggression but compounding over time, with adverse effects on wellbeing and therefore requiring attention (caza & cortina, 2007, p. 335). the types of incivilities students most often describe are not targeted towards any individual in particular but rather are “low-level deviance” instigated and witnessed. students tended to describe these activities, such as leaving messes, throwing food, and shouting, in a way that indicates disruption to their own enjoyment of the cafeteria space. while perhaps such incidents are not surprising in a cafeteria full of largely unsupervised children, these uncivil behaviors and interactions underscore the lawless and chaotic feeling of many cafeterias; the seemingly unregulated space of the cafeteria can ultimately allow for more serious infractions, like physical violence (killam, roland, & weber, 2013). meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 115 the challenges presented by the design and organization of the physical space may exacerbate the social disruptions and vice versa. we see this particularly in the cafeteria line, where students explicitly stated that the crowding and desire to move quickly through the line leads to aggressive behavior, such as shoving and cursing at other students. in the eating area, as volume rises, adults will try to regulate the sound by shouting at students—which not only further contributes to the loudness but also is experienced as an incivility by students. incivilities become more salient in the context of a space that provides no privacy or mediation from unwelcome stimulation and social interaction, as is the condition of many school cafeterias where all students must occupy a single space, over which they have little to no agency. while individual incidences of aggression occur at times, it seems to be the constant flow of minor incivilities, compounding other sources of physical discomfort in an environment where students cannot manage their own personal space, that form the lived experience of students in the cafeteria. these negative social and physical experiences can have implications for students, increasing their stress and diminishing their overall social and emotional wellbeing at school (gorman et al., 2007; maxwell & schechtman, 2012; ogden et al., 2010). further, the stress of the cafeteria could create a negative disposition in students towards school lunch in general. caza and cortina (2007) found that incivilities instigated by both those with higher and similar social status cause negative consequences for mental health and wellbeing among college students. they noted decreased engagement with institutions in which students experience incivilities, which could be applicable in the school cafeteria. if students internalize a felt sense of unfairness or injustice attributed to the institution, as students in our study express about their cafeterias, it is likely to contaminate both their view of the school and school lunch. implications for practice: taking into account a student-centered perspective for policy and design what would students prefer? largely they expressed a desire to socialize and relax at lunch. as one high school student noted, lunch is their chance to “take a little break in life.” even elementary school students said that lunch is their opportunity to socialize. the physical environment can interfere with this desire, for example, if the cafeteria is too loud to talk to one’s friends or if other students are perpetrating incivilities that prevent a sense of relaxation. some students spoke positively of opportunities to eat lunch outside of the cafeteria, such as on a patio or in a classroom, seemingly away from the noise and chaos (see figure 7 for an example). in the language of the proxemics literature, students are articulating a need for balance between stimulation and privacy (robson & kimes, 2009). they would like the opportunity to talk to their friends but without the cafeteria getting too loud. especially older students want to be with their friends, but not crowded with too many others (maxwell & schechtman, 2012). meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 116 extending this idea to the social realm, we can see the chance for uncivil behavior, especially talking too much or too loudly, as a proxy for the freedom to relax from “classroom” behavior and to socialize, as noted by the students who describe the cafeteria as “fun” or “lit.” however, this stimulation becomes problematic as it spirals into unwanted incivilities, what we might see as “negative” stimulation or invasions of student personal space. as a result, while students want the cafeteria to allow for “fun,” they also express a desire for regulation, especially of the line and of volume, for greater calm and safety (langhout & annear, 2011). figure 7. high school student drawing of the cafeteria one high school we visited seemed to have found ways to provide a better balance of stimulation and privacy for students, using adjustments to both the physical and social environment of lunch. in the recently renovated cafeteria, acoustic absorbers helped moderate sound. students described the experience of volume in this cafeteria as loud but tolerable, acknowledging the role of design, saying, “they've got a lot of sound dampeners. they kind of designed the school to be pretty quiet in a loud area.” further, the cafeteria was a big space, designed to avoid crowding in the eating area and to offer different types of seating, including booths and high tables. students were allowed to eat in many other school spaces, such as the library and certain hallways, making the cafeteria itself less crowed. student 1: i don't think it's overcrowded either because i mean, we've got the outside space. student 2: we have enough room… student 3: we have another outside area outside the library, picnic tables... student 2: we can sit out anywhere out there… meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 117 student 1: we can sit in a lot of different places.… this policy opens different types of environments for students who might prefer less stimulation than a typical cafeteria. students expressed a positive and mutually respectful relationship with the teachers and administrators regulating the lunch period, saying “they can trust us.” students took seriously the responsibility to maintain good behavior to allow the continuation of the privilege of eating where they choose. the student group described an enculturation process for the incoming students meant to preserve the current lunch policy: “the big thing every year, at the back-to-school thing, they're like, ‘freshman, you've got to keep the lunch.’... if it's not possible, they'll be mad at you forever.” in this contrasting example of a high school cafeteria, students appreciate the design of the lunchroom, as well as the opportunities to eat in a variety of spaces. what comes through in speaking with these students is that the design interventions and practices promote an overall more positive lunch experience. conclusion based on our interviews with students, we find that many cafeteria environments do not provide a space that students interpret as positive. based on findings from literature on proxemics and incivilities, we suggest that these negative experiences of the physical as well as social environment of the cafeteria might affect student well-being as well as their engagement with school meals. as students describe it, a more positive lunch experience would offer a better balance of stimulation and privacy, which requires changes to both the built environment of the cafeteria as well as the policies that govern lunch. sound dampeners as well as design improvements to create a better flow of the lunch line and greater spacing at cafeteria tables could minimize student stress due to crowding and loudness in line and while eating. offering a greater variety of spaces for students to eat also responds to individual differences in desire for stimulation, providing calmer and quieter spaces for students who need or want that while eating. a better balance between overand under-disciplining students could also improve the student lunch experience. students might welcome more oversight in the lunch line and in some cases in eating areas to regulate incivilities like throwing food and playing loud music. however, harsh discipline such as enforcing silent lunch or banging on tables seriously interferes with students’ positive enjoyment of lunch. our findings are limited by our reliance on students selected by adults as well as on students’ self-report about their attitudes and behaviors in the cafeteria, which may not align with what they do or feel in practice. students may have expressed stereotyped attitudes about the cafeteria or have felt pressure to respond to the researchers in their capacity as adults (for example, by expressing disapproval of meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 118 behaviors that they may engage in or enjoy). students also may have been influenced by others in the discussion group and not expressed dissenting opinions. future research should further explore these themes with students for a better understanding of how students behave in the cafeteria, especially at different age levels, and the effects on both their wellbeing and engagement with school meals (both participation in school lunch and what they ultimately consume). due to space limitations this paper did not include an in-depth discussion of the time allotted for lunch, which deserves further exploration. understanding of the cafeteria space would also be enhanced by including the perspectives of adults in the cafeteria, including school food service staff. specifically, we recommend using a student-centered post-occupancy evaluation (poe) framework to identify stakeholder areas of interest and concern regarding the space of the cafeteria in their schools. poe is an approach to investigating buildings and spaces that aims to involve all stakeholders to generate recommendations that improve the experience of these spaces as well as promote the wellbeing of all occupants (wheeler & malekzadeh, 2015). finally, any suggestions for interventions to improve student experience of lunch should be tested in practice in actual cafeterias. ideally, student-generated interventions would ultimately improve their experience of the cafeteria space, with positive ramifications for student wellbeing. acknowledgments the mhmr project was funded by the robert wood johnson foundation and supported by foodcorps. christine caruso is interim director of the undergraduate program in public health, in the school of interdisciplinary health sciences at the university of saint joseph, connecticut. she is a community-engaged public health researcher who focuses on the role of space and place in health equity, with specializations in food environments, social determinants of nutrition, and participatory democracy. christine received her doctoral training in environmental psychology and food studies at the city university of new york graduate center, has a masters of public health in social and behavioral sciences from boston university, and a masters in clinical psychology from columbia university. amy rosenthal recently received her ph.d. from the bloustein school of planning and public policy at rutgers university. she specializes in food and agriculture policy, especially the ways these programs and policies can enhance individual and community wellbeing. her dissertation project explores implementation of the national school lunch program from the perspective of students and foodservice staff. amy has a masters in food studies from new york university and a bachelors in history from stanford university. meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12… 119 references aiello, j. r., & aiello, c. 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(2013). modification of the school cafeteria environment can impact childhood nutrition. appetite, 61(1), 77–84. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2012.11.002 © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(1), 2021 relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals among elementary children alicia l. fedewa department of educational, school, and counseling psychology, university of kentucky heather erwin department of kinesiology and health promotion, university of kentucky jason wilson freedom elementary school, hopkinsville, kentucky soyeon ahn department of educational psychological studies, university of miami citation: fedewa, a. l., erwin, h., wilson, j., & ahn, s. (2021). relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals among elementary children. children, youth and environments, 31(1), 165-177. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract following recess, children’s behavior typically improves and externalizing behavior decreases. we sought to determine whether multiple recess breaks and their timing leads to reduced discipline referrals. participants included 607 elementary students who engaged in two 15-minute recess breaks each day. discipline referrals were coded by type, time, and time elapsed after the most recent break. findings revealed a complex picture of the role recess timing may play in decreasing discipline issues for children. as time elapsed, the odds of discipline referral increased for verbal disruptive and truancy-related behaviors. results support multiple recess periods throughout the day, preferably every 90 minutes. keywords: physical activity, movement, elementary, externalizing behaviors, aggression, children, discipline http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 166 physical activity opportunities in today’s schools have declined in order to meet academic requirements (barros, silver, & stein, 2009; jarrett et al., 1998; pellegrini, huberty, & jones, 1995); yet, empirical evidence indicates a consistently positive relationship between academic performance, classroom behavior, and physical activity opportunities provided during school (barros et al., 2009; jarrett et al., 1998). recess, defined as scheduled outside-of-class time that allows students to engage in physical and social activities of their choice, is a highly recommended part of the school day for elementary students (active living research, 2012). preliminary research in this area indicates that classroom behavior and student attention improve following recess or classroom movement breaks because it may provide a change that keeps children healthfully stimulated (barros et al., 2009; mahar et al., 2006; pellegrini et al., 1995). it is known that children are active approximately 52-68% of the time during school recess (robert wood johnson foundation, 2012), which can be a significant amount of their daily physical activity. boys have been found to be consistently more active than girls at recess (ridgers, fairclough, & stratton, 2010; sarkin, mckenzie, & sallis, 1997), but results are mixed regarding the levels of physical activity by age and ethnicity (ridgers et al., 2011; ridgers et al., 2012). research has demonstrated that younger children are generally more active than older children and that white youth are generally more active than black and hispanic youth (armstrong et al., 2018; belcher et al., 2010). schools with higher percentages of american indian or alaska native, asian or pacific islander, black and/or hispanic students are less likely to even offer recess (robert wood johnson foundation, 2012). physical activity and externalizing behaviors stimulation-seeking theory suggests children engage in externalizing, or disruptive, behaviors (e.g., physical aggression, verbal bullying, defiance, theft, vandalism) to heighten internal arousal, as children who frequently instigate such aggressive acts may have lower levels of internal arousal compared to children who do not act in these ways (eysenck, 1997). using this theory, folino, ducharme, and greenwald (2014) used exercise as a means to decrease disruptive behaviors and found 30 minutes of aerobic-based physical activity produced improved behavior for approximately 90 minutes afterwards. other research has found a small to moderate relationship between physical activity and lower rates of externalizing behaviors (fite & vitulano, 2011; spruit, assink, van vugt, van der put, & stams, 2016). child moderators that may impact disruptive behavior multiple variables may impact children’s behaviors, including age, sex and race/ethnicity. certain externalizing problems such as aggressive behavior have been shown to either decrease with age or exhibit a curvilinear pattern in which the behavior decreases and then increases again during adolescence (bongers, koot, van der ende, & verhulst, 2003). sex moderates the relationship between age and aggression outcome. by fifth grade, boys have a higher rate of teacher-reported externalizing problems than relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 167 girls, while girls have higher teacher-reported levels of self-control (bertrand & pan, 2013). boys are more likely to demonstrate aggression, property offenses, and status offenses (e.g., truancy or running away from home) (lahey et al., 2000). african american and hispanic/latino students are more likely to be referred to teachers or administrators for behavior problems at elementary and middle school levels than their white peers (skiba et al., 2011). individuals in a severe externalizing group from a nationally representative sample of adolescents were 101% more likely than normative youth to be african american (vaughn, salaswright, delisi, & maynard, 2013). simultaneously, african american youth tend to receive harsher levels of punishment for less serious behavior than other students (downey & pribesh, 2004; skiba, michael, nardo, & peterson, 2002). physical activity break timing pellegrini and colleagues (1995) demonstrated that the timing of physical activity may further influence student behavior. for elementary students, following an indoor or outdoor recess break, on-task behavior and attention improved compared to those before the break. further, longer periods of inactivity were associated with higher levels of inattention. however, what is unclear is the relationship between the timing of physical activity and disruptive behavior. prior research indicates that students fare better behaviorally when provided with brief, intermittent movement breaks (jarrett et. al, 1998; mahar et al., 2006; pellegrini et al., 1995; pirrie & lodewyk, 2012). the purpose of this study was to examine the effects of two recess periods and their timing on student behavior. method participants participants included 607 kindergarten through sixth-grade students (49.7% female, mage = 8.4 years) from a title i elementary school in rural, southeastern united states. the school was selected as a convenience sample as the administrator agreed to changing their recess policy to evaluate effects on student achievement and discipline referrals. the demographics mirrored the surrounding schools in the region (54.2% african american, 30.5% white, 7.6% hispanic, 7.6% other, <1% native hawaiian or pacific islander). approximately 89% of the students qualified for free/reduced-price lunch, while 2.6% were english language learners. all participants were in classrooms (n = 30) that added a second recess to the school day during the year of data collection. all methods were approved through the school administration, local school district, and university internal review board. procedures all teachers followed a new recess schedule for the 2017-2018 year that included two 15-minute blocks of recess time (as opposed to one 15-minute block the previous school year) (see figure 1 for recess schedule). teachers were instructed to allow students to organize games and have free play during their scheduled recess times. if weather did not allow for outdoor recess, teachers were asked to provide active indoor recess options. relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 168 figure 1. recess times by grade level t im e 8 :0 0 -8 :1 5 a m 8 :3 0 -8 :4 5 a m 8 :4 5 -9 :0 0 a m 9 :0 0 -9 :1 5 a m 9 :1 5 -9 :3 0 a m 9 :3 0 -9 :4 5 a m 1 1 :2 5 -1 1 :4 0 a m 1 1 :4 0 -1 1 :5 5 a m 1 2 :0 0 -1 2 :1 5 p m 1 2 :5 0 -1 :0 5 p m 1 :2 5 -1 :4 0 p m 1 :4 5 -2 :0 0 p m 2 :0 0 -2 :1 5 p m grade level k k 1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 6 discipline referrals the school utilized a mobile portal to maintain records of assignments, grades, attendance, discipline referrals and more for each individual student. discipline referrals were thus documented for each classroom through an online portal by the classroom teacher throughout the school year. minor infractions would result in warnings or interventions provided by the classroom teacher for the first five occurrences. for the first five behavioral incidents, teachers would provide students with a written warning that was sent home to the parent. after the fifth warning, students were referred to the principal’s office. the present study analyzed these office referrals, and thus represented behavior that had continued to occur after five warnings or interventions had been put into place. the disciplinary referrals were coded according to infraction type—(a) verbal aggression, (b) physical aggression, or (c) truancy/skipping class (leaving class and not coming back); time of referral (morning/afternoon); whether the referral occurred (coded as 1 for referred vs. 0 for not referred) before, between, or after the recess periods; and by time (in minutes) in proximity to scheduled recess periods. to distinguish between referrals occurring after the first recess but that could also be classified as “between” the first and second recess, referrals were coded by the time they occurred in proximity to a recess break. if the referral occurred within 5 minutes of the recess break, it was coded as “after” or “before,” but if it occurred more than 5 minutes from either break, it was coded as “between.” recess for all children in the study, recess took place on a playground that consisted of a large swing set; a play set with slide and monkey bars; a large field where children could play tag, soccer, football, or kickball; and a basketball court. the activity that took place during recess varied based on grade level as some teachers were more active than others with students. there were three to four teachers monitoring relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 169 recess at all times with approximately 50 children on the playground during each recess period. teachers were not allowed to deprive students of recess as a form of punishment or to make up for academic work. data analysis in 2018 the researchers performed a series of hierarchical generalized linear models (hglm) to understand whether students’ discipline referrals for (a) verbal aggression, (b) physical aggression, and (c) truancy/skipping school differ by 1) sex, 2) race/ethnicity, 3) proximity of time (in minutes) from the last recess break, and 4) whether the referral occurred before, between, or after recess periods. the hglm—which extend generalized linear models by relaxing the assumption that errors are independent—was selected to properly model the dichotomous outcome (coded as 1 or 0) measured over time (time nested within individual). for each hglm, the logit link (𝜂𝑡𝑖), where 𝜂𝑡𝑖 is the log of the odds of ith student’s being referred to discipline at tth time, is predicted by level-1 (i.e., time in proximity, whether the referral occurred before, between, or after the recess periods) and level-2 predictors (i.e., gender and ethnicity) as follows: 𝜂𝑡𝑖 = 𝛾00 + 𝛾01(𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑦) + 𝛾02(𝑏𝑒𝑡𝑤𝑒𝑒𝑛) + 𝛾03(𝑎𝑓𝑡𝑒𝑟) + 𝛾04(𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑦 ∗ 𝑏𝑒𝑡𝑤𝑒𝑒𝑛) + 𝛾05(𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑦 ∗ 𝑎𝑓𝑡𝑒𝑟) + 𝛾06(𝑀𝑎𝑙𝑒) + 𝛾07(𝐴𝐴) + 𝛾08(𝐻𝑖𝑠𝑝𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑐) + 𝑢𝑡𝑖 , where 𝑢𝑡𝑖 ~ 𝑁 (0, 𝜏00), 𝜏00 is level-2 variance; latency is the amount of time delay (in minutes) from the last recess break; between is a dummy variable representing whether a student was referred for disciplinary infractions between recess breaks; after is a dummy variable indicating whether a student was referred for disciplinary infractions; male is a dummy variable indicating whether a student was identified as male; aa is a dummy variable indicating whether a student was identified as african american; and hispanic is a dummy variable indicating whether a student identified as hispanic. all hglm analyses were performed using lme4 library in r, where the parameter was estimated using laplace approximations, which is known to perform optimally compared to other approximation methods. for all the estimated parameters, the odds ratio of the associated logit coefficient (𝛾) was computed for interpretation as exp(𝛾). results a total of 140 students were referred for disciplinary infractions 342 times (min = 1, max = 18, m = 2.45) over one academic year. most students were male (n = 105; 75%), while 25% (n = 35) were female (see table 1). furthermore, 96 (68.6%) were african american, seven (5%) were hispanic, and the rest were white (n = 23, 16.4%) or multiracial (n = 14, 10%). no significant differences were found in the likelihood that a student was referred for each disciplinary infraction by the following: sex (p = .32 for verbal aggression; p = .21 for physical aggression; p = .54 for truancy/skipping school), race/ethnicity (p = .36 for verbal aggression; p = .38 for physical aggression; p = .66 for truancy/skipping school), and grade level (p =.26 for verbal aggression; p = .86 for physical aggression; p = .15 for truancy/skipping school). relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 170 table 1. characteristics of students who were referred for disciplinary infractions n % gender female 35 25 male 105 75 race/ethnicity 2 or more 13 9.3 african american 96 68.6 hispanic 7 5 white 23 16.4 missing 1 0.7 grade level k 5 3.6 1 11 7.9 2 26 18.6 3 28 20 4 23 16.4 5 27 19.3 6 20 14.3 the average amount of time that a discipline referral occurred after recess (in minutes) was 100.09 (sd = 78.4, min = 10, max = 405). of 342 referrals, 163 (48%) were for verbally disruptive behaviors (k = 74, 45% before recess; k = 41, 25% between recesses; k = 48, 30% after recesses), 132 (39%) were for physically aggressive behaviors (k = 42, 32% before recess; k =30, 23% between recesses; k = 60, 45% after recesses), 38 (11%) were for truancy and skipping school-related behaviors (k = 16, 42% before recess; k = 4, 11% between recesses; k = 18, 47% after recesses), and 9 (.03%) were for “other” behaviors (k = 6, 67% before recess; k = 2, 22% between recesses; k = 1, 11% after recesses), including inappropriate use of technology. due to the small number of students who were referred for “other” behaviors, no statistical analysis was performed for this group. effect of recess breaks on discipline referrals table 2 summarizes results from three sets of hglms predicting whether a student was referred for a disciplinary infraction. these models were performed separately by the three main types of infractions: (a) verbally disruptive behaviors, (b) physically aggressive behaviors, and (c) truancy-related behaviors. the predictors entered in three subsequent models were: (a) the amount of time it took the infraction to occur after the recess break; (b) a dummy variable indicating a relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 171 discipline referral occurred between recess breaks; (c) a dummy variable indicating whether a discipline referral occurred after recess breaks; (d) the interaction between the time delay after a recess break and a dummy variable indicating a discipline referral occurred between recess breaks; (e) a dummy variable indicating a male student; (f) a dummy variable indicating whether a student is african american, and (g) a dummy variable indicating whether a student is hispanic. referrals for verbally disruptive behaviors a statistically significant positive interaction effect was found between the amount of time after recess break (latency) and a dummy variable indicating whether a discipline referral occurred between the recess breaks (𝛾 = 1.05, se = 0.49, p = .02, exp(𝛾 ) = 2.84), when controlling for the amount of time after recess, referral timing (morning, afternoon; before, between, after break), sex, and race/ethnicity (see table 2). this indicates that the effect of latency was 184% higher for students who were being referred between recess breaks than those who were being referred within 5 minutes after a recess break. however, the likelihood that a student was referred for a disciplinary infraction was not found to be related to the student’s sex or racial/ethnic background. referrals for physically aggressive behaviors the likelihood that a student was referred for physically aggressive behavior was not found to be statistically different depending on any predictors (see table 2). referrals for truancy-related behaviors the statistically significant but negative intercept (𝛾 = -3.39, se = 0.71, p < .01, exp(𝛾 ) = .03) indicates the likelihood that a student is referred for a truancyrelated disciplinary referral is 97% lower before the recess break when controlling for time after recess and referral timing (morning, afternoon; before, after break) (see table 2). in addition, the relationship between the time delay after recess and the likelihood that a student is referred to discipline for truancy was statistically significant and positive (𝛾 = .38, se = 0.19, p = .04, exp(𝛾) = 1.47). this suggests that the odds of a student’s discipline referral for truancy/skipping school is increased by 47% for every additional hour after their last recess break. due to lack of variation in the number of a student’s discipline referrals for truancy by sex and ethnicity, these effects were not examined in the truancy-related behaviors model. relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 172 table 2. summary of hierarchical generalized linear models verbal harassment physical aggression truancy 𝛾 se(𝛾) p exp(𝛾) 𝛾 se(𝛾) p exp(𝛾) 𝛾 se(𝛾) p exp(𝛾) intercept .54 .53 .32 1.71 -1.02 .62 .10 .36 -3.39* .71 <.01 .03 latency (hr) .004 .14 .91 1 -.22 .17 .21 .8 .38* .19 .04 1.47 between -.93 .59 .14 0.39 .63 .64 .33 1.87 .99 1.08 .36 2.71 after -.86 .51 .13 0.43 .65 .56 .24 1.92 1 .76 .19 2.73 latency * between 1.05* .49 .04 2.84 -.50 .52 .35 .61 -1.62 1.28 .20 .20 latency * after 0.03 .27 .99 1.03 .07 .30 .83 1.07 -.13 .35 .73 .88 male -0.25 .37 .50 0.78 .34 .43 .42 1.41 african american -0.28 .34 .38 0.76 .26 .40 .52 1.29 hispanic -0.49 .76 .50 0.61 .51 .87 .55 1.67 level-2 variance .67 1.17 .98 aic 466.0 443.8 238.8 bic 504.4 482.1 265.7 -2ll -223.0 -211.9 -112.4 df 321 332 334 note. * p < .05; latency is the amount of time delay (in minutes) from the last recess break; between is a dummy variable representing whether a student was referred for disciplinary infractions between recess breaks; after is a dummy variable indicating whether a student was referred for disciplinary infractions within 5 minutes after recess; male is a dummy variable indicating whether a student is male or not; aa is a dummy variable indicating whether a student is african american or not; hispanic is a dummy variable indicating whether a student is hispanic or not; exp(𝛾) indicates the change in the odds of being referred related to each predictor. discussion this was the first study to examine the effects of two recess periods and their timing related to disciplinary infractions. given our findings, it is unclear whether offering two scheduled activity breaks and their timing leads to a reduction in discipline referrals overall as we found a differential effect depending on the type of disciplinary infraction that occurred. no significant difference by sex or race/ethnicity was found, although a multitude of previous studies have found higher levels of disciplinary referrals for african american and hispanic male students (skiba et al., 2011; skiba et al., 2002; vaughn et al., 2014). this is a finding worth further exploring. conceivably, the daily offering of two recess periods may have served as an intervention in which the proportion of discipline referrals leveled out for all students, regardless of sex or race/ethnicity. additionally, the lack of race/ethnicity effects could be related to the homogeneity of the sample itself. we confirmed our hypothesis that the odds of a student being written up for a discipline referral, regardless of age, race/ethnicity, or sex, would be higher as more time elapsed since recess. in this study, discipline referrals occurred on relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 173 average 100 minutes after recess. this finding mirrored an exploratory study conducted with adolescent boys (folino et al., 2014) who demonstrated behavioral improvements for approximately 90 minutes following exercise bouts. providing multiple recess periods or breaks for student activity may demonstrate a return on investment in terms of behavioral improvements. we examined whether the type of infraction predicted whether a student was referred. previous research suggests that type of externalizing problems do not moderate the effect of physical activity in adolescents (spruit et al., 2016). our study found that as the time after recess increased, students were more likely to have verbal and physically aggressive infractions, but not truancy-related behaviors. additionally, the odds of disciplinary incidents for verbal harassment significantly increased between recess breaks compared to times immediately before a recess break. for physical aggression, the odds significantly decreased between recess periods compared to an occurrence immediately before recess. no differences by sex or race/ethnicity were found. as more time passes following an activity break, students are more likely to exhibit verbal and physical discipline issues. although this finding is correlational, it is possible that implementing multiple recess periods and/or activity breaks may help decrease the overall number of discipline referrals. one puzzling finding, however, was the increased incidence of verbally disruptive behaviors coupled with decreased reports of physically disruptive behaviors between recess breaks. it is unclear why one would increase while the other would decrease. perhaps this was due to the time coding of referrals. because two recess periods were offered within a seven-hour school day, it was difficult to determine the cut off between “after recess” and “between recess” time frames, so a short 5minute window was selected to identify a time in close proximity to the beginning and conclusion of the recess break in defining “before,” “after” and “between.” to help tease out this relationship, the average amount of time occurring after recess until a discipline referral occurred was also incorporated into the results. what can be tentatively concluded is that referrals for verbal behavior appeared to increase as time passed following a recess break, suggesting that more bouts of recess may lead to fewer verbal infractions. additionally, referrals for physically aggressive behavior significantly decreased between recess breaks, which again, may support the inclusion of more bouts of recess spread throughout the school day. for referrals related to truancy, the odds of a student being cited increased by almost 50% for every additional hour following their last recess break. perhaps students are most apt to skip class due to boredom or lack of free time. therefore, some options for administrators to consider are providing more activity opportunities or more unstructured time within the school day. limitations multiple limitations existed for this study. first, the sample was one of convenience and thus limits generalizability of the results. second, collapsing different types of referrals into larger categories may have prevented the analyses from capturing important differences in the types of incidences that were more or less likely to relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 174 occur. third, several discipline referrals occurred outside of the school environment (e.g., on busses, n = 28 referrals). given the different environment for students (i.e., large numbers of students, limited supervision), different authority figures (i.e., bus drivers), and unresolved issues from the day, school bus transportation is commonly associated with discipline issues (casey, 1995; putnam, handler, ramirez-platt, & luiselli, 2003). future studies could try to account for these settings to better capture the context of when infractions occur. what does this article add? this is the first study, to our knowledge, that examined the specific type of discipline referrals in reference to the time in which they occurred in relation to multiple recess periods. findings reveal a complex picture on the role recess and its timing may play in decreasing discipline issues for elementary students. as more time elapses after recess, discipline referrals increase. it is suggested that more activity breaks should be provided throughout the day, preferably every 90 minutes, based on present findings. additionally, physical activity breaks within the classroom can be mandated or highly encouraged. while this study did not analyze referrals related to classroom movement breaks, perhaps those may have similar effects on discipline referrals. as more time passes after recess, infractions for verbal misbehavior and physical aggression appear to increase along with the chance of truancy. these findings tentatively support the inclusion of multiple recess periods throughout the day. a school-wide movement break time could be an effective strategy. classroom teachers can also set sporadic alarms throughout the day, signaling for a movement break. there are multiple free online activity breaks and alarms for teachers to utilize, and free resources for activity breaks led by teachers are plentiful (https://app.gonoodle.com; https://www.teacherspayteachers.com; https://www.bokskids.org). offering multiple opportunities for students to move their bodies seems to be one potential solution for decreasing discipline referrals, and scheduling breaks appears to be a costand time-effective way for schools to enhance the learning experience for students. alicia fedewa received her ph.d. from michigan state university and completed her pre-doctoral training in school psychology at cypress-fairbanks independent school district outside of houston, texas. her research interests include the relationship between curricular physical activity and children’s academic, behavioral, and mental health outcomes. dr. fedewa currently teaches the following courses at the university of kentucky: introduction to psychological services in schools, psychoeducational consultation in the schools, social aspects of behavior, and legal/ethical issues in school psychology. heather erwin received her ph.d. from the university of illinois at urbanachampaign in 2006. her research areas of interest include environmental influences on physical activity in children and adolescents as well as student performance on the physical education standards. dr. erwin teaches courses in physical education methods at the university of kentucky. https://app.gonoodle.com/ https://www.teacherspayteachers.com/ https://www.bokskids.org/ relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals… 175 jason wilson is district technology coordinator at christian county schools in hopkinsville, kentucky. he served as assistant principal at the elementary school where the data were collected. he is an advocate of physical activity for students to enhance their school experience. soyeon ahn is chair and professor of education and psychological studies at the university of miami. she is director of the statistical supporting unit (stats-u) of the dunspaugh-dalton community and educational well-being research center. her research specialization is in syntheses and meta-analysis of social science. references active living research. 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(2016). the effects of physical activity interventions on psychosocial outcomes in adolescents: a meta-analytic review. clinical psychology review, 45, 56-71. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2016.03.006 vaughn, m. g., salas-wright, c. p., delisi, m., & maynard, b. r. (2013). violence and externalizing behavior among youth in the united states: is there a severe 5%? youth violence and juvenile justice, 12(1), 3-21. https://doi.org/10.1177/1541204013478973 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2016.03.006 https://doi.org/10.1177/1541204013478973 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 nature’s role in young children’s everyday science learning: a case study kathryn j. andrews school of education, st. bonaventure university citation: andrews, k. j. (2021). nature’s role in young children’s everyday science learning: a case study. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 2648. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract to help address the lack of research in early science learning, this exploratory case study investigated a 7-year-old girl’s conceptions of what counts as science in an everyday context. abigail’s view of science was fuelled by discovering interesting things during daily mundane activities. her mom supported learning with a “sensemaking” approach as an alternative to “correcting” abigail’s underdeveloped ideas. interestingly, nature afforded many science learning opportunities that were often a result of the changing natural environment. results from this study suggest ways to begin dismantling narrow ideas of science in which textbooks and teachers are the authority. keywords: informal science learning, nature-based learning, young children, emergent science, parents as educators http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 27 introduction the purpose of science is to provide useful models of reality that help us understand the natural world. porter (2008) suggested, “science is science when it asks and answers questions, when it uses observations and experiments to understand and explore the world around us” (p. 178). “fundamentally, science is about using established lines of evidence to develop or refine explanations using theories, models, hypotheses, measurements, and observations” (nrc, 2007, p. 18)—something young children often undertake in everyday life. young children actively construct naive scientific theories to account for biological, psychological, physical, and geological events (wellman & gelman, 1998) and likely practice scientific thinking many years before starting school (crowley & galco, 2001). young children's deep curiosities drive early science learning and are often the motivation behind “why” questions (callanan & oakes, 1992). this way of engaging the world is scientist-like in that it mirrors the explanatory thinking of scientists (simon, 2001). some children are so deeply driven in particular areas of wonderment that they are described as “experts” in domains related to science (johnson et al., 2004). for young children, developing science skill and knowledge happens by navigating the natural world through everyday learning (nrc, 2009). everyday learning takes place in the context of family learning and is one of the most important environments where children learn about the world (naeyc, 2013). parents play a key role in supporting children’s science learning in the home (legare et al., 2017; nrc, 2009). in fact, some researchers contend parent interactions positively contribute to science learning, perhaps, more than practitioner intervention in the classroom (lloyd et al., 2017). in other words, parents are a child’s first teacher. family learning is an adult-guided mode of learning in which a parent closely monitors the child's participation in ways that can lead to scientific exploration and the construction of scientific knowledge (crowley & jacobs, 2002; goodwin, 2007). family experiences produce a range of learning opportunities from maintaining a family and household to enjoying hobbies or recreation and are said to be organized around “funds of knowledge” that pertain to a household's functioning and wellbeing (gonzalez et al., 2005; moll et al., 1992). funds of knowledge recognizes knowledge that is not generally found in sanctioned learning and conceptualizes family experiences as a rich learning environment where children, to varying degrees, establish and consistently develop scientific knowledge. routine activities include knowledge exploration and patterns of interactions that have the potential to support scientific practices (ochs & taylor, 1992; ochs et al., 1992). the way in which a parent engages a child within the zone of proximal development parallels the collaborative process that is central to how scientists do science (vygotsky, 1978). parents scaffold experiences to allow a child to achieve a goal that would otherwise be beyond his or her unassisted efforts (wood et al., 1976). scaffolding includes a range of efforts like coordinating organized recreational activities in which a child participates such as fishing, playing at the park, or skiing, to explaining things or experiences in a child’s environment. modeling of young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 28 metacognition, prompting, and questioning through exploratory talk is a parent’s cultural and cognitive tool for enabling conceptual change (mercer & howe, 2012). through parent-child interactions and conversations, children actively make sense of their environment and while parents infrequently offer complex explanations, conversations between parent and child lay the groundwork for developing scientific literacy (callanan & jipson, 2001). as a result, parent-child interactions have the potential to contain rich science learning that forms a foundation for children to work with abstract and general ideas, concepts, or mechanisms (e.g., crowley & jacobs, 2002). this type of parent-child interaction is sophisticated and refutes outdated views about the limitations of young children’s thinking that are still prevalent within the education system (akerson et al., 2011; campbell et al., 2016; metz, 1995). in addition to scaffolding, parents act as gatekeepers in establishing a connection to the natural world. nature is important to a child’s development across domains, cognitively, socially, emotionally, and physically as nature stimulates development in a variety of ways (kellert, 2005). however, for children to benefit from nature, parents have to be able and willing to connect them to nature. young children’s development is positively influenced by direct contact with nature (dankiw et al., 2020). learning in nature often increases levels of intrinsic motivation (skinner et al., 2012) because being outdoors generally fosters a greater interest in learning about one’s surroundings (e.g., ernst & stanek, 2006; thorp, 2006). interest increases for previously uninterested children (truong et al., 2016) and disadvantaged children experience a positive emotional effect when learning in the natural world (mccree et al., 2018). nature also encourages cooperative learning (bell & dyment, 2006). children who play together in nature have more positive feelings toward one another (moore, 1996). children’s cognitive abilities are enhanced if they experience problem solving in natural settings as opposed to maintained settings (charles, 2009). moreover, cognitive development is positively supported in nature because children have opportunities to be creative and employ problem-solving skills as they negotiate elements of the natural world (kellert, 2005). nature provides young children with opportunities to experience phenomena that contribute to meaning-making because individuals and the environment influence and are influenced by one another in a context-bound process (bronfenbrenner, 1999). research purpose over one's lifetime, more learning happens out-of-school (nrc, 2009). therefore, the purpose of this research is to discover how everyday learning in a family environment may contribute to a young child’s ability to recognize and participate in science. even though researchers contend most science learning is experienced outside of the classroom through everyday experiences (gerber et al., 2001), there continues to be a lack of research exploring early childhood science learning (gelman & brenneman, 2012; mcnerney & hall, 2017). young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 29 another purpose of researching this type of informal learning is to influence early childhood classroom instruction. everyday learning is a valuable resource but our school-centric culture undervalues informal learning or simply views it as a natural process by which learning happens (lave, 1982). this conception biases views of learning toward in-classroom academic learning, and as a result, informal learning outcomes do not generally inform curriculum design or instructional practice. additionally, this investigation echoes the nature-based learning collaborative research network’s proclamation that qualitative results may suggest how various settings with nature afford different opportunities for learning, which may lead to different outcomes (jordan & chawla, 2019). researchers commonly investigate family science learning in informal contexts where elements of nature are present such as zoos (worch & haney, 2011), botanical gardens (eberbach & crowley, 2017), and nature centers (mcclain & zimmerman, 2014). each of these learning spaces include some element of nature but are designed spaces with the goal of increasing science engagement. in contrast to a designed learning space, nature’s role in learning at home might be different, which requires the need to understand nature’s influence on informal learning in a broader context. theoretical framework i adopted sociocultural theory and situated cognition as my investigative framework because i view early childhood learning as participatory, in which the formation of skills and abilities are a part of everyday experiences (lave & wenger, 1991; rogoff & lave, 1984). consequently, activity is directly shaped by social, physical, and cultural factors. for children, learning, in this case science, is situated within social interactions with parents (rogoff, 1990; vygotsky, 1978). sociocultural theory reasons that learning and development as originated in the social plane are a result of an “interactive process” between the parent and child (cole & wertsch, 1996; litowitz, 1993; vygotsky, 1978). the parent is the knowledgeable other that provides scaffolding within the child’s zone of proximal development (vygotsky, 1978). situated cognition views science as a process of participation in a part of a larger network of participants and institutions (lehrer & schauble, 2007). the acquisition of knowledge is situated in a particular context. in school, a child is viewed as a recipient in learning, in contrast to family learning experiences in which the child is generally an active participant (nrc, 2009; wellman & gelman, 1998). knowledge and skills acquired within family learning are transferable into other contexts such as the classroom, provided the classroom positions the child in the learning process similar to where the child existed in the learning process within family learning experiences (hedegaard, 1995). while it is important to understand children’s learning as conceptual change in either a domain-specific (carey, 2000) or general manner (case & griffin, 1990; inhelder & piaget, 1958), it is equally important to understand the process of how children participate and learn through interactions with family and in everyday experiences (rogoff, 1990; vygotsky, 1978). by viewing learning as developmental, i can specify the kind of experiences that produce learning outcomes (müller & young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 30 liben, 2017). methods qualitative results have the potential to provide descriptions that are important for understanding and applying results or identifying potential causal mechanisms that underlie learning. qualitative results also have the potential to suggest how settings with and without nature afford different opportunities for teaching and learning, which may lead to different outcomes. these outcomes can then be tested in more controlled ways through experimental designs (jordan & chawla, 2019). accordingly, i applied a qualitative case study method, which values specific and highly textured details within a unique context instead of representativeness of the case (yin, 2003; stake, 1995). the goal of the case study is to use the focal child as a telling case. this telling case will illustrate what counts as science to a young child learning in a family context, how parents may support science learning, and nature’s role in family science learning. by describing the research process in detail, readers can decide whether the results are transferrable to another setting. research questions my original research questions were “what does a young child count as science in everyday learning?” and “how do parents support science learning?” after several cycles of coding, i also included an additional question “what is nature’s role in family science learning?” participants and setting i obtained institutional review board approval and a combination of convenience sampling (short travel distance to the participants’ house) and purposeful sampling (the family’s active engagement of the focal child in science) was used to identify the participant by conducting a voluntary parent survey in the local area. my primary participant was abigail, a 7-year-old attending the second grade in a public school located in a small rural town in upstate new york. she lived with her mother, father, and a younger sister. both parents had a college education; her father was caucasian and a self-employed lawyer, and her mother, dee, was caucasianhispanic and worked remotely in marketing. data collection and analysis i applied multiple data collection methods to gain a diverse perspective into the life of my participant. multiple vantage points supported my effort to triangulate data and achieve dependability (yin, 2003). over a six-month period, i conducted five interviews that included one parent-child (60 minutes), one parent-only (45 minutes), and three child-only (30 minutes each) interviews. the parent-child interview was facilitated using an adapted version of the science activity task instrument (sat) (zimmerman & bell, 2014; see appendix), while subsequent interviews were conducted using researcher-generated questions that were refined as data collection progressed. all interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed into text. in addition to interviewing, abigail maintained a digital photo journal to represent “when” she was doing or saw science in her daily life. her journal included 33 entries. similarly, her mom kept a journal about how she supported young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 31 abigail’s interests. finally, i engaged in participant observation as i spent time with the family before and after each interview. observations were handwritten as field notes and all artifacts were recorded as a digital file and printed. to generate codes that addressed each research question, i started data analysis with open coding that culminated into different categories (strauss & corbin, 1994). in the second and subsequent cycles of coding, i established clear links between my research questions and findings by applying a holistic coding method as a way to categorize chunks of data that eventually culminated into themes (as cited by saldana, 2013). i validated the findings through member checking and peer debriefing. instruments the sat is a tool for developing a grounded understanding for the meaning of science and can be used to find connections that youth see to science. the sat reveals the science children see in their daily activities by adopting mcdermott and webber's (1998) “when is science” approach. reframing the question “what is science” to “when is science” is important because asking young children directly “what is science” is not developmentally appropriate as the question is not embedded in the context of “doing science.” even though children may have limitations in verbalizing ideas, they are likely able to express their views when they see themselves participating in science-related activities because “doing science” is intimately connected to the sophisticated science abilities of young children (metz, 2008; wellman & gelman, 1998). equally important, the “when is science” approach also acknowledges that children’s development of science skill and knowledge is not linear, nor is it one-dimensional. in this way, the “when is science” approach represents the shift in thinking about the development of academic science competencies as exclusive to the classroom, to including other environments where students use disciplinary core ideas; crosscut concepts with scientific practices to explore, examine, and explain how and why phenomena occur; and design solutions to problems. these three dimensions are the foundation of the national research council's (2012) framework for k-12 science education; even though this framework does not discuss informal settings for science education, the council notes, “[informal settings] provide many opportunities for learning science that complement and extend students’ experiences in school” (p. 241). findings table 1 summarizes activities that abigail counted as science. column 1 presents activities based on how closely she identified an activity as being related to science. column 2 presents her frequency of engagement of each activity within each of the three categories. young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 32 table 1. sat: abigail's assessment of activities in relation to science and frequency of engagement closely related to science frequency of engagement reading books about true events (non-fiction) a lot observing things in school science* a lot talking about science in your school classroom* a lot doing experiments or playing around with things at home sometimes going to a museum, zoo, science center sometimes conducting experiments in school* does not do somewhat related to science doing math in school a lot talking with friends a lot using books in school (textbooks) a lot playing on the playground a lot doing social studies in school a lot reading stories or comics (fiction) a lot reading magazines or newspapers does not do playing a musical instrument or singing a lot using a kindle or ipad a lot doing homework a lot watching cartoons or a comedy on tv a lot going to an afterschool program or club sometimes going to places of worship sometimes watching a movie at home or in a theater sometimes taking care of pets (feeding, walking) sometimes taking photographs, making movies, computer art sometimes cooking at home sometimes going to summer programs (camp, school, or community) sometimes mixing things together at home sometimes watching animal shows on tv sometimes playing videos games sometimes talking with parents and family sometimes playing board games sometimes fishing, camping, snorkeling, hiking, boating sometimes does not relate to science building things with magnets, legos, or other toy and tools sometimes listening to music on the radio, computer, mp3s, a lot playing soccer, basketball, football, other sports, sometimes making origami, stars, airplanes, paper folding sometimes drawing, knitting, painting, crocheting sometimes watching a show on tv like sid the science kid, the magic school bus, or mythbusters does not do *activities related to school science abigail unequivocally associated science with “school science” activities. examples of school science activities abigail reported as “closely related” to science were observing things, talking about science, and conducting experiments in school. however, she also closely associated a variety of activities with science that went beyond school science. abigail reported reading books about true events; doing young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 33 experiments or playing around with things at home; and going to a museum, zoo, science center, or aquarium, as “closely related” to science. interestingly, abigail saw most activities as “somewhat related” to science. examples of activities she reported as “somewhat related” to science were doing math in school, talking with friends, playing on the playground, reading stories or comics, reading magazines or newspapers, playing a musical instrument or singing, watching animal shows on tv, playing video games, and outdoor activities like fishing, hiking, and boating. when deciding whether “talking with friends" was related, she replied, "no, well kind of, depends what you would talk about!” she acknowledged that talking about science is doing science but only when the content of conversation is science. however, she implicitly viewed science as a collaborative process in the way she was eager to share her discoveries of science phenomena like a decaying frog, sap on a flower, and inchworms making silk. while she generally saw most activities as “somewhat related,” activities she deemed as “not related” to science were generally not of interest to her but were viewed as closely related by her mom. for example, watching mythbusters (a popular television show about science investigation) or science! kids (a popular website with child-friendly science videos), as illustrated by the following interaction: dee: even though you don’t watch them, would you think that watching those shows is science related? abigail: no. dee: you don’t think so, like the science kids? abigail: no, no it is not. (a while later…) abigail: building things with magnets, legos, or other toy and tools. no, no. dee: you don’t think that is science? abigail: fine, i’ll do this (she picks up a yellow piece) dee: no, you don’t have to. abigail: no. (she placed it back on to the table instead of the board) just as dee challenged abigail’s thinking about mythbusters in the episode above, dee challenged abigail's description of a decomposing frog. abigail captured the remains of a snake and frog (figure 1). she said the snake's skin was science because a snake was growing bigger and had to leave the skin behind. similarly, she talked about how the frog was growing too but she knew the frog was no longer living like the snake. she was not exactly sure why it was getting “as big as a house,” but knew it had something to do with science. dee challenged abigail’s description of the frog and asked her to think of ways she could measure the frog. abigail decided she could use the flowers with long stems to measure the frog. young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 34 figure 1. abigail’s photo journal entries of once living things: snake and a decomposing frog dee often let disagreement exist when abigail’s thinking was not aligned with dee’s thinking. dee also seemed okay with allowing abigail’s ideas to be underdeveloped or incomplete as demonstrated in the discussion of mythbusters. most of the time she did not attempt to correct abigail but she often tried to influence abigail to think about things in a different way. she tried to influence abigail's thinking by asking questions or directing her attention as she did in the case of abigail’s description of the frog. abigail captured images of a centipede, butterfly, and snails (figure 2). she discovered a centipede while taking a walk through a sculpture park near her home. she was afraid to touch the centipede and asked dee to hold it so she could take a picture because she knew it was science even though she did not want to touch it. figure 2. abigail’s photo journal entries of living things: centipede, butterfly, and snails she also captured plant life that she enjoyed observing (figure 3). she discovered something known as the “spittlebug” one day while investigating some white matter young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 35 on a plant near her home. after wondering what she saw on the plant, abigail and dee used the internet to research what they had observed. figure 3. abigail’s photo journal entries of plant life: flowers, grass, and a “spittlebug” all of the photos in figures 1, 2, and 3, as was the case for most of the photos in her journal, were taken when abigail interacted with nature while playing or walking near her rural home or in the local community. consequently, abigail occasionally developed an interest by accident. for example, while walking her dog she discovered a berry bush. in the following excerpt, dee reflected on abigail’s discovery of and interest in the berries near their home: yeah, like the berries, we found wild berries—the black berries. we—well, underneath the overpass where they frequently walk the dog, we pulled over there the other day so she could just go and pick the berries. and if she doesn’t come with me to walk the dog, she says, ‘can you bring me back some berries?’ after discovering the berries, abigail made it a point to visit the bush to enjoy the fruit and liked to observe how it changed during different seasons. the photos included here are a representation of abigail’s photo journal, as it mostly depicted living or dead animals but also included some plant life. dee’s journal focused on facilitating abigail’s science experiences and the rich conversation that happened when dee and abigail were engaged in meaningful conversations during daily activities. abigail observed, sometimes tasted, and wanted to know more even when she was scared to touch. discussion based on a synthesis of the results of this study, informal learning positively contributes to a child’s idea of what counts as science, and parent scaffolding plays an important role in that informal learning. additionally, the natural world plays an important role in creating a rich context for learning about science. young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 36 this study contributes to the growing body of research exploring young children’s natural curiosity about the world by illustrating what counts as science to a young child. abigail’s view of science was fuelled by discovering interesting things during daily mundane activities. her conception of science was fluid, as demonstrated by her categorizing the majority of activities on the sat as “somewhat related” to science. direct experience was essential to viewing something as science-related, as demonstrated by her assessment of mythbusters. abigail’s inability to recognize activities that she does not do as science might indicate her inability to separate activity of the self and activity of the external world, a feature of the preoperational stage of cognitive development (piaget, 1951). piaget suggested that direct interaction was essential to the development of thinking. similarly, emphasis on direct experience is echoed in the nrc’s description of meaningful science education, in which “students cannot comprehend scientific practices, nor fully appreciate the nature of scientific knowledge itself, without directly experiencing those practices for themselves” (nrc, 2012, p. 29). abigail’s case adds to the literature on young children’s ability to engage in a wide range of subtle and complex reasoning about the world (akerson et al., 2011; gelman & kalish, 2005; metz, 1995; nrc, 1999). her desire to talk about her experiences provided an opportunity for her to share her ideas and in turn make sense of the world around her through conversation. conversation with her mom became a resource for understanding and language was a tool used to support her thinking. dee used language as a tool for learning by prompting or questioning during brief exchanges of information. while fragmented episodes of dialogue only provided bits and pieces of complex ideas, brief conversation accommodates a young child's cognitive load and thus might be more beneficial to emergent thinking (callanan & jipson, 2001). explanation episodes afforded abigail the opportunity to increase her knowledge and to practice exchanging ideas in a way that embodies three-dimensional science learning (nrc, 2012). for example, knowledge exploration occurred when dee and abigail talked about abigail’s interests in living things. abigail was able to construct and revise her ideas about natural phenomena during conversations with her mom as in the exchange about the size of the frog. dee attempted to influence abigail's thinking about the size of the decomposing frog by prompting her to think a different way about size, encouraging exploration through the use of dialogue, and by asking questions. measuring the frog with stems seemed to capture the length of the frog rather than the bloating of the frog, which is what abigail was comparing to a house. nonetheless, dialogue allowed dee to support abigail’s thinking but dee’s approach in this exchange is critical to abigail’s conceptions of science. dee's approach gave abigail space to reason on her own, which illustrates what campbell and colleagues (2016) refer to as “sense-making.” sense-making is an alternative approach to “correcting” a child’s underdeveloped ideas. researchers argue that misconceptions or ideas that are inconsistent with science ought to be viewed as a resource rather than a deficit that threatens the development of scientific reasoning in young children. resources include partial understandings, young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 37 nonstandard ideas, everyday experiences and ways of talking. abigail’s misconception of the frog provided a basis for her mom to help her explore measurement. dee could have easily viewed abigail’s “big as a house” analogy as wrong and could have “corrected” her by explaining how things are measured. instead, dee tried to help abagail make sense of the frog’s size but was only able to do so by starting where abigail was in her thinking about the size of the frog. if dee had chosen to “correct” abigail, abigail would have learned that her ideas may not be a resource for learning and that her incorrect thinking needs to be replaced with “right” ideas (campbell et al., 2016). finally, and perhaps one of the most interesting aspects of abigail’s case, is that nature afforded many science learning opportunities as demonstrated by her photo journal. her photo journal captured the richness of her family learning with nature. larimore (2018) states learning with nature is “when the learning is a direct result of moments provided by the natural world” (p. 36). abigail’s photo journal supports evidence that nature is a direct and important part of learning (jordan & chawla, 2019; kuo et al., 2019). for abigail, nature-based learning is a result of ordinary practices within her family’s culture that represents an uncomplicated definition of authentic learning (brown et al., 1989) and includes opportunities for free-choice learning (falk, 2001). research indicates that exploration in nature offers many opportunities for free-choice learning (chawla et al., 2014). additionally, her mom’s support of abigail’s free-choice learning enabled direct experience with the natural world when abigail was afraid but wanted to investigate, as in the case of touching the centipede. many of abigail’s teachable moments were by chance and a result of the changing natural environment. these teachable moments could only be achieved by consistent exposure to the natural world, which is different than occasional exposure to science phenomena in a designed informal learning experience. for example, abigail developed an interest in berries by accident while out walking her dog. subsequently, she then frequented the berry bush to enjoy the fruit and to observe its changing form during different seasons. even when she was unable to walk the dog, she would ask her mom to return with some berries when the bush was in season. abigail’s concrete experiences within nature led to observation, application of knowledge, opportunity for reflection, investigation, and sharing of ideas. learning with nature, in nature, and about nature in a family context broadened abigail’s view of science and ideas of collaboration in science, which are in contrast to school science that often reinforces narrow ideas of science and authority of textbooks and teachers (duschl, 2008). participating in family activities that overlap with scientific practice created a recognition that there are many tools, methods, and interpretations in science. her conception of science might solidify with more concrete experiences in school by recognizing her learning of science out of school. young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 38 implications for teachers researchers continue to argue that classroom science practices should connect children's everyday experiences to scientific concepts (gomes & fleer, 2018). everyday science learning has much to offer when thinking about how teachers might support the three dimensions of science learning outlined in the national research council's (2012) framework for k-12 science education. the three dimensions represent practices, cross-cutting concepts, and disciplinary core ideas. these dimensions are derived from what is known about the nature of learning science and include young children’s capacity to learn science, the development of understanding over time, the consideration both of knowledge and practice, the linkage of science education to informal learning, and the promotion of equity. to facilitate more equitable science instruction, teachers need to first broaden the idea of what counts as science in classroom instruction (larimore, 2020). this is accomplished by understanding what children see as science in their everyday lives and then by taking these conceptions seriously. one way to do so is to explore misconceptions or underdeveloped ideas through a “sense-making” approach rather than a “correcting” approach. when young children’s ideas about science are taken seriously, educators recognize that everyday phenomena offer potential science content, which enables educators to begin to build on what children already know and can do (gomes & fleer, 2018). in this way, teachers have the unique ability to remove barriers that exist between a child’s learning in the classroom and a child’s everyday learning. although what happens in a classroom is significantly affected by several governing entities, “classroom teachers in the lower grades may have some latitude in how they use instructional time to meet district and state mandates” (nrc, 2012, p. 245). if meaningful science learning takes place in the natural world, then teachers need to adopt methods of instruction that increase a child’s proximity to the natural world and leverage natural phenomena in academic science learning. integrating principles of a nature-based approach into teaching practice is one way to do so during instructional hours. educators need to be able to understand how to facilitate learning with, in, and about nature in programs that are not necessarily naturebased or even nature-inclined. “while it is impractical to transform all preschools into nature-based ones, it is reasonable for early childhood providers to consider the fundamental principles of nature-based preschools and integrate them into their teaching practice” (larimore, 2018, p. 35). i believe there is value in trying to influence small changes in established nonnature-based programs as a strategy to bring about a shift in a traditional model of instruction that is unlikely to adopt new ideas unless directed by state or federal governments. the goal is to influence teachers directly at the classroom level by providing them with relatively simple ways of adopting a learning with nature approach even if the entire program does not support or is not designed for such an approach. larimore (2018) describes a continuum of practice from no nature to nature-based instruction and then outlines practical tips for integrating nature into any early childhood program. young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 39 implications for families parents remain a powerful influence on young children’s learning and have the unique ability to support their child because of the intimate knowledge of their interests, motivations, and background knowledge. parents should be encouraged to contribute to conversations with teachers about how to integrate the natural world into the classroom by talking about the things they do at home. designing parent outreach programs that recognize and communicate the power of this influence is one way to begin dismantling narrow ideas of science in which textbooks and teachers are the authority. an effective outreach program will encourage families to share real-life examples of the rich science learning embedded in daily life, which can then be integrated into classroom learning. an effective outreach program will also build upon parenting practices that may already be present by reinforcing ways in which parents play an essential role in science learning. for example, encouraging parents to recognize that a child’s how and why questions are an expression of curiosity, that asking how or why questions have the potential to invite a child’s curiosity, and that prompting their child to think differently about something while also giving the space for that thinking to be incorrect or incomplete is essential for more disciplined science engagement later in life. additionally, researchers designing outreach programs can identify valuable “missed” opportunities that emerge from case studies and use these experiences to build specific activities that facilitate parent-child science exploration in the everyday world. for example, after studying abigail’s case, an interesting question that might be asked is, “how could two things, one alive and one dead, be ‘growing’?” these opportunities are only missed if we fail to reflect on them and use them to identify what could have been. sharing and building on rich examples from cases in research further dismantles narrow ideas of science by using real people and real experiences in a way that will help both parents and educators recognize everyday learning as a necessary building block in science competency. limitations and future research directions the family that participated in this study reported a high level of science engagement in the survey used to recruit participants. abigail’s family was selected because the goal of this research was to focus on specific characteristics of science learning in a family context. this sampling approach is particularly useful in exploratory qualitative research (palys, 2008), however, it results in a limited representation of the wider population. nonetheless, these limitations also represent future research directions to expand the ideas presented in this study. suggested future directions include exploring science learning experiences of young children that are similar or different from abigail in terms of various characteristics like culture, race, gender, socioeconomic status, family composition, and geographic location. conclusion family learning offers a snapshot into foundational science learning that takes place during everyday activities when a child is in proximity to nature. for science young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 40 instruction in school to be meaningful, the curriculum must consider a student’s informal learning experiences. likewise, for a child to be ready for disciplined science engagement, they must have opportunities to engage in informal science learning to form the building blocks of knowledge. the reciprocity between these two spheres demands science instruction "explicitly draw upon participants’ cultural practices, including everyday language, linguistic practices, and common cultural experiences” (nrc, 2009, p. 236). inclusion of family learning increases the likelihood that curriculum is culturally sensitive because outcomes of academic learning is derived directly from experiences that represent a child’s frame of reference (hedegaard, 2003). on a special note, the covid-19 pandemic presented one of the biggest challenges to classroom learning in the history of our education system as academic learning was physically displaced from many schools across the nation. as a result, we were reminded of the need to seriously integrate everyday and nature-based learning into instruction. the irony of teaching and learning during the pandemic is that leveraging informal learning or the natural world was available but, i suspect, underused because it was not well understood or integrated into teaching practice pre-pandemic. i would argue that teachers who had already integrated informal and/or nature-based learning into their instruction were more likely to know how to facilitate continuous learning opportunities during the pandemic because their idea of “real” learning would have already included learning outside of the classroom or learning that leveraged the natural world. meaningful teaching and learning is not limited to a particular place with a preconceived set of learning experiences, and the construction of knowledge is anything but linear or one-dimensional. kathryn j. andrews is an assistant professor in the school of education at st. bonaventure university. st. bonaventure is a small liberal arts university located in rural western new york. she teaches early childhood and elementary education courses in an undergraduate program. as a researcher, she continually adopts the use of innovative research methods to better understand 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(2014). where young people see science: everyday activities connected to science. international journal of science education, part b: communication and public engagement, 4(1), 25-53. https://doi.org/10.1080/21548455.2012.741271 https://doi.org/10.1109/icalt.2008.115 https://doi.org/10.1080/21548455.2012.741271 young children’s everyday science and nature’s role: a case study 48 appendix a. science activity task phase one – relative to science phase two – frequency of participation login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden amelia lucas anthony snider department of environmental sciences university of north carolina wilmington shanhong luo department of psychology university of north carolina wilmington citation: lucas, a., snider, a., & luo, s. (2018). evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden. children, youth and environments, 28(1), 42-65. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this study surveyed 202 residents in the community of winter park in wilmington, north carolina to evaluate interest in the maintenance of a proposed education garden for winter park elementary school (wpes). results indicated strong community support for this garden. additionally, four groups of variables (demographics, parenthood status, availability, and lifestyle preferences) were used to predict willingness to volunteer at the garden. results showed that respondent age, number of children enrolled at wpes, driving distance between the household and wpes, and frequency of organic food purchases were the most consistent predictors of willingness to volunteer at the garden. keywords: education garden, community support, volunteering, demographics, lifestyle http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 43 immersion in nature enhances children’s development, providing them with access to physical activity, improved psychological well-being, education, and an opportunity to develop social skills (gundersen, skår, o’brien, wold, & follo, 2016). pre-adolescent time spent in nature is also related to attentiveness to environmental concerns in adulthood (wells & lekies, 2006). the last decade has witnessed a significant decline in the time that children spend outside and in nature, attributable in part to increased technology (holloway & mahan, 2012). this reduction in time spent by children in nature is not unique to highly industrialized areas (turner, nakamura, & dinetti, 2004), but is exacerbated by accelerated urbanization of natural spaces (asah, lenentine, & blahna, 2014; ghose & pettygrove, 2014; guitart, pickering, & byrne, 2012; kareiva, 2008). richard louv labels the growing separation of children and nature as “nature-deficit disorder”: a non-medical condition that describes the relationship between reduced experiences in nature and negative impacts on children’s educational and personal development. nature-deficit disorder is characterized by “diminished use of the senses, attention difficulties, and higher rates of physical and emotional illnesses” (louv, 2005, p. 34). education garden programs are one means of increasing time spent in the out-ofdoors, especially in urban and suburban communities (hilgers, haynes, & olson, 2008; kareiva, 2008; mabie & baker, 1996; rosol, 2011). education gardens produce positive direct and indirect impacts, including improved concentration, opportunity for hands-on learning in a variety of subjects, appreciation of the environment, nutritional knowledge, access to fresh garden produce, understanding of environmental sustainability and stewardship, and building social relationships with peers and the greater community (hilgers et al., 2008; moore, apicella, marston, & thompson, 2012). despite the numerous advantages, previous literature has indicated two principal barriers to success for garden programs: funds and labor (asah et al., 2014). both of these challenges can be ameliorated by a strong, reliable volunteer base for garden maintenance (e.g., glen, moore, jayaratne, & bradley, 2013). the current study investigated volunteer support for maintenance of an education garden at winter park elementary school in wilmington, north carolina and identified predictors of that support. literature review education gardens provide an opportunity for students to participate in hands-on learning while expanding their understanding of food production, the lifecycles of plants, and the nutritional benefits of consuming garden-grown fruits and vegetables. education gardens also facilitate the development of important life skills, including responsibility, respect for the environment, and maintenance of a healthy lifestyle (hilgers et al., 2008). support from volunteers is crucial for gardens to meet these goals (glover, parry, & shinew, 2005). volunteers are needed for a variety of tasks related to maintenance and educational use of garden spaces. examples of volunteer contributions include soil conditioning, building garden beds, planting, fertilizing, weeding, watering, and harvesting (armstrong, 2000; asah et al., 2014). volunteer support for educational aspects of garden evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 44 spaces is often geared toward reducing the potential burden of these programs on teachers. for example, a volunteer environmental educator may help integrate garden activities into lesson plans and manage community volunteer involvement (sobel, 2005). in addition, a volunteer garden coordinator may assist with other logistic tasks such as coordinating garden activities (armstrong, 2000) and acquiring funding for education garden programs (hazzard, moreno, beall, & zidenberg-cherr, 2012). the primary interest of the current study was to compose a volunteer “profile”— that is, to identify factors that distinguish people willing to volunteer from those who are not. past research indicated a variety of predictors related to garden volunteerism, including demographics, parenthood status, availability, and lifestyle. the majority of previous research has focused on community gardens rather than education gardens, per se. however, the findings from previous studies are relevant to the questions being asked in the present study. demographics age in a study of applicants for urban allotment gardens in portugal, 90 percent of applicants fell within the working adult age range of 25 to 64 years old (martinho da silva, fernandes, castiglione, & costa, 2016). a french study reported similar findings—two-thirds of participants in community gardens were actively employed and one-third were retired, whereas in private gardens, two-thirds of owners were retired and only one-third were employed (scheromm, 2015). by contrast, in new york city, older adults were the most active age group of volunteers involved in maintenance of community gardens, followed by working adults (saldivar-tanaka & krasny, 2004). similarly, a survey of over 1,000 master garden volunteers in iowa found that more than 60 percent of them were 60 years of age or older (takle, haynes, and schrock, 2016). however, a third study in the united states, conducted in washington, found that master gardeners tended to be younger, with more college education, and employed (chalker-scott & collman, 2006). gender the aforementioned portuguese study found a relatively even gender distribution of applicants for urban allotment gardens (martinho da silva et al., 2016). an interview-based study of gender roles in community gardens in st. louis, missouri found that women occupied more leadership positions than men (parry, glover, & shinew, 2005). despite this, interviewees indicated that gender did not determine participation or garden roles. instead, key factors in garden participation and activities included age, relevant experience, and interests. education little research has examined how education level might relate to volunteer contributions to community or education gardens. one exception is martinho da silva and colleagues’ (2016) portuguese study, which found that more than onefifth of the urban allotment garden applicants had higher education or held professional positions, a greater percentage than in the county overall. this evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 45 suggests that highly educated and informed people are an important group of potential urban gardeners. income community and household income have also been related to presence and success of garden programs. for example, turner, eliason, sandoval, and chaloupka (2016) found that while the number of education gardens at elementary schools in the u.s. increased in the last decade, education garden programs occurred less frequently at schools in communities of lower socioeconomic status. researchers identified the reasons behind this as strain on school resources, reduced volunteer availability, and safety concerns. this is not to say that there is no incentive for providing community or education gardens in disadvantaged communities. garden programs provide access to outside spaces requiring significantly less individual monetary investment than private spaces (ghose & pettygrove, 2014; rosol, 2011). they also improve access to fresh produce in a cost-effective manner for residents (armstrong, 2000). haynesmaslow and colleagues (2015) found that community member interest in garden programs stemmed from the gardens’ potential to provide convenient access to fresh produce at an affordable price; however, they also noted that community participation, organization, and safety served as significant considerations in garden planning. the effects of personal and household income on garden volunteer involvement have not received the same attention as community income. as an exception, ozer (2007) found that lower household income correlated with reduced parent participation in activities at children’s schools, suggesting that parents with lower income may need additional encouragement to become involved in education garden projects. parenthood status research studying the relationship between having children and interest in volunteering for education and community garden projects has also been limited. one study in california compared schools that applied for an instructional school garden program with those that did not. results showed that applicant schools more frequently had a committed parent and community volunteer base compared to non-applicant schools (hazzard et al., 2012). similarly, in a study of volunteer support for the australia-based stephanie alexander kitchen garden program, recruitment of children’s parents and grandparents to volunteer was found to contribute to success of the program at different schools and provided an opportunity for community-building and participation in children’s education (block et al., 2012). interestingly, while family members served an important role in this program, individuals from the surrounding community, not related to children at the garden program schools, also comprised a significant portion of the volunteer base. likewise, examination of gateway greening community gardens in st. louis, missouri further showed that volunteers may be motivated to help with education gardens out of their general support for children’s education and exposure to nature, beyond benefitting their own children (glover et al., 2005). evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 46 volunteer availability several researchers have identified volunteers’ time availability as a major factor in garden success (asah et al., 2014; glover et al., 2005; hazzard et al., 2012; sobel, 2005). in evaluating volunteer support for a “public garden” located at iowa state university, results showed that for some volunteers, opportunities to contribute to the garden were limited by their working hours, despite their interest in participating (haynes & trexler, 2003). ozer (2007) reviewed education garden surveys conducted in california and suggested that garden programs have a better chance to succeed if they can increase volunteer opportunities by accommodating the schedules of working parents and community members. martinho da silva and colleagues’ (2016) portuguese study indicated that leisure time was the secondmost frequently mentioned motivation to apply for an urban allotment garden. similar to time constraints, the distance volunteers have to travel to the garden may serve as a deterrent. this barrier may be offset when food production becomes an important motivation to participate in community gardens (ilyniak & khuns, 2013). lifestyle participation in education garden programs provides experiential learning opportunities for individuals from urban communities (hilgers et al., 2008; mabie & baker, 1996). children with gardening experiences also develop greater environmental awareness (aguilar, waliczek, & zajicek, 2008) and consume more fruits and vegetables (jones et al., 2012). thus, personal gardening interest and experiences might predict support for public garden projects. in support of this, haynes-maslow and colleagues’ (2015) interviews of 13 focus groups of low-income individuals found participation in fruit and vegetable programs to be related to specific interests and lifestyle choices, such as an interest in growing food. focus groups with active community gardens in their neighborhoods had more positive feedback about the programs than those with inactive community gardens. people who consume organic food also tend to be more conscious about nature and the environment (paul & rana, 2012). however, scheromm’s (2015) assessment of the relationship between food purchasing and garden involvement found a disconnect between gardening and organic food purchasing practices. many gardeners bought food sourced from conventional industrialized agriculture, due to financial reasons or convenience. on the other hand, garden participants who purchased organic and local produce most frequently tended to be interested in implementing organic and environmentally sensitive practices in community gardens. current study the popularity of community and education garden projects necessitates research into the elements that produce successful programs, including understanding the predictors of volunteer interest. previous research has suffered from two major limitations. first, most of the studies relied on community gardens rather than education-style gardens, despite the fact that education gardens are unique in that their primary aim is to provide education rather than crops. this critical difference may have important implications for volunteer support. evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 47 second, previous research has tended to focus on single predictors (e.g., income or purchasing organic food). few efforts have been made to test the integrative predictive power across a wide range of different types of predictors of volunteer interest. thus, it remains unknown a) whether these variables make independent contributions to the prediction of volunteer interest and b) which variable might be the leading factor contributing to voluntary help for education gardens. for instance, it would be useful to know whether prior experience with growing food is important to garden volunteering regardless of education and income level. the current study was designed to address these two limitations by conducting a survey regarding an elementary school education garden at winter park elementary school (wpes) in wilmington, north carolina to examine four groups of predictors of volunteer interest in installing and maintaining an extensive garden plan developed by a research team in the department of environmental sciences at the university of north carolina wilmington (figure 1). the goals of this study were two-fold. first, the survey sought to assess the level of volunteer interest in the surrounding community of winter park for participation in the garden project. second, this study sought to gain a better understanding of the characteristics predicting volunteer potential. figure 1. proposed wpes education garden plot source: google maps (2017) methods participants participants were randomly selected from the winter park elementary school (wpes) district and neighboring areas. wpes is one of 30 elementary schools within the new hanover county public school system in north carolina. the kindergarten through fifth grade school had a population of 366 students, with a student-toevaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 48 teacher ratio of 14:1, for the 2015-2016 school year (u.s. department of education, 2016). the education garden for wpes was proposed to be located within walking distance of the school on a small plot of land that is currently unused. the comprehensive garden plan includes volunteer requirements, designs for the physical space (i.e., planting beds, fencing, water source, walkways, and handicap accessibility), maintenance requirements (i.e., soil care, watering schedule, and pest control), lesson plans, planting and harvesting schedules, and necessary supplies. the researchers stratified the households in the wpes district and neighboring areas by census tracts to ensure adequate representation of all parts of the area. the wpes district includes census tracts 105.01, 105.02, 119.02, and 119.03 (figure 2), which we divided into sampling quadrants. the number of households within each of the quadrants was determined using census data to ensure proportional representation. the sampling frame included all households in the winter park community, rather than just households with children enrolled at wpes, in order to identify sources of support for the proposed garden project from the overall community. figure 2. winter park sampling frame a total of 202 winter park community residents (106 males, 95 females, 1 did not report sex) participated in the education garden survey, with a response rate of 60.7 percent. respondents ranged in age from 18 to 88 years old, (average 42.5, sd = 19.01). education level had a relatively even distribution across the sample with the exception of the lowest (2 percent with some high school) and the highest education levels (2.5 percent with doctorate degrees): 10.9 percent with a high school degree, 26.2 percent with some college, 14.4 percent with an associate’s degree, 28.2 percent with a bachelor’s degree, and 15.3 percent with a master’s evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 49 degree). a substantial number of respondents (40.6 percent) did not report household income due to either no knowledge (18.8 percent) or unwillingness (21.8 percent). the rest of the respondents reported an annual household pretax income relatively evenly distributed across the range: 9.9 percent earning $25,000 or less; 18.8 percent earning $25,001 to $50,000; 12.9 percent earning $50,001 to $75,000; 9.4 percent earning $75,001 to $100,000; and 8.4 percent earning over $100,000. procedure the survey instrument was refined using a pilot study involving both faculty and students. in january and february, pairs of trained university of north carolina wilmington undergraduate students administered a total of 202 paper surveys via in-person interviews (see complete survey protocol in appendix a). community residents were not notified about the study prior to survey implementation. upon response of a household member, student surveyors introduced themselves and their affiliation, and gave a brief introduction to the purpose of the survey, but did not initially provide background information about the proposed education garden. surveyors recorded willingness to participate in the survey, non-response, and refusal to participate. surveyors ensured that all participants were age 18 or older and permanent residents of the household. in households with multiple adult residents, the adult who first responded to the request to participate completed the survey. to protect confidentiality, addresses of participants were logged separately from the surveys and catalogued using an assigned survey number. addresses were collected to assess the relationship of residence inside and outside of the school district and distance from wpes on interest in the proposed garden project. surveyors read each question/statement to participants and recorded, via written notation, dichotomous-choice selections, multiple-choice selections, likert scalebased selections, verbatim responses to open-ended questions, and additional comments made by participants. neither incentives nor rewards were offered for participation in the survey. measures the researchers developed the survey to obtain information about the winter park community, to understand existing attitudes toward gardening, and to evaluate interest in participating in an education garden. although both quantitative and qualitative data were collected, only the quantitative part is reported in the current paper. we analyzed the data using spss, version 22. the quantitative measures assessed the key variable, volunteer support for the proposed education garden, as well as four groups of variables that were used to predict volunteer support: demographics, parenthood status, availability, and lifestyle preferences. demographic variables the survey began with brief demographic background questions such as sex, age, ethnicity, religion, current occupation, highest education level, and annual household pretax income. evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 50 parenthood status variables three variables were included that were related to children. first, each household was classified as either in the wpes school district or not by using the catalogued addresses and the wpes school district map. second, participants provided the number of school-age children (defined as high school or below) that lived at the residence, and the ages of each of these children. finally, respondents were asked to provide past, present, and future enrollment of the household’s children at wpes. these responses were used to create a new variable representing the total number of children in each household ever enrolled at wpes based on summation of past, present, and future wpes attendance. availability variables two questions were used to assess participants’ potential availability for volunteering: driving distance from wpes and weekly paid working hours. driving distance was determined with google maps. participants reported their paid working hours per week in a free-listing format. lifestyle variables two variables targeted lifestyle preferences: personal gardening interest and organic food purchasing behavior. participants were asked whether they had ever grown food plants, whether they currently grew food plants, and whether they would like to grow food plants in the future if they had not done so. a dichotomous variable was created to represent interest in growing food by combining responses to ever, currently, and would like to grow food plants. organic food purchasing behavior was measured by one item asking participants to indicate how frequently they buy organic food, when available. a 5-point likert scale was used to respond with options being never (0 percent of the time), rarely (up to one-third of the time), sometimes (up to two-thirds of the time), almost always (more than two-thirds of the time), and always (100 percent of the time). volunteer support four separate questions were designed to measure volunteer support. first, participants reported their attitude about teaching students about gardening. specifically, they responded to the statement, “it is important to teach elementary students about how food is grown” with a 5-point likert scale ranging from disagree strongly to agree strongly. next, two questions assessed participants’ willingness to volunteer for the proposed education garden at wpes in a yes/no format: (1) whether they would help maintain the garden, and (2) whether they would help organize maintenance activities at an education garden. finally, if respondents indicated willingness to volunteer in any capacity, they were asked to provide the number of hours per month that they would be willing to contribute. results volunteer support for the education garden participants had an almost unanimously favorable attitude towards teaching elementary school students about growing food; 92.6 percent of responses were evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 51 “strongly agree” and the rest (7.4 percent) selected “agree.” in terms of willingness to volunteer, 109 respondents (54 percent) indicated that they would be willing to help maintain an education garden at wpes if one was installed, and 79 participants (39.7 percent) were willing to help organize maintenance for the proposed garden space. however, for estimated monthly volunteer hours, 100 respondents (49.5 percent) reported zero hours and the rest ranged from 1 to 60 hours. the average of monthly volunteer hours for the whole sample was 4.92 (sd = 8.06 hours). among the 117 respondents who indicated willingness to volunteer in any capacity, 15 reported zero hours for monthly volunteer contribution. thus, it appears that in principle, all participants agreed it is important to teach students about growing food. however, fewer participants expressed support by verbal consent and commitment to volunteer to help maintain the garden or organize maintenance. variables correlated with volunteer support pearson correlations were conducted between four groups of predictors (demographics, parenthood status, availability, and lifestyle) and the four indicators of volunteer support (attitude, willingness to maintain, willingness to organize maintenance, and volunteer hours). the correlations are presented in table 1. it is clear that the attitudinal item of volunteer support only had statistically significant correlations with two out of 11 predictors: driving distance to wpes and frequency of purchasing organic food. this was likely due to the small variance of the attitudinal item. therefore, the correlational results reported below focus on the other three variables of volunteer support. table 1. correlations of demographic, parenthood status, availability, and lifestyle variables with volunteer support variables attitude help maintenance help organize monthly volunteer hours demographics age -.02 -.30*** -.25*** -.24*** sex .08 .05 .01 -.05 education -.02 .08 -.05 -.08 income .06 .02 -.10 -.01 parenthood status in district .02 -.05 -.16* -.11 # of children .07 .17* .01 .05 # of children at wpes .03 .18* .19** .17* availability distance -.18* -.34*** -.18** -.04 working hours .01 .21** .12 -.01 lifestyle interest in growing food -.10 .15* .07 -.02 purchases organic food .22** .21** .20** .14* notes: * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001, two-tailed n = 118 to 202 evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 52 demographic variables and volunteer support out of the four demographic variables, only age had a significant, negative correlation with all three indicators of volunteer support, suggesting that younger respondents were more willing to volunteer with maintaining and organizing the garden, and were willing to contribute more hours per month. sex, education, and income did not correlate with any of the volunteer support variables. parenthood status variables and volunteer support out of the 202 households, 157 (77.7 percent) were located within the wpes district, with the remaining 45 households (22.3 percent) in areas immediately surrounding the district. the majority of participants (n = 161, 79.7 percent) indicated that there were no school-age children living at the address. of the 41 households with school-age children, the number of children ranged from one to five. only 17 of the households with children (8.4 percent) indicated one or two children with either past, present, and/or future enrollment at wpes. overall, the three parenthood status variables were weakly correlated with volunteer support. out of these three variables, number of children enrolled at wpes had the most consistent correlations with volunteer support; more children in the household enrolled at wpes correlated with more volunteer support that respondents were willing to provide in terms of maintaining the garden, organizing maintenance, and monthly volunteer hours. whether the household resided in the school district had a weak negative association with willingness to organize garden maintenance. the total number of school-aged children had a weak positive association with willingness to maintain the garden. overall, parenthood status variables did not appear to be strongly associated with volunteer support. availability variables and volunteer support driving distance from the residence to wpes ranged from 0.06 to 3.40 miles, with an average of 1.57 miles (sd = .88). driving distance to wpes was found to have a significant negative correlation with willingness to help maintain and help organize maintenance but was not significantly correlated with monthly volunteer hours. this suggested that as the driving distance increased, respondents were increasingly reluctant to volunteer. for weekly paid working hours, 75 respondents reported zero and the remaining 127 worked between three and 80 hours per week. the total sample had an average of 22.89 hours (sd = 20.81). weekly paid working hours was only significantly positively correlated with willingness to help maintain the garden space but not correlated with willingness to help organize maintenance or monthly volunteer hours. this indicated that the more people worked per week, the more they were willing to contribute to maintenance of the proposed education garden. lifestyle and volunteer support the majority of survey participants (n = 156, 77.2 percent) indicated that they had personally grown food plants at some point in the past. of the participants that had experience growing food plants, 54 grew food plants at the time of the survey. the evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 53 46 respondents who had never personally grown food plants or did not grow food plants at the time of the survey were asked if they would like to grow food plants; 22 indicated that they would like to. when a new variable was created to indicate an overall interest in growing food by the summation of positive responses to ever grown, currently grow, and would like to grow food plants, it was found that 178 respondents (88.1 percent) expressed some level of interest in growing food. this overall growing-food interest variable only had a significant positive correlation with willingness to maintain the school garden and did not significantly correlate with either willingness to help organize maintenance or estimated monthly volunteer hours. for frequency of purchase of organic food, the responses were relatively evenly distributed across the provided likert scale: never (10.4 percent), rarely (21.4 percent), sometimes (38.3 percent), almost always (21.9 percent), and always (7.9 percent). this frequency of organic food purchase was found to consistently have a significant positive correlation with all volunteer support variables, suggesting that the more frequently respondents purchased organic food, the more willing they were to help maintain the garden, help organize maintenance, and volunteer more time. independence of variables predicting volunteer support the correlational results suggested that the most promising variable from each group in terms of predicting volunteer support was age, number of children at wpes, distance, and frequency of purchasing organic food. to test whether they independently predicted volunteer support, the researchers conducted multiple regressions and these four variables were used to predict each of the volunteer support outcomes (i.e., willingness to help maintain the garden, willingness to help organize maintenance, and monthly volunteer hours). the attitudinal agreement about the importance of teaching elementary students about how food is grown was not included as a potential predictor because few variables showed a significant correlation with it, most likely because of the restricted range due to a high consensual agreement on this attitude. logistic regressions were performed for willingness to help maintain the garden and willingness to help organize maintenance because these two variables were dichotomous (i.e., responses in the format of yes or no). multiple linear regression was performed for monthly volunteer hours because this outcome was on a continuous scale. willingness to help maintain the garden the logistic regression analysis showed that a test of the full model against a constant-only model was statistically significant, indicating that the four predictors as a set reliably distinguished between respondents willing and unwilling to help maintain the garden (χ2 (4) = 219.27, p < .001). nagelkerke’s r2 of .315 indicated a moderate relationship between prediction and grouping. prediction success overall was 71.2 percent (61.8 percent for no and 78.9 percent for yes). the wald criterion demonstrated that age (exp (b) = .964, p < .001), number of children at wpes (exp (b) = 4.040, p = .033), and distance (exp (b) = .405, p < .001) made a significant, independent contribution to prediction. frequency of buying organic food was a marginally significant predictor (exp (b) = 1.328, p = .068). these evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 54 results suggest that a respondent was more willing to help maintain the garden when he or she was younger; had children enrolled at wpes in the past, present, or future; lived closer to wpes; and purchased organic food more frequently. willingness to help organize maintenance again, the logistic regression analysis showed that a test of the full model against a constant-only model was statistically significant, indicating that the four predictors as a set reliably distinguished between respondents willing and unwilling to help organize maintenance (χ2 (4) = 233.19, p < .001). nagelkerke’s r2 of .193 indicated a modest relationship between prediction and grouping. prediction success overall was 72.8 percent (85.3 percent for unwilling and 54.4 percent for willing). the wald criterion demonstrated that all four predictors made a significant, independent contribution to prediction: age (exp (b) = .971, p = .001), number of children at wpes (exp (b) = 2.810, p = .030), distance (exp (b) = .659, p = .029), and frequency of buying organic food (exp (b) = 1.366, p = .039). these results suggest that a respondent was more willing to help organize maintenance of the garden if he or she was younger; had children enrolled at wpes in the past, present, or future; lived closer to wpes; and purchased organic food more frequently. monthly volunteer hours the multiple regression analysis indicated that overall, the four predictors were able to account for a significant 7.6 percent of the variance in monthly volunteer hours (r2 = .076, f (4, 193) = 5.055, p = .001). both age (beta = -.223, p = .002) and number of children at wpes (beta = 2.249, p = .026) significantly predicted monthly volunteer hours, suggesting that the younger the respondent was and the more children they had enrolled at wpes, the more volunteer hours the respondent was willing to contribute to the education garden. however, distance (beta = -.009, p = .894) and frequency of purchasing organic food (beta = .094, p = .184) were not significant predictors of monthly volunteer hours. discussion community support for proposed education garden the results of this survey indicated a unanimous, high level of community support and significant community interest in participating in the proposed winter park elementary school education garden. the strong support shown in the current study clearly indicated that the winter park community recognizes the importance of teaching elementary students about how food is grown, as well as the importance of education garden programs in incorporating food education into elementary school curricula. open-ended responses indicating reasons for supporting the proposed education garden included “helping kids take time away from technology”; “teaching younger kids about food is important”; “important for kids to learn about nature”; “expose kids to where food comes from”; “education to me as well,” etc. these findings are highly consistent with recent literature that shows increasing popularity of education gardens due to growing awareness in the general public that garden programs provide an invaluable opportunity for students to participate in hands-on learning to expand their understanding of the lifecycles of evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 55 plants, to develop a better appreciation of the efforts involved in growing food, and to understand the nutritional benefits of consuming garden-grown fruits and vegetables. in addition, education gardens facilitate the development of important life skills, including responsibility, respect for the environment, and maintenance of a healthy lifestyle (e.g., hilgers, haynes, & olson, 2008). they also provide technology-free activities that help narrow the growing rift between children and nature (louv, 2005). volunteer profile attitude-behavior research has shown that moral support does not necessarily correspond to verbal commitment to actual support and even less to action commitment (see bamberg & moser, 2007). thus, it is important to examine what differentiates those who are willing to volunteer to help with garden work. the current study found that four factors were consistently, significantly associated with willingness to volunteer for the proposed education garden: respondent age, number of children respondent had enrolled at wpes, driving distance between the household and wpes, and frequency of purchase of organic food. regression results further indicated that these four factors made independent, statistically significant contributions to the prediction of willingness to volunteer to maintain the garden, as well as willingness to organize garden maintenance. for monthly volunteer hours, only age and number of children at wpes were significant predictors. overall, these results suggested that respondents willing to help with the garden tended to be those who were younger, had children enrolled at wpes, lived closer to wpes, and purchased organic food more frequently. these findings provide an interesting comparison to previous findings. two u.s. studies showed that older adults tended to be the most active age group in community garden projects (saldivar-tanaka & krasny, 2004; takle et al., 2016). however, the findings of the current study appear to be more line with two european studies that identified working adults as the most active age group in urban gardens (martinho da silva et al., 2016; scheromm, 2015). although not examined in the current study, we speculated that one reason that younger individuals were more willing to volunteer was because they find helping with an education garden more appealing than working in a community garden. if this was indeed the main reason, it would have important implications for management of public gardens—a garden volunteer program may wish to concentrate their recruitment efforts on select age groups. given the current finding, it is conceivable that schools may have better success in efforts to raise awareness and recruit volunteers at special events targeting younger populations, such as state and county fairs and science fairs. education gardens may also benefit from fostering connections with youth organizations (e.g., boy scouts and girl scouts) rather than individuals only. previous research regarding the relationship between having children, school enrollment, and interest in volunteering is also limited for education gardens. the present study directly assessed the relationship between having children and interest in volunteering for the education garden. similar to block et al. (2012) and glover et al. (2005), the present study found a consistent positive correlation evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 56 between the overall number of children in the household enrolled at wpes and willingness to help maintain, help organize maintenance, and monthly volunteer hours. while this finding is unsurprising and encouraging, it raises the question of sustainable volunteer support. currently it is unclear to what degree volunteers would continue their support after their children leave the school, what predicts recurring volunteering, and what efforts schools could make to retain current volunteers. a couple of studies, however, have recognized “positive feedback loops” between recurring volunteer contributions and positive impacts of community gardens including productivity of the spaces, education, community well-being, personal social-psychological benefits (e.g., personal growth), and environmental sustainability (dennis & james, 2016; guitart et al., 2012; saldivar-tanaka & krasny, 2004). past research indicated that reduced volunteer time negatively impacted garden success (asah et al., 2014; hazzard et al., 2012). both ozer (2007) and haynes and trexler (2003) found that working adults, in particular, had limited availability to physically contribute to garden projects, despite their interest in participating. the present study found a significant positive correlation between weekly paid working hours and interest in helping to maintain the proposed wpes education garden. this indicated that the more hours per week that respondents worked, the more willing they were to contribute to physical maintenance of the garden space. these results indicated that working adults offered the most interest in volunteering in the wpes community, a trend similar to what chalker-scott and collman (2006) found in washington. this finding was particularly striking considering our other finding that driving distance to the school was negatively associated with willingness to volunteer for the garden. taken together, it seems that as long as potential volunteers did not have to drive too far to get to the garden, weekly working hours did not hinder, but instead promoted, interest in volunteering. this is interesting in light of ilyniak and khuns’ (2013) finding that in community gardens, some participants were willing to walk long distances to help with the garden in order to produce affordable food, assuming they had the time. while there appears to be a discrepancy in these two findings with regard to the specific role of distance in garden volunteering, together they convey an important message: for the two common barriers to garden volunteering—work hours and required travel distance, each can be overcome by a strong motivation and dedication to participating in public gardens, whether education or community. individuals’ willingness to help may be considerably reduced if impeded by both a busy work schedule and a long distance to travel. frequency of purchasing organic food showed stronger and more consistent associations with willingness to volunteer in the proposed wpes education garden than interest in growing food. this suggested that respondents who preferred the healthy lifestyle choice of buying organic tended to be more supportive of the education garden, whereas personal interest in growing food was less relevant. this finding was intriguing especially in conjunction with the finding that income did not significantly predict willingness to volunteer. purchasing organic food is generally associated with higher incomes; the fact that only frequency of buying organic food, but not household income, predicted volunteer support for the wpes education evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 57 garden, indicated that one’s ideology may be more influential than one’s income or gardening experiences. purchasing organic food can be driven by two distinct motives, however—a) a heightened awareness of the link between consuming organic food and personal health, and b) a strong concern about the negative impacts of conventional agriculture on the environment and a determination to fight against it. unfortunately, our study was unable to differentiate which of these motives led to stronger willingness to volunteer. all together, we believe that the current findings highlight the importance of examining volunteer support for education gardens compared to community gardens. these two types of gardens fulfill similar functions such as engaging in physical activity, expanding social connections, and giving back to the community; however, they serve fundamentally different purposes: the primary goals of education gardens are to teach children about plants and the process of growing food, whereas community gardens tend to focus on productivity and output (dennis & james, 2016). given this fundamental difference, it is reasonable that the profile of an active volunteer for an education garden, based on the current findings, consists of a relatively young, working parent with children enrolled in school, who is more likely to purchase organic food. it would be important for future research to further delineate the distinctive profiles for volunteers for education versus community gardens, for example, their personality traits and ideologies. moreover, it would be fruitful to also examine the underlying motives that lead to differential support for these two types of gardens. recent efforts in this area have been limited to community gardens and found that the most common motivations to volunteer include access to affordable, fresh food, social development, environmental stewardship, and education (asah et al., 2014; dennis & james, 2016; guitart et al., 2012). less attention has been given to identifying motivations to volunteer for education gardens. limitations and future directions while this study provided an important addition to the gardening-interest literature by reporting findings regarding willingness to volunteer for the proposed wpes education garden, there are some limitations. first, although respondents demonstrated a strong willingness to volunteer with three indicators (willingness to maintain the garden, willingness to organize maintenance, and monthly volunteer hours), this was completely based on self-reported willingness. it is entirely possible that expressing verbal support will not equate to action. it would be extremely valuable for future research to examine behavioral measures of volunteering support, such as school records of volunteering hours and activities. a follow-up study is currently in planning to be conducted every six months after the education garden plan is implemented. the follow-up study will involve a brief structured interview of the same community about their verbal support, actual volunteering efforts, and their volunteering experiences. second, while the winter park community showed strong support for the proposed education garden, and the present study was able to identify a number of qualities that characterize a potential volunteer, this community was unique in its suburban setting when compared to the communities in other studies. existing education evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 58 garden research has generally focused more on funding for programs, the benefits of education in garden settings, and difficulties associated with establishing and maintaining education garden programs, rather than on understanding volunteer characteristics, recruitment, and retention (ozer, 2006; hazzard et al., 2012). turner and colleagues’ (2016) study assessed the presence of education garden programs in communities across the u.s. based on community and school demographics (e.g., locale, socioeconomic status, and race); however, they did not analyze these characteristics in relation with volunteer involvement. given the overall scarcity of research on education garden support related to community volunteer involvement, future research will need to test to what extent the current findings will be replicated in varied communities. the results of this survey will be an essential element in wpes’ decision about whether to move forward with the current garden plan. given the widespread strong support for the garden, the hope is that wpes will implement the garden in the near future, as planned. one of the benefits of this study was that it introduced community members to the concept of the garden project. it is conceivable that community support may increase as awareness increases. should the wpes education garden plan move forward to the implementation phase, it will fulfill a unique suburban niche and serve as an important educational resource for wpes and the larger winter park community. education gardens like this could expand to more communities to help prevent the further spread of “nature-deficit disorder” (louv, 2005) and to help improve children’s physical, social, academic, and psychological well-being. acknowledgements we would like to thank the undergraduate student data collection team that assisted in administration of our community survey (ben watts, krysta plummer, frank marshall, william watson, emilee winter, kirsten alvarez, mimi contreras, peyton clark, and madison sazama). amelia lucas, b. a., graduated from the university of north carolina wilmington with a degree in environmental studies and international studies. her interests center on environmental justice issues. anthony snider, ph.d., is an associate professor in the department of environmental sciences at the university of north carolina wilmington. he works on issues related to environmental policy and natural resource management. shanhong luo, ph.d., is a professor in the department of psychology at the university of north carolina wilmington. her research in environmental psychology focuses on the individual differences in environmental behaviors. evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 59 references aguilar, o. m., waliczek, t. m., & zajicek, j. m. 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(2008). assessing a garden-based curriculum for elementary youth in iowa: parental perceptions of change. horttechnology, 18(1), 18-23. holloway, p., & mahan, c. (2012). enhance nature exploration with technology. science scope, 35(9), 23-28. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43184737 ilyniak s., & khuns, j. (2013). perspectives on urban agriculture’s social environments in west-end toronto: opportunities, challenges and the broader urban social context. retrieved from https://www.academia.edu/6324350/perspectives_on_urban_agricultures_so cial_environments_in_west-central_toronto jones, m., dailami, n., weitkamp, e., salmon, d., kimberlee, r., morley, a., & orme, j. (2012). food sustainability education as a route to healthier eating: evaluation of a multi-component school programme in english primary schools. health education research, 27, 448–458. doi:10.1093/her/cys016 kareiva, p. (2008). ominous trends in nature recreation. proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the united states of america, 105(8), 27572758. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0800474105 https://www.google.com/maps/@34.2127894,77.8817624,3a,75y,75.57h,62.88t/data=!3m6!1e1!3m4!1sh9hg5l4q_71lu8mog58xqa!2e0!7i13312!8i6656 https://www.google.com/maps/@34.2127894,77.8817624,3a,75y,75.57h,62.88t/data=!3m6!1e1!3m4!1sh9hg5l4q_71lu8mog58xqa!2e0!7i13312!8i6656 https://www.google.com/maps/@34.2127894,77.8817624,3a,75y,75.57h,62.88t/data=!3m6!1e1!3m4!1sh9hg5l4q_71lu8mog58xqa!2e0!7i13312!8i6656 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2012.06.007 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2016.04.002 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jneb.2015.03.005 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jneb.2011.08.001 http://www.jstor.org/stable/43184737 https://www.academia.edu/6324350/perspectives_on_urban_agricultures_social_environments_in_west-central_toronto https://www.academia.edu/6324350/perspectives_on_urban_agricultures_social_environments_in_west-central_toronto http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0800474105 evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 61 louv, r. (2005). last child in the woods: saving our children from nature-deficit disorder. chapel hill, nc: algonquin books of chapel hill. mabie, r., & baker, m. (1996). a comparison of experiential instructional strategies upon the science process skills of urban elementary students. journal of agricultural education, 37(2), 1-7. martinho da silva, i., fernandes, c. o., castiglione, b., & costa, l. (2016). characteristics and motivations of potential users of urban allotment gardens: the case of vila nova de gaia municipal network of urban allotment gardens. urban forestry & urban greening, 20, 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2016.07.014 moore, s. a., apicella, m., marston, s. a., thompson, m. (2012). designing nature for learning: school gardens for youth and child education. children, youth and environments, 22(1), 250-259. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7721/chilyoutenvi.22.1.0250 ozer, e. j. (2007). the effects of school gardens on students and schools: conceptualization and considerations for maximizing healthy development. health education & behavior, 34(6), 846-863. https://doi.org/10.1177/1090198106289002 parry, d. c., glover, t. d., & shinew, k. j. (2005). ‘mary, mary quite contrary, how does your garden grow?’: examining gender roles and relations in community gardens. leisure studies, 24(2), 177-192. https://doi.org/10.1080/0261436052000308820 paul, j., & rana, j. (2012). consumer behavior and purchase intention for organic food. journal of consumer marketing, 29(6), 412-422. rosol, m. (2011). community volunteering as neoliberal strategy? green space production in berlin. antipode, 44(1), 239-257. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8330.2011.00861.x saldivar-tanaka, l., & krasny, m. e. (2004). culturing community development, neighborhood open space, and civic agriculture: the case of latino community gardens in new york city. agriculture and human values, 21, 399-412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10460-003-1248-9 scheromm, p. (2015). motivations and practices of gardeners in urban collective gardens: the case of montpellier. urban forestry & urban greening 14, 735– 742. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2015.02.007 sobel, d. (2005). place-based education: connecting classrooms & communities (2nd ed.). barrington, ma: the orion society. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2016.07.014 http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7721/chilyoutenvi.22.1.0250 https://doi.org/10.1177/1090198106289002 https://doi.org/10.1080/0261436052000308820 http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8330.2011.00861.x http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10460-003-1248-9 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2015.02.007 evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 62 takle, b., haynes, c., & schrock, d. (2016). motivation and retention of iowa master gardeners. horttechnology, 26, 522-529. turner, l., eliason, m., sandoval, a., & chaloupka, f. j. (2016). increasing prevalence of us elementary school gardens, but disparities reduce opportunities for disadvantaged students. journal of school health, 86, 906912. turner, w. r., nakamura, t., & dinetti, m. (2004). global urbanization and the separation of humans from nature. bioscience, 54(6), 585-590. http://dx.doi.org/10.1641/0006-3568(2004)054[0585:guatso]2.0.co;2 u.s. department of education (2016). school directory information. institute of education sciences, national center for education statistics. wells, n. m. & lekies, k. s. (2006). nature and the life course: pathways from childhood nature experiences to adult environmentalism. children, youth and environments, 16(1), 1-24. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7721/chilyoutenvi.16.1.0001 http://dx.doi.org/10.1641/0006-3568(2004)054%5b0585:guatso%5d2.0.co;2 http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7721/chilyoutenvi.16.1.0001 evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 63 appendix a. wpes garden survey instrument hello, i'm your name from the uncw environmental studies department and this is partner’s name. we’re helping conduct a survey about school gardens. the purpose of the project is to understand community ideas about gardens for elementary schools. the project (#17 -0099) has been reviewed and approved by the uncw institutional review board. participation in the survey is entirely voluntary and anonymous, and will take about 10 minutes. you may stop at any time or refuse to answer any question and will not be treated any differently. would you be willing to participate in the survey? survey number ________ team member initials _____________ date ___________ time __________ what is . . . 1. your age: ___________ years 2. your sex: male female 3. your current occupation: 4. the number of hours per week you work for pay: ___________ 5. your primary ethnic identity: 6. your current religious affiliation: o african-american o christian o asian or pacific islander o jewish o caucasian o muslim o latino or hispanic o buddhist o native american or alaskan native o agnostic or atheist o other o other 7. your highest level of education 8. your household’s total annual income before taxes o some high school o $25,000 or less o high school graduate o between $25,001 and $50,000 o some college / not a college graduate o between $50,001 and $75,000 o associate degree / community college graduate o between $75,001 and $100,000 o bachelors degree / college graduate o more than $100,000 o masters degree o preferred not to respond o doctorate degree o i don’t know o preferred not to respond 9. how many people live at this address? _________ 10. how many school-age children (high school or below) live here? ________ (if 0, skip to #17) 11. what are their ages? child 1 child 2 child 3 child 4 child 5 child 6 child 7 child 8 child 9 child 10 evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 64 12. how many parents of these children live at this address? ________ 13. are you a parent of one of these children? yes no 14. how many of these children currently attend wpes? __________ 15. how many of these children will start at wpes in the future? ______________ 16. in the remaining children, how many of them attended wpes in the past? ___________ 17. have you ever grown any food plants? yes no (if no, skip to 21) 18. do you currently grow any food plants? yes no (if no, skip to 21) 19. what do you grow? _____________________________________________________________________________________ 20. why do you grow food plants? (then skip to 23) _____________________________________________________________________________________ 21. would you like to? yes no (if no, skip to 23) 22. what prohibits you from doing so? _____________________________________________________________________________________ 23. please indicate whether you agree or disagree with the following statement using the following scale: “it is important to teach elementary students about how food is grown” disagree disagree neither agree agree agree strongly a little nor disagree a little strongly 1-----------------2-------------------3-------------------4------------------5 24. if an education garden was installed at wpes, who should be responsible for maintaining it? _______________________________(teachers, janitorial staff, parents, larger community, etc.) 25. if an education garden were installed at wpes, would you help maintain it? yes no 26. why or why not? __________________________________________________________________________ 27. would you be willing to help organize maintenance activities at the garden? yes no 28. why or why not? __________________________________________________________________________ evaluating community support for an elementary school education garden 65 29. (skip if no to both 25 & 27) if you are willing to volunteer in any capacity, how many hours per month would you contribute? ________ 30. are you aware of current gardening efforts at wpes? yes no 31. are you interested in learning more about gardening efforts at wpes? yes no 32. how often do you buy organic food, if available? o never (0% of the time) o rarely (up to 1/3 of the time) o sometimes (up to 2/3 of the time) o almost always (more than 2/3 of the time) o always (100% of the time) 33. why do you choose to buy or not buy organic food? _____________________________________________________________________________ thank you for your participation!! login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 acknowledgement of reviewers as editors of children, youth and environments, we count on the informed judgment of our reviewers to make the highest quality research and information available online to scholars and practitioners around the world. in a double-blind review process, a minimum of two experts contribute comments about each paper published in cye. their advice is essential to determining whether an article is accepted for publication and invaluable to authors when undertaking revisions. we, therefore, take this opportunity to thank all those who have acted as reviewers for cye during the last year for your time, energy and commitment to the journal! the following list reflects reviewers of papers submitted in 2017. — the editors cye reviewers of 2017 submissions ryan adams cincinnati children’s hospital usa karen anderson independent consultant usa amanda assalone southern education foundation usa chris auffrey university of cincinnati usa pravin bhiwapurkar university of cincinnati usa mark blades university of sheffield uk linda chalker scott washington state university usa andrea faber-taylor university of illinois usa claire freeman university of otago new zealand bruce henderson western carolina university usa amy hobek university of cincinnati usa simon jorgenson university of vermont usa ii kristi lekies ohio state university usa helen little macquarie university australia lynn liben penn state usa fredrika mårtensson swedish univ. of agricultural sciences sweden kiri mealings macquarie university new zealand ulrich mueller university of victoria canada illène pevec independent academic/fat city farmers usa gina porter durham university uk ebony ruhland university of cincinnati usa susana sanz-caballero ceu cardenal herrera university spain alvin thomas palo alto university usa julia torquati university of nebraska-lincoln usa amy wagenfeld western michigan university usa nancy wells cornell university usa joseph m. williams university of virginia usa * please email managingeditor@cyenetwork.org if your contribution was overlooked. updated contact information may also be forwarded to this address. mailto:managingeditor@cyenetwork.org login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(2), 2020 play, work, and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly public spaces in jakarta, indonesia fitri arlinkasari school of design, creative industries faculty, queensland university of technology faculty of psychology, yarsi university, indonesia debra flanders cushing evonne miller school of design, creative industries faculty, queensland university of technology citation: alinkasari, f., flanders cushing, d., & miller, e. (2020). play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly public spaces in jakarta, indonesia. children, youth and environments, 30(2), 119-146. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract to understand how public spaces might support children’s development, this study explored the activities and experiences of children (6-12 years) in two designated child-friendly integrated public spaces (ruang publik terpadu ramah anak, or rptras) in low-income neighborhoods in jakarta, indonesia. thirty-four children participated in interviews, drawing activities, observations, and child-led tours. reflexive thematic analysis identified play, work, and rest as ways in which children use rptra sites for activities that afford their sense of competence. this study contributes to the use of a developmental-affordances framework to explore children’s experiences in public space, which can inform urban design practices that promote the psychosocial development of children from low-income families. keywords: developmental affordances, child-friendly cities, children’s participation, jakarta, indonesia, competence http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 120 introduction public spaces are windows into the soul of a child-friendly city. these spaces accommodate different age-group needs and enable children to learn about society’s values through exploration and interaction (gleeson & sipe, 2006). unfortunately, public spaces in many countries exclude children, with unsafe urban streets and other perceived and real dangers (gülgönen & corona, 2015). in the cities of developing countries, such as jakarta in indonesia, this exclusion is exacerbated by the deteriorating quality of the physical environment, combined with the conditions of urban poverty (leitmann, 1992). consequently, children in poor urban neighborhoods are less likely to experience the developmental benefits of interacting with positive public spaces (castonguay & jutras, 2009; veitch et al., 2008). this is a particular issue for those in middle childhood (6‒12 years), a time when children expand their territory from their home to their broader neighborhood (cunningham & jones, 2004). the child-friendly city initiatives (cfci) framework, launched in 1996, guides the design, planning, and evaluation of public spaces. using this framework, studies on children’s experiences in their city have resulted in definitions and indicators of child-friendly environments from children’s standpoint (see chawla, 2001; lynch, 1977). based on these studies, child-friendly environments can be defined as places that support children’s development and wellbeing by understanding the context in which they live, facilitating affordances that meet their needs, and catalyzing their agency through participation. however, as documented on the cfci website (www.childfriendlycities.org), most studies on children’s environments have been conducted in the global north, with limited reports on how children in other parts of the world (particularly in southeast asia) design and evaluate spaces within their city. assessing public spaces in the indonesian urban context is especially crucial. since 2015, jakarta—the capital city of indonesia—has constructed over 300 designated child-friendly public spaces, called rptra sites,1 which are intended to support the development and well-being of children from low-income neighborhoods. however, little is known about the children’s perspective on how well these sites support children’s development, as previous studies and design processes have often limited children’s participation. hence, the present study asks how children perceive and use two rptra sites, and further, how their experiences in these sites potentially support their positive development. children’s experiences in public space and healthy development children’s interactions with stimulating and positive environments early in life advance children’s foundational physical, psychosocial, and cognitive development (villanueva et al., 2016). understanding the shortand long-term developmental impacts of these environmental interactions is essential. to determine optimal child development pathways and the characteristics of the environments that may stimulate children’s development, we also need to understand the contexts in which children develop (coll & szalacha, 2004). 1 rptraruang publik terpadu ramah anak, or “child-friendly integrated public spaces” http://www.childfriendlycities.org/ play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 121 children living in impoverished neighborhoods often experience more hazardous environments, with higher crime rates and traffic congestion and reduced access to natural features and basic services (kuo, 2001). nonetheless, children from lowincome families tend to spend more time in their local neighborhoods compared with those from more advantaged families. with less parental supervision and structured time, children from low-income families have greater freedom to select their activities (kimbro et al., 2011) and prefer to spend their time outdoors unsupervised (dewi, 2012; karsten, 2005; matthews et al., 1999). however, the expected advantages of being outdoors can be a disadvantage when public spaces are neglected, dangerous, or poorly designed (richardson et al., 2017), especially when they are designed without children’s participation or without considering how an environment might support their positive development. living in low-quality physical and social surroundings means that children’s interactions with environments outside the home are perceived by parents and society as dangerous, and may limit their physical and social development (evans, 2003; karsten, 2005). children’s activities in and perceptions of public space vary according to their lived context and needs, and thus the activities they value and how these can provide opportunities for them to thrive should be explored from children’s own perspectives. previous studies have focused on marginalized children’s perspectives on their experiences in public spaces within their neighborhoods (e.g., evans, 2003; ghanbari-azarneir et al., 2015; karsten, 2005), including how these experiences relate to children’s developmental outcomes and wellbeing. in particular, children’s interactions with public spaces in these studies are framed in a play context, which sees children’s play as a vehicle for gaining independent mobility, interacting with the world, and developing coping skills. other studies have also framed children’s interaction with public space (mainly green open spaces) in the context of restorative experiences, which may improve their cognitive function and wellbeing (bagot et al., 2015; kaplan & kaplan, 2011; wells, 2000). a few recent studies have also addressed children’s use of public space beyond unstructured play, which includes more structured after-school activities in community centers and local sports fields (e.g., kreutz, 2015; langager & spencercavaliere, 2014). after-school activities have been found to buffer school-age children living in poverty from the adverse outcomes of their neighborhood interactions; specifically, these activities are associated with fewer behavioral problems (vandell et al., 2005). studies also suggest that children’s interactions with adult supervisors in neighborhood settings are significant in promoting children’s positive activities during their free and unsupervised time (ingoldsby et al., 2012). developmental affordances: a framework for evaluating child-friendly environments extensive studies have shown that children associate the quality of an environment with its affordances or opportunities for what they can do (activities) and feel (experiences) within the setting (e.g., drianda & kinoshita, 2015; kreutz, 2015; kyttä, 2002; langager & spencer-cavaliere, 2014). first coined in 1979 by james gibson, the term affordances denotes a transactional relationship between a play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 122 perceiver and their environment that is indicated by the opportunities for action offered within the environment (gibson, 2002). the actualization of affordances is relative to the perceiver’s capabilities and intentions. heft (1988) suggests that new affordances can emerge as one’s developmental maturity increases, and one has more experiences within their environment. for example, older children can perceive and actualize more affordances from streets in their neighborhood than young children because of older children’s well-developed independent mobility and diverse experiences in that place. they may also have different intentions regarding their use of the streets. while older children use streets as places for building friendships, young children use streets for building their trust in a broader world, such as when following their parents to a neighborhood shop. using developmental affordances as a framework in this study, we posit that a child-friendly environment should afford children activities and experiences that are relevant to their developmental needs, the fulfillment of which supports positive outcomes and adaptation to the next developmental stage (arlinkasari & cushing, 2018; loebach, 2004). focusing on the developmental stage of middle childhood, this study takes a psychosocial perspective to identify further how children’s experiences in public space can support positive developmental outcomes. the psychosocial aspect is especially relevant for children in poverty contexts because it can help buffer the effects of poverty on children, including behavior problems and impacts on future success (blustein et al., 2014; dercon & krishnan, 2009). in middle childhood, children are driven by their need to develop a sense of competence. children’s sense of competence can be catalyzed by providing them with opportunities for achieving tasks that are meaningful for them (maxwell & chmielewski, 2008), including achieving academic and cultural skills, getting along with peers and the broader community, and exercising autonomy and selfregulation skills (eccles, 1999; neiderhiser & mcguire, 1994). figure 1 illustrates the developmental affordances framework used in this study. figure 1. developmental affordances framework for evaluating child friendliness of an environment characteristics of the environment perception and activities developmental outcomes affords affects developmental needs & capabilities of the perceiver play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 123 qualitative case study methodology background: rptra program and sites in jakarta in 2015, to address children’s health and wellbeing, jakarta began building parks as child-friendly integrated public spaces: ruang publik terpadu ramah anak (rptra). the rptra program aims to improve children’s quality of life, especially in poor neighborhoods, and to comply with the cfc initiative (savitri, 2015). today, there are about 300 rptra sites across the city, mainly in dense and poor neighborhoods (indriany, 2017). rptra sites combine the functions of a local park with those of playgrounds and community centers, and are gated and staffed (utami et al., 2016b). additionally, the sites’ program management and development encourage community engagement and local partnerships, which aligns with the kota layak anak (kla)2 and pemberdayaan kesejahteraan keluarga (pkk)3 programs (hernowo & navastara, 2017). this study took place in rptra cililitan and rptra rasela. the researchers selected these because they are generally representative of rptra sites, which are quite diverse in terms of location, design prototype, and construction costs. however, note that the nature of this study is exploratory and does not aim to compare the selected sites. although there are some differences between the two selected sites (e.g., aesthetic features, size, and location), generally, they have similar design concepts and neighborhood characteristics. rptra sites are gated and staffed parks designed according to child-friendly concepts and equipped with various supporting facilities both indoors—such a libraries, gazebos, and community halls, and outdoors—such as playgrounds, sports facilities, and amphitheatres (utami et al., 2016). to date there are approximately 300 rptra sites, most of which are located in densely populated, lowerand middle-income areas (indriany, 2017). one of the most significant advantages of the rptra sites compared with other urban settings is their proximity to local residents, especially the poor, which means these sites can serve as community centers that allow low-income residents to fulfil their basic needs and improve their wellbeing. this study took place in two rptra sites, namely rptra cililitan in east jakarta, and rptra rasela in north jakarta (see figure 2 for additional information about the selected study sites and figure 3 for an example of site map of rptra cililitan.) 2 kota layak anak (kla), or child-friendly cities, are districts/cities with child rights–based development systems (http://www.kla.id). 3 pkk, or family welfare and empowerment, is an organization that aims to empower families through its 10 primary programs: the practice of pancasila—communal work; food provision; clothing provision; housing and household management; education and vocation; health; development of cooperative life; environmental, sustainability, and healthy planning (http://id.wikipedia.org). http://www.kla.id/ https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/pemberdayaan_kesejahteraan_keluarga play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 124 figure 2. map of jakarta and the selected case study sites source: wikimedia figure 3. site map of rptra cililitan a. rptra rasela subdistrict: rawa badak selatan district: koja municipality: north jakarta established: 2017 enlarged: 2018 size: ±2000 m2 funding: government b. rptra cililitan subdistrict: cililitan district: kramat jati municipality: east jakarta established: 2015 size: ±3,800 m2 a b source: pt arkonin (with permission) play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 125 research participants and ethical considerations from december 2018 to february 2019, the first author conducted in-depth qualitative case study research at rptra cililitan and rptra rasela. in total, 34 children (16 from rptra cililitan and 18 from rptra rasela) participated in this project; 20 boys and 14 girls, ranging in age from 6 to 12 years. formal ethical approval was obtained from queensland university of technology before data collection. all child participants and their parents/caregivers gave their consent to be involved in the research, and participants’ anonymity was protected; pseudonyms are used here. children participated voluntarily, with numerous possibilities to negotiate their consent during the study. data collection and analysis the data collection methods used in this study were drawing, semi-structured interviews, child-led tours, and participant observations. in the drawing sessions, the researcher asked the children to draw features they liked and disliked within the rptra sites. during the individual and/or pair interviews, the researcher discussed the drawings with the children to investigate the activities and experiences they had illustrated and the factors regulating their activities and experiences at the rptra sites. children also explained their perspectives about those activities, which enlightened the researcher as to how these activities supported the children’s positive self-identity, which the researcher framed in terms of being competent. the child-led tours offered insights that were not fully revealed in the interviews, particularly regarding what restricted the children’s activities when using specific areas and features at the rptra sites. similar benefits from this methodology are mentioned by kusenbach (2003), who used the tour as a research tool to investigate environmental perception, spatial supports, and barriers in public space. during the child-led tours in the present study, the researchers interviewed and recorded each participating group of children. extensive observations took place over a total of 30 days for both sites, which included a systematic variation of temporal settings (day and night, weekday and weekend). during each visit, the researcher made observational notes and took photographs and videos of the participating children who helped the researcher establish the context of the children’s activities and perspectives. the observations and interviews were complementary, as the researcher was often involved in the children’s conversations and daily activities at the rptra site. we analyzed the collected data using a reflexive thematic analysis (braun & clarke, 2006). two co-authors contributed to the cross-code interpretation and data analysis. we used nvivo for data management and to identify nodes and subthemes. we used an open-coding process first, followed by multiple iterations to determine subthemes and central themes of developmental affordances at the rptra sites that children perceived and actualized. the rigor of the study the rigor of this study is shaped by researcher reflexivity, the variation and quality of data collection, and data analysis processes. the first author—the principal play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 126 researcher—is an educational psychologist who grew up and has lived in indonesia. this enabled her to gain access to the sites and to easily communicate with the participants, without being considered too much of an outsider. her reflexivity illuminated her subjectivity and critical thinking during the study. reflexivity also facilitates a positive relationship between the researcher and participants to ensure that participant views are effectively captured, confirming the rigor of the whole study (woodhead & faulkner, 2000). here, four different methods combined visual and verbal approaches and created triangulation, whereby the data collected contributes to the credibility of other data (vanner & kimani, 2017). results data from the two sites were first analyzed separately. then, the researchers combined the findings from both sites, which aided the researchers’ ability to reflexively grasp the similarities and differences in children's perspectives about rptra sites. the similarity that seems clear from the children's perspective is the meaning of rptra as “beyond playgrounds,” because at both sites children can do many activities besides playing, including activities that compensate for the children’s lack of access to resources in other settings within their neighborhood. meanwhile, the differences in children's activities and experiences at the two rptra sites were generally related to their physical features, such as the size of the sites and aesthetical features which influence the children's opportunities to activate particular affordances at different sites. the first section below identifies the accessibility and safety factors that facilitate children’s developmental activities within the two rptra sites, which are discussed in the second section. finally, we identify and discuss how children’s perceived experiences at the sites may channel their sense of competence. children’s perceived accessibility and safety of public space most children come to the rptra sites before and after school and on the weekend. all the children expressed that the proximity of the rptra site to their home provides opportunities for independent travel and repeated visits. although some children mentioned that they also played elsewhere within their neighborhood, they admitted that their play was limited in those spaces due to insufficient access, safety, and amenities. children emphasized that the gated and staffed rptra site allowed them to feel safe when playing. the gate set clear boundaries between perceived unsafe places within their neighborhood and the rptra site that they perceived to be safe. the presence of familiar persons affords a feeling of being looked after. outside the rptra site, there was a robbery. one day a bike was stolen near the rptra site… however, here [in the rptra site] those things are unlikely to happen because the bad guys will not enter the gate, and the onsite managers and friends watch us (pluto, 10). play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 127 table 1. summary of developmental affordances in rptra sites perceived and actualized by the children main themes subthemes and behavioral context specific activities setting theme 1: play prescribed play: play using designated features and in intended ways; positively reinforced by adult supervisors and local partners traditional games indoors, outdoors free play in allocated spaces construction and board games risky play: play using non-designated features and in unintended ways; usually only possible without adult supervision, and if noticed, children are given negative reinforcement (e.g., play terminated) play using non-playable features (e.g., broken rides, aesthetic sculpture) “hidden” outdoors play using features allocated for adults (e.g., fitness equipment) purposeful play: adult-initiated play to divert children’s unstructured play activities into purposeful activities, yet in a playful way, usually using specific tools (e.g., for gardening, tinkering, cleaning) to mediate the play helping with maintenance through play outdoors preserving nature through playing shifting the risky play into playful work theme 2: work school-related work: child-led initiated activities to achieve specific skills related to school and academic performance doing homework and school assignments indoors guided learning to write, read, and count implementing school-based knowledge in a real setting, particularly the garden outdoors community-integrated work: partnership between rptra and local community/partners to promote children’s collaboration and integration with society preparing and attending community events (e.g., workshops, seminars, group counseling) indoors joining long-term junior cadre program self-initiated work: children’s chosen regular activities usually related to their hobbies and interests; the programs are usually low cost or free, and not available at children’s schools cultural and arts training (e.g., dance, musical instruments, martial arts) literacy program sports outdoors theme 3: rest rest between play: usually observed when children are less physically active, and they take a rest before and after playing to restore their energy watching a game and waiting for a turn sheltered outdoors “cool off” rest between school and home: usually observed on weekdays, when children “transit” at the site after school and before going back home to cope with school and home burdens mind-wandering and short napping hanging out with friends after school indoors includes the hall, library, and gazebo; outdoors includes the field, amphitheater, playgrounds, and gardens; hidden defines areas away from adult supervision; sheltered defines areas with natural or built cover. play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 128 children’s perception and use of public space children were extremely active in using the rptra sites to meet various needs, which we categorized into three key themes of activity: playing, working, and resting. the varied activities at the rptra site suggest they perceive it as “beyond a playground.” a summary of children’s core activities is outlined in table 1, alongside subthemes and specific codes showing the children’s perspectives of the sites and researcher-observed behaviors in the different settings (indoors, outdoors, sheltered, and hidden). critically, these sites afforded children multiple interactions with peers and adults beyond their family, and diverse experiences that enhanced their sense of competence. children also associate their activities with certain attitudes, which helps us to understand how their activities may channel their new capabilities and psychosocial developmental outcomes. therefore, in explaining their activities, we also identify how their experiences in this setting might affect their sense of competence. theme 1: play—“this is where we children play!” play was the most prominent theme for both sites, characterized by activities driven by their intrinsic motivation for physical activity, excitement, and enjoyment. we observed children playing with their friends and siblings; we also observed them playing with onsite managers. additionally, the involvement of onsite managers, along with the various type of space and features, contributed to the diversity of children’s play in the rptra sites, categorized as prescribed, risky, and purposeful. play subtheme 1: prescribed play the children played in the designated areas and used the prescribed features, such as swings and the slide in the playground, played soccer in the field, and played other rule-based games in indoor and outdoor areas (figure 4). we found that traditional games, such as hopscotch, hide and seek, bamboo tops, and bamboo stilts—the most observed form of play at both rptra sites—had specific meanings that enabled the children to develop their social skills via various types of interactions and players (see arlinkasari, cushing, & miller, 2019). traditional games were not only highly valued by the children to develop their social skills and networks but also by the onsite manager and local partners as a way of preserving indonesian cultural values and outdoor play (arlinkasari et al., 2019). play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 129 figure 4. children play traditional games in rptra cililitan and rptra rasela using designated areas and properties. from left to right: hide and seek, hopscotch, bamboo stilts play subtheme 2: risky play for many children, rule-based games offered limited excitement and were restricted due to equipment access; as a result, they shaped new affordances using nonplayable features and equipment. we categorized these as risky play: play using physical experimentation in a non-prescribed way (figures 5 and 6). with minimal supervision from the onsite manager, the children created their own playful activities. they turned the broken swing (which had been removed from the playground) into climbing equipment, the pull-up bar in the fitness area (which is intended for those aged 13+) into a climbing and hanging feature, the goal net into a spider web, the fish pond into a swimming pool, and the sculpture into a balancing bar. children also perceived that risky play invited their sense of autonomy: “because i can climb to the top [of the fitness equipment], and feel free, feel so high!” (green, 8). when engaged in risky play, the children implied that they assessed their physical capabilities and managed the risks simultaneously: “i feel excited when i almost fall from the stick/peg [pull-up bar], my tummy gets tickled, but hanging there makes my hands stronger!” (maroon, 9). in addition to seeking a challenge, children engaged in risky play when they had limited play options. this was observed at both sites, where children used broken rides to play in ways that could have caused them harm. we observed children, mainly boys, using the rusty and broken slide. later, a boy participant said that he kept playing on it because he had limited options to enjoy the sensation of sliding but was aware of the possibility of negative reinforcement if the onsite managers noticed—a sign of risky play. although adults discouraged most forms of risky play, we found that rptra rasela was unique. its cemented court area afforded water play on rainy days, where play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 130 children could splash one another (figure 7). when we first observed children’s water play, we expected it to invite negative reinforcement from the onsite managers. however, interestingly, they allowed the children to proceed under their supervision. consistent with our observations, the children admitted that this water play was common at rptra rasela on rainy days: “we can play on rainy days… especially when the field is watery and slippery. it feels great! so, we can slide on it!” (moon, 9 and ananke, 11). on the contrary, the soil-covered field at rptra cililitan afforded nothing for children on rainy days because the onsite managers restricted children from using it: “if it is rain[ing], we are not allowed to play in the soccer field because it will get muddy and slippery. other areas can get dirty too” (rptra cililitan children on tour; see figure 8). figure 5. (left) a child swimming in the fish pond at rptra cililitan figure 6. (right) children climbing, hanging, and jumping from the pull-up bar at rptra cililitan play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 131 figure 7. (left) children playing under the rain and splashing water in the cemented court of rptra rasela figure 8. (right) the soil-covered field in rptra cililitan affords nothing on rainy days once it gets muddy play subtheme 3: purposeful play we categorized children’s play activities as purposeful when they intend to achieve a specific goal, with an adult catalyzing the activities. the purposeful play was usually observed when children were in free-play mode or risky play, and the onsite managers then diverted their attention to something extrinsically motivated. for example, swimming in the fish pond (see figure 5) was prohibited by the onsite manager, but they reframed this by inviting children to feed the fish and clean up the pond, which gave them the bonus of getting wet—a reward after the playful work. at both sites, children said they enjoyed such purposeful play, especially when onsite managers invited them to maintain the site (figure 9). with purposeful play, children could use cleaning and gardening tools, with each accomplished task bringing them a sense of competence for showing initiative, practical knowledge, and a sense of belonging: i feel happy with the onsite managers because usually, we do it together. and doing something is better than nothing, isn’t it? usually, the boys help the onsite managers to pour out the watery field. we also mopped the hall. so, bunda4 doesn’t have to instruct us; we act first! (pluto, 10—initiative) [i learned] about [the] plantation when helping bunda [with] watering the plants… for example, aloe vera, it can heal a wound. [also] the sap from leaves of a castor oil plant… can be used to heal a toothache (kale, 11— practical knowledge). 4 bunda means “mother” in bahasa indonesia. it is also a polite title for other women—like “madame” or “mam.” play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 132 we like to do the “kerja bakti”5 to clean up the rptra site because this is where we children play (grey, 8—belongingness). figure 9. children enjoy maintaining the rptra cililitan and rasela sites using gardening and cleaning tools theme 2: work—“kids can do that too!” the second key theme was work. we found that children at both sites were actively engaged in purposeful work, deliberately achieving specific skills as they and their community desired. the work theme revealed that activities included a sense of regularity, rules, and time to achieve individual and communal goals. children perceived that the rptra site can be their “second school” with more structured activities provided that resemble school and after-school activities. work subtheme 1: self-initiated work rptra sites and programs give children opportunities to actualize their hobbies and participate in nourishing indonesian traditions through cultural and arts programs (e.g., silat6, marawis7, angklung8, traditional dance) and sports (see figure 10). these sites and programs invite partnerships with local volunteers, trainers, and 5 kerja bakti is best translated as cleaning up a communal space (usually within a neighborhood area) with other community members. 6 silat is a collective word for a type of indigenous martial arts from the geocultural area of the indonesian archipelago. 7 marawis is a small double-sided hand drum originally from the middle east. 8 angklung is an indonesian musical instrument made from bamboo tubes attached to a bamboo frame. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/martial_arts https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/indonesian_archipelago https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/hand_drum https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/middle_east https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/musical_instrument https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/bamboo play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 133 neighboring organizations, offering children low-cost or free training when their schools cannot facilitate the activities. figure 10. low-cost or free course of silat (left) and traditional dance (right) in rptra cililitan, organized by the subdistrict office and local trainers work subtheme 2: community-integrated work the rptra program was designed to be integrated with the cfc initiative and the pkk program. this means the rptra program offers children’s self-interest activities alongside more social and community-focused activities, such as group counseling (figure 11), workshops, and seminars (figure 12). at rptra rasela, some participants stated that they were trained by adult community cadres to be junior cadres in the larva monitoring program (jumantik9) under the institution of forum anak (children’s forum). children said they felt proud and respected when they could carry out community tasks because they perceived their power as equal to that of adults. kids can do that too! for example, when we found larva, we would tell the homeowners to drain the bathtub or pour the larvicide powder [into the tub] (ananke and deimos—exercising power). further, their work gave the children opportunities to meet the community leader in their city: i feel excited because sometimes, we meet the governor’s wife in person on the training (carme, 12—working with prominent figures). 9 jumantik is an abbreviation for juru pemantau jentik, or larva monitoring officer. play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 134 figure 11. (left) children attend a regular storytelling and group counselling session organized by the subdistrict office and local psychologists figure 12. (right) children prepare a community event in rptra cililitan work subtheme 3: school-related work children described the rptra sites as their “second school” because the sites’ facilities and spaces supported their school-related activities, such as study and doing homework (figure 13). children from both sites consistently stated that they found the library and hall valuable for their study: i do homework with friends, [and] i usually ask bunda if i have difficulties. in the library, i can read books that i can’t find at home (cyan, 10). children also liked to study at the rptra site because they knew the onsite manager would help them (figure 14) and viewed the manager as their teacher, though providing formal teaching was not the onsite manager’s official duty: [i] often learn to read and count with ms. whitefly and ms. ladybird [pseudonyms of two female onsite managers]… it’s like a reading course on wednesdays (red, 6). the children also appreciated taking part in a program such as jumantik, as it affords them experiential learning opportunities: interviewer: do you also learn about dengue fever at school? venus: yes! but in the rptra, it is like we get opportunities to see what the larva exactly looks like. also, we practice getting rid of it. at school, those are only in books. play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 135 figure 13. (left) a group of children finishing their school assignment in the library at rptra cililitan figure 14. (right) an onsite manager helping children with math homework theme 3: rest—“time to do nothing” in addition to physical and social activities, rptra sites allow children time and space to do nothing if they wish and be what they want to be in a private place. in the areas of the sites that were sheltered, dominated by natural elements such as water and plants, and with an expansive view, we observed some children enjoying their privacy by sitting in the gazebo, on the “bridge” (figure 15), or on a small bench beneath the trees. although the children did not discuss these rest activities as much as their play, we observed that rest opportunities were meaningful for them, especially considering that privacy and peaceful moments were likely scarce in their homes and high-density neighborhoods. rest subtheme 1: rest between play although play dominated the children’s time at both rptra sites, they also admitted that idle time was just as important as playtime for expressing their agency and finding the best way to manage their energy—as yellow explained, “i feel free when i enjoy watching people play soccer, and have time to do nothing.” children also used the sheltering tree next to the field for watching games and waiting for their turn (see figure 16), which are critical for their self-regulation: play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 136 you know, the spaces in rptra rasela are not so big. so, all children could only play if we take turns and share spaces… sit and wait under the tree until our turn is up (pluto, 10—self-regulation). rest subtheme 2: rest between school and home school-related burdens and domestic chores can also be stressful events for children. on weekdays, we observed that the children in our study liked to visit the rptra sites after school and before returning home to find calm: it [bench under a big tree] is a spot to hang out and take a rest…. usually, we come here in the afternoon, after school… so we go directly here. it is an excellent place to do nothing and cool off (rptra rasela boys during a tour— finding calm). indeed, we observed two children intentionally stopping by the site for a short nap before going home (figure 17). when we asked them why they did not go straight home and nap there, one of them said that school was tiring, and resting at home was not easy because the home was “chaotic” with many family members living under the same roof and household responsibilities awaiting them at home. figure 15. (left) pink and her friends sitting on the "bridge" and enjoying the view from their favorite hidden spot figure 16. (right) children sitting under the small tree while watching the soccer match and waiting for their turn play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 137 figure 17. two children taking a short nap at the rptra rasela site after school discussion this paper aimed to investigate how public spaces might support children’s development by exploring their activities and perceived experiences at two rptra sites. using the developmental-affordances framework, we identified that children perceive rptra sites as “beyond playgrounds” where they can have varied activities that were not just about play, but also work and rest. their engagement with these activities also afforded them to be competent through actualizing various opportunities for taking initiative, playing a role, resolving problems and managing risks, being with friends and communities, and self-regulating. all these activities and the perceived experiences can be understood as children’s developmental channels to inform environmental characteristics and interventions that set their optimal developmental trajectories. figure 18 summarizes the interrelationship of children and the environment, and how this interaction potentially facilitates the developmental outcomes of their activities. play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 138 figure 18. developmental affordances of rptra sites actualized by the participating children source: fitri arlinkasari children’s perception of their competence influences the formation of their selfconcept and global self-worth, which enables self-determined behavior and shapes the extent to which one is intrinsically motivated (deci & ryan, 2000; harter, 2011). improving their competence may thus support impoverished children to be resilient and cope with childhood poverty (bartlett, 2017; black & krishnakumar, 1998; blair & raver, 2012). children’s activities demonstrated in this study channel the development of their sense of competence in various ways. participating in play and work activities with friends and their community afforded opportunities to acquire social and cultural skills and stewardship; rest activities afforded opportunities to cope with negative feelings and find privacy through which children develop their capacity for autonomy and self-regulation. however, we identified that resting for the children in our study may differ from the notions of resting in most non-poverty contexts. in our study, children’s motives for resting were related to the burdens of poverty (e.g., long-term uncertainties, household responsibilities, high-density dwellings), rather than to recover from their overscheduled lifestyles (villaire, 2003). therefore, incorporating children’s life contexts and circumstances is essential to understand their developmental trajectories. based on our findings, we identified critical attributes of rptra sites that can be used for place-based interventions in public space to optimize the developmental benefits for children living in a low-income urban neighborhood. these place-based interventions can enhance children’s experiences of play, work, and rest, activities that prior research has found to be critical for channeling the positive development of children from low-income families (e.g., black & krishnakumar, 1998; ingoldsby et al., 2012; vandell et al., 2005). first, the gated and staffed characteristics of public space offer unique opportunities to fulfill children’s basic needs of feeling secure, which becomes the foundation of their environmental exploration within site. although the gated and staffed park might be associated with the privatization play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 139 and homogenization of public spheres (kafafy, 2010), this study identified that these features are critical for two reasons: (1) children value them as boundaries between safe and unsafe environments for their play; (2) in the jakarta context, most open spaces lack of sense of community and sufficient maintenance, and as such these spaces become a starting spot for criminal actions (nursanto, 2011; rumtianing, 2016). second, children actively used the sites’ amenities and programs for their structured activities to compensate for the lack of access to resources in other places, including home and school. while the provision of play space offered children countless and playful experiences, the built facilities and amenities were highly valued by the children to support other activities. providing and maintaining these facilities are invaluable for children when those facilities are neither available nor affordable at home or in other settings. third, children optimized the use of natural areas and elements for their risky play and purposeful play. children created new affordances of natural elements (e.g., water and mud) for challenging actions, but we found that adult supervision often restricted risky play. providing guidelines for risky play can be critical to further improving the sites, given that the benefits of risky play outweigh the risks of children not developing skills to assess and manage risk (brussoni et al., 2012; gray, 2014). in natural areas, children were also consistently attracted to engage in gardening and cleaning activities, which form their “purposeful play”. aligned with montessori’s concepts of children’s purposeful activity as a means of promoting their sense of competence, such opportunities and tools should be provided in children’s environments (heroman, 2017; lillard, 2005), and we contend they should be more accessible for children at rptra sites. in addition to their play, children utilized affordances for restorative experiences provided by hidden natural areas. however, the relative lack of natural elements at the sites and the high number of users relative to their size may constrain these experiences; while prior studies have found that restorative experiences are usually associated with the presence of natural elements and wide landscapes, and with few other people using the space (korpela & staats, 2014). therefore, adding natural elements and features that offer prospect and refuge might enable children’s sense of calm and privacy (profice & tiriba, 2018), especially when enlarging the landscape is not feasible in the context of the rptra sites. fourth and last, we identified that the presence of onsite managers and affordable extracurricular programs significantly shaped children’s structured activities at the sites. the provision of structured activities beyond leisure may indicate a childfriendly city, as emphasized in the kla policy (dewi, 2012). echoed by marsh, derose, and cohen (2012), we suggest that building the capacity of onsite managers as facilitators of children’s activities and keeping up the affordable programs are critical for improving children’s experiences at rptra sites. we need to account for the benefits of supportive non-parental adults within the neighborhood community to supervise impoverished children’s free time and facilitate structured activities, which can be the buffer for negative behaviors and play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 140 misconduct among young people (ingoldsby et al., 2012). in addition to proper supervision, werner (1993) identified that participation of impoverished children in structured extracurricular activities supports their resilience, which is critical for their adjustment to stressful life events because such activities afford “solace in adversity and a reason to feel proud” (p. 94). conclusion this study explored children’s use and perception of designated child-friendly public spaces in two low-income neighborhoods in jakarta. using a developmentalaffordances framework, we found that children perceive these spaces as places with characteristics beyond that of playgrounds, in which they can develop a sense of competence through activities that are not only playing but also working and resting. the recommendations from this study can be used to improve place-based interventions in child-friendly public space within the context of urban poverty, through which children’s positive development can emerge alongside their stimulating and constructive experiences. acknowledgments this study is part of a ph.d. research project conducted by the first author as the principal investigator and the two co-authors as the supervisors. the first author thanks all the participating children who shared their views and welcomed her to participate in their daily experiences in the rptra sites. special thanks to dr. carody culver for proofreading the first submission of this paper. fitri arlinkasari (inka) is a ph.d. student at the school of design, queensland university of technology, and lecturer in the faculty of psychology, yarsi university. her research focuses on children’s placemaking of public spaces and neighborhoods in the indonesian urban poverty context. as a psychologist, inka also collaborates with several indonesian community-based organizations aiming to create child-friendly interventions for improving the child-friendliness level of her city, jakarta. debra flanders cushing, ph.d. is an associate professor in landscape architecture and the discipline leader for spatial design at the queensland university of technology. her research combines critical people and place theories with an understanding of effective community participation to inform the design of healthy, sustainable and vibrant places for children and youth. evonne miller is professor of design psychology and director of the qut design lab in the school of design, creative industries at queensland university of technology in brisbane, australia. her research focuses on how to design environments—built, technical, socio-cultural and natural—that better engage and support all users. evonne is also a passionate advocate for design and creative artsbased participatory research methods. play, work and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly… 141 references arlinkasari, f., & cushing, d. f. 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(2020). antipode cities: primal urbanism. children, youth and environments, 30(1), 123-134. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this field report describes the antipode cities project, which aimed to connect earth’s most geographically distant cities with collective cartographies made by local children. for the project, the author and art gallery staff conducted a series of map-making workshops on opposite sides of the world with children ranging from five to eight years old. the children’s cartographies showcased a sort of natural urbanism, a trait that could be called “primal urbanism”—an innate perception of the city as a place that could be transformed by projects to alter its shape and form. the antipode cities project, with the aid of different chinese and argentinean institutions, organized a research field trip and a series of workshops to compare qingdao, china and buenos aires, argentina—two cities that are at the exact geographical antipode from each other. this field report describes the conducted activities, perspectives and outcomes along with considerations about the pedagogy behind the concept of antipode cities from children’s perspectives. keywords: children, cartography, workshop, city, urbanism, collective, qingdao, bueno aires http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi antipode cities: primal urbanism 124 introduction the project “antipode cities” aimed to connect the earth’s most geographically distant cities with collective cartographies made by local children. an antipode is the geographical feature that links the earth’s surface’s most distant points. as water covers more than 70 percent of the planet’s surface, generally the antipode of a land mass point falls in the sea on the other side. however, there is a collection of antipodean cities—cities that have another city in their exact opposite geographic location—as listed in table 1. table 1. major antipodean cities cities countries-regions latitude and longitude asuncion / taipei paraguay, south america / taiwan, asia (-25.266, -57.391) / (25.105, 121.597) buenos aires / qingdao argentina, south america / china, asia (-34.365, -58.224) / (36.633, 120.270) bucamaranga/ jakarta colombia, south america / indonesia, asia (7.073, -73.071)/ (-6.125, 106.504) la coruña/ christchurch spain, europe / new zealand, oceania (43.221, -8.234) / (-43.525, 172.639) the main argument behind using geographic antipodes as a starting point to make collective cartographies was the potency of their geographical extremism. the antipodean cities were united only by their ultimate distance, and this led to a vast array of singularities, similarities and of course, differences. this notion was especially stimulating for children; in attempting to describe their city to hypothetical children on the other side of the world, they were able to think about their own cities as a whole unit, often for the first time. similar approaches to researching cities and children are found in numerous field studies (al arasi, 2013; lanciano et al., 1998; simpson, 1997). the activities described in this report shared similarities with these studies, especially in their practical workshop approach and how they used the children’s urban space drawings to highlight city shapes, forms and configurations. with this in mind, i designed a series of map-making workshops with children as protagonists and conducted them in the antipodean cities of buenos aires, argentina and qingdao, china. this specific set up, a pair of antipodean cities, allowed participating children to link two different urban spaces in a common narrative. the concept of “otherness” was established as a trigger element and the concept of “antipodes” was used as a framework to signal differences and similarities, among other features. this way of understanding urban space related closely to the children’s first approach to their own city, in what could be labelled primal urbanism: an innate perception of the city as a place that could be transformed by projects and alter its shape and form. established on similar properties was the early 20th century modern architecture movement’s concept of “initial sketches” (banham, 1980; van den heuvel, mesman, antipode cities: primal urbanism 125 quiste, & lemmens, 2008). the influential modernists' projects always started with drawings composed of comparable elements akin to the primal urbanism maps i refer to here. these initial maps or designs were very expressive, had little to no detail, and employed symbols and phrases to point out measures, materials and sizes. the maps were built by emotional connections and iconic representations of the city and closely resembled a professional planner’s first draft metropolitan masterplan. the specific nature of this kind of cartography is what allowed the researcher to link these drawings to the primal urbanism trait found in children’s drawings. children’s cartographies made in this project’s workshops exhibited diverse graphic structures of various scales and sizes. this field report describes the project development, perspectives, outcomes, and tools to conduct similar research workshops in pedagogy, urbanism and urban studies related to children and youth. workshops on opposite sides of the world supported by local facilitators, i conducted the workshops in qingdao, china in february 2018 and in buenos aires, argentina in september 2018. i held three workshops in qingdao and two in buenos aires, and a collective map was produced at each one (figure 1). in total, almost 100 children participated. in qingdao, the workshops were held in the gingko art gallery and in buenos aires, in the espacio cavallero art gallery. figure 1. children in buenos aires drawing during their collective map making experience sketch drawn by the author antipode cities: primal urbanism 126 the participating children ranged from 5 to 8 years old, and they regularly attended visual art programs in their respective cities. qingdao’s participants attended an art school operated by the ginko art gallery and the buenos aires children were part of a city council artistic education initiative that conducted similar drawing gatherings on regular basis. three workshop days were held over three weeks in qingdao, and two workshop days over one week in buenos aires. the group numbers were designated by the partnering institutions. in china, several groups of ten children participated in the activity each day, while in argentina two groups of 40 children each were transported from their schools by the local government. all of the workshops lasted one to one-and-a-half hours and two facilitators per group were present to engage with the children and conduct the workshops. the methodology used to record the workshops was observational, both in film and in situ; in each art gallery a photographer documented the workshops and a video camera was employed to record part of the activities. i also directly observed the workshops. in overview during the workshops the researcher/facilitators showed films to the children (participants) of the opposite antipode. in qingdao, casual videos of buenos aires city streets and building landmarks were in constant loop on a television located in the gallery lobby. in the buenos aires workshops there were two televisions located in the art gallery hall, one showing footage of qingdao streets, people and buildings and the other one displaying footage of the qingdao children working on their maps. before the workshops started, each children’s group was told about their antipodean counterpart by the facilitators who used the images to talk briefly about notions of distance, geography, cultural differences, time and architecture. facilitators gave a small verbal introduction as described in the workshop guidelines and interacted with the children regarding geographical features using a world globe. children in both antipodes recognized that the world had a spherical shape, a knowledge that they seem to have acquired culturally (from adults, book illustrations, magazines, internet drawings, movie pictures and tv cartoons). furthermore, the majority of the children identified their own country on the globe and a substantial number placed their cities on the map. then, the facilitators talked about the concept of antipodes, specifically qingdao and buenos aires, and asked the children a series of questions to introduce the notion of similarities and differences between the cities. some of the questions were: what similarities could they find? what differences could they find? are antipodal children’s houses like ours? and their monuments? how about their streets? in order to get familiar with scale and to begin to engage with the context, the facilitators asked the children to draw on a common sheet over a city map. the following questions guided the activities and were part of the facilitator’s instructive talks to assist the children during the workshops: how did the children visualize their city? which urban elements were of iconic significance for them? what did antipode cities: primal urbanism 127 they first notice? in what ways could the drawings be utilized to improve urban projects aimed at young inhabitants? figure 2. collage of chinese children working on the qingdao map photos by the gingko art gallery staff next, facilitators explained the activity and instructed the children to draw what they believed represented their homes, streets, schools and nearby parks, among other urban sites. the children mainly drew sketches of their own homes, schools and their respective streets. the team then asked the children to choose where to locate these items and provided an a1 size sheet of tracing paper over the city map for that purpose. facilitators expressed this was one of the first times the children had seen a map of their city. the children didn’t seem to be confused by the irregular shape of the political and natural borders and limits, but were rather amazed by them and even replicated fragments of the underlying map over the tracing paper. the participants located their drawings (with help from facilitators and family) and redrew several streets with colors and variously weighted lines. note that in the introduction facilitators had asked the children to draw inside the city’s grid, and almost all of the participants followed this instruction. the children antipode cities: primal urbanism 128 used a wide variety of color and weighted strokes, and the vast majority of the drawn works were colorful compositions. at the end of each workshop, the facilitators invited the children to talk about their work and those of the other participants, and advised that their work was going to be shown to children of their own age in the correspondent antipodean city. the children were enthusiastic about the notion of their drawings being exhibited on the other side of the world and asked for more information about the antipodal city and their fellow children. perspectives and outcomes the drawings on each cartography were both analyzed individually (if there were added names, different colors or diverse stroke weights) and by context (in terms of articulation to other figures, if the drawing followed the same topics or line connections with neighboring diagrams). the considerations shared in the children’s perspectives below are directly taken from the cartographies made in the workshops in both cities. the workshop’s results, the collective cartographies, illustrated urban space. spatial notions from the children’s perspectives, and a series of reflections on the drawings are also shared below. furthermore, with children’s drawings as a starting point, it was possible to identify comparisons between them and the concept of primal urbanism as discussed in the following outcomes section. in this analysis i employed my own experience as part of urban design teams, where iterative stages of collective drawing play an important part in separating project design layers. figure 3. youth during the buenos aires activity photo by michael kramer antipode cities: primal urbanism 129 children’s perspectives the children appeared amazed by their own drawings and claimed to have made a series of discoveries. highlighted among them were: • the world has another side. planet earth, “despite” its roundness, has opposite sides. the notion of antipodes inspired the children, and they asked questions about the antipodal city and its inhabitants and stated that the other city “must be different” from theirs as it looked “inverted on the map.” • the city is below our feet. the children realized there was a sort of correspondence between the antipodal cities. below qingdao city, deep through the earth’s core, there was an urbanization called buenos aires, unknown to the qingdao children. likewise, way below their buenos aires neighborhood, children could find a qingdao neighborhood. this notion allowed children to identify that even if the place was unknown to them, there were other people outside their own space. they started to identify their urban space as something that could exist similarly in another part of the world. they expressed this notion as the feeling of their feet “walking below other feet.” • the antipodal children. the children realized the antipodal city was not abandoned or unoccupied, but rather, full of people: youth, adults and other children just like them (figure 4). the concept that on the other side of the world there was a city filled with children simultaneously thinking about them, i believe encouraged the participants to think about how they represented their own city in their drawings. figure 4. youth during the buenos aires activity looking at a video of the qingdao workshops photo by michael kramer antipode cities: primal urbanism 130 outcomes the children’s cartographies were not only a beautiful constellation of mixed techniques, but also a vast overlapped surface where hundreds of spatial representations communicated with each other. although this was a collective children’s map, the correspondent morphogenetic cartography resembled the properties of those first drawn on a master plan. this was the inherent primal urbanism aspect of the fieldwork; i argue that even at a young age, people may perceive the city as a space that can be transformed. the drawings exhibited a palimpsest of different layers, from which specific workshop outcomes could be retrieved: • landscape/architectural: the children drew iconic buildings, like qingdao’s st. michaels catholic church or buenos aires’ obelisk, repeatedly through the maps employing different sizes, scales and textures (see figures 5 and 6). the children also depicted their own houses or apartments. qingdao’s children’s drawings depicted (mostly) governmental buildings, while buenos aires’ children’s most-illustrated constructions were football fields. • urban/cultural: the participants distributed housing areas and green areas similarly in both cartographies, illustrating the notion that cities are composed of different sectors with diverse densities. however, qingdao’s children linked more buildings and spaces to specific roads and avenues in the maps, while buenos aires’ children did not specifically reference these. • psychological/emotional: children added phrases, names and other written references next to the drawings that consisted mainly of their homes, pets, schools, friend’s houses and restaurants that served their favorite foods. children’s representations of their city and urban spaces rendered an illustration full of color, emotion, wide strokes and phrases that emphasized their intent to translate reality into a navigable cartography. figure 5. qingdao children’s drawing details antipode cities: primal urbanism 131 figure 6. children’s drawing details from the buenos aires activity these outcomes support the notion of primal urbanism and depict an idea not only of how the city was portrayed by children, but also of how “urbanism before the project” existed for the children: over time, cities present a fertile field of constant transformation. antipode cities: primal urbanism 132 recommendations for conducting similar projects in cities without an urban antipode a similar project could be conducted in a city without a ground antipode. most cities have a sea spot as an antipode; what seems today as oppositional—a dense city compared to a landless water body—could in the near future be a parallelism. scientific studies (kulp & strauss, 2019; williams, 2013) predict that, due to climate change, in less than a century most coastal cities (and a vast number of riverside cities) could be under water. like their antipodes, the majority of the workshop participants’ metropolitan areas may be represented as a blue spot on the map in the near future. one possible approach for this kind of workshop could be for “designers of tomorrow’s urban adaptations” to integrate this scenario as soon as possible. there is a chance that with sufficient awareness and worldwide efforts, environmental damage can be reduced. explaining how climate change impacts cities and the way to mitigate its effects could be explored in a series of creative steps, then displayed in collective youth cartographies. for better development of a city-sea antipode pair workshop, some additional guidelines could be followed: • discuss with youth the scientific models of climate change by postulating a possible future in which sea level rise could cover and/or modify their city coast or surrounding location. • work as a team with youth to develop possible solutions to the city’s habitability for future generations. • as additional information about the planet earth’s geometry and geographical conventions are shared, the youth participants could focus on the visualization of their city’s antipode from a planetary perspective and the notion of scale could help them to think globally about local issues. while the workshop is conducted the participating youth could gain key notions about the diverse cultural and geophysical landscapes of the planet. some questions during the activity to boost creativity and trigger drawings and graphic structures could be: how would everyday life be in your future climate affected city? which regional customs could subsist? which ones would have to change irremediably? what monuments or buildings would continue to stand? which ones would have to be modified? how would the city as a whole change if that scenario happened? what new structures and buildings would be necessary to keep the city functioning? conclusion even though the map-making process in this project combined different disciplines such as art, science and culture, the activities described in this report relied mostly on the basic human notion of spatial awareness of our surroundings and the innate desire to transform them (bremne et al., 2016; wohlwill & heft, 1987). workshops like the ones conducted by the antipode cities project could help us understand how children and youth approach their cities as a malleable territory to acquire antipode cities: primal urbanism 133 better tools for engaging in learning scenarios. furthermore, the idea that children can see their urban environments as a layout in which to materialize their spatial notions as “primal urbanism” can impact the way we engage in creative processes in professional city master plans. if there is a specific cultural system trait that inherently responds to urban spaces, differentiating them from other kinds of spaces, could we consciously access this to make cities more livable and enjoyable? there is evidentiary support in these realms; however, for similar design studies to contribute to learning outcomes (jung, 2015; spencer & blades, 2006) more research is suggested to better understand the potential impacts of studying “primal urbanism” and how it could potentially be used for design and pedagogical projects. acknowledgements the author thanks all the children that participated in the workshops, the shandong university of science and technology, and the qingdao office of foreign affairs staff for their technical assistance. thanks also to marcela pelanda from the buenos aires ministry of education and innovation for her help in the buenos aires workshop. in addition, the researcher thanks the gingko art gallery and the jiamu museum in qingdao for their special support, and curator cecilia medina in buenos aires for all her time and effort on this project. this research was supported in part by the office of foreign affairs of the city of qingdao, china, by independent resources from the author, and private art and educational agencies. valentino tignanelli is currently working as an assistant professor of maps and patterns at the school of architecture of torcuato di tella university, buenos aires, argentina. references al arasi, h. (2013). a study on children's perception of their local living environment. (degree thesis). university of twente, enschede, the netherlands). retrieved from https://webapps.itc.utwente.nl/librarywww/papers_2013/msc/upm/alarasi.pdf banham, r. (1980). theory and design in the first machine age. cambridge, ma: mit press. bremne, a. j., doherty, m. j., caparos, s., de fockert, j., linnell, k. j., & davidoff, j. (2016). effects of culture and the urban environment on the development of the ebbinghaus illusion. washington, d.c.: society for research in child development, inc. retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/27059268 jung, j. k. (2015). community through the eyes of children: blending childcentered research and qualitative geovisualization. children’s geographies, 13(6), 722-740. https://webapps.itc.utwente.nl/librarywww/papers_2013/msc/upm/alarasi.pdf https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/27059268 antipode cities: primal urbanism 134 kulp, s. a., & strauss, b. h. (2019). new elevation data triple estimates of global vulnerability to sea-level rise and coastal flooding. nature communications 10, 4844. retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-019-12808-z lanciano, n., ardizzone,e., cilento., emilia., marlia a., di martino, d., miniaci, c., orlando c., ottaiano a., petrilli g., pierotti,a., grazia, s. (1998). geometria in città. quaderno del centro ugo morin, 3. retrieved from http://www.centromorin.it/ simpson, b. (1997). towards the participation of children and young people in urban planning and design. urban studies, 34(5-6), 907-925. spencer, c. & blades, m. (2006). children and their environments: learning, using and designing spaces. cambridge: cambridge university press. van den heuvel, d., mesman, m., quiste, w. & lemmens, b. (2008). the challenge of change: dealing with the legacy of the modern movement. amsterdam: ios press bv. williams, s. (2013). sea-level rise implications for coastal regions. journal of coastal research, special issue 63, 184-196. wohlwill, j. & heft, h. (1987). the physical environment and the development of the child. in d. stokols & i. altman (eds.) handbook of environmental psychology (pp. 281-328). new york: wiley & sons. websites (chinese) shandong university of science and technology lecture of the antipode cities project. retrieved from http://news.sdust.edu.cn/content__5edeaa58902eb2d9b13956b0d22cf3b0.htm (spanish) antipodes cites interview by chinese global television latin america. retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-o17je6ucsu (chinese) antipode cities chinese text by jiamu art gallery. retrieved from http://www.sohu.com/a/222608996_765468 (spanish) video of buenos aires exhibition, antipode cities. retrieved from https://vimeo.com/291296341 https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-019-12808-z http://www.centromorin.it/ http://news.sdust.edu.cn/content__5edeaa58902eb2d9b13956b0d22cf3b0.htm https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-o17je6ucsu http://www.sohu.com/a/222608996_765468 https://vimeo.com/291296341 front matter cye 31 1 2021 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati i editors: dr. victoria carr, dr. rhonda brown, and dr. vikas mehta, university of cincinnati managing editor: leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati assistant managing editor: ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book+media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and ozlemnur ataol, eindhoven university of technology copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial advisory board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; yolanda alicia corona-caraveo, universidad autónoma metropolitana xochimilco, mexico; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image from illustrations in using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences by a. christine hempel children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii acknowledgement of reviewers as editors of children, youth and environments, we count on the informed judgment of our reviewers to make the highest quality research and information available online to scholars and practitioners around the world. in a double-blind review process, a minimum of two experts contribute comments about each paper published in cye. their advice is essential to determining whether an article is accepted for publication and invaluable to authors when undertaking revisions. we, therefore, take this opportunity to thank all those who have acted as reviewers for cye during the last year for your time, energy and commitment to the journal! the following list reflects reviewers of papers in 2020. — the editors abbey alkon, university of california san francisco; adina cox, university of kentucky; adriana meireles, federal university of ouro preto; aimee fraulo, north carolina state university; amina salamova, indiana university–bloomington; ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati; anne cleary, the university of queensland; becca franzen, university of wisconsin-stevens point; catherine jordan, university of minnesota–twin cities; claire freeman, university of otago; coral bruni, claremont graduate university; elizabeth ann wood, the university of sheffield; gabby salazar, university of florida; gina porter, durham university; giulia amicone, catholic university of the sacred heart; giyoung park, haq: centre for child rights; harry heft, denison university; helene harte, university of cincinnati, blue ash college; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; isami kinoshita, otsuma women's university, chiba university; janet loebach, cornell university; jennifer pipitone, college of mount saint vincent; joe hinds, university of greenwich london; jolien zevalkink, vu amsterdam; jorgelina hardoy, iied america latina; julia torquati, university of nebraska-lincoln; julie ernst, university of minnesota–duluth; katie richardsschuster, university of michigan; klara øverland, university of stavanger; kym simoncini, university of canberra; laura dell, university of cincinnati; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin–lacrosse; leah frerichs, university of north carolina–chapel hill; lee miller, sam houston state university; lia karsten, university of amsterdam; lorraine e maxwell, cornell university; louise chawla, university of colorado– boulder; lyn schaefer, university of wisconsin-stevens point; mary ann davis, university of new orleans; matthew browning, clemson university; megan ennes, university of florida; michelle thornton, berea college; myae han, university of delaware; olga jarrett, georgia state university; paula barros, the federal university of minas gerais; paula jacoby-garrett, college of southern nevada; peter gray, boston college; ruth wilson, bowling green state university; samuel dennis jr, university of wisconsin–madison; sarah schoen, star institute; scott morrison, elon university; sharinne crawford, la trobe university; shirley thompson, university of manitoba; sruthi atmakur-javdekar, city university of new york; sten langmann, edith cowan university; susan mello, northeastern university; teresa k. aslanian, university of southeastern norway; victoria derr, california state university–monterey bay; yingyi lin, university of southern california; yolanda corona, universidad autónoma metropolitana-unidad xochimilco; yuchang yuan, university of cincinnati; ziba vaghri, university of new brunswick children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth and environments vol. 31 no. 1 2021 issn 1546-2250 inside this issue, you will find diverse scholarly work that spans across the globe. first, barger and co-authors take us to australia, canada, europe, and the united states in their scoping review of the impact of green space on children and youths’ stress and attention. next, we head to southwest china where liu and chen take a closer look at the effect of green space and investigate the relationship between school green spaces and children’s environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behavior. shifting our focus, we arrive in denmark where hempel highlights the visual qmethodology and shares how the innovative method provides insights about the environmental affordances of children’s outdoor play settings. we then return to the united states and arrive in north carolina where jackson showcases long-term outcomes resulting from outdoor science education programs across many years. heading south to brazil, alvim leite and co-authors investigate the food environment surrounding schools in juiz de fora, minas gerais and discuss the implications such environments have on students’ health. we then end our global tour back in the southeast united states where fedewa and co-authors examine the relationship between frequency of recess breaks and discipline issues for elementary children. the issue continues with two reports from the field. first, mclauchlan shares his work on addressing educational inequality. then, gerstein and co-authors share how they used the re-aim framework to evaluate the transformation of a green schoolyard. we wrap this issue with two book reviews: kitching’s review of transport and children’s wellbeing edited by e. owen, d. waygood, margareta friman, lars e. olsson, and raktim mitra and whitzman’s review of slow cities: conquering our speed addiction for health and sustainability by paul tranter and rodney tolley. happy reading! children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv children, youth and environments vol. 31 no. 1 2021 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles measuring green space effects on attention and stress in children and youth: a scoping review brian barger, julia torquati, lincoln r. larson, jodie marie bartz, cassandra johnson-gaither, andrew gardner, eric moody, steven rosenberg, anne schutte, margaret murray, and bridgette m. schram 1-54 green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behavior wanlu liu and jin chen 55-87 using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences a. christine hempel 88-115 lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science education, environmental education, and outdoor science education s. brent jackson, kathryn stevenson, m. nils peterson, danielle f. lawson, ryan a. olson, and e. garland joseph 116-145 disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city maria alvim leite, maíra macário de assis, ariene silva do carmo, thales philipe rodrigues da silva, mário círio nogueira, michele pereira netto, renata bertazzi levy, and larissa loures mendes 146-164 relationship between the timing of recess breaks and discipline referrals among elementary children alicia l. fedewa, heather erwin, jason wilson, and soyeon ahn 165-177 reports from the field addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning richard mclauchlan 178-186 evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim framework dana engel gerstein, carolyn r. bates, and amy m. bohnert 187-198 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati v book reviews transport and children’s wellbeing edited by e. owen, d. waygood, margareta friman, lars e. olsson, and raktim mitra reviewed by darcy varney kitching 199-201 slow cities: conquering our speed addiction for health and sustainability by paul tranter and rodney tolley reviewed by carolyn whitzman 202-203 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(1), 2019 “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations for playgrounds for all abilities catherine hill louise chawla community engagement, design and research center, university of colorado boulder, colorado citation: hill, c. & chawla, l. (2019). “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations for playgrounds of all abilities. children, youth and environments, 29(1), 105-115. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this report describes the work of 7to 8-year-old students in two english immersion classes in a boulder, colorado public school as they collaborated with the city’s department of parks and recreation to develop recommendations to make city playgrounds accessible and attractive to children with different abilities. the report identifies lessons learned from past partnerships to integrate young people’s ideas into urban design that were applied in this project, as well as new insights that emerged. the project’s step-by-step activities are described along with outcomes of the children’s work and reflections of teachers and students. keywords: universal access design, playgrounds, growing up boulder, english immersion, children’s participation, play for all abilities, inclusion http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 106 initiating a process of inclusive design this report tells the story of a project to make the city of boulder, colorado inclusive in two senses: inclusive of children’s voices in processes of public space design, with a focus on engaging children from immigrant families; and, inclusive by accommodating children of all abilities in city playgrounds. these different aspects of inclusion represent different facets of children’s right to participation in their communities according to the united nations convention on the rights of the child (1989). the project described here was part of growing up boulder (gub), an initiative established in 2009 as a formal partnership between the city government, public school district, and university of colorado boulder to give children and teens a voice in city planning and design (derr, chawla & mintzer, 2018). the program is anchored in the university’s community engagement, design and research center, located in the program in environmental design. each year, city agencies contract with gub to gather information from young people about their needs and recommendations related to specific city projects. in return, the city covers the salaries of two half-time program staff: a program director and an education coordinator. they are assisted by undergraduate design interns, who learn processes of participatory design and planning. one of gub’s operating principles is that at least half of its projects will reach out to children and teens from marginalized populations: low-income residents, immigrants, ethnic minorities, and people with disabilities (derr, chawla, mintzer, flanders cushing & van vliet--, 2013; mintzer & chawla, in press). these groups are least likely to be heard in public meetings. although boulder is a politically progressive city, it mirrors the stark economic disparities of the united states. for parents who are working double shifts at low-wage jobs to make ends meet, often with inadequate access to transportation, it is not easy to attend meetings or introduce their children to civic engagement. gub seeks to show the young people involved and their families that they, too, are valued residents of their city, whose needs and perspectives matter, and to help city agencies find innovative ways to hear from these groups. the project described here engaged 7to 8-year-olds in two english immersion classes (also known as classes in english as a second language), who spoke spanish, korean, nepalese or bosnian at home with their families. they were asked to help the city’s department of parks and recreation create guidelines for playgrounds for children of all abilities. another operating principle that gub partners have learned over the years is that reaching as many children as possible requires an “affiliate model,” with gub staff passing their expertise in participatory planning and design on to others who work with young people in both school and out-of-school locations. by enabling teachers to assume increasing levels of responsibility for projects, gub staff develop a corps of trained affiliates who can plan and implement projects with only minimal assistance. at the same time, experienced teachers become catalysts who can help spread information about gub opportunities to other teachers in their school. the project described here illustrates this principle. tamar van vliet, an english immersion teacher who had done four gub projects in former years, invited gub “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 107 into her classroom again and partnered with terri lerose, another english immersion teacher, who experienced gub practices for the first time. project goals and timeline universal access design (uad) is a system of design strategies for indoor and outdoor spaces to ensure accessibility for people of all abilities. in early 2017, the department of parks and recreation approached gub with the goal of finding children who could help city staff answer two questions: do the children find uad concepts important for playgrounds? if so, what uad features do they prioritize? gub turned to tamar van vliet at whittier international elementary school in central boulder, who was happy to take on this challenge as a service project for her students. she invited terri lerose to join her, and they agreed to bring their 11 students together for project activities. the teachers had two main goals for the project: enriching curriculum content and preparing students for lifelong learning and active citizenship. the english immersion teachers had already adopted jane goodall’s roots and shoots program as a model for service learning (www.janegoodall.org/ourwork/our-approach/roots-shoots). the model organizes service activities under four steps: getting engaged, observing, taking action, and celebration. applied to the uad project, the model followed a four-month timeline. getting engaged in october 2017, this report’s first author, who is gub’s education coordinator, and tina briggs, a planner for the department of parks and recreation, visited the combined english immersion classes, explained the concept of uad, and shared the following questions with students: • what do you want a playground to have? • what do you need from a playground? • what should a playground have so that everyone can play? • do you believe uad is an important concept to incorporate in playground design? students were eager to investigate these questions. once students understood uad and its purpose, they brainstormed answers to the question, “what should a playground have so that everyone can play?” they also worked with a gub intern to research photos of accessible playgrounds and list what they noticed about different designs. they identified playground elements that they wondered about, and emailed their questions to the playground specialist at recreation today, a playground equipment company. she wrote back, explaining the purposes of different playground structures. observation using the information gathered by reviewing uad concepts, brainstorming ideas, and viewing photos of accessible playgrounds, the students compiled a checklist of design elements to promote “safe,” “fun,” “novel,” and “inclusive” playgrounds for http://www.janegoodall.org/our-work/our-approach/roots-shoots http://www.janegoodall.org/our-work/our-approach/roots-shoots “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 108 children of all abilities (their choice of priorities). in november, armed with the checklist and clipboards, they took field trips to evaluate two city playgrounds and their own lower school playground, which was due for renovations. at each site, they took photos of playground equipment through red cardboard frames to signify problematic elements, or green frames when they noticed something safe, fun, novel or inclusive (figure 1). back in the classroom, they collated their images on posters showing advantages and disadvantages of the playgrounds visited. they also created a map of their school playground and marked existing safe, fun, novel and inclusive spaces and structures with color-coded stickers. figure 1. during field trips to three playgrounds, students applied their universal access design checklist and took pictures of desirable and problematic features photo: catherine hill to better understand the needs of people with different abilities, the students wrote letters to invite three people from the city’s center for people with disabilities to visit their classroom. the speakers talked about their experiences, such as navigating spaces while blind or in a wheelchair. students also invited a fire lieutenant whose daughter was a wheelchair user, who led a community effort to create an inclusive playground at her school, as well as an older student with sensory processing disorder, and a student who was an avid naturalist. in all cases, these people experienced the environment from distinctly different perspectives. “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 109 taking action in early december, the students added guest speakers’ suggestions for playground elements to their original checklist. after creating a new enlarged list, they posted it on the wall and used stickers to vote for the ideas they considered most important (see figure 2). a few days later, tina briggs from the department of parks and recreation returned and students reviewed their ideas with her. she discussed advantages and disadvantages of different ideas from the department’s perspective. using her feedback, the students established four main categories of features for an ideal uad playground, which they shared with the city as recommendations for future playground installations and renovations. the students concluded inclusive playgrounds should provide (see table 1): • quiet spaces where children with sensory processing disorder can find a quiet refuge to relax; • nature where all children can engage in nature play and feel nature’s relaxing and calming properties, which is especially useful for children with sensory processing disorder; • accommodating structures that can provide fun and safe play for children of all abilities; and, • accommodating textures that promote mobility for children of all abilities figure 2. after researching inclusive playgrounds, students listed the elements they would like to incorporate into playgrounds for all abilities and used stickers to vote for the most important ideas photo: lynn m. lickteig “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 110 table 1. children’s recommended features for universal access playgrounds quiet space nature accommodating structures accommodating textures • a bench to watch from and calm down • place to relax • hiding places • places to lie down • friend bench/ “buddy bench” • trees • open green spaces • flowers • tree trunks to balance on • tree house • grass to lie down in • rocks to climb • spin cup (low height and ramp) • ramps on structures • low basketball hoop • slides of different sizes • bounce buttons for balancing • bars to hold onto • a 3-d model that describes the playground • round curbs • swings with backrest • monkey bars that all people can reach • soft surfaces • smooth surfaces (no wood chips) • paved paths to get around (no gravel) because their own kindergarten-through-second-grade playground was due for renovations, the students also used these recommendations to organize ideas for their schoolyard. a gub intern helped them draw a playground plan and then create a 3-d model (figure 3). a professional photographer volunteered to photograph their model, and an undergraduate design student translated it into a digital plan. the students then wrote letters to their school’s principal and parent teacher association, as well as the parks and recreation department, explaining their ideas and why they thought these features should be incorporated into their new school playground. “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 111 figure 3. students divided their model for an ideal inclusive playground into three spaces: quiet refuge, active play on play structures, and nature play photo: lynn m. lickteig celebration in mid-january, after the winter break, students held a “share-out” event in their classroom to present their uad playground ideas to design faculty, school administrators, parents, a city councilor, gub staff and interns, and city staff, including tina briggs. in addition to a powerpoint presentation, the students had created stations around the room showcasing different stages of their work, with a few students posted at each location to explain what they had done. visitors circulated from place to place, asking questions. ultimately, visitors made observations about the children’s ideas and the high quality of their work, and each child received a certificate of appreciation for service to the city. at the end of january, the children presented their ideas again, this time at a schoolwide assembly. one of their ideas was a “buddy bench,” where children could sit when they needed a friend to play with, signaling to other children to join them for play. during the assembly, a large object covered with a cloth was unveiled, and there was a bench for this purpose, donated by the organization resort 2 kindness! later, in april, students also had an opportunity to present their ideas to the parks and recreation advisory board. “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 112 participants’ reflections the teachers tamar van vliet and terri lerose each wrote down their uad project reflections. for tamar, this fifth gub project qualified her as a gub affiliate who could now design and implement a project with minimal gub staff assistance. as before, she used gub as an opportunity for service learning and combined it with the roots and shoots model. gub partnerships have enabled her students to connect with people in the community as a source of expertise. in tamar’s view, this was a key success element in all her previous gub projects and critical for the uad project. she believed that a project high point was when students met and interviewed people who were excluded from activities that most take for granted. she witnessed a natural sense of empathy evolve among students, along with appreciation for these people’s resourcefulness. students could see for themselves the importance of integrating features for people of all abilities into city designs. their ideas for taking action flowed naturally from their exploration of this community issue. this kept the project student-centered, with the teachers as facilitators: a sharing of influence that enables students to exercise autonomy and rights (hart, 1997). tamar believed that having people come and talk with the students about how their ideas would be implemented was “incredibly valuable for students so they can see the impact of their work in the long-term and how their ideas directly influence the community.” in the uad project, students experienced being heard during the visits from tina briggs and during their presentations to visiting adults, the school assembly, and the parks and recreation advisory board. the contribution of the buddy bench during the assembly was short-term evidence that their ideas had impact. when renovations to their school playground are completed, they will have opportunities to experience further change. altogether, the project reinforced tamar’s understandings of the importance of authentic purposes for learning. “students were engaged in the project throughout,” she noted, “because they had a sense of urgency about the importance of their work.” for terri, the uad project was the first time she had participated in gub. activities that tamar identified as critical for the project’s success were high points for terri, too. taking the students into the field to authentically research playground design informed the rest of their work, as did bringing people with disabilities into the classroom. students prepared questions to ask the visitors, and in terri’s view, student questions “were more poignant and got more to the heart of universal design than the questions teachers wrote.” for example, one student asked, “what is it like to be blind?” this showed her the value of inviting the children to lead whenever possible. according to terri, “this is probably the most important lesson i learned.” other high points for terri were the authentic forums where students shared their learning: the presentation to visitors, their school, and the parks and recreation advisory board. these events pushed the students to polish their work and overcome nervousness. for her, it was a powerful moment when students stood in front of the advisory board and spoke with confidence. she knew that they and their families often felt marginalized in the community and school, but the project “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 113 demonstrated that their ideas were respected and they could impact their world. for terri, the project changed her as a teacher: “i was deeply moved by the power of this project both as an educator and as a human. i genuinely learned alongside the students. aside from learning about the importance of inclusive thinking and action, i learned the power of service learning.” when students take leadership as they engage with real issues in their community, education shifts from a transmission of information from teacher to student, to everyone working together in processes of human development and active democracy (schnack, 2008). gub asks students to complete brief surveys before and after each project to gauge effects on civic beliefs and intentions. (for more details about this evaluation process, see derr, chawla & mintzer, 2018.) when students were asked afterwards about their involvement in this project, they reported having more empathy for people with disabilities and special needs. the students also showed an increase in their positive perceptions about engagement, with two questions showing especially strong increases. whereas they began the uad project with little belief that they could contribute their ideas to community issues, they concluded with much greater confidence that they could be heard (figure 4.) figures 4a and 4b. surveys that students completed before and after project activities showed especially strong increases related to their confidence in their ability to engage with community issues “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 114 acknowledgments this report draws on “growing up boulder’s report on child involvement in designing universal access playgrounds,” created collaboratively by the growing up boulder team and whittier international elementary school teachers, february 2018. available online at http://www.growingupboulder.org/whittier-uad-playgrounds.html. catherine hill serves as growing up boulder’s education coordinator, working with partners to design and facilitate meaningful community engagements and mentoring children, youth and undergraduate interns. in 2015, she retired from teaching after 32 years in elementary school classrooms. louise chawla is professor emerita in the program in environmental design in the university of colorado boulder. she remains active with the program’s community engagement, design and research center, including projects for growing up boulder, which she helped establish. relevant websites • child friendly cities initiative of unicef: https://childfriendlycities.org • growing up boulder: www.growingupboulder.org • roots and shoots: www.janegoodall.org/our-work/our-approach/roots-shoots • universal access design for playgrounds: www.ncaonline.org/resources/articles/playground-universaldesign.shtml http://www.growingupboulder.org/whittier-uad-playgrounds.html https://childfriendlycities.org/ http://www.growingupboulder.org/ http://www.janegoodall.org/our-work/our-approach/roots-shoots http://www.ncaonline.org/resources/articles/playground-universaldesign.shtml “fun, novel, safe, and inclusive”: children’s design recommendations… 115 references derr, v., chawla, l., & mintzer, m. (2018). placemaking with children and youth: participatory practices for planning sustainable communities. new york: new village press. derr, v., chawla, l., mintzer, m., flanders cushing, d., & van vliet--, w. (2013). a city for all citizens: integrating children and youth from marginalized populations into city planning, buildings, 3(3), 482-505. https://doi.org/10.3390/buildings3030482 hart, r. (1997). children’s participation. london: earthscan publications. mintzer, m., & chawla, l. (in press). turning young people’s ideas into action: learning from long-term partnerships for child and youth participation. in j. loebach, s. little, a. cox & p. eubanks owens (eds.), routledge handbook of designing public spaces for young people. abingdon, uk: routledge. schnack, k. (2008). participation, education, and democracy. in a. reid, b. b. jensen, nikel, j., & simovska, v. (eds.), participation and learning (pp. 181196). guildford, uk: springer. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong chris h.c. yuen playright children’s play association citation: yuen, c. h. c. (2018). championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 35-45. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this field report shares the experience of organizing the playright unicef inclusive play project between 2012-2016, which concluded in 2018 with the opening of the first inclusive playground in hong kong. inclusive play means that all children and youth can play with each other or alone as they wish, in a rich environment that supports their play needs. inclusive playgrounds are places where children with and without disabilities or impairments can play together. advocacy began in 2012 and after two years of work with the community through inclusive playground education, a playground users’ needs survey, universally designed outdoor play environments training, and the unicef inclusive play space design ideas competition, the project to create inclusive play environments for all children in hong kong was established. the leisure and cultural services department reviewed the entries from professional designers and design students and selected a design to be implemented for a pilot playground project in the tuen mun district. an award presentation and opening ceremony of the design competition exhibition marked the completion of this phase of the project. public participation followed in 2015 and 2016 and included initiating a pilot junior playground commissioner incubation programme, through which children participated in the design and development of a community play environment. 2018 saw the opening of the first inclusive play space in hong kong. keywords: children’s right to play, participation, hong kong, inclusive playgrounds, inclusive play space guide http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 36 introduction this field report shares the experience of organizing the playright unicef inclusive play project between 2012-2016, which concluded in 2018 with the opening of the first inclusive playground in hong kong. inclusive play means that all children and youth can play with each other or alone as they wish, in a rich environment that supports their play needs. inclusive playgrounds are places where children with and without disabilities or impairments can play together. playright children’s play association is a non-profit organization that advocates for children’s right to play. established in 1987, playright helps people of all sectors appreciate the value of play. with clear vision, playright commits to make play a part of every through a fourfold approach: advocacy, play resources, play outreach, and play environments. advocacy began in 2012 with two years of work with the community through inclusive playground education, a playground users’ needs survey, universally designed outdoor play environments training, and the unicef inclusive play space design ideas competition that included professional and student entries. from the competition, a design was selected to be implemented for a pilot playground project. public participation followed in 2015 and 2016 and included a pilot junior playground commissioner incubation programme, through which children participated in the design and development of a community play environment. 2018 saw the opening of the first inclusive play space in hong kong. the timeline of the project is presented below, followed by a description and illustration of each of the phases of the project. the timeline of stages and activities in the project stage one phases 1. july 2012 to june 2013: direct playground experience – inclusive play opportunities were provided to over 1000 children with special needs, parents and teachers at different public playgrounds and on playright’s playday. 2. july to november 2012: play space education – inclusive playground workshops were organized for a total of 126 parents and teachers from partner schools and a “play for all symposium” held for 145 professionals. 3. october 2012 to july 2013: playground users’ needs survey – a qualitative survey was conducted by playright with 126 parents and a quantitative survey was conducted by the social sciences research centre of the university of hong kong to collect parents’ ideas on inclusive play at public playgrounds. a total of 164 questionnaires were received. 4. april 2012 to december 2013: guideline development – the first local playground guidelines were drafted based on other international inclusive play space guidelines, users’ needs survey results, the options from focus group workshops and reviews from an overseas expert group. two focus group workshops were successfully organized in late november 2013, joined by 40 delegates. championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 37 stage two phases 1. february to may 2014: play for all training programme and family inclusive playday – two different levels of professional training sessions on “design of children’s play environment” were provided by susan m. goltsman1 for professional designers and design school students to adopt the universal design principles in playground design and teach them design of outdoor inclusive play spaces. the play for all design guidelines were introduced to 106 professional designers and 67 design school students. the first “unicef family inclusive play day” was successfully organized in mid-may at tuen mun park, attracting 500 children and family members. 2. may 2014 to may 2015: inclusive play space design ideas competition – the first playground design competition (with both professional and student categories) was organized to collect creative design schemes to develop a truly inclusive playground at the competition site, the children’s playground at tuen mun park in hong kong. a total of 25 entries from the professional category and 29 entries from the student category were received. 3. may to november 2015: public exhibition of inclusive play space design ideas from the competition – the concept of universally designed outdoor play environments was showcased, engaging over 4,000 children and parents in the exhibition activities, facilitating knowledge exchange between professional designers, government officials and stakeholders. the most promising ideas were selected for implementation. implementation stage phases 1. november to december 2015: project publicity and feasibility study by the government department – interviews were provided to various media to promote the project objectives. advice was provided on the design scheme prepared by designers from the government department. 2. april to july 2016: design finalization and public engagement by the government department – stakeholders provided options on the design scheme during facilitated engagement workshops. 3. october 2016 to december 2017: junior playground commissioner incubation programme by playright – pilot project was organized with a series of child-led activities in schools, public playgrounds and an architect’s office to promote the participatory approach in the development of inclusive play space and engaged children living in tuen mun district to rethink and design their community playground. the process and critical moments in april 2012, playright made the critical decision not only to consult relevant professionals regarding improvements in play equipment and structures but also to involve potential users during the earlier planning stages. this idea developed into the concept of including educational training on inclusive play environments and holding a playground design competition and exhibition open to professionals and tertiary education students. championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 38 there were critical moments in each stage of the project that were important in raising public awareness on public playgrounds and advocating for every child’s right to play. these critical moments included: • parents participated in needs surveys and provided recommendations for the guidelines • invited parents highlighted the difficulties for children with special needs wishing to play in a public playground at a press conference organized to share the survey results • professionals and stakeholders participated in focus group workshops and offered views on the development of the guidelines • government officials participated in a family inclusive playday and observed children’s play • children, parents, design professionals and government officials participated in the production of a documentary video • senior government officials participated in the design competition award presentation and exchanged knowledge with the winners • playright participated in engagement workshops initiated by the government department and suggested that the inclusive play space designers involve children in the design process. playright’s strategic approach to the project was to emphasize the process—to enable various stakeholders to share their views on inclusive play by engaging them in different activities. the result was the design and building of an inclusive play space that allowed everyone to observe and learn about hong kong’s children’s play needs, desires and interactions regardless of ability levels. direct experience and participation were significant factors in making sustainable changes and connecting all stakeholders. the impetus for the project playright recognized the need to raise public awareness about inclusive play in public playgrounds. this stemmed from a 2009 research study (playright children’s play association and rehabilitation alliance hong kong, 2009) that indicated a low awareness of inclusive play. additionally, a mother publicly expressed the difficulties she faced when accompanying her child with special needs to a playground (figure 1). playgrounds in hong kong can be found in public open spaces managed by the leisure and cultural services department (lcsd), as well as non-lcsd venues that are mainly outdoor facilities in public housing estates provided by the hong kong housing authority. at the end of april 2017, the authority managed 179 housing estates, of which only 30 (17 percent) included swings (legislative council of hong kong, 2017). lcsd currently manages 640 leisure venues with outdoor children’s playgrounds. the mother complained through the media about her disappointment about having to remove her 24-year old son from playing on the swings in public playgrounds (legislative council of hong kong, 2017). hence, playright began the inclusive play project by making parents the key beneficiaries of a public awareness-raising campaign that included organizing direct playground experiences for children in a temporary inclusive play space, holding a championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 39 symposium, conducting a playground users’ needs survey, and developing a design guide. figure 1. swings on a playground in a hong kong housing authority public housing estate parents’ participation starts a playground revolution playright collaborated with special schools, kindergartens and community child centers with integrated programs to implement the project. parents and their children with special needs were invited to experience playground activities. the parents observed how their children played in public playgrounds that were equipped with inclusive play provisions. through focus group workshops, they shared their own childhood play experiences and the obstacles they now faced with other parents. all parents expressed similar difficulties after visiting the public playgrounds and commonly asked the same question, “the designs of existing playgrounds in hong kong are obviously far from a real inclusive playground— why”? the users’ needs and their recommendations to improve playground design were systemically analyzed and then conveyed to the media at a parents’ sharing forum at a press conference (figure 2). a guest parent, the father of an 8-year-old child with autism, requested the government department provide more swings in public parks as he really found it hard to find a suitable one in the community. not only did playright announce the survey findings, they then combined these findings with researchers’ recommendations together with a publishing schedule for a design guide. in addition, the parents’ sharing inspired some organizations to think about sponsoring playright to design and build an inclusive playground for hong kong... a partnership with unicef hk had emerged. championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 40 figure 2. in the press conference conveying the users’ needs survey results, a guest parent requested that the hong kong government provide more swings in public parks stakeholders’ participation in creating a better playground with the aim of drafting the first inclusive play space guide, focus group workshops were organized to engage various key stakeholders—parents, design professionals, academics, researchers, play practitioners and government officials. this platform opened up the dialogue between them on the design, safety and management aspects of inclusive playgrounds. in the discussions, the participants not only shared their childhood play experiences but also learned from each other regarding the difficulties and limitations in creating the best community play spaces (figure 3). their support and insights gained from the discussions were reflected in the publication of the much-desired design guide for inclusive play spaces. prior to december 2017, there had been no official design guidelines of any kind for decision makers who were involved in creating public playgrounds in hong kong. the government officials commented on the draft guidelines and responded that they were rather more like a research report than a design guide. one senior government official directly shared with playright, “a design guideline should provide some technical recommendations on the type, size, space and materials, etc., for play equipment so that they can be easily adopted and followed.” playright received other constructive feedback from individuals, professional bodies, nongovernmental organizations (ngos) including the hong kong committee for unicef, and universities, on the draft and finally decided to change the title from “inclusive play space design guidelines” to “inclusive play space guide.” this guide made an important impact, inspiring the government’s architecture services department to begin a study in september 2016 to review the design of existing public playgrounds and playrooms in hong kong. the department is aiming to issue their first playground implementation guide in 2018. championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 41 figure 3. in the focus group workshops for guideline development, key stakeholders shared their difficulties and the limitations they perceive in creating better community play spaces in hong kong. government officials accepted “inclusive play” after direct experience and participation the discussions on the limitations of hong kong’s playgrounds inspired playright to reflect on what activities could attract even more stakeholders. this sparked the idea of conducting a training program, a design competition and finally an exhibition of the most noteworthy competition entries. but how could the professionals and the public be connected? this question was answered during a family inclusive playday at tuen mun park in 2014, when a government official was observed to ask some of the children and their families, “what do you think is an inclusive playground?” and “can we have such a play setting in our public playgrounds?” based on this short dialogue, playright produced a documentary video2 with the storyline of student designers looking for inspiration by interviewing potential users. the documentary video featured parents and children expressing their views on playground designs as well as the play challenges for children with special needs (figure 4). in 2015, the video accompanied an invitation for a playground design competition that attracted many professional designers as well as tertiary education design students. many of the entries showed outstanding designs. the relevant government departments adopted the winning designs, identified a park in tuen mun that was to be renovated and organized public consultation workshops to collect further stakeholders’ views on the design of a public inclusive playground. championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 42 playright cautioned the tuen mun park inclusive play space project team that although the children living in tuen mun district would be the majority users, they had not been consulted about the proposed project. the call to allow contributions from children was immediately accepted. the playground construction work finally started in the summer of 2016 with community leaders, stakeholders and children attending the groundbreaking ceremony. figure 4. the documentary video our playgrounds by adam wong was first presented at the award presentation and opening ceremony of the unicef inclusive play space design ideas competition exhibition on october 11, 2015 participation helped designers make children’s viewpoints a priority during 2016-2017, the leisure and cultural services department and the architectural services department supported playright’s implementation of the junior playground commissioner (jpc) incubation programme at tuen mun. this was a 14-month project to engage children in rethinking and designing their inclusive play space in the community. specifically, 17 children living near tuen mun park, aged between 10 and 14 years, were selected from one secondary and one special needs school in the neighborhood to serve as jpcs. the jpcs provided their ideas on the design of the inclusive playground through a series of child-led activities that included playground experiences, inclusive play component design workshops, children’s presentations on inclusive play components, and a studio visit to create a dialogue with the tuen mun park inclusive play space designers. the children then “went to work” and designed their ideal inclusive play component, which was eventually shared with the design professionals. championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 43 playright heard that the designers emphasized how they had made great efforts to incorporate the jpcs’ ideas and were confident about hearing the feedback. could it be true? playright visited the construction site in early may of 2018 and indeed, two play component ideas, a sensory wall and the floor pattern, had been adopted from the children’s presentation into the actual design3 (figure 5). this was the result of an interaction between the inclusive play space designers and children in april 2017 where the jpcs had been given the opportunity to review their thoughts, present their own designs and ideas and give comments on the combined designs by professionals (figure 6). figure 5. junior playground commissioners shared their ideas regarding a sensory wall and floor pattern to the tuen mun park inclusive play space designers figure 6. junior playground commissioners visited the playground site and gave comments on the combined design by the tuen mun park inclusive play space designers championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 44 inclusive play space with children’s participation sets a model for future playgrounds in hong kong the project was successful in raising public awareness of the importance of providing adequately stimulating playgrounds in general, as well as inclusive playgrounds in particular. this four-year project exceeded the original goal of raising community awareness, resulting in a sustainable impact on the development of inclusive play space in hong kong. this was timely as the design of public playgrounds in hong kong has been increasingly discussed in the community as well as reported by the media. in december 2017, the research office of the legislative council of hong kong issued a publication on “public playgrounds in hong kong” that revealed that the public playgrounds compared unfavorably with those in other places in the region like singapore or taiwan. the publication further included critiques by children’s rights groups and suggested elements of successful playground designs. consequently, the project generated attention and curiosity among different stakeholders in its early phases, gave opportunities for learning at many levels and finally succeeded in its aim to create an inclusive play space created by multiple parties, thereby setting an example for similar spaces throughout hong kong in the future (legislative council of hong kong, 2018). through the work of the project, the group of play advocates and long-term partners has not only grown, increasing the chance to create more inclusive playgrounds in the community, but future play space designs are more likely to make children’s needs and viewpoints a priority (figure 7). figure 7. junior playground commissioners attended the community festival in tuen mun district and helped playright to promote the first inclusive play space in hong kong with children’s participation championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong 45 endnotes 1. playright invited susan m. goltsman, falsa (1949-2016) to be the honorary advisor and overseas trainer for the “playright unicef inclusive play project.” 2. playright invited film director adam wong sau pin to produce the documentary video our playgrounds to capture the essence of the unicef inclusive play space design ideas competition and the playground movement in hong kong. see the video on youtube at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a98vzprsxvy. 3. rthk interviews of jpcs on the hong kong connection television program on august 21, 2017 are available on youtube at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pntxawuw4qk chris yuen has a great passion for the social dimensions of design and is particularly keen on working on children’s playground projects with social values. he is the playright children’s play association play environment consultant advocating the values of child-friendly environments, advising on inclusive play space design and checking playgrounds for safety compliance. he has extensive experience in playground research, design reviews, safety assessments, inspections and training. since 2012, he has led playright’s play environment team to initiate and complete a series of inclusive playground advocacy programs including the publication of the inclusive play space guide supported by unicef hk. references legislative council of hong kong (2017). public playgrounds in hong kong. available from https://www.legco.gov.hk/researchpublications/english/essentials-1718ise04-public-playgrounds-in-hongkong.htm legislative council of hong kong (2018). lcq2: public playgrounds for children. available from http://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/201807/11/p2018071100453.htm?fontsi ze=1 playright children’s play association (2016) inclusive play space guide. available from http://www.playright.org.hk/en/whatwedo_environments_inclusiveplayspac e.aspx playright children’s play association and rehabilitation alliance hong kong (2009). views of parents of children with special needs as to play requirements and challenges arising from play. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a98vzprsxvy https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pntxawuw4qk https://www.legco.gov.hk/research-publications/english/essentials-1718ise04-public-playgrounds-in-hong-kong.htm https://www.legco.gov.hk/research-publications/english/essentials-1718ise04-public-playgrounds-in-hong-kong.htm https://www.legco.gov.hk/research-publications/english/essentials-1718ise04-public-playgrounds-in-hong-kong.htm http://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/201807/11/p2018071100453.htm?fontsize=1 http://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/201807/11/p2018071100453.htm?fontsize=1 http://www.playright.org.hk/en/whatwedo_environments_inclusiveplayspace.aspx http://www.playright.org.hk/en/whatwedo_environments_inclusiveplayspace.aspx © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(1), 2019 partners through playgrounds: building a play community mary jane moran department of child and family studies, university of tennessee, knoxville robyn a. brookshire department of child and family studies and early learning center for research and practice university of tennessee, knoxville dawn p. coe department of kinesiology, recreation and sport studies, university of tennessee, knoxville jennifer oody flynn division of education, maryville college meagan green shideler the helen ross mcnabb center in east tennessee, knoxville citation: moran, m. j., brookshire, r. a., coe, d. p., flynn, j. o., & shideler, m. g. (2019). partners through playgrounds: building a play community. children, youth and environments, 29(1), 153-163. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract play is an integral part of young children’s physical and cognitive development. outdoor play has been shown to have numerous physical and mental benefits for children. the partners through playgrounds program was a collaborative effort among university, head start, and community members to transform a traditional playground into a natural playscape. this program demonstrates the ability of a community to transform a playground on limited funding. donations, volunteerism, and a strong community presence were major components in the renovation. the purpose of this report is to illustrate strategies and community efforts to improve young children’s outdoor environments. keywords: natural playground, head start, community, early childhood education, preschool http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi partners through playgrounds: building a play community 154 introduction the partners through playgrounds program grew out of an existing relationship between the department of child and family studies at the university of tennessee, knoxville (utk); the early learning center for research and practice (elc), the associated early childhood laboratory school at utk; and a local head start agency. dr. mary jane moran, early childhood education faculty member and head of the department of child and family studies had been engaged with the head start program for about nine years as a volunteer and later as a provider of professional development to the head start early childhood teachers. meanwhile, the elc program on campus, directed by robyn brookshire, had developed a nature-based learning initiative. over three years, the elc had transformed its existing, manufactured playground spaces into natural playscapes, introduced a wide range of garden programming, and revised its curriculum to place a heavy focus on nature-based experiences both indoors and outdoors. impetus for the program for at least 9 years, i (the lead author) had been working primarily on professional development with the teachers at the head start center where the current program took place. as i traveled back and forth between my office at the university and the low-income housing development where the head start center was located, i became increasingly aware of the big differences between the head start children’s outdoor play activities and play spaces and those of the children at our university center. my focus began to shift to the rights of all young children to have beautiful, engaging, and safe spaces to learn and play, both inside and outside. i thought about the ways the elc outdoor spaces had transformed from a typical swings-and-slides playground into one rich in natural play areas that included miniforests for hide-and-seek, a wooden gazebo to shelter children from the hot southern sun, and large “walking logs,” and gave children opportunities to tend and harvest the beautiful flower and vegetable gardens. at head start, however, the playground had no shade and included metal swings, slides, a balance beam and stationary riding toys that had become stuck in the deep mulch underfoot (figure 1). the dominant activity among head start children was to race up and down one side of the playground. the comparison of the two outdoor spaces and the children’s play patterns could not have been starker. i started to wonder what could be done to change the head start playground when a university outreach and engagement call for proposals was posted. proposals were to include evidence of building upon already strong university-community partnerships through the creation of new initiatives funded through small grants. i wondered if we could find a way to create a beautiful, natural playground for the more than 100 preschool children who attended the head start center and learn how these changes would impact children’s activity levels and play. over the next six months with $2,000 from our successful proposal, we used our experience of the university playground renovation to inspire and guide the installation of a natural playground designed with our head start partners. partners through playgrounds: building a play community 155 figure 1. stationary riding toys and seesaw stuck in mulch at the original head start center playground our introduction of building a natural playground was initially met with mixed responses from our head start partners. immediately, concerns about whether these new materials would pass state child care licensure safety standards were voiced. in particular, we discussed both “fall zones” and “use zones” that addressed safety measures for structures from which children could fall. we discussed how our university school staff had worked with local licensure offices to address similar concerns. then, we made plans to bring head start administrators to our university playground to see a natural playground in action. on the day of the visit to the elc’s natural playground, we walked together among the trees, plantings, boulders, and log structures and slowly began to imagine what could be installed on the head start playground. our partners returned to head start with an “inspiration book” created by the elc teachers that included various photographs of natural playgrounds, park areas, and back yards to identify the elements that they most wanted to install. they spent time pouring over the pages and tagging the elements they felt were the best to provide the head start children. goals and context of the project in setting out to redesign the outdoor play space at head start, the team considered what we knew from research about the value of these spaces for children’s play, learning, and well-being. as described above, the head start playground was a relatively small, fenced-in space that included traditional playground equipment, small open areas of grass and mulch, and no shade. the university team, led by dawn p. coe and made up of faculty members and students from the child and family studies department and the kinesiology, recreation, and sport studies department, aimed to not only transform the outdoor space to benefit the children’s play and health, but also to investigate how the changes led to partners through playgrounds: building a play community 156 observable differences in children’s use of the space. the benefits of physical activity for young children are well established, including positive weight status, mental health, social, and emotional outcomes, as well as school readiness indicators (timmons et al., 2012). recent institute of medicine recommendations suggest that childcare settings offer daily opportunities for children to accumulate at least 15 minutes per hour of physical activity, which includes light-, moderate-, and vigorous-intensity activities (institute of medicine, 2011). the majority of 3 and 4-year-old children are enrolled in preschool or childcare programs (oecd, 2012). therefore, these environments have the potential to be an ideal setting for providing physical activity opportunities. this is particularly important for programs that serve at-risk children as these children often experience disproportionately high levels of obesity and poorer health outcomes. we were interested, therefore, in studying playground modifications in a head start program, since it is a federally funded program providing educational, physical, social, and emotional support services to nearly one million young children and their families in the u.s. each year. outdoor playtime on playgrounds is a critical time for young children to engage in physical activity. the majority of care and school settings for young children typically feature a playground for outdoor play and recess. natural playgrounds are gaining popularity in early childhood programs (little, elliott & wyver, 2017; masiulanis & cummins, 2017; moore & cosco, 2012; nelson, 2012; rivkin & schein, 2014). these are typically inspired by features occurring naturally in green spaces and forest areas that include logs, boulders, creek beds, garden areas, and may contain a variety of loose parts for open-ended play. the incorporation of natural elements in playgrounds has been found to have a positive influence on children’s motor skill development (fjørtoft, 2001) and physical activity (coe, flynn, wolff, durham, & scott, 2014), as well as cooperative and constructive play behaviors (kuh, ponte, & chau, 2013). although the benefits of exposure to natural features and engagement on natural playgrounds is well documented, little work has been done to add these features to most playgrounds at child care centers in the u.s. informed with this broad view of the potential for natural playgrounds to support both the health and play possibilities for children, the university team initiated preintervention data collection and observations of children’s play. we needed to collect pre/post data in order to observe how the children’s play might be characterized differently after the installation of natural elements on the playground. our approach involved collecting data on physical activity levels using accelerometers. additionally, we used direct observation to describe activity behaviors [observational system for recording activity in children – preschool, osrac-p (brown et al., 2006)] and play behaviors [play observation scale (rubin, 2001)]. meanwhile, the head start leaders and the university team met several times between april and june, 2014 to create a vision for the playground transformation. this involved mapping out possibilities to create new elements and replacing existing elements with natural options. the emerging plan took shape as a hybrid of conventional and natural playground designs. the head start team identified which partners through playgrounds: building a play community 157 elements would remain, including a swing set, a climber with slides, and a small water table (figure 2). these were viewed as indispensable parts of the existing playground and ones that children used frequently. other, less-frequently used elements were identified for removal, including chin-up bars, spring rocking toys, and a seesaw. we planned new natural elements based on the team’s prior inspiration from visiting the elc playground and looking over photos from other playgrounds. the wish list included walking logs, tree stumps, and boulders (figures 3 and 4). all of these elements would ultimately be included in the new natural playground along with a dry rock creek bed and boxed gardens, a small walking bridge, and a gazebo and trees for much needed shade. the final options were determined through an emerging process of collaboration, community involvement, and feasibility for the space. figure 2. the sand and water table from the original playground preserved on the re-designed playground figure 3. boulders and logs added to the head start center playground partners through playgrounds: building a play community 158 figure 4. natural materials added to the head start center playground transformation of the playground the partners through playgrounds team brainstormed possible programs, businesses, city and utk departments that might be able to provide in-kind donations or services. several partners were recruited to assist with the installation of the new elements, donations of materials, and volunteer support. securing donated services and materials was one of the aspects of this program that worked especially well. table 1 lists the multiple organizations and contributions made towards the project. table 1. our partners americorps knox county head start city of knoxville urban forestry department community volunteers kellum’s mulch and rock knoxville’s community development corporation student volunteers from utk and community colleges utk child and family studies department utk early learning center utk kinesiology, recreation, and sport studies department utk outreach incentive grants the partners through playgrounds team found that various agencies and businesses were eager to support this project. timing was also on our side, as the city of knoxville’s department of urban forestry had three large trees scheduled for removal at about the same time of the installation and they were able to donate partners through playgrounds: building a play community 159 and deliver the tree trunks to the site. additionally, we visited a local mulch and rock supplier to select boulders and river rocks and purchased these at a discounted price. in both cases the forestry office staff and mulch and rock business owner agreed to transport these items to the center at no cost. the elc donated 12 bags of organic soil, and trays of plants were donated by americorps for the new six garden boxes. wood to make the boxes, dividers to separate plants, and plants, including some flowers, fruits and fruits and vegetables (i.e. tomatoes, strawberries and peppers) were also purchased and planted. lastly, a bobcat and bobcat operator were loaned to the project from the area community development corporation at no cost. installation of the playground took place over two days, on june 7 and 8, 2014. prior to the installation weekend, tree limbs and stumps, and boulders and river rocks were delivered to the head start center. on the first day, old playground equipment was extracted using the bobcat and a truck, and new natural playground elements were placed. the bobcat was used to excavate long shallow ditches for imbedding walking logs, digging shallow holes for tree stumps, settling boulders so they would not roll, and placing the heavy objects. several groups of that included 40 volunteers from a local community college, americorps, community development corporation, utk, and head start contributed in a multitude of ways by (1) helping navigate and place large playground elements, such as shifting walking logs, pushing boulders, and digging holes; (2) repainting and reinstalling preexisting playground equipment (i.e., swing set and water and sand table); (3) building and filling the garden boxes; and (4) placing river rocks to create the dry creek bed (figure 5). figure 5. garden boxes and dry creek bed built at the head start center partners through playgrounds: building a play community 160 while the majority of the playground transformation was completed over a single weekend, several additional elements were installed afterward. for example, three months later, a pergola was added to provide children with shade. additionally, later in the fall, the city arborist returned with a gift of six medium-sized, young shade trees. while a great deal of work was completed over a very short time frame, many pieces of the puzzle had to fall into place on installation weekend to ensure projects could be completed and the best possible use of volunteer services and labor were utilized. some critical moments of the project involved the coordination of volunteers, donated services, and materials. for example, the removal of some of the existing equipment and the placement of the new equipment needed to be synced over the course of two weekend days so as not to interrupt the playground use by the children during the week. the intensity of the coordination effort was matched with high levels of enthusiasm by all those volunteering and coordinating the installation. local media came on site during installation and broadcast our efforts on the evening news highlighting the partnerships in the community that contributed to the successful playground transformation.1 the renovation of the playspace in this program can be viewed as an environmental and pedagogical intervention. as such, we were interested to learn how the changes made an impact on children’s activity levels, play behaviors, and playground usage before and after the renovation. during the final stages of installation, the head start administrators and teachers noticed an immediate change in children’s playground experiences: the natural elements have added another dimension to the children's play. they are walking on tree branches and jumping off of boulders and watering plants and racing on rocks—yes, racing on rocks! what a benefit to our innercity children to be able to form a connection to nature in this way. as noted above, part of our program initiative involved a research project designed to observe possible changes in these areas and determine the effectiveness of the changes. specific methodology and results from this study will be published in a forthcoming paper. building a play community continues at the close of the project, the head start administration noted, we look forward to our next project together—now that we have established contacts and identified resources throughout the community, and the community has experienced the fruit of their labor, we are ready to tackle our next center playground renovation. this has been a great experience and we can't wait to do it again at the next center. 1 http://www.local8now.com/home/headlines/volunteers-build-natural-playground-in-eastknoxville-262261621.html?ref=621 http://www.local8now.com/home/headlines/volunteers-build-natural-playground-in-east-knoxville-262261621.html?ref=621 http://www.local8now.com/home/headlines/volunteers-build-natural-playground-in-east-knoxville-262261621.html?ref=621 partners through playgrounds: building a play community 161 sure enough, during recent years, two additional head start playgrounds have been renovated. in 2016-17 the staff of a second head start center located across town next to a city greenway began to clear ground on their traditional playground. now, children take care of berry patches and flowers and vegetables, ride trikes along a circular mulched path that encircles a centrally located dirt “hill,” and balance on walking logs and boulders. during the 2017-18 year the staff and administration of a third center, situated on a partially cleared hill adjacent to woods, transformed their hilly and sparse playground to include much-needed shade, a flattened area for a new bike trail, large rocks, walking logs, a new water spigot for making mud pies. graduate students in the utk child and family studies department raised $130.00 through a campus popsicle fund-raiser to pay for the creation of a highly desired children’s “mud kitchen.” project summary partners through playgrounds was able to accomplish three over-arching aims. this program enabled the creation and fostering of partnerships between the university and community that continue to flourish. the local media provided coverage of the program, relaying information to families, educators, programs, and communities in the region that first, all young children can benefit from natural playscapes and second, that community engagement is an answer to meet this need, especially for underserved child populations. implications the partners through playgrounds program illustrates a community-based effort to bring about changes in the environment that have the potential to positively influence the learning and development of young children. with limited funding, the partners through playgrounds team and community partners were able to join forces to provide head start children with a renovated play space that included natural elements. this playground transformation can be used to enhance not only the physical activity and play behaviors among children, but also expand upon the preschool curriculum. for example, the addition of garden spaces can be used to cultivate reading, math, and science skills (vandermaas-peeler & mcclain, 2015). implementing these types of changes in the outdoor environment can be very costeffective through the solicitation of donations, community partners, and hard work by all involved. creating functional outdoor spaces in which children can play and learn will enrich their preschool experience and their physical and cognitive development (gill, 2014). planning committees for these renovations should take into account the current environment, the needs of the facility, the age and interests of the children, and the funding/community partnerships available. these factors were instrumental in the creation of the partners through playgrounds program and the success of the playground renovation. mary jane moran is a professor in the department of child and family studies within the college of education, health, and human sciences at the university of tennessee, knoxville. dr. moran is also the department head and the director of the teacher research & documentation center. dr. moran’s research focuses on the professional development and critical reflective practice of early childhood teachers. partners through playgrounds: building a play community 162 specifically within this area, dr. moran is interested in the development of inquiryoriented teaching achieved through teachers’ critical analyses of their classroom practices. robyn a. brookshire is the director of the early learning center for research and practice at the university of tennessee, knoxville. dr. brookshire’s work focuses on the professional development and growth of early education teachers. dr. brookshire utilizes influences from italian early care and nature-based pedagogy as the foundation for the educators within the center. dawn p. coe is an associate professor in the department of kinesiology, recreation, and sport studies within the college of education, health, and human sciences at the university of tennessee and a fellow in the american college of sports medicine. dr. coe’s research focuses on physical activity behaviors related to the outdoor environment as well as the roles physical activity and physical fitness play on youths’ academic performance. jennifer oody flynn is an assistant professor in exercise science at maryville college. dr. flynn’s research focuses on the influences of the family on children’s outdoor time, physical activity levels, and health-related outcomes. additionally, her research focuses on how outdoor time can be used to increase the physical activity levels of children and adolescents. meagan green shideler holds an m.s. degree in child and family studies from the university of tennessee, knoxville. ms. shideler currently holds the position of early childhood intervention and prevention program coordinator at the helen ross mcnabb center in east tennessee overseeing a variety of programs at this facility. references brown, w. h., pfeiffer, k. a., mckiver, k. l., dowda, m., almeida, m. j., & pate, r. r. (2006). assessing preschool children’s physical activity: the observational system for recording physical activity in children-preschool version. research quarterly for exercise sport, 77, 67-76. coe, d. p., flynn, j. i., wolff, d. l., durham, r. s., & scott, s. n. (2014). children’s physical activity levels in a traditional versus natural playground setting. children, youth and environments, 24(3), 1-15. doi:10.7721/chilyoutenvi.24.3.0001 fjørtoft, i. (2001). the natural environment as a playground for children: the impact of outdoor play activities in pre-primary school children. early childhood education journal, 29(2), 111-117. doi:10.1023/a:1012576913074 partners through playgrounds: building a play community 163 gill, t. (2014). the benefits of children's engagement with nature: a systematic literature review. children, youth and environments, 24(2), 10-34. doi:10.7721/chilyoutenvi.24.2.0010 institute of medicine (iom) early childhood obesity prevention policies (2011). in the national academies press (ed.). doi:10.17226/13124 kuh, l. p., ponte, i., & chau, c. (2013). the impact of a natural playscape installation on young children's play behaviors. children, youth and environments, 23(2), 49-77. doi:10.7721/chilyoutenvi.23.2.0049 little, h., elliott, s., & wyver, s. (eds.) (2017). outdoor learning environments: spaces for exploration, discovery and risk taking in the early years. crows nest, nsw, sydney, australia: allen & unwin. masiulanis, k., & cummins, e. (2017). how to grow a playspace: development and design. london, uk: routledge. moore, r., & cosco, n. (2012). early childhood outdoors: creating and restoring places for healthy child development. oakland, ca: new village press. nelson, e. (2012). cultivating outdoor classrooms. st. paul, mn: redleaf. organisation for economic co-operation and development (oecd) (2012). education at a glance 2012: oecd indicators. doi:10.1787/eag-2012-en. rivkin, m., & schein, d. (2014). the great outdoors: advocating for natural spaces for young children. washington, d.c.: naeyc. rubin, k. h. (2001). the play observation scale (pos). university of waterloo. timmons, b. w., leblanc, a. g., carson, v., gorber, s. c., dillman, c. . . . tremblay, m. s. (2012). systematic review of physical activity and health in the early years (aged 0-4 years). applied physiology, nutrition, and metabolism, 37(4):773-792. doi:10.1139/h2012-070 vandermaas-peeler, m., & mcclain, c. (2015). the green bean has to be longer than your thumb: an observational study of preschoolers' math and science experiences in a garden. international journal of early childhood environmental education, 3(1), 8-27. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of low-income students of color constance iloh university of california, irvine citation: iloh, c. (2018). neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of low-income students of color. children, youth and environments, 28(1), 9-29. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract for decades, higher education has concerned itself with understanding the complex pathways to college for low-income students of color in general, and those in urban contexts in particular. this paper applies the concept of neighborhood cultural heterogeneity, defined as the presence of a wide array of competing and conflicting cultural models, to explore college aspirations and enrollment among low-income, urban youth of color. the findings, based on a five-month ethnography involving low-income students of color in a los angeles neighborhood, highlight diverse positive and negative neighborhood-informed messages regarding college-going. keywords: neighborhood, cultural heterogeneity, college, urban, culture, adolescents, students of color, higher education, race, poverty, social context http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 10 the discourse around low-income youth of color is often framed by problematic urban poverty tropes and stereotypes: decaying neighborhoods, lack of family support, deteriorating schools filled with students labeled “at risk,” deviant influences, and bleak futures (fauth, 2004; gorski, 2008; matias & liou, 2015). some who might subscribe to these portrayals suggest that students in these neighborhoods hold oppositional identities such that getting good grades means “acting white” (fordham & ogbu, 1986; fryer, 2006; ogbu & simons, 1998). the generalized conclusions that extend from these depictions dismiss variability in students’ interpretation and exhibition of culture. however, over the last several years scholars have begun to dispute homogenous and deficit cultural paradigms, suggesting that “dominant theories that presuppose anti-school stances as a central feature of specific minority cultures mask the diversity of ideological and cultural perspectives within these groups” (carter, 2005, p. 75). thus “cultural heterogeneity” has emerged as an important concept that enables exposure of cultural frames within low-income and racially minoritized1 groups. i argue that rather than being characterized as having “oppositional” or “ghettospecific” cultures, urban neighborhoods might instead be framed by the idea of cultural heterogeneity. i view cultural heterogeneity as the array of diverse interpretations, values, and actions within a specific community. accordingly, i first consider the difficulty of using culture to understand urban poverty and in doing so i address culture as an analytical tool. i then examine cultural heterogeneity as an explanatory framework. subsequently, i offer an ethnographic case study that uses cultural heterogeneity as a conceptual lens to explore the college aspirations of six low-income high school seniors of color living in the same inner-city neighborhood. i conclude with practical implications and new directions related to the study’s key findings and insights. the dilemma of exploring urban poverty one of the challenges in understanding the conditions of poverty is distinguishing between social structure and culture. on the one hand, some have argued that social structure is determinative in predicting student outcomes (wilson, 1987; 2010). from this perspective, the social structures in which individuals are embedded largely predict how students will perform in school, if they will go to college, and where they will go (douglas, lewis, douglas, scott, & garrison-wade, 2008). culture, from a structural viewpoint is an intermediary or endogenous variable that accounts for only a minimal amount of explanation. on the other hand, scholars have suggested that one’s culture, loosely defined, creates norms of behavior that place individuals on a trajectory for success or failure (fordham & ogbu, 1986; lewis, 1969; ogbu & simons, 1998). those who grow up in poverty share a culture, argue some, which extends beyond economic shortfalls and falls 1 this term reflects an understanding of racial “minority” status as that which is socially constructed in specific societal contexts (stewart, 2013). neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 11 into forms of norms and behaviors that render residents incapable of moving out of it (lewis, 1959; 1969). curiously, perceptions about the impact of structure and culture come from a diversity of perspectives that often reach the same conclusions. a traditional marxist analysis, for example, might be that structure creates little possibility for human agency. change within social structures is virtually impossible (ortner, 1984; sewell, 2005). others may suggest that social structures are irrelevant and placing an emphasis on fixing social structures does nothing to reduce poverty or improve those who are poor (liebow, 1967; stack, 1970). similarly, some will suggest that those who are poor share a culture of poverty (borjas, 2001; ellwood, 1988; lewis, 1969) and others will highlight that symbolic forms of capital are cultural in nature and it is those determinants that keep people poor (bourdieu 1973; 1986). in effect, for one reason or another, either structure or culture seems to be so powerful that change is often seen as impossible. my focus differs in two respects. first, i assume that individuals are members of cultural groups that function within a variety of social structures. how one’s background, identity, and culture(s) are positioned in different social structures is critical for understanding how privilege and inequities operate and persist. second, i suggest that although structure surely plays a large role in privileging some and harming others, structure is not always determinative. in what follows, i first consider a definition of culture as well as the strengths and weaknesses of employing cultural heterogeneity as an analytic tool in understanding educational trajectories, underserved communities, and urban neighborhoods. culture how might one think of culture? obviously, a simple answer has proven elusive to anthropologists and sociologists alike for over a century. culture has been defined as a list of artifacts (e.g., clothes, food, gifts), a description of the functions of different activities (e.g., rituals), an analysis of the structural relations of a group’s activities (e.g., weddings, initiations), and narrative analyses of what, how, and why groups communicate (lamont & small, 2008). swidler (1986) provides the image of culture as a "tool kit" of stories, rituals, habits, skills, world-views, and styles from which people construct strategies of action used in varying configurations in their life. a person may simultaneously be a member of multiple groups, each with its own particular shared conceptual schemes (harwood, schoelmerich, & schulze, 2000). thus, a cultural community may be viewed not as a bounded, static entity, but as a group of individuals who co-construct a shared reality in one or more domains of life and its related discourse and activities (harwood, miller, & irizarry, 1995). i use the complexity and conundrum of culture to foreground the meaning of cultural heterogeneity and how i employ the term in this text. using cultural heterogeneity i work from a perspective of culture that is complex and fluid (carter, 2005) rather than one-dimensional. following david harding (2009), i define cultural heterogeneity in the following way: “the presence of a wide array of competing neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 12 cultural models, some of which are ‘[neighborhood] specific’” (p. 3). the youth in such neighborhoods have a variety of cultural scripts from which they might learn, draw from, and act in order to make sense of their worlds. the result, i posit, is that rather than follow a uniform path to adulthood, adolescents of color in lowincome neighborhoods face a plethora of decisions as they make their way through school. by suggesting that students have a variety of cultural scripts to learn from and follow, i reject the idea that singular forces exist in a neighborhood such that individuals have no alternative other than to follow one path. john ogbu’s studies, for example, speak of “oppositional cultures” (ogbu & simons, 1998) which assume that students of color will interpret academic success as an attribute of white school children and of consequence will adopt alternative, frequently anti-social, behaviors. oscar lewis (1959) similarly assumed that individuals within a given poor community adopted behaviors that were similar and pervasive and resulted in reproductive actions that stymied personal and communal well-being. pierre bourdieu’s work on cultural and social capital also asserted that poor neighborhoods lacked the ability to stitch together networks that might enable people to climb out of poverty (bourdieu, 1973; 1986; bourdieu & passeron, 1977). although there is much to consider within each perspective, i take issue with the idea, especially in the twenty-first century, that individuals interpret reality in a unilinear and deficit fashion. studies by small (2004) and harding (2009; 2010), for example, find little support for the notion of a collective “ghetto” culture shared universally by residents living in poverty. their work also shows important withinneighborhood differences in cultural frames. by extension, they suggest that studies of racial differences in poverty that seek homogenous, values-based explanations are unlikely to yield significant findings. students in poor communities not only have a variety of actors and organizations that impact their lives, but technology also enables them to create virtual relationships that impact their understanding of the world in ways that were impossible only a handful of years ago. the result is that social and cultural isolation theory (rankin & quane, 2000; tigges, browne, & green, 1998; wilson, 1987; 1996) is a less-compelling analysis of the current conditions that exist in poor communities. the view of cultural heterogeneity i propose makes use of scholarship that suggests that cultural models, or scripts, exist that help a community’s members make sense of the world. the challenge, then, becomes less that everyone interprets the world in lockstep fashion, but instead that a repertoire of behaviors is at work which makes understanding action confusing (harding, 2009). thus, cultural heterogeneity is a more inclusive and protean understanding of the cultural dynamics in a neighborhood. some in a community, for example, may develop disdain for schools as sites of suffering and oppression, while others may see educational environments as consistent with their own cultural background. the point of this analysis is not that one or another culture writ large is “good” or “bad,” but rather that ascertaining college-going trajectories requires understanding the cultural fluidity that currently exists in twenty-first-century low-income urban neighborhoods. neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 13 according to harding (2009), multiple factors explain why adolescents in disadvantaged neighborhoods are exposed to a more heterogeneous array of cultural ideas regarding schooling than adolescents in more advantaged neighborhoods. disadvantaged neighborhoods contain a diversity of individuals with different occupational statuses, incomes, and education levels as well as different levels of reliance on public assistance, involvement in crime, and so on. furthermore, in addition to local observations, networks, and interactions, adolescents are exposed to cultural models through larger social institutions such as the media, religion, and politics. carter (2005) notes, for example, that youth draw role models from television and radio. low-income youth do not solely rely on what is available in their immediate community to make decisions, and moreover they also exercise discernment when making choices based on what is in their environment. newman (1999), for example, argues that youth can observe the negative consequences of dropping out of school, reliance on public assistance, or involvement in crime by family members and neighbors, and decide not to repeat those behaviors. recent scholarship also suggests that a great amount of cultural heterogeneity presents challenges in a neighborhood. one consequence of greater cultural heterogeneity is that there will be less information about how to follow a particular decision or strategy to completion (harding, 2009). where there is a diversity of cultural models, there is scarce knowledge on how to pursue one educational trajectory. for example, when fewer neighbors have successfully enrolled in college, how to go about doing so will be less clearly defined and less information will be available about how the admissions and financial aid processes work (harding, 2009; iloh, forthcoming). in contrast, low heterogeneity neighborhoods may present fewer barriers to pursuing one’s initial educational goals. the importance of understanding cultural heterogeneity revolves around the country’s concern for increasing access to college for low-income youth and communities of color. surely, one needs the correct analytic tools to diagnose a particular problem if solutions are to be useful. a view of a culture as broken, oppositional, or unified, for example, suggests different steps that might be taken than if a culture is heterogeneous and youth have multiple scripts to call upon to help make sense of their lives. my assumption is that in culturally heterogeneous neighborhoods, adolescents’ decision pathways are less clear than in culturally homogenous environments. thus, cultural heterogeneity still facilitates interpretation of the cultural beliefs, traditions, values, practices, and narratives in a neighborhood (hannerz, 1969; harding & hepburn, 2014). however, rather than assume (or find) singular interpretations of the reality of a culture, the assumption is that such sites will be diverse. although the term “cultural heterogeneity” is relatively under-utilized in studies of education, the idea has existed for over a generation. elliot liebow (1967) for example, in his classic study of street-corner men, highlights the variety of adaptive scripts they employed to survive. the ethnography of bettylou valentine (1978) challenged mainstream stereotypes about blacks in the inner city and neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 14 illustrated that much of the heterogeneity in this community was reflected in the creative and varied ways residents did the best they could to respond to a limited resource pool; they were controlled by a wider society that did not have to face the same structural threats to their existence. valentine and her family spent five years living in “blackston,” a predominately black and poor large northern city. she concluded that massive changes in society were needed to combat the extreme poverty, bureaucratic negligence, and pervasive racial discrimination (newman, 1980) that was the backdrop for manifold scripts for survival. each of these studies moved away from a monochromatic portrayal of life in a low-income urban neighborhood even if they did not focus on the educational strategies of the neighborhood’s youth. my assumption is that cultural heterogeneity may be significant in the strategies youth employ in making decisions about education in general and college-going in particular. carter’s (2005; 2006) work has been of particular importance in documenting how latino and african-american youth in new york have a variety of repertoires they call upon to make decisions about their lives. what follows is a brief description of the three categories carter developed to classify students: cultural mainstreamers, noncompliant believers, and cultural straddlers. carter (2006) describes cultural mainstreamers as students that accept the ideology that members of a nondominant group should be culturally, socially, economically, and politically assimilated, yet they can be racially and ethnically aware. in contrast, the noncompliant believers are critical of the systemic inequalities that they perceive the school to uphold; yet, the term noncompliant does not necessarily signify either an anti-school mentality or distaste for high achievement, which most oppositional culture frameworks suggest (carter, 2006). culturally, noncompliant believers choose to embrace their own class and ethnospecific styles, tastes, and codes and opt not to conform to mainstream (marked as “white”) and middle-class ways of being (carter, 2006). the cultural straddlers bridge the gap between the cultural mainstreamers and the noncompliant believers. they are strategic navigators, ranging from students who “play the game” and embrace the cultural codes of both school and home community to those who vocally criticize the schools’ ideology while still achieving well academically (carter, 2006). some of these cultural straddlers move back and forth among different cultural environments, strategically alternating and turning cultural codes on and off, while others appear to identify with their multiple social identities and spheres simultaneously (carter, 2006). in creating this typology, carter shows that a master narrative does not sufficiently capture the culture and educational behaviors of african-american and latino students. similarly, david harding’s (2010) study of 60 adolescent males across three boston neighborhoods provides useful insight into how different actors interpret and make sense of their lives. harding’s point is not that everyone sees, thinks, and acts alike; rather, that their pathways are particularly unclear. harding argues that adolescents in poor neighborhoods experience a cultural environment in which both mainstream and alternative cultural models are supported (p. 5). thus, rather than perceiving students in poor neighborhoods as simply adopting an neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 15 “oppositional” culture, harding asserts that it is the competing messages they receive that causes confusion. heterogeneity thereby has the potential of being a useful framework to help scholars understand how and why students make the choices they do. this study extends the work of carter (2005), harding (2009; 2010), and others (lamont & small, 2008) and focuses specifically on the idea of neighborhood cultural heterogeneity with regard to the college aspirations of low-income, racially minoritized urban youth. to investigate this, i use cultural heterogeneity to unpack neighborhood influences on students, rather than using the school as the site of analysis. i utilize a framework that sees difference rather than similarity as a cultural norm. since individuals can and do resort to different repertoires in the course of action, this perspective makes it possible to understand what to outsiders may appear as inconsistencies. methods this study was a preliminary investigation into the idea of cultural heterogeneity. i spent five months in one low-income neighborhood in the inner city of los angeles, california. during that time, i employed an ethnography that included individual interviews, focus groups, and neighborhood observations with six low-income, college-bound, students of color. in doing so, my goal was to analyze the educational and social behaviors of students who reside in the same low-income neighborhood. each of the six students in the study participated in several individual interviews and multiple focus groups. i used the same interview protocol for all of the primary interviews. the purpose of the interviews was to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the factors that pertain to each participant’s perception of their neighborhood, cultural identity, and college attitudes. each interview and focus group lasted between 45 and 60 minutes and was conducted in a location convenient to the participants, and audio-recorded with the permission of study participants. i also shared the findings with the interviewees not only for “member checks” but also as additional data insofar as the findings provoked further commentary and discussion on the part of the interviewees. by utilizing neighborhood observations, i was able to gather data on how participants directly interacted with the environment in which they live. in addition, i conducted interviews during neighborhood visits in order to investigate student perceptions of the neighborhood and how that relates to college-going. the conversations that took place between participants and myself were audio-recorded and transcribed. in some neighborhood observations, i met the participants’ parents, went to places that students spent leisurely time, followed them to places they socialize and study, and utilized the public transportation they used to travel about their surroundings. during the observations participants also pointed out features of interest in their neighborhood, which oftentimes included territorial graffiti, alleys, stores and shops that they frequented. the notes and audio recordings that were taken during the neighborhood observations were triangulated with individual interview and focus group data. in total, i spent approximately 60 hours in the field collecting informal and formal observational data. neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 16 prolonged engagement ethnographic research primarily involves the collection and analysis of descriptive sociocultural data from a single social group, society, organization, or several closely related societies through first-hand and long-term involvement (agar, 1980; cousin, 2009; iloh, 2016; iloh & tierney, 2014). in advancing cultural heterogeneity, it is important that scholars recognize that the findings i discovered did not appear overnight; even as a preliminary study i spent five months in the neighborhood. such an observation may be counter to the current pressures and constraints of research where the faster a study can be done and published, the better. in bringing to life students’ experiences and exploring the saliency of cultural heterogeneity, spending a short duration interviewing and observing students—what ray rist (1980) once called “blitzkrieg ethnography”—is not ideal or feasible to attain these results. this is not a mere problem of credible data mining or saturation, but more an issue of building trustworthiness, which was critical to this study. many of the students’ most personal and painful experiences were shared only as a result of their knowing that i cared about their stories and them as students, something that likely cannot be accomplished in a limited duration of time. setting and participants the six participants in this study were all low-income black or latinx high-school seniors (see tables 1 and 2). there was one male and five female participants; each has been given a pseudonym to protect their identities. at the time the study began, all of the students were participants in a college preparation program that launched in the beginning of their senior year in high school. this mentoring program is an action-based intensive mentoring model where faculty, staff, and students from a college and local college access professionals guide high school seniors through the college and financial aid application processes. by using a sample of students who were participants in this college mentoring initiative, i was able to interview and go on neighborhood observations with students who were planning to attend college and could speak to the development of their college aspirations. through partnership with the mentoring program as well as student and parent consent, i was also able to gain background data to qualify students’ household income status as well as other variables of interest. by the end of the study, all six participants had made decisions about where to attend college. neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 17 table 1. personal characteristics of study participants name household income ethnicity gender age us citizen fred $47,000 african male 18 yes annaliese $40,000 latina female 18 yes gina $35,000 african american female 17 yes monica $35,000 african american female 17 yes bianca $40,000 latina female 18 no kelly $16,732 african american female 18 yes maria $40,000 latina female 18 yes table 2. educational characteristics of study participants name high school gpa father's highest level of education mother's highest level of education college of choice fred 4.00 middle school high school public four year institution annaliese 3.00 middle school middle school community college gina 3.00 elementary school some college community college monica 3.71 elementary school some college public four year institution bianca 3.98 elementary school high school public four year institution kelly 3.29 high school high school public four year institution maria 4.05 some high school some high school public four year institution results this section draws from the interviews, focus groups, and neighborhood observations to provide data describing how students traversed their neighborhood and how they situate their cultural and educational beliefs as a result. two themes emerged from the data regarding neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and college aspirations. the first is how students’ identity was framed by their experiences in their neighborhood. the second theme pertains to the cultural attributes of the neighborhood. neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 18 below, i first present synopses of the six student participants. i share statements from each of the six students that illustrate how they situate the culture of their neighborhood and how this has framed their own identity and views of education. following, i showcase quotes that highlight students’ varying interpretations of the cultural resources and barriers within their neighborhood. fred when i first met fred, he stood out as a strong-willed and opinionated 18-year-old. he shared how he and his parents moved to the u.s. from ghana when he was 10 and how this has made a profound impact on how he interpreted the low-income neighborhood in which he has resided ever since. fred often shared in individual interviews that he does not feel or desire any clash between his own culture and the routes he needs to take to pursue his goals. he shared that his ability to accomplish these goals rests on whether people in his environment share his colorblind ideology. “if you don’t draw a line, i don’t have anything to cross. if people try to box me in as only a black student, that’s all they will see.” fred, during several interviews, commented on his disdain for people who associate with others based solely on race or nationality. “in african communities, we want to be bunched up together. i hate that. i try to live my life outside of the boundaries of minorities. i just see people as people. i don’t see race.” at the conclusion of the study, fred shared how just being in college will supply him with racial diversity in his peer group and the mentors he has greatly needed. i think my friends in college will be more diverse. they will have different aspects and different views. through having diverse friends, i can put a whole picture together. in college, i am going to need a mentor. it doesn’t seem like too many people in my neighborhood went to college. when i graduated from high school they were all happy but they still didn’t know much about college. kelly kelly, one of the quieter students in the group, always had much more to say during individual interviews or personal neighborhood observations. most of the ways in which she made sense of her neighborhood and the college terrain was by the people closest to her: her family and friends. she confided during a couple of individual interviews that there was a clear difference between her educational goals and that of her family and peers. however, she would like to use these distinct goals to one day serve her neighborhood. “i see my friends and family and not to say they aren’t doing anything but i just know there is more. i would serve in my neighborhood as a pediatrician so i could give back to the neighborhood and community.” kelly maintained during the study that her peers in the neighborhood were important to her, but as interviews progressed she began to share her awareness of the opportunities she will have just by making friends in college. during one of the neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 19 last individual interviews she disclosed, “i think i will have friends who are more advanced. they will be in college so they must have a purpose.” kelly remained proud of who she is and where she comes from, often recognizing the hidden gems dispersed throughout her neighborhood. she shared in another individual interview, “a lot of schools just don’t appreciate what people in my neighborhood have to offer, but we have a lot to offer actually.” gina gina, twin sister to monica, would describe herself as “confident and outgoing in any environment she is in.” she shared in a focus group amongst her peers, how much education and her neighborhood cultivated her solid outlook and identity. since i was little there was just no choice. you just have to go to college. i don’t want a job, i want a career. in the neighborhood, i would get a job, but it will never equate to the measures that a career can. gina often reflected on the resources provided by other black women in her neighborhood, even if the mainstream would view that same resource as deficient. she believes her family was the platform for her educational aspirations, rather than a detriment. during one individual interview, she shared: people would not think i was made for college…. i was raised in a singleparent home with my mother, a strong black woman. i have strength and courage because i was raised with it. i am proud to be a black woman. however, my family and neighborhood is filled with strong black women, regardless of how media portrays us. gina shared throughout the study how her race plays a significant role in how she navigates environments, especially within the school ecosystem. being of color helps to identify who you are in my neighborhood. it helps to show where i came from in society. i just have to be conscious in order to be productive in society. being minorities, we see firsthand what will happen if we don’t take school seriously. i see my mom, and in society’s eyes she doesn’t have the tools needed to advance. i have a chance that she and many people in my neighborhood will never have. maria during my time getting to know maria, i learned not only how she felt about her neighborhood, but we also frequently got a chance to interact with members of her family, who she discussed often. maria confided that she at times has to disavow her mexican culture in order to stay motivated in her own educational beliefs. being of color has its disadvantages. my dad still believes women belong in the kitchen. when i talk to other mexican families about college they don’t see it as important. they don’t see you getting a job as different from going to college. neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 20 maria often rejected the ideologies that were communicated in school and her surroundings about the “realities” of being a young latina. it was this rejection that became a source of her strong work ethic. during a neighborhood visit where we sat under her favorite tree, she shared: i got resentful about some people in my neighborhood when i see people stereotyping me as a latina girl who is bound to get pregnant. this has motivated me to change the way people see latina girls. i can do anything, you know? annaliese annaliese was one of the more vocal students about how college and her life in her neighborhood appear to be two completely different worlds, and she has to switch between them. during an emotional individual interview, she shared some of the beliefs behind this dissonance. “i am going to college to better myself. my mom tried to finish but got pregnant. i want to help her out. in college, i am expecting to read 20 pages a night and i don’t feel prepared.” annaliese also shared during a neighborhood observation, “i know so many girls who should be getting ready to do what i am going to do in college. people here just are not given as many chances and we recognize that it is unfair.” most of annaliese’s comments ended up being directed back to painful memories of living in her neighborhood, some of which were so horrifying for her, she asked that they be withheld from discussion in any publication. “sometimes i fight becoming negative, but living here can make you hard. when i cry i feel human again. i look forward to a sense of peace in college finally.” monica monica, gina’s twin sister, described herself as “the creative one” amongst her peer group and someone who was always able to make lemons out of lemonade. through her i learned a great deal about the range of beliefs about identity that her neighborhood can cultivate. monica shared during one individual interview, my neighborhood presents freedom and constraints in how i can express myself. college will give me the opportunity to be something new. here sometimes i feel like there is a box around what i can be, even though i love what this neighborhood has made me. students also commented on how people in their neighborhood were pushed out rather than them not being good enough for college. monica shared, “people from my ‘hood, they are smart enough to be in college but there is a lot of racism and bias. i know my friends in the ‘hood could be there with me, too.” she believes that this living environment has made her much more unique and claims, “i want to share with the world the beautiful woman my ‘hood has shaped. i am one of the few people who is proud to say that this place, as crazy as it is, has helped me become better.” neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 21 the cultural attributes of neighborhoods strengths during neighborhood visits, individual interviews, and focus groups, students pointed out many of the positive attributes of their neighborhoods. these positive influences ranged from family contributions to inspiration from neighborhood residents. monica made a statement during one focus group that elicited many nods and responses of agreement from other participants. “this is my ‘hood. what else can i say? it’s all i know and it taught me a lot about being tough and dealing with problems. i am going to miss this place when i go off to college.” fred elaborated on this sentiment by stating, “i spent a lot of time alone because of my neighborhood which gave me time to focus on my goals and develop a plan of action to reach my dreams.” annaliese shared that within this neighborhood, “i was able to find friends who supported me all the way until college and many of them are in this room.” maria added, “my neighborhood did expose me to a few people my age who were on the same track as me.” gina agreed and shared, “i look at a lot of my friends in the neighborhood, especially the latino ones, and i am really encouraged by them. they stay on it even if sometimes their family doesn’t support their education.” kelly later shared how residents she didn’t know made a profound impact on her ability to achieve in school. people in my neighborhood will see me walking with my backpack and they will tell me to stay in school and keep doing what i am doing. even though i don’t know them i appreciate them wanting me to succeed. i think people are happy when they see someone furthering their education here. monica was one of the stronger advocates of the benefits her neighborhood had to offer. during many sessions, she pointed out how specific individuals within the neighborhood helped develop her talents as a student. during individual interviews and during a neighborhood visit she shared lessons she learned from drug dealers. i learned how to work hard in school by applying ‘the daily grind and hustle’ of drug dealers in the neighborhood. every morning they get up and they are on their grind, doing what they have to do, and in many ways, it is like what i had to do in high school and what i will have to keep doing in college. gina, monica’s twin, shared a somewhat positive reflection of what her neighborhood provided. one comment that she consistently made during all interviews was how motivating it was to live there. “i would say my neighborhood is inspiring. i see my surroundings and i know i want better than this and i just have to work harder. i know people here want better for me too.” neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 22 challenges when participants mentioned challenges in the neighborhood, this ranged in degree of severity. some shared having a great fear of being mugged while others discussed the daily annoyance of neighborhood noise. overall students shared the numerous barriers their neighborhood presented to their academic success, social life, and overall safety. maria and annaliese throughout the course of the study were the most candid about the dangers of living in this space. when asked how she would describe the neighborhood, maria responded, “my neighborhood is unattractive, dangerous, and gloomy. i try to pretend my neighborhood is somewhere peaceful. but in the back of my head i am always wondering what happens if someone pops out of nowhere holding a knife.” annaliese often shared a plethora of insight on the criminal and violent activity that happens regularly. “you can’t really go outside. the latest you can be out is 6:00 or 7:00 p.m.” she then later mentioned in an individual interview that, “bums are everywhere. the bums are always asking for money. you might be scared and feeling like they can attack. recently someone was murdered.” during neighborhood visits fred, gina, and monica both warned me to leave early and avoid certain places because of the dangers they presented. during one neighborhood visit, monica and gina shared, “we live here but you should probably take the bus back to where you live now. it can get sketchy really fast here and someone is always looking to start trouble.” fred mentioned during an individual neighborhood visit why he avoids walking down his street at all costs. “just down my street once it gets past 5:00 p.m. bad things go down over there. i don’t bother to even walk down there because i know it isn’t going to be good.” he cautioned us not to go past the territory of his house after the neighborhood observation for our own safety. kelly, after hearing similar sentiments from peers during a focus group, also shared how the less severe topic of neighborhood noise contributes to its problematic living conditions. “this place is always noisy and it is hard to focus. there are usually rowdy kids and babies crying. you hear sirens a lot. it is a lot going on here.” annaliese chimed in, “it’s noisy and dirty, too. i wrote a letter to the mayor explaining that we need a cross-sign for traffic and the honking but i never heard back.” during one focus group interview, fred shared why he spends most of his time outside of the neighborhood and why most of his friends don’t live there. “there just isn’t really much to do. there is always a lot of loud construction. i used to have a nice view of the city before they started building a new shopping center.” analysis what might one make of such findings? scholars of anthropology, education, and sociology alike might work to interrogate homogenous depictions of students of color from low-income areas while conducting further investigations that look at cultural heterogeneity. this analysis showcases that even with six students there is great variability in how one shared neighborhood environment impacted their neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 23 educational values, beliefs, and their perception of how attainable their goals are. knowing this, as well as the results of other studies (e.g., carter, 2005), it would be useful to develop further the ways cultural heterogeneity works as an analytical framework and the ways it does not. the findings highlight that while there were some unfavorable aspects to living in their neighborhood, participants garnered important life lessons and inspiration from it as well. this illustrates that deficit framing often masks the positive impact of neighborhoods often considered disadvantaged in serving as a unique social space to prepare for college. the low-income neighborhood as both a positive and negative influence the majority of students, to varying degrees, believed that behind its poverty, their neighborhood had positive attributes along with challenges. the environment equipped them with tools to survive and succeed in college by way of providing support, teaching them “street” smarts, and building up their resiliency. to be sure, students believed that many parts of the neighborhood were also barriers to their educational success. this included problematic residents, drug dealing, poor food choices, noisy children, police brutality, and reoccurring violence. some shared that going to college might enable them to depart from the negative influences of the neighborhood. further, while many students did not mind their neighborhood, almost all participants limited the time they spent within it. when asked where they spend their leisure time, most students described going to places well outside the neighborhood for fun and relaxation. many students mentioned that their peers were very supportive, even if college was not a part of their career trajectory. numerous friends supported their work ethic and were proud that they were going to college and doing something positive with their life. other students attested not to having many friends in their neighborhood. fred, for example, believed he only had one friend in the neighborhood. maria commented on how she spent most of her time in the tiny apartment where her family resides and wanted to spend as little time engaging with other neighborhood youth as possible. framing identity several students discussed having positive identities reinforced through messages of education as a form of personal betterment from family, peers, and neighborhood residents, countering the idea that one must “act white” to succeed. because of this, some students suggested that they were driven to be successful so they could come back to their neighborhood as a role model and be a source of financial support for their families and friends. some positive support came from unusual sources, including neighbors they believed to live a street lifestyle, but who often mentioned how proud of them they were to be getting out of the neighborhood. while students appreciated this encouragement, many noted that they will seek or want a mentor in college who has more technical information regarding higher education. students also varied in terms of how their racial identify impacted their selfperceptions and motivation for success. some found that stereotypes of their race motivated them to “prove people wrong.” others believed that their racial identity neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 24 enhanced their goals for college attainment and still others did not believe their race was a factor at all. although some of the comments from these students fall into carter’s (2005; 2006) categories, the frames fit loosely and are far from theoretical straitjackets. monica may be in a unique and powerful category all her own. only fred, for example, might be seen as closer to a cultural mainstreamer, whereas annaliese and kelly were more cultural straddlers. however, gina and maria’s comments fit two categories—noncompliant believers and cultural straddlers. practical implications and new directions the findings of this study have implications for practitioners, policymakers, k-12 educational spaces, colleges and universities with goals of increasing college participation for low-income youth of color. each year hundreds of thousands of low-income students of color face barriers to college access and success (the white house, 2014). rather than getting a coherent set of services, these students receive supports that are often fragmented and late, occurring in the 11th and 12th grades (center for the study of social policy, 2016). accordingly, it may be important to invest in embedding college-going information and resources in spaces within the neighborhood, rather than viewing educational spaces as the only social institutions that may or may not have such reinforcements. this includes potentially adding college-going information and resources to grocery stores, laundromats, apartment complexes, churches, corner stores, malls, and other spaces youth might frequently spend time in and around their neighborhood. such information can be displayed in the form of pamphlets, boards, wall art, interactive displays, and posters, to name a few. this creates rich contexts where there is reinforcement for college aspirations in multiple aspects of adolescents’ ecosystems, particularly within their neighborhood. while this study does not assert that students in more advantaged neighborhoods do not encounter any cultural heterogeneity, the findings of this study illustrate the unique kinds of cultural heterogeneity found in a low-income neighborhood in a major city in the united states. assessment of adolescents’ college-going aspirations, knowledge, and resources can help us better understand and serve low-income youth of color in culturally heterogeneous neighborhoods as they ascend to college. in addition to utilizing data that has already been collected, it will be important for practitioners in both k-12 and college settings (particularly those concerned with enrolling these students) to routinely collect new information in relation to college knowledge and perspectives for youth of color in low-income neighborhoods. such assessment might include surveys and interviews to understand the experiences of such prospective college students (iloh 2017; iloh, 2018). in some cases, colleges might invest in understanding whether their campus is perceived as accessible to low-income youth of color. while institutions of higher learning may not have policies restricting racially minoritized and low-income learners from enrolling, the extent to which students feel welcome or likely to be accepted at that campus is an entirely different matter. administrators and practitioners can utilize these interviews and other instruments to develop datadriven processes and practices to better attract, serve and support prospective and current low-income youth on their campus. this assessment might also serve as neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 25 mechanisms to identify financial and social barriers for prospective students, particularly for those that are susceptible to enrolling but never showing up or those who may have college options but cannot finance their attendance. the ultimate goal of this assessment is to provide consistent opportunities for educational environments to engage youth as experts of their own experiences with rich insights necessary to help educational spaces across the p-20 pipeline provide more equitable conditions for low-income students and students of color. future research social influence was a frequent theme in the research findings. accordingly, future research and practice directions could focus on social networks for their importance in shaping college-going aspirations, especially when network members lack conventional college information (iloh, forthcoming). although this study did not directly examine computer-mediated contexts, in the twenty-first century, it seems reasonable to include these contexts in the definition of youth’s microsystems since they are sites where interactions may provoke or retard specific behaviors (evans, forney, guido, patton, & renn, 2009). accordingly, future explorations could investigate how social media and digital spaces change the ways that participants perceive their college aspirations or even engage in the college-going process. it may be the case that social media reconciles or further complicates narratives for youth already encountering multiple narratives in a culturally heterogeneous neighborhood. new interventions might also explore the ways in which apps and social media can especially support low-income youth of color in low-income neighborhoods by providing content that further encourages and expands their college aspirations, information, and participation. conclusion the work presented here is a portion of a puzzle with many pieces. i sought to (1) examine cultural heterogeneity as an explanatory framework, and (2) analyze the educational and social context of students who reside in the same low-income neighborhood. the results of this study support my initial inclination that cultural heterogeneity is a viable framework for understanding the college aspirations of low-income students of color and is worthy of further investigation. participants had multiple interpretations of identity and their neighborhood, rather than perceiving everyone as acting in similar fashion—as proponents of the culture of poverty might have us believe. future studies can further explore the diversity of reactions, trajectories and messages in low-income and racially minoritized communities and neighborhoods regarding participation in postsecondary education. neighborhood cultural heterogeneity and the college aspirations of… 26 dr. constance iloh is an anthropologist of education and assistant professor at the university of california, irvine. professor iloh’s research on educational inequities, college access, institutional culture, and the business of higher education has been published in journals such as the american educational research journal, journal of negro education, teachers college record, and the harvard educational review. her work has also been cited in multiple spaces, including the harvard law review and featured in forbes, politico, the chronicle of higher education, inside higher ed, diverse issues in higher education, and national public radio. professor iloh has been an invited speaker for the harvard graduate school of education, the white house initiative, telemundo, nbc universal, and michelle obama’s reach higher campaign. in 2016, dr. iloh became one of the few academics ever named to the change-agents and break-out stars of the forbes 30 under 30 list. professor iloh’s forthcoming book on contemporary college-going narratives will be published by johns hopkins university press. references agar, m. h. 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(2005). logics of history: social theory and social transformation. chicago: university of chicago press. small, m. l. (2004). villa victoria: the transformation of social capital in a boston barrio. chicago: university of chicago press. stack, c. b. (1970). all our kin. new york: harper and row. stewart, d. l. (2013). racially minoritized students at u.s. four-year institutions. the journal of negro education, 82(2), 184–197. swidler, a. (1986). culture in action: symbols and strategies. american sociological review, 51(2), 273. doi:10.2307/2095521 tigges, l. m., browne, i., & green, g. p. (1998). social isolation of the urban poor: race, class, and neighborhood effects on social resource. the sociological quarterly, 39, 53–77. valentine, b. (1978). hustling and other hard work: life styles in the ghetto. new york: the free press. the white house (2014). promising models and a call to action. executive office of the president: washington, d.c. retrieved from https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/docs/increasing_col lege_opportunity_for_low-income_students_report.pdf wilson, w. j. (1987). the truly disadvantaged: the inner city, the underclass, and public policy. chicago: university of chicago press. wilson, w. j. (1996). when work disappears: the world of the new urban poor. new york: random house. wilson, w. j. (2010). why both social structure and culture matter in a holistic analysis of inner-city poverty. the annals of the american academy of political and social science, 629, 200–219. https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/docs/increasing_col https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/docs/increasing_col login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood playground in sudbury, canada nicole marie yantzi school of the environment laurentian university, canada joscelyne landry-altmann ward 12 councillor and deputy mayor for the city of greater sudbury arthemise camirand-peterson ridgecrest historian citation: yantzi, n. m., landry-altmann, j., & camirand-peterson, a. (2018). the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood playground in sudbury, canada. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 4657. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract in 2008 the ridgecrest neighbourhood association was formed to revitalize the local 65-year-old playground, described at that time as being dormant and empty. the goals of this report are to reflect on the pivotal moments in the revitalization process, the roles of different individuals and organizations in the process, the rich history of community volunteerism, opportunities created by focusing on accessibility, and key lessons learned for other groups wishing to provide accessible play opportunities in their area. the paper’s title uses the word revitalization in recognition of the playground being vital (1953 to mid-1980s), “dormant” as stated by a key informant (1980s to 2008), and again vital starting around 2010. keywords: neighborhood, playground, revitalization, accessibility, accessible play http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 47 introduction this is the story of the revitalization of a 65-year-old neighborhood playground in sudbury, ontario, canada, how accessibility became part of the vision for the playground, and the possibilities thereby created. the need to revitalize the playground was grounded in the 2006 election platform of a municipal councillor. the value of the playground is supported in the literature in terms of the ample physical and mental health impacts of neighborhood parks and greenspaces (bell, wilson, & liu, 2008; ginsburg, 2007; sallis, owen, & fisher, 2008). often these benefits are not shared equally, as natural or built outdoor environments can impose a multitude of barriers to physical activity for populations living with disabilities (rimmer, riley, wang, rauworth, & jurkowski, 2004; roemmich et al., 2006). this field report contains rich reflections and experiences from three individuals involved in the 12-year revitalization of the playground. dr. nicole yantzi was asked to join the project in 2008 as an unpaid consultant. in 2014 she began a research project with colleagues from the local public health unit examining the use characteristics, resident and non-resident experiences and perceptions, and individual and community health impacts of the revitalized playground. the research project involved key informant interviews with members of the playground association, and questionnaires distributed to residents’ mailboxes and to playground visitors at staggered times during the week and day. selected findings are discussed throughout this report. joscelyne landry-altmann has been the municipal councillor for the complete time of the project and her 2006 election platform included the revitalization of playgrounds in her ward. since 2008 she has been a political champion for inclusive play opportunities in the city as a member of the accessibility advisory panel. arthemise camirand-peterson was one of the original members of the ridgecrest playground association reinstated by landryaltmann. she is the historian and archivist for the playground and the neighborhood of new sudbury in the city of greater sudbury. ridgecrest playground before revitalization (1953-2008) during the peak years of 1953 to the mid-1980s, ridgecrest playground, named after the fast-emerging ridgecrest subdivision that housed many young families, was a busy hub of activity during all seasons. it included a slide, swing set, outdoor skating rink and a field house for inside activities (see figure 1). more than 2000 local children were signed up for winter playground activities like organized hockey and ringette, and at one time 25 senior-level hockey teams competed at ridgecrest. hundreds of children had access to daily summer arts and recreational programs free of charge; the supervisors were paid by the city. parents were actively involved in organizing winter carnivals each year with challenges and games. funds were raised by the community to purchase hockey sweaters, sports equipment, swings, teeter totters and other items. however, by the mid-1980s, the activities and popularity of ridgecrest playground began to diminish and the ridgecrest neighbourhood association1 was eventually dissolved. 1 lack of computerized files makes it difficult to know the exact name of the association and when it was originally formed. the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 48 the revitalization of ridgecrest playground (2006-2018) landry-altmann decided to make the revitalization of playgrounds in her ward part of her 2006 municipal election platform. when deciding whether to run, she toured her potential ward and noticed the extremely poor condition of the playgrounds (figure 1). in 2008, as the newly elected councillor, she distributed flyers in the area inviting residents and children to a preliminary meeting concerning the reinstatement of the ridgecrest playground association (rpa). public consultations ensured that all options were considered. accessibility was not part of the revitalization process when it first began in 2008, but the public consultations for both adults and children provided the opportunity for the father of a child with a disability to request that his son (k) be able to play in his neighborhood park. a key informant interviewee confirms that “the defining moment [was deciding to] make it accessible. absolutely.” figure 1. ridgecrest playground before revitalization the complexity of the processes involved in the revitalization of ridgecrest are represented in figures 2 and 3. figure 2 displays some of the key steps involved in changing the vision to embrace accessibility. timing and networking played a pivotal role. landry-altmann went to a diversity luncheon in march 2008 and sat by someone who informed her that the canadian federal government was starting a new funding source for accessibility called the federal enabling accessibility fund (feaf). after discussing this opportunity with the rpa and gathering support from local organizations that work with people with disabilities, she went to city staff and told them about this new funding source. although she met with resistance, an application was prepared in just three days in time to be submitted. this funding opportunity provided many opportunities that would not otherwise have been available. the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 49 boys (2014) emphasizes that designing for accessibility must start early and be recognized as a lens of strength and possibility for creativity. community consultations facilitated by the rpa emphasized the importance of accessibility fairly early in the process. an information handout for residents for a public event held in october 2008 both to raise funds and to receive community feedback states, “[i]t is the hope of the organizing committee that ridgecrest playground will become—within a very short period of time—an accessible and environmentallyfriendly place that will encourage the participation of local residents and visitors of all ages throughout the seasons” (original emphasis). the proposed plan for the new park along with pictures of the old park were displayed to help with the feedback process. the ridgecrest playground master plan, which was developed by the rpa and included input from the community, was approved in 2009 (figure 2). in february of that year a letter thanking the honourable jim flaherty, current minister of finance for canada and proponent for the creation of the feaf, stated that the rpa’s goal was to “make ridgecrest playground a model for environmental sustainability and accessibility, and that best practices be shared with other playgrounds in the region.” figure 2. changing the vision to include accessibility ridgecrest hub of activity 1953-mid 1980s. first meeting of re-instated rpa early summer 2008. accessibility not a consideration at this time. ward councillor learns about feaf march 2008 ward councillor makes playground revitalization part of 2006 municipal election platform. accessibility not a consideration at this time. community sharing session about playground plans in october 2008 makes it clear that accessibility is part of the vision. rpa holds community consultations july 2008. at the start of these sessions accessibility is not a consideration. at one of these sessions k’s father requests that revitalized playground be accessible. ridgecrest playground master plan approved in 2009. rpa passes motion that goal is to “make ridgecrest playground a model for environmental sustainability and accessibility.” the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 50 revitalization of the playground occurred in four phases, each of which was supported with a feaf grant (figure 3). while the funding discussion of this report focuses on the opportunities provided by the feaf it is important to acknowledge that funding also came from other sources. a land sale in the ward provided $97,000, a portion of which was used to start the revitalization. additional funding came from the rpa successfully petitioning for almost $40,000 from a community ward fund. this petition was strengthened by city accessibility plans beginning in 2013-2014 focusing on opportunities for play for all; in the most recent plan it states, this “remains a key focus of the city of greater sudbury” (city of greater sudbury, 2017). figure 3. phases in the revitalization of ridgecrest playground phase 1: 2010 installation of accessible play structure and surface, walking paths, making field house accessible funding: informed of $50,000 feaf september 2008, funds from sale of land in the ward allotted to the playground, community ward funds phase 2: 2011 surface retrofit for rink, new rink boards, exercise bars for everyone to use, grass covered hill funding: $75,000 feaf phase 3: 2014 accessible splash pad funding: $50,000 feaf phase 4: 2018 installation of gazebo and adult exercise equipment funding: $28,000 feaf, gazebo donated, use of ward funds to install gazebo phase one, completed in 2010, used a $50,000 feaf grant to install an accessible play structure on a packed fiber-chip ground cover, swings, walking path, and benches, as well as to redesign the field house to meet accessibility standards. budget considerations led to the use of wood chip ground cover instead of a rubber surface, but now the rpa realizes that this was a mistake. children from the neighborhood were invited to look at different designs and suggested preferred color schemes. k, the inspiration for embracing accessibility in the vision of the park, was presented with an accessible bucket swing. it was the first time that he was able to go from his walker to a swing without assistance. while this represented a momentous opportunity for the 5-year old, the benefits extended well beyond this one child. a survey of the ridgecrest area for the phase one feaf application noted many homes with ramps, including four homes for individuals with developmental disabilities and also a residential home for individuals with autism that had a backyard gate with access to the playground. a rough count by the rpa after the completion of phase one showed summer attendance in 2010 of 50-60 people during weekdays and up to 150 people per day during weekends. at this point ridgecrest playground became known as ridgecrest accessible playground. phase two involved a $75,000 feaf grant in march 2011 for a surface retrofit to the recreational facility that enabled wheelchair basketball and sledge hockey. the goal was to provide more opportunities for integrated sports for the whole community. this phase also included new rink boards, extra swing bays, exercise the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 51 bars for individuals with disabilities, and a grass covered hill for running up and rolling down in the summer and sledding in the winter. in phase three, a feaf grant of $50,000 was used to build an accessible splash pad, the first of its kind in greater sudbury. in a 2014 newspaper article celebrating the grand opening of the splash pad, k said that “i wasn’t expecting a water park but now when it’s hot we can cool off and have fun and be splashed” (bryne, 2014). phase four will see the completion of the revitalization of ridgecrest accessible playground with a focus on some shade opportunities and adult exercise equipment. this provision addresses research findings that revealed limited shade opportunities and few opportunities available for adult recreation. one resident without children remarked in the residential questionnaire that there is “nothing of interest to our age group.” a funding announcement of $28,000 from the feaf in april 2018 will provide adult outdoor exercise equipment, and community funds will be used to install a donated shade structure. the generous funding through the feaf of more than $200,000 would not have been possible without the incorporation of accessibility into the plan for ridgecrest playground. the feaf provides funding for eligible capital projects that increase accessibility for people with disabilities in canadian communities and workplaces, creating more opportunities for people with disabilities to participate in community activities, programs and services, or access employment opportunities (government of canada, 2018). the applications for these funds all stress that the playground will benefit children with and without disabilities, as well as parents, grandparents and other relatives with and without disabilities. the application itself comes from the municipality, with the need identified by the city councillor for the ward following a collective request generated by the rpa, ward 12 community action network volunteers, and community organizations who use the space with their clients with disabilities. all phases involved various community groups working together, with a very strong volunteer base. in a 2014 newspaper article, landry-altmann estimated that the revitalization (phases one through three) had involved 2,500 volunteer hours (bryne, 2014). one of the feaf application questions asks how the community will benefit from greater participation and contribution from people with disabilities. the response on the application for phase three demonstrates the overall goal for the revitalization project: the community will benefit from supporting children in the early years and actively build a community where persons with disabilities have the same opportunities for play as their peers. creating a communal gathering place for multiple generations to enjoy fosters relationships, community pride and belongingness. the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 52 the association logo, found in the field house, depicts the name change which emphasizes accessibility, and all of the values important to ridgecrest accessible playground (figure 4). an excerpt from an interview with landry-altmann shows the link between the change in vision and funding: a part of my platform was to overtake the playgrounds. we made a deal that there would be a new play structure…. at first we were just thinking of a swing. but as we started looking at accessibility we started meeting more people with the same interest and with that, came money. vision came from that, money, grants. this is an extremely important point as too often accessibility is considered a burden and extra expense. in the case of ridgecrest accessible playground, the funding that came from embracing accessibility actually created a revitalized play and gathering space that everyone can enjoy. figure 4. ridgecrest playground after revitalization the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 53 what do residents think about ridgecrest playground? of the 117 participants who indicated in a residential questionnaire that they had visited the playground, approximately 66 percent used it more frequently since the revitalization began in 2008. overall ratings were also very high, with adults scoring it an average of 8.2/10 and young people scoring it 8.3/10. findings show that while accessibility is an important feature of the park, the revitalization has provided many other individual and community benefits. the sense of community pride and strengthening of community engagement is evident in the survey results depicted in figure 5. two different research participants said it best: “more local people in the park gives a sense of a vibrant community” and “i belong to this community and places like ridgecrest add to my community pride.” results from the questionnaires completed with people visiting the playground also found that several non-residents came to enjoy the playground. this was further confirmed by statements in the residential questionnaires such as, “people from all over greater sudbury come to visit our park.” figure 5. perceived impact of the changes at ridgecrest playground (n=104 adults) the artwork surrounding the playground, painted by local young people, shows how accessibility and inclusion are part of both the vision and the reality of the space. one of the murals depicts k using his walker at the playground, with the artist recently reflecting that: [t]his was the first park that i was aware of that was built towards being completely accessible to anyone no matter what disabilities they have…. ridgecrest is a park i can remember playing at as a young child, losing track the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 54 of hours playing on swings, in the sand, or running around in the grass. it was pure bliss. to become a part of a project that now allows all children to be able to enjoy these simple pleasures in life was a heartwarming and uplifting experience (d. provencher, personal communication, april 19, 2018). the vision of the ridgecrest accessible neighbourhood playground association (ranpa, the official name adopted by the city) has been recognized and celebrated by two major municipal awards. in november 2010 the ranpa was awarded the healthy community recognition award and in april 2013 it received the civic award for volunteerism. the letter accompanying the award stated that ranpa [s]aw a need based on the demographics of their neighbourhood. they developed a vision, created a plan, and completed many renovations resulting in an inclusive play space and community gathering area. the association went above and beyond to ensure that everyone has access to the park regardless of their age, physical, intellectual and cognitive abilities. in recognition of the hard work and commitment of the volunteers the letter continues, “[t]his park is built on a solid volunteer foundation. the spirit of volunteerism is alive and well at ridgecrest park and has been for the past 60 years” (figure 6). figure 6. some ranpa volunteers with the civic award for volunteerism lessons learned in 2018, with the conclusion of the revitalization, ridgecrest accessible playground remains the only accessible neighborhood playground in sudbury, ontario, canada. the other accessible playgrounds are surrounded by recreational high-use areas with numerous soccer and football fields, used for local games and regional tournaments, but not centered in a neighborhood. from the very beginning the rpa sought out residents’ feedback and ideas. the notes concerning the community the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 55 launch of the revitalization in 2008 talk about the need “to encourage children and youth and seniors (in particular) to play a meaningful role in the development of this community resource and to provide an initial opportunity to build this sense of engagement/ownership.” the association followed a key tenet for meaningful participation that requires individuals of different ages, socio-economic statuses and abilities to be brought into the process as early as possible. this is aligned with the assertion that [i]nstead of looking at playground equipment catalogs and listening to sales people looking to make a profit, community officials should consult their residents and research findings to develop the best playground for all children in their community (stanton-chapman & schmidt, 2017, p. 134). after the completion of each of the phases the association held community celebrations which included sharing information about the revitalization progress, activities for children and adults and also the sharing of food. it was pitched as a way to celebrate the changes that were happening. all three authors attended these celebrations and witnessed the diversity of people with disabilities who were present. these celebrations also created an opportunity to raise people’s awareness of accessibility and inclusion. the story of the revitalization of ridgecrest playground is one in which accessibility can be seen as catalyst for positive change. the adaptation of the vision opened up new possibilities for funding and community engagement. it should be acknowledged that the feaf funding did not just create a playground for children with disabilities, it also provides an enriched playground for children without disabilities and for multi-generational enjoyment. new opportunities continue with para-nordic training occurring at the playground for the last two years, which also served as a training site for colin cameron, recent medalist at the 2018 winter paralympics. the accessible amenities mean that it is the only location where an integrated and fully bilingual summer city camp program is offered. a youth artist poignantly said it best: “ridgecrest is truly a playground for everyone” (figure 7). figure 7. a playground for everyone the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 56 acknowledgements the laurentian university research fund and the louise picard public health research grant provided funding for the primary research that involved colleagues from public health sudbury & districts (melanie hood and nastassia mcnair) and undergraduate research assistant kelsey ettinger. the cooperation and feedback of the ridgecrest accessible neighbourhood association is greatly appreciated. dr. nicole yantzi is an associate professor in the school of the environment at laurentian university and current director of the evaluating children’s health outcomes research center at laurentian university. dr. yantzi has worked collaboratively with school boards, service providers and municipalities, and children and families to evaluate and improve the accessibility and inclusiveness of children’s built environments. another area of focus is advocating for the inclusion of all children and youth as active research participants and valuing their ideas for change. joscelyne landry altmann was born and raised in the city of greater sudbury. in 2006 she entered the race for municipal councillor for ward 12 in greater sudbury and has been re-elected consecutively for three terms. she has also proudly served as deputy mayor since 2010. she has been a member of the municipal accessibility advisory panel since 2008. ridgecrest accessible park development remains a top achievement and it has been her privilege to meet and work with such generous and good-hearted volunteers. together, they have changed the makeup of the ridgecrest neighborhood and improved the quality of life for many. arthemise camirand-peterson is an active local historian, archivist and author. she has been president of the new sudbury community action network ward 12 and the ridgecrest accessible neighbourhood association. she has spent countless hours interviewing people and searching for memorabilia to document the history of the new sudbury area of the greater city of sudbury, ontario, canada, including ridgecrest playground. this culminated in the authorship of the book published in english and french entitled, new sudbury not as new as you think and le nouveau sudbury pas si nouveau que l’on pense. references bell, j. f., wilson j. s. & liu, g. c. (2008). neighborhood greenness and 2-year changes in body mass index of children and youth. american journal of preventative medicine, 35(6), 547-53. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2008.07.006. bryne, r. (2014, july 3). new sudbury splash pad opens. sudbury star. retrieved from http://www.thesudburystar.com/2014/07/03/new-sudbury-splash-padopens. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2008.07.006 http://www.thesudburystar.com/2014/07/03/new-sudbury-splash-pad-opens http://www.thesudburystar.com/2014/07/03/new-sudbury-splash-pad-opens the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood… 57 city of greater sudbury (2017). city of greater sudbury 2017-2012 multi-year accessibility plan. retrieved from https://www.greatersudbury.ca/cityhall/accessibility/accessibility-plans/city-of-greater-sudbury-2017-2021multi-year-accessibility-plan. ginsburg, k. r. (2007). the importance of play in promoting healthy child development and maintaining strong parent-child bonds. pediatrics, 119(1), 182-191. doi:10.1542/peds.2006-2697 government of canada (2018). enabling accessibility fund. retrieved from https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-socialdevelopment/programs/enabling-accessibility-fund.html. rimmer, j. h., riley, b., wang, e., rauworth, a. & jurkowski, j. (2004). physical activity participation among persons with disabilities: barriers and facilitators. american journal of preventative medicine, 26(5), 419-425. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2004.02.002 roemmich, j. n., epstein, l. h., raja, s., yin, l., robinson, j. & winiewicz, d. (2006). association of access to parks and recreational facilities with the physical activity of young children. preventative medicine, 43(6), 437-441. doi:10.1016/j.ypmed.2006.07.007 sallis, j.f., owen, n. & fisher, e. (2008). ecological models of health behavior. in glanz, k., rimer, b.k., viswanath, k. (eds.), health behavior and health education: theory, research, and practice (4th ed., pp. 465-486). san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. stanton-chapman, t. l., & schmidt, e. l. (2017). creating an inclusive playground for children of all abilities: west fork playground in cincinnati, ohio. children, youth and environments 27(3), 124-137. doi:10.7721/chilyoutenvi.27.3.0124 tps://www.greatersudbury.ca/city-hall/accessibility/accessibility-plans/city-of tps://www.greatersudbury.ca/city-hall/accessibility/accessibility-plans/city-of tps://www.greatersudbury.ca/city-hall/accessibility/accessibility-plans/city-of doi:10.1542/peds.2006-2697 https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/enabling-accessibility-fund.html https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/programs/enabling-accessibility-fund.html doi:%2010.1016/j.amepre.2004.02.002 doi:%2010.1016/j.ypmed.2006.07.007 doi:10.7721/chilyoutenvi.27.3.0124 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. tf_template_word_mac_2011 © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(1), 2019 the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments: a gis-supported qualitative study roger figueroa harvard t.h. chan school of public health robin jarrett mei-po kwan brent mcbride university of illinois at urbana-champaign angela r. wiley auburn university citation: figueroa, r., jarrett, r., kwan, m-p., mcbride, b. & wiley, a. r. (2019). the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments: a gis-supported qualitative study. children, youth and environments, 29(1), 57-83. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract most preschoolers cared for by family childcare providers (fccps) fail to meet physical activity guidelines. this study examines how fccps in illinois shape opportunities for preschoolers’ physical activity. researchers used geospatial data from 342 family childcare homes, as well as semi-structured interviews at two time points with a subset of 21 fccps. the study analyzed all sources of data using sociospatial grounded theory and analytic induction approaches. findings suggest that key contextual factors at the policy-, environmental-, programand fccplevels lead to flexible physical activity programming that shapes physical activity opportunities for the developmentally diverse children attending family childcare. keywords: family childcare, physical activity, preschoolers, qualitative, gis http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 58 introduction physical activity is defined as any bodily movement produced by skeletal muscles that require energy expenditure (world health organization, 2013), whereas physical inactivity is defined as insufficient participation in physical activity (e.g., sedentary behavior, the use of "passive" modes of transportation) (who, 2016). the global prevalence of physical inactivity as of 2009 was 17 percent (kohl et al., 2012). being physically inactive is the fourth-leading risk factor for global mortality, contributing to an estimated 3.2 million fatal outcomes (kohl et al., 2012; who, 2016). young children need between two and three hours of structured and unstructured physical activity each day (national association for sport and physical education, 2002; 2009; pate & o’neill, 2012), yet most preschoolers fail to meet this guideline (beets, bornstein, dowda, & pate, 2011). the world health organization has an initiative to reduce existing physical inactivity by 10 percent on or before 2025 (who, 2016), and more research is needed to identify strategies for early intervention through which young children increase their engagement in physical activity. a supportive environment is critical for promoting physical activity among preschoolers (davison & lawson, 2006). with increased urbanization worldwide, there are several environmental factors (i.e., indoor space, play equipment, park access) that influence participation in physical activity (who, 2016). furthermore, there are multiple contexts (e.g., home, school, childcare) that greatly influence the amount of daily physical activity in which a child participates (østbye et al., 2013; smith et al., 2016). recent national recommendations strongly encourage adults in these environments to promote childhood physical activity by providing activitypromoting resources, programming by education and care providers, and adopting other physical activity-promoting practices and policies (united states national physical activity plan, 2016; ward, bélanger, donovan, & carrier, 2015). the childcare environment is of particular importance for shaping many preschoolers’ physical activity participation in the u.s. (cosco, 2006; finn, johannsen, & specker, 2002; kaphingst, french, & story 2006; neshteruk, mazzucca, østbye, & ward, 2018). studies consistently show that time spent in childcare environments is associated with physical activity in early childhood (finn, johannsen, & specker, 2002; pate, pfeiffer, trost, ziegler, & dowda, 2004), and these settings and their providers play a critical role in influencing children’s health behaviors (gubbels, kremers, & stafleu, 2010; tovar et al., 2017). family childcare (also known as in-home or home-based childcare) is the label given to the work of providing childcare in a professional caregiver’s home (national association for family child care, 2017). these early care and education sites are owned and/or operated by individuals in a private home context. licensing enables family childcare providers to care for children of mixed-age groups for a portion of the day in a private family home for compensation. the home is oftentimes inhabited by the family/individual who is providing care (child care resource center west virginia, 2012). the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 59 this common but understudied childcare environment faces unique challenges in promoting preschoolers’ physical activity, because their programs serve smaller groups of mixed-age children compared to center-based childcare (office of personnel management, 2016). family childcare is the second-largest source of non-relative care for preschoolers in the u.s. (forum on child and family statistics, 2009; morrissey & banghart, 2007; u.s. census bureau, 2013). family childcare settings are a vital context for health promotion (kim, shim, wiley, kim, & mcbride, 2012) and for promotion of preschoolers’ physical activity (delaney, monsivais, & johnson, 2014; tandon, walters, igoe, payne, & johnson, 2016). with many preschoolers in the u.s. spending a substantial portion of their week in family childcare homes (u.s. census bureau, 2013), any or all opportunities provided to preschoolers for engaging in a variety of activities require providers’ capacity to arrange these as part of their daily programs. family childcare providers (fccps) are important gatekeepers in an ideal position to facilitate physical activity in the available physical environment of the childcare setting (rosenthal, crowley, & curry, 2013). the practices and attitudes of fccps are thus key drivers of preschoolers’ physical activity in this context (brennan, castro, & brownson, 2011). among the multiple environmental factors in the childcare context that may impact preschoolers’ physical activity, the organization of the physical environment (i.e., indoor space, play equipment, neighborhoods) and fccps’ physical activity programming practices are known correlates that require further examination (delaney, monsivais, & johnson, 2014; figueroa & wiley, 2016; tandon et al., 2014; 2016). the family childcare environment and fccps shape physical activity opportunities for preschoolers in this setting (rosenthal, crowley, & curry, 2013), although the exact relationship remains unclear. involving fccps is critical for examining how the contextual features within family childcare homes shape preschoolers’ physical activity opportunities. recent research has argued that it is unclear how factors in home and neighborhood settings influence physical activity (martin-biggers, cheng, spaccarotella, & byrd-bredbenner, 2016). further, although instruments have been developed, there are no gold standards for assessing these factors, particularly in the family childcare context (martin-biggers et al., 2016). the promotion of physical activity in this context is part of a complex system interwoven with socioecological components (i.e., physical activity-promoting resources, fccps’ practices), providers’ relevant professional training, and other key environmental factors across the different levels of the system in which children are situated (gubbels, van kann, de vries, thijs, & kremers, 2014; jess, keay, & carse, 2014). therefore, multidimensional approaches are warranted to examine the intertwined relationships among these multiple socioecological components that shape preschoolers’ opportunities for physical activity. the purpose of this study is to address the following question: how do fccps and their settings shape the context by which opportunities are provided for preschoolers’ physical activity in family childcare? to explore this question, an ample understanding of the sociospatial context (i.e., environmental features and fccps’ perceptions of these) is warranted. sociospatial is defined as an integrated the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 60 examination of space, place, and social indicators in a holistic fashion (steinberg & steinberg, 2015); thus, this study explored the spatial and social processes by which fccps (and their homes) shape physical activity opportunities for preschoolers. the overarching goal is to advance a common theoretical framework to underpin better understanding of this public health issue in future research and practical pursuits. methods research design for the purposes of this study, mixed-method is defined as the use of more than one method, methodology, approach, theoretical or paradigmatic framework, or the integration of results from those different components (bowleg, fielding, maxwell, & molina-azorin, 2016). specifically, we adopted a version of the partially mixed convergent parallel design based on leech and onwuegbuzie’s typology (2009) for mixed-method research design. this study combined geographic information system (gis) and qualitative methods to provide multiple views of the phenomenon being studied to develop a broader picture. more specifically, gis supported qualitative methodology throughout the study by measuring overlapping but also different aspects of the phenomenon, yielding an enriched, detailed understanding of physical activity opportunities for preschoolers attending family childcare in our study (greene, caracelli, & graham, 1989). research setting the family childcare settings in this study were all licensed to practice. the researchers recruited fccps in two service districts in a mid-sized u.s. midwestern city. the institutional review board (irb) at the home institution approved this study (irb #14146). sampling strategy the study recruited participants using a purposive sampling approach (patton, 1990). under the purposive sampling assumptions, participants were screened to reflect characteristics of interest to the study. the researchers recruited participants via e-mail notifications, phone calls, and face-to-face visits. as recruitment of participants was initiated, the study also used snowball sampling as a purposive sub-strategy, using recommendations from already recruited participants to identify more participants with similar characteristics and rich information to contribute to this study (patton, 1990). upon indicated interest, the researchers invited the fccps to participate in the study and provided them with a consent form that outlined details regarding the collection of data, benefits and risks, as well as remuneration and contact information. participants a convenience sample of 342 licensed fccps were included in the gis portion of our study to support qualitative analyses. in collaboration with staff at the two service districts in our study, we recruited participants through flyers and emails. participants were re-contacted again for the qualitative portion of this study, and those who agreed to partake were included in this study. throughout the data the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 61 collection process, approximately 70 potential fccps were invited to participate in the qualitative portion of the study, and 21 of them (30 percent) agreed. all interviewed participants were female. the average age of participants was 45 years old, and participants had been providing childcare services in their homes for an average of 12.8 years. the average fccp provided care services for three or more preschoolers. out of 21 participants, 16 (71 percent) were caucasian, four (23.8 percent) were african-american, and one participant identified as multi-racial. the majority of fccps identified as married. additional demographics are included in table 1. table 1. participant demographics age (m, sd) 45.00 (±8.91) years as fccp (m, sd) 13.60 (±6.82) children in program (m, sd) 10.00 (±1.53) preschoolers in program (m, sd) 3.35 (±1.43) sex (n, %) female 21 (100%) education (n, %) high school degree 1 (4.76%) some college/associate’s degree 11 (52.38%) 4-year college degree and above 7 (33.33%) household income (n, %) $35,000 or less 4 (19.04%) $35,000 to $75,000 11 (52.38%) $75,000 or more 4 (19.04%) race black 5 (23.80%) white/caucasian 15 (71.42%) multi-racial 1 (4.76%) marital status single 4 (19.04%) married 14 (66.66%) divorced/separated 3 (14.28%) assistant on staff yes 8 (34.1%) no 13 (65.9%) procedure and measures trained staff collected multiple sources of data as part of a larger study. for this examination, researchers gathered demographic data of participants through a demographic questionnaire, coded in gis software the geospatial information of each setting reported by fccps, and conducted two in-depth interviews. throughout the data collection phase, participants were contacted regularly to make sure any questions that they might have had were being addressed. fccps were able to choose whether they preferred to do the interview portion of the study via phone or face-to-face interview. only one participant chose to give handwritten responses and opted out of the audio recording. upon completion of the larger the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 62 study, participants were asked for permission to make notes and take photographs around their homes, including surroundings. every attempt to reach out to participants at every stage of the data collection was made carefully and respectfully. lastly, participants received a remuneration token valued at $20 usd. participants were assured that they were volunteering to participate, and were given the choice to stop participating at any point throughout the study. the following measures were used to contextualize the key findings in this study: demographics researchers collected demographic characteristics of fccps using a demographic questionnaire assessing a range of characteristics from validated sources, including age, race, marital status, household income, education, years as an fccp, whether or not they have assistants on their staff, and number of children in their programs. external sociospatial context researchers measured external sociospatial context through geospatial information about family childcare home geographical locations. these were gathered using their complete addresses, unstructured observations, and photographs of neighborhood surroundings to identify specific features of their surrounding areas. data were geocoded and inserted as a compiled dataset and web-based framework in arcgis software (http://www.arcgis.com/features/index.html) for further analyses (i.e., cartographic categorization of low-income status and buffer analyses in relation to specific environmental features). each home was given its own descriptive set of attributes based on existing information from secondary datasets (i.e., champaign park district public data, american community survey (20112015) five-year estimates from the public use microdata series; u.s. census bureau, 2016), which were used for subsequent analysis in combination with qualitative data. perceptions of external and internal sociospatial context the study measured participants’ perceptions of external and internal sociospatial context through in-depth interviews. researchers conducted two face-to-face interviews per participant (an initial interview and an exit interview), using two interview facilitation guides to semi-structure interviews with questions by topic (patton, 1990). each interview facilitation guide was built to address different concepts through sets of questions (ward et al., 2014) and ensure all topics of interest were covered while allowing flexibility of discussion during the interview. as interviews were underway, researchers approached participants with probes and follow-up questions to ensure rich data during the interview and to reflect the nature of the grounded theory method. the initial interview protocol included questions on the exploration of physical activity and play (i.e., context, equipment, programming, time provided, involvement, training, and policies of both indoor and outdoor activities), whereas the exit interview protocol included questions to recall daily activities in the past week in contrast to the initial responses). the initial interviews ranged from approximately 30 minutes to an hour in total, while the exit interviews ranged from http://www.arcgis.com/features/index.html the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 63 approximately 15 to 45 minutes in total. researchers piloted both of these protocols with an fccp who had been an informant in past studies. this pilot approach was performed to ensure fidelity of the instruments in relation to the overarching goal (i.e., open-ended, but ensuring the questions accounted for processes by which family childcare providers and settings shape preschoolers’ physical activity opportunities based on a priori sensitizing concepts). only a small number of questions were edited for clarity as a result of the pilot. the exit interview also served as a member-checking technique; the researchers used the interview as an opportunity to confirm their interpretations with some or all of the study participants (roller & lavrakas, 2015; taylor & bogdan, 1998). interviews were audio recorded (except for one interview) after consent by the participants, and ultimately transcribed verbatim for subsequent data analyses. complementary data sources throughout the study, other types of data (e.g., diaries, photographs, field notes, memo notes, researcher debriefings) were collected and integrated into the analysis to give a more nuanced contextual picture of fccps’ program and sociospatial contexts. these were key elements in the triangulation of the primary data sources and emerging findings, and are reflected to some extent in the findings of this study. data analyses all sources of data were analyzed through the lens of our overarching study aim, and coded in accordance with two analytical approaches: (1) sociospatial grounded theory (steinberg & steinberg, 2015); (2) analytic induction (bernard & ryan, 2010). sociospatial grounded theory in sociospatial grounded theory, the researcher begins collecting data and then seeks to develop an understanding of patterns observed therein, which ultimately leads to theory building based on those observed patterns. in this approach, gis provides an important additional component to inductively develop a grounded theory distinct from the traditional approach. a series of steps are followed using this approach: 1) determine a topic of interest; 2) determine a geographic location of interest; 3) collect the data (qualitative, spatially linked social data); 4) geocode the data; 5) ground truth in the gis data; 6) analyze the data and look for spatial and social patterns; 7) generate theory (spatial and social) (steinberg & steinberg, 2015). analytic induction this study incorporated analytic induction to add rigor to the grounded theory method. analytic induction focuses on building “causal” explanations of phenomena from a close examination of small number of cases (bernard & ryan, 2010). inductive reasoning is used in the early stages of the research question to explore ideas of what “causes” or predicts the phenomenon in which we are interested. this method is also known as the “method of difference.” it starts with a single case and the development of a theory to account for that one case. then, the researcher looks at subsequent cases to see if they fit the previously developed theory; if not, the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 64 the theory is adapted to continue accounting for more cases. throughout the process the researcher basically reformulates hypotheses that were grounded in the first case (bernard & ryan, 2010). overall, in this study, data was coded from the open coding stage (i.e., line-by-line coding) through the advanced coding stage (i.e., connecting participants’ narratives from earlier categories that emerged from data until theoretical saturation is reached) (corbin & strauss, 1990). key sociospatial themes and concepts that emerged from the data were organized into categories and sub-categories to better understand the underlying processes in the developing conceptual model. this conceptual framework evolved as the primary researcher gained a deeper understanding of the data and how its sociospatial themes and concepts were related to each other. the primary researcher initially examined the data in relation to the overarching research questions by identifying excerpts that contained content meaningful to these major themes. a second coder aided throughout the analysis process to compare points of convergence and areas of divergence, and together the researchers came to a consensus around an accurate representation of participants’ narratives in the final theoretical output. the final stage of the analysis concluded by analyzing how patterns from all coded data (including gis and qualitative data) expose the deeper and more complex meaning of the phenomenon as voiced by the participants. the two primary analytic approaches used in this study, sociospatial grounded theory (steinberg & steinberg, 2015) and analytic induction (bernard & ryan, 2010), are flexible and iterative processes (creswell, 2007; 2013) of theory building and refinement using qualitative data (bernard & ryan, 2010). qualitative analyses using these approaches are inductive, meaning the researcher understands that the research topic and potential hypotheses emerge from the data (steinberg & steinberg, 2015). while sociospatial grounded theory technique was used to generate theory, it was complemented by analytical induction, which developed the theoretical framework into a more robust version. findings overall, theoretical categories at varying levels emerged from participants’ accounts. fccps were knowledgeable and aware of a wide range of key factors shaping the physical activity context for children in their care. these factors emerged in relation to the following contextual domains: (1) policy-level; (2) environmental-level; (3) program-level; and (4) fccp-level. policy-level factors in general, participants provided a variety of responses with regard to policies that shape preschoolers’ participation in physical activity opportunities. however, a majority of fccps were unaware of how the structure of these policy components facilitated or inhibited physical activity promotion in their daily programs. for example, some fccps cited: i wouldn’t say that i have any specific policy. yeah, just – i do – and this is through their preschool program. there’s a monthly newsletter that the the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 65 parents get. usually there are some little tips in there about physical activity either indoor or outdoor, but i wouldn’t say policy. i don’t really have. no, i don't know. all parents have to sign a thing telling you that you have permission to take them on field trips or for a walk or swim in the pool. that's basically all of the policy parts there. nevertheless, some fccps were very specific about how these types of policies influence their provision of opportunities for preschoolers’ physical activity. statelevel policies emphasize the various requirements and practice guidelines that are part of fccp licensure credentialing in the state of illinois. program-level policies were rules or communication standards (e.g., contractual agreements) that fccps have integrated in their daily programs to ensure that activities run smoothly and parents are kept abreast of relevant information. one participant described in some depth the stateand site-level policies in her daily program. she perceived the state-level required professional development opportunities as a need for more professionalism that may enhance daily physical activity promotion. at the same time, however, she recognized that even the basic opportunities are jeopardized due to state-level budget cuts. this fccp also referenced excelerate (http://www.excelerateillinois.com)—a quality recognition and improvement system for licensed fccps at the state level, and gateways (https://www.ilgateways.com)—a training and professional development system complementary to excelerate. this fccp was worried about losing access to these programs due to budgetary cuts at the state level and hoped for them to become a federal-level affordance in the future, given illinois’ non-sustainable efforts to provide fccps with assistance to address their policy-level needs: well, you know dcfs [the illinois department of child and family services] requires us to take training. i think the training needs to be more professional, but unfortunately i don't – you know that's another thing the governor wants to cut out, right? yeah, he's cutting the budget for the training. i mean it's in jeopardy of being cut. i mean, right now they don't have no budget for gateways, they have no money coming in from the state. it's up in the air if they're going to be able to offer any kind of free training online. i'm in excelerate, and this is going on my third year, and in order to participate and get the grant, there is proper training i should say for quality care. it's offered through the state. hopefully, it becomes federal pretty soon because that might be cut, you never know. at the site level, this fccp refers to her policies as “common sense” and ensures that these adhere to policies from the state licensing entity, dcfs (https://www.illinois.gov/dcfs/pages/default.aspx), as well as capturing some of her site-specific needs. these site-specific policies seem to be more flexible than those at the state level, and implementation varies widely across fccps in this sample. enforcement of site-level policies does not become part of the process by which fccps meet a prescribed standard or set of standards to reach licensure. http://www.excelerateillinois.com/ https://www.illinois.gov/dcfs/pages/default.aspx the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 66 i have a contract that parents sign with me. it kind of describes my policies. well, behold, that contract seems to slip their minds, but no smoking policy, of course, my dcfs mentioned that to me, and she even mentioned she walks up, sees a cigarette butt, you know, there's no smoking on my property, and yeah, you always have parents that… yeah. i mean, it's only common sense for a lot of the policies, i mean don't bring your kids sick, you know you're just [going to] cause other kids to get sick. well, the policies for, of course, the proper attire and shoes. environmental-level factors while each fccp’s site is diverse in its features, figures 1 and 2 offer examples of the general environmental-level features in this sample that are embedded in their neighborhood contexts (i.e., libraries, school facilities, parks). these maps highlight how fccps who are established closer to more populated towns in the county have greater access to these features as well as to other fccps. figure 1. map indicating fccps relative proximity to parks (n=21) source: cpd public geospatial data the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 67 figure 2. map indicating fccps’ relative proximity to schools and libraries (n=21) source: cpd public geospatial data figure 3 is an example of the various iterations of these features unique to each participant. this map is provided as it demonstrates some of the geospatial evidence that supported qualitative data analyses, and then introduces the final theoretical output. researchers used arcgis buffer techniques to denote the context surrounding each family childcare home (within a 0.5 mile radius range). figure 3 highlights two prevalent themes in the qualitative data: (1) access/proximity to and availability of park settings, schools and libraries in the neighborhood, which fccps note to be places utilized in their daily program for various reasons (i.e., visit a playground, walk to library for story time); (2) proximity to other fccps in their network, which could lead to partnerships or opportunities to collaborate. the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 68 figure 3. map indicating environmental features near maria (pseudonym), an fccp note: blue and green circles denote .5-mile radius from fccp homes. transitioning from the depictions of fccps’ external sociospatial context to their perceptions of such, fccps alluded to several spaces within and outside of their immediate home setting that facilitated or inhibited their promotion of preschoolers’ physical activity. some fccps identified proximity to parks and the size of their childcare program as key factors in allocating time and resources to program activities, either indoors or outdoors. for example, a participant explained how convenient it is to arrange a visit to the park when there are fewer children in her program, and also the convenience of being “half a block from the park”: our thing is, because we’ve got such a young group of kids, we don’t go too far. we don’t do field trips because we don’t have a vehicle big enough with all the car seats we would need. …[yesterday] we were half a block from the park and so we spent a lot of time at the park. there are mornings i don't have a lot of kids, so i might only have one kid. yesterday i only had one kid, so we did. we went on a half an hour walk around the block and then we stopped at the park and played there for a half an hour and then we went home and played outside some more. it’s just, i the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 69 do try to get out, even if it's too hard for me to go the park. if the park is big enough, sometimes i'll take a ball or something and i can handle them better if they aren't on the play equipment, so we'll go into the grassy area and let them run around. they sleep better; take better naps if they are worn out. fccps also expanded on the fact that indoor space is fairly limited, and the confined space of their home business may somewhat inhibit preschoolers’ engagement in physical activity, noting, for example, “i would say we don’t have enough space in the house.” “i mean, it can be done, it’s just it’s not fun when you have too many kids that are walkers because it’s just dangerous.” figure 4 provides an example of this prevalent theme. given the pervasive but varied nature of these logistical barriers, the challenge of promoting physical activity indoors may not have an easy solution. one participant provides insights about her difficulties in dealing with an inhibiting indoor space, as well as managing competing activities that limit programming activities outside of the home: my house definitely inhibits it. it’s only 1300 square feet, but i can’t utilize the full 1300 square feet for it, the daycare. the nice thing is, like i said, it’s kind of like a circle, so at some points i let them, during the winter, run around the circle. the back yard’s not huge. i don’t go out front too often because we have the bus that goes by. i don’t trust, necessarily, the kids and i have a fenced-in back yard, so we try to stay in the back yard. figure 4. indoor space in main room for children at an fccp’s site the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 70 fccps also explained that neighborhood access was an important component of planning activities outdoors. one participant explained how being aware of her neighborhood’s safety helped her plan outdoor activities: this is [kind of] a unique neighborhood… we have our own park and we have our own basketball court and it’s fenced in now so the kids can really go to town back there and saves us time chasing all the balls all over the neighborhood too. the car port and then the backyard, just our own backyard are all the major, major daily utilized spaces. i also take them to the park just because they don’t always want to just play where they played further every day. usually we walk to the [park]. that’s usually when we want to – occasionally we’ll drive to the soccer field and that’s a big huge space. lastly, a couple of participants spoke of integrating a set of nature-based features into their daily programs to enrich the outdoor activity opportunities for children in their care. participants noted the following: i think our outdoor environment is very extensive and amazing. because we love to garden… we also grow some of our own vegetables and the children have that experience of learning about nutrition and learning about how plants grow and pollination. …just positive play, safe play. just giving children a time to enjoy the nature and being outside, but also utilizing that water on our garden, too. so, a lot of times we’ll set up their water play and sprinklers near our garden. program-level factors at the program level, fccps’ programmatic support systems such as resources and social support, as well as their own characteristics, seem to be the drivers of fccps’ strategies to mitigate contextual challenges to promote preschoolers’ physical activity. fccps noted that these support systems, as well as assistants, parents, and other professionals who serve as logistical support in their daily programs were sources of ideas for later strategizing what would work with their childcare populations: just those little ideas that you’re not necessarily gonna come up with on your own. pinterest is great, and you can cruise that for an hour; but, to be in a classroom with other providers, and to say, “what have you done that worked?” like, “the teacher says this is a fun idea, but that’s never [going to] work with the kids.” and to play off each other, and see what they do, and that’s always really nice to have. we started a few years back—one of our dads does a boot camp exercise program for the [local] park district. he used to come in and he would march kids around the table and that so we started a baby boot camp here. it’s just as fun thing. we would start the kids marching around the table ourselves and then we would do little exercises, too. it was a fun thing for his son and the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 71 we’ve carried it on, ever since. we’ve been doing that for about six years, now. i have a grandma that might stop to pick up kids, she will let them play on the playground at school a little extra. so, you have to be creative; but you have to also, like i said – when you’ve got an infant, all the way up to nineyears-old – you’ve got to meet everybody’s needs. fccps are supported by individuals or entities that provide content or logistical support to facilitate activities for children at fccp sites. one participant saw the business side of family childcare as an important factor influencing her daily practices and status as a licensed fccp because, as she puts it, “i have employees to pay and expenses [to pay] out.” another fccp referred to seeking external sources of support to address the lack of resources in this professional field. these include affordable logistical and learning supports to enhance their daily programs. logistical sources of support include mostly assistant fccps that cannot be afforded by many licensed family childcare programs, but who provide essential aid in the daily activities for children in these sites. one participant points out that she has “two high-school assistants that come in the afternoon, that do more of the ‘get rough-type’ play, and do the more physical stuff. so, it’s integrated more in the afternoon.” but another fccp emphasizes that help comes at a price: “everything is a cost, so my assistants have to have – i require them to have as much training as i do. i want the parents to feel like they don't have to worry about their child, they're [going to] have the same training as i do, and unfortunately with the state, the training needs to be up, but i don't know who will get it.” these are common themes within the data that reflect the general but costly support that fccps receive from their assistants for children’s physical activity. fccps also mentioned training for professional development on general and specific topics related to physical activity, as well as planning activities, whether through utilizing a curriculum, following a theme, or planning “on the fly.” so, my background is in education. so, that’s really, i guess laid the foundation for what we do. whether it’s socially based, academically based. whether the physical activity. but, some of the training that i attend [is] because we have to do like this 15 hours [of training]. i mean it just all depends on whether we’re inside or outside and depending on how many children are present and that kind of thing. we just make up our own. i try to come up with a theme for – sometimes, it’s for the month or sometimes it’s for the week, depending on if it’s keeping their interest or not. fccp-level factors fccps discussed their role as caregivers for developmentally diverse children— children who are at various developmental stages in their lives when attending family childcare. this finding emerged from fccps caregiving responsibilities that must account for the diverse developmental stages of children and how these shape the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 72 interactions among the diverse childhood populations attending family childcare. while some fccps cited advantages to having mixed-age groups in their programs, others highlighted the struggles of accommodating activities that fit everyone’s interest. in order to keep a more cohesive socialization experience among children, being flexible allowed the experience to let everyone participate at their own pace. so, that's been my experience. i would just like more tools to use and more help with equipment to accommodate these special needs, since we're inclusive and we do welcome every child. i want to have physical activity for every child. hearing impaired, visually impaired, adhd, autistic children, sensory disorders. i want to be able to give them something. especially in family childcare, you've got mixed ages. you're trying to do cutand-glue and all of this stuff with a 4-year-old, but your toddler is standing over there putting the glue in their mouth. it's hard to incorporate things like that. in addition, fccps’ professional identity emerged as a prevalent fccp-level feature when they are forming the context to provide the best caregiving experience to children in their care. they are highly aware of their own professional expectations of their daily programs, which motivates them to gain new competencies and keep improving their practice: even though it's ‘a home-based daycare’ or whatever, this is my 27th year doing it and people know this is my business. i don't sit home and babysit. it's pretty much a structured learning environment. lastly, the researchers produced an additional map to depict socio-economic status among fccps in our sample. we analyzed geospatial data from fccps in our network (n=342) in contrast to illinois resident american community survey (2011-2015) five-year estimates in the public use microdata series (pums) (u.s. census bureau, 2016). these were coded and entered into arcgis to map participants’ low-income status in comparison with their illinois census block counterparts (figure 5). this information is important given that fccps provide critical caregiving support to low-income families (forry & hofferth, 2011), while often being low-income themselves. the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 73 figure 5. map indicating above-average low-income status among fccps (n=342) we found that fccps are more likely to be in low-income households compared to counterparts in their census block, meaning their socio-economic status (ses) may represent a challenge to their programs. this pattern is also supported in our participants’ narratives. fccps in their interviews named a few economic aspects pertinent to their practice, including generating income and incentivizing sources of external support for their daily programs. these accounts highlight the financial circumstances that may hinder fccps ability to provide high-quality opportunities for the children in their care (tovar et al., 2017). core construct: flexible physical activity programming the sociospatial process through which fccps and their settings shape opportunities for preschoolers’ physical activity is represented in our final theoretical output: family childcare physical activity ecology model (figure 6). “flexible physical activity programming” emerged as the core construct with the greatest explanatory power because: (a) it encompasses particular structural categories (i.e., “program-level factors” and “fccp-level factors”), and (b) it links other sub-processes (i.e., “time provided for free and structured physical activity,” and “fccp’s involvement”) identified in the data to create a coherent story (larossa, 2005). the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 74 figure 6. fccpa ecology: a sociospatial grounded theory this construct serves as the core category in our final sociospatial grounded theory. this new theoretical lens argues that the physical activity context in family childcare settings is shaped by factors across multiple levels (from policyto fccplevel) through our core category: flexible physical activity programming. this core construct includes two sub-processes that impact fccps’ ability to provide active opportunities to preschoolers and other children: (a) time provided for both free play as well as structured activities; (b) the degree to which fccps are involved in programmed activities. along this spectrum, as positive contributions towards these two sub-processes increase, family childcare environments become increasingly supportive physical activity contexts. time provided for free and structured play activities in the family childcare physical activity ecology model, the distinction between structured and free play activities is blurred as it pertains to physical activity promotion. this means that although fccps may structure an activity that is expected to engage children in physical activity, if the children do not engage in it as anticipated, the fccp has to be flexible and provide diverse and inclusive opportunities for physical activity, both “free” and “structured,” for children at all stages. free play can be defined as a leisurely time for children to choose their own play activities, with a minimum of adult direction (research connections, 2016). one study participant also gave a definition of “free play” as “where [children] get the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 75 to choose whatever activity outside they [want to] do, whether it's just running back and forth, which they love to go back and forth across the yard and play.” free play may be indoors or outdoors (research connections, 2016). free play was the most prevalent theme across the majority of fccps interviewed. fccps provided examples of various types of activities in which children were allowed to play freely. fccps report being generally encouraging of children’s free play and are therefore willing to adapt the activity to support children’s energy expenditure within the context of the family childcare setting. fccps involvement while fccps provide time for both free and structured activities, they may observe, intervene, join and/or lead an activity. a higher degree of fccp involvement may ensure that each activity accomplishes what they intend for the children. for the most part, fccps have a similar daily routine, though they incorporate a wide range of different resources and practices. it is important to note that each fccp’s flexible programming is coupled with varying levels of involvement and planning, as well as varied knowledge bases that influence what is being offered to children in their care and in what amounts, and ultimately shaping the context for physical activity promotion in family childcare. discussion the purpose of this study was to better understand the ways that fccps and their childcare settings shape the context by which opportunities are provided for preschoolers’ physical activity. the final theoretical output that emerged from the data demonstrates that the context for preschoolers’ physical activity is determined by each fccp’s goals regarding children’s physical activity, which informs their flexible physical activity programming. nevertheless, physical activity is just one piece of the puzzle in this equation. fccps seem by and large to perceive physical activity as a broader concept than just energy expenditure, noting its value for “gross motor skills,” “everyday play,” and “us[ing] their imagination.” fccps thus view physical activity as play more broadly, including learning activities, engagement with peers, enjoyment, and fun. fccps additionally alluded to motor skills as an important construct of interest for children to develop and learn while attending their sites. this finding sheds light on the multidimensional understanding of what preschoolers’ physical activity should entail, a far more complex phenomenon to address in family childcare contexts than may have been expected in the past. it also illuminates the need to ensure that fccps recognize that energy expenditure is as important as other critical components for preschoolers’ health and developmental outcomes. physical activity is recognized as a complex human behavior comprising a range of activities, and varied intensity, frequency, duration, and location (domain) (hansen & ekelund, 2017). in the physical activity literature, energy expenditure has been given particular emphasis due to its role in reversing the childhood obesity epidemic (janssen, 2014; treuth & bandini, 2016) and in the promotion of health more generally (timmons et al., 2012). despite the various shortcomings (in terms of energy expenditure) of fccps’ flexible programs, this flexibility may offer more diverse and developmentally appropriate opportunities for physical activity, focusing the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 76 on milestones beyond meeting guideline-recommended physical activity. ultimately, physical activity may be a portion of the multidimensional play activities within this early childhood education context. in fact, recent guidelines for physical activity focusing on their effects on other health and developmental domains (united states department of health and human services, 2018). fccps in our study noted that children’s socio-emotional development and motor skill competence were among their motivations to promote physical activity as part of their programs. these outcomes would depend on the type of activities offered at their facility. for example, some fccps programmed passive activities such as gardening to promote learning through engagement with nature, while others highly encouraged dancing as the top activity to get children moving. physical activity in this context may simply be an exploratory experience in which children are exposed to various activities while their imagination and exploration traits feed their motivation to engage in specific activities. this suggests that the role of enjoyment on physical activity may also be critical in the early childhood population. it is also important to know that within the preschool stage (i.e., 3-5 years of age), there are also developmental diversities based on age and gender. this adds to the complexity of studying physical activity among this age group. there is a need for more sensitive activity-programming practices tailored to developmentally diverse childhood populations. this study’s findings shed light on fccps’ awareness of the various learning capabilities that can occur through preschoolers’ physical activity. developmental domains can be defined as areas of a child's development, including: gross and fine motor skill development; speech and language/communication; a child's relationship to toys and other objects, to people and to the larger world around them; and a child's emotions and feeling states, coping behavior, and self-help skills (research connections, 2016). as noted by lu and montague (2016), this level of awareness may lead fccps to prioritize physical activity in their programming. conclusion through the core category of flexible physical activity programming, a theoretical framework emerged from the data that explains the sociospatial process by which developmentally diverse children engage in various forms of play and physical activity in family childcare settings. the larger context for physical activity promotion in family childcare includes the interplay of contextual factors including policy-, environmental-, program-, and fccp-level, which shape physical activity through flexible physical activity programming. this model may now serve as a secondary tool of thought in examining opportunities for preschoolers’ physical activity. fccps indicated that physical activity promotion in family childcare is influenced by many factors, such as policies, neighborhood factors and home factors, the number of children participating in their program, demographics, and other variables. these findings are consistent with recent studies using survey (temple & naylor, 2010), qualitative interviewing (sisson, smith, & cheney, 2017; wilke, opdenakker, kremers, & gubbels, 2013) and other novel approaches (weinberger, butler, & schumacher, 2014), which emphasize the role of specific the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 77 features across multiple levels from policy to care providers in promoting physical activity for young children. implications further analysis of the family childcare physical activity ecology model may lead to the predictive pursuits of these hypothesized interconnections and/or pathways to children’s physical activity outcomes in family childcare. this framework could also impact fccps’ decision-making by educating them to adopt practices that support greater time offerings for play and physical activity during day care operating hours while being involved to the best of their ability. however, such efforts would not be enough for young children to meet physical activity recommendations. fccps need sustained support systems from policyto fccp-level in order for children attending family childcare environments to maximize their opportunities for physical activity. lastly, there is a translation potential stemming from this work that would enable policymakers, researchers, and practitioners—who tend to work in silos—to collaborate in support of physical activity opportunities among children within family childcare. limitations this study has limitations worth noting. the family childcare physical activity ecology model in this study refers to interconnected factors that emerged in our data, not accounting for additional unseen interconnections with other factors that may also be important. there may have been other categories present in our data that were not prevalent enough across multiple cases in comparison to those in the final model; nevertheless, those other categories may still be relevant factors to eventually supplement the fccpa ecology as a theoretical context for promoting childhood physical activity in family childcare in future research. as the first study of its kind in family childcare, there were several components in this study that were meticulously structured, but due to time and/or budget constraints, not every component planned for this study went as originally intended. to buffer these significant setbacks, external funding resources and personnel assisted throughout the study. it is also important to note that as a novel methodological approach, the study is exploratory and serves as a baseline model to address further questions about the fccpa ecology and opportunities for preschoolers’ physical activity as my systematic program of research further develops. acknowledgements many thanks to all family child care professionals in this study. roger figueroa would like to acknowledge the nih training grant that supports him, under award no. t32dk007703. the authors would also like to acknowledge the illinois transdisciplinary obesity prevention program (i-topp) as portions of this research were supported by the training grant “itopp,” funded by the national institute of food and agriculture (nifa), united states department of agriculture (usda), under award no. 2011-67001-30101. the ecology of physical activity in family childcare environments… 78 dr. roger figueroa is a public health scientist who combines concepts and methods across disciplinary boundaries to examine the role of various socioecological determinants (from culture-level to child-level) that shape the context for children's health behaviors. in his current role as a postdoctoral research fellow at harvard t.h. chan school of public health, his work aligns with fields of translational childhood obesity research and public health promotion in low-income contexts. dr. robin jarrett conducts research on resilience in ethnic-racial group families. her work advances our understanding of how, despite the adversity of poverty and residence in resource-poor neighborhoods, families promote the positive development of their children. as an urban ethnographer, she uses a wide array of qualitative data collection strategies that highlight the strengths of ethnic-racial group families. dr. mei-po kwan’s research addresses health, transport, environmental, and social issues in urban areas through the application of innovative geographic information system (gis) methods. she is interested in understanding how social differences (e.g., gender, race, ethnicity, and religion) shape urban residents' everyday experiences and perceptions/use of the built environment. she is also interested in studying how specific characteristics of the social and physical environment affect the well-being and behavior of different social groups (e.g., health behaviors and outcomes, access to jobs, social isolation, residential segregation, and spatial mobility). dr. brent mcbride is one of the leading researchers in the area of father involvement in families of 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(2013). factors influencing childcare workers’ promotion of physical activity in children aged 0–4 years: a qualitative study. early years, 33(3), 226-238. doi: 10.1080/03004430.2013.779579 world health organization (who) (2013). health topics: physical activity. retrieved from: http://www.who.int/topics/physical_activity/en/ world health organization (who) (2016). physical inactivity: a global public health problem. retrieved from: http://www.who.int/dietphysicalactivity/factsheet_inactivity/en http://www.census.gov/content/dam/census/library/publications/2013/demo/p70-135.pdf http://www.census.gov/content/dam/census/library/publications/2013/demo/p70-135.pdf https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/acs/ https://health.gov/paguidelines/second-edition/report.aspx http://physicalactivityplan.org/docs/2016npap_finalforwebsite.pdf https://gonapsacc.org/ http://www.who.int/topics/physical_activity/en/ http://www.who.int/dietphysicalactivity/factsheet_inactivity/en © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(1), 2019 framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from high-achieving black boys in chicago shantel d. crosby kent school of social work, university of louisville desmond patton school of social work, columbia university dustin t. duncan school of medicine, new york university jocelyn r. smith lee school of health and human sciences, university of north carolina greensboro citation: crosby, s. d., patton, d., duncan, d. t., & smith lee, j. r. (2019). framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from highachieving black boys in chicago. children, youth and environments, 29(1), 1-19. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract research has explored the impact of neighborhood conditions on academic performance. to address an understudied population—high-achieving, black male youth from violent communities—this study utilizes neighborhood narrative frames to qualitatively explore black male youths’ lived experiences in their communities and perceptions in relation to school. this phenomenological study explored 18 participants during the 2009–2010 academic year of a charter high school in chicago, illinois. findings illustrate that participants frame their neighborhoods in terms of safe and unsafe people and places, and frame school as a present and future escape from community violence. keywords: academic engagement/motivation, resilience, community/ neighborhood violence, african-american male youth http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 2 introduction and background community violence and academic achievement social scientists have spent considerable time debating to what extent community conditions, across the u.s., influence academic performance and explain persistent gaps in educational attainment for marginalized groups (sharkey, schwartz, ellen, & lacoe, 2014). research has shown individual attributes, such as youth psychological problems (e.g., depression, anxiety) to be a mediator of the relationship between community violence exposure and student-teacher connectedness (voisin, neilands, & hunnicutt, 2011), impacting students’ school performance. other research has suggested that community violence exposure is a risk factor for poorer academic achievement and has a negative impact on grades and test scores (burdick-will, 2013; harding, 2010; sharkey, 2010). for example, harding (2010) found that for boys in disadvantaged neighborhoods, community violence accounts for about half of the association between neighborhood disadvantage and dropout. likewise, using data from the project on human development in chicago neighborhoods, sharkey (2010) found that children score substantially lower on cognitive tests when a homicide is committed near their home, particularly if the murder happens in close proximity to their home. more recently, sharkey and colleagues (2014) found that acute exposure to localized violent crime among new york city public school students decreased standardized test scores in english and language arts, but not math, and that these effects were much larger for black students. research on neighborhood effects has also examined how neighborhood-level structural conditions (such as poverty), which are often associated with community violence, shape how young people value education (anderson 1999; carter, 2005; ferguson 2001; mateu-gelabert & lune, 2007). for example, macleod (1995) found evidence of social reproduction among a sample of low-income youth, indicating that participants exhibited the values and aspirations of the social and cultural milieu in which they were embedded. however, this study did not examine how community violence in low-income communities influenced the value placed on and effort devoted to school by the participants. black youth and community violence in the u.s. across the u.s., youth living in urban neighborhoods are at greater risk for exposure to community violence, with approximations suggesting that between 50 percent and 96 percent of youth in urban settings have encountered some form of community violence (zimmerman & messner, 2013). studies have linked community violence exposure to myriad issues among urban youth of all racial/ethnic backgrounds, including psychological distress (voisin & neilands, 2010) and suicide ideation (o’leary et al., 2006), aggressive behavior (lambert, boyd, cammack, & ialongo, 2012), delinquency (rosario, salzinger, feldman & ngmak, 2003), and low academic functioning (burdick-will, 2013; harding, 2010; sharkey, 2010). however, in comparison to white youth, african-american youth have more than double the likelihood of being raised in impoverished communities, where violence exposure and other urban chronic stressors are prevalent (brandt, 2006). additionally, research suggests a gendered experience among youth in https://www.hindawi.com/journals/usr/2014/368047/#b46 framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 3 urban settings, as young males more often experience community violence victimization than their female counterparts (foster, kuperminc, & price, 2004). not only do black males have higher rates of community violence exposure than individuals from other demographics (cdc, 2010), but they also experience disproportionate amounts of homicide survivorship and subsequent traumatic loss (smith, 2015). these elevated levels of violence exposure uniquely inform how black males perceive their environments, navigate potential dangers, and understand safety (thomas, caldwell, jagers, & flay, 2016). overcoming community violence thriving academically and dealing with neighborhood violence are particularly challenging issues for urban adolescent black males (patton, 2012). some social science researchers attribute black adolescent males’ academic difficulties solely to student characteristics and not to the social context in which they are embedded. some researchers have suggested these students may be less occupied with academic pursuits and more with acting out their definitions of masculinity, posturing, and fighting the idea of “acting white” (fordham & ogbu 1986; lopez 2003). however, the behaviors of urban african-american youth are situated within the context of neighborhood conditions such as chronic community violence, which presents a real threat to positive life course outcomes for this population (anderson, 1999; margolin & gordis, 2000; garot, 2010). harding’s (2010) research points to the effect of living in high-poverty neighborhoods, particularly on the outcomes of young males of color. harding found the males in his study often navigated community violence by using their cognitive maps of people and places to define and bound their environment. still, there remains a dearth of literature that identifies the precise mechanisms and processes by which community violence impacts learning (sharkey et al., 2014). much of the research in this area has been quantitative (lepore & kliewer, 2013) and based on findings from high-risk individuals who may be low-achieving or gang-involved (garot, 2010; harding, 2009; sharkey, 2006). focusing on youth who are most at risk for violence exposure and perpetration limits our ability to uncover all types of processes and to identify risk modifiers that influence the life course outcomes for all youth living in violent neighborhoods (luthar, sawyer, & brown, 2006). in fact, we know little about how high-achieving students in violent neighborhoods—particularly among african-american adolescents—safely navigate their neighborhoods while simultaneously succeeding in school (borofsky, kellerman, baucom, oliver, & margolin, 2013). this study is intended to contribute to the discourse by providing nuance to the work of sharkey and colleagues (2014), which highlights how community violence affects schools. present study given the dearth of research on african-american male youth exposed to community violence who succeed in school, qualitative inquiry is appropriate. to this end, we leverage the narratives of high-achieving black male high school students to examine how community violence exposure may impact learning, and scripts used by these students in relation to their school experience. framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 4 conceptual framework in this study, we utilize neighborhood narrative frames, which posit that individuals perceive and conceptualize their neighborhood and social environment through narrative frames (small, 2004). more specifically, neighborhood narrative frames are persistent, culturally constructed themes that individuals create in order to understand their physical, social, and cultural landscape (e.g., their houses, neighborhood landmarks, neighbors, community history). as individuals encounter these various aspects of their neighborhood, their experiences are viewed through their own unique cultural lens, impacting the individual’s overall narrative about their community and how to navigate it (small, 2004). such frames may provide a plausible explanation for the values and scripts used by high-achieving black male youth that assist them in maintaining academic success. we explore how youth frame schools, specifically examining the perceptions of high-achieving, racial minority youth who live in violent, high-risk communities. this will illustrate how these youth carefully navigate their environment while maintaining values and scripts that keep them focused on school. methods data comes from a cross-sectional, phenomenological, qualitative study of 18 participants, ranging from 14 to 18 years of age. the study received institutional review board approval and recruited participants during the 2009–10 academic year of a chicago charter high school, pseudonymously referred to as butler college prep. the sample was congruent with sample sizes in previous qualitative research (charmaz, 2006) and appropriate for gaining a deep understanding of how highachieving adolescent black males define and describe their perceptions of school. setting participants were recruited from butler college prep (bcp), a charter high school that aims to provide students from under-resourced communities with a quality education, promoting academic success and college attendance. students at bcp primarily live on the west side of chicago, and 95 percent of students come from low-income families, based on free and reduced lunch qualifications. the bcp student population is 98 percent black and 2 percent latino. students are chosen to attend the high school through a blind lottery process that admits less than onethird of applicants. the school has one of the highest rates of student and teacher retention in chicago, and 85 to 90 percent of graduates attend college. bcp provided a letter of support for the study and bcp teachers assisted in the recruitment process. participants were actively recruited using a non-probabilistic, purposive sampling strategy. students were approached at a male youth leadership group as well as during classroom visits by the researcher and school teachers who acted as study liaisons. inclusion criteria for this study included: (1) black males, (2) age 14 to 18 years, (3) currently enrolled at bcp, and (4) having a gpa of 2.5 or above. at bcp, the average gpa for african-american male students is a 2.3. therefore, a gpa of 2.5 or higher signals a c+/baverage, indicating a student with above-average academic performance. interested students were invited to participate in a brief information session where they received consent and assent forms. approximately framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 5 one week after they returned consent/assent forms, the researchers mailed one movie ticket to the home of each student who participated in recruitment. students who participated in focus groups also received lunch for their participation in the study. we received student assent and parental consent for all participants interviewed during the academic year. sample all participants identified as black males and the average age was 16.6 years old. students ranged from grades 9 to 12, with two (11.1 percent) high school freshmen, four (22.2 percent) sophomores, four (22.2 percent) juniors, and eight (44.5 percent) seniors. while breakdowns of participant gpa were not captured, all students in the study had a 2.5 gpa or higher. participants also provided information about their neighborhood of residence and exposure to community violence, based on the types of violence that they had either witnessed, experienced, or heard in their neighborhood. participants resided in one of four chicago neighborhoods—all reported as having the highest rates of violent crime (chicago police department, 2011) in the city. of the 18 students in the study, 4 (22.2 percent) reported exposure to robbery, 9 (50 percent) reported exposure to fighting, and 14 (77.8 percent) reported exposure to gunfire or shootings in their respective neighborhoods. data collection participants were assigned a study number and pseudonym, and met with researchers in the english department chair’s office during the student’s lunch or advisory periods. participants completed two semi-structured, audiotaped individual interviews lasting approximately 45 minutes each. interview protocols included questions that asked participants to describe their neighborhood (e.g., safe and unsafe locations), their school, their experiences with community violence, and their perceptions and behaviors in both their school and neighborhood contexts. the first interview examined how participants described their neighborhoods, family supports, and neighborhood relationships. the second interview examined specific incidents of community violence, how the participants navigated those experiences, and how those experiences impacted school. it has been suggested that there is no definitive number of interviews that can achieve saturation (strauss & corbin, 1998). therefore, rather than recruiting participants and conducting interviews on an on-going basis, the number of participants and interviews was determined at the study’s outset. informed by the standards for phenomenological inquiry, the sample was capped at no more than 20 participants for feasibility and in order to maximize the richness and depth in each interview (merriam, 1998). data analysis interviews were transcribed and entered into dedoose—an online data analysis platform for qualitative data analysis. the study used an inductive approach to analyzing data in order to: (1) condense the raw text data into summary format, (2) establish clear links between the research objectives and the summary findings, and (3) identify the underlying structure of experiences or processes that are framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 6 evident in the data (thomas, 2003). in addition, this study employed audit trails and peer-debriefing to ensure rigorous analysis. coding the second author conducted open and selective coding (glaser & strauss, 1967). in the open coding phase, the researcher explored the data for as many codes as possible—refining codes through peer-debriefing with a larger qualitative research team of doctoral students. debriefing included examining theoretical ideas emerging from the data and soliciting feedback about themes and categories. in addition, a senior faculty member from the sponsoring institution reviewed the data and developed themes and categories independently for comparison and to determine validity. in the selective-coding phase (i.e., focusing the data by comparing incidents to incidents and other concepts), each transcript was doublecoded using the refined codebook and dedoose. results our analysis reveals how participants’ navigation of community violence shapes their experiences with education. participants described experiences with neighborhood violence that impacted the scripts they used to talk about school. in particular, participants reported how they: 1) framed physical spaces for safety, 2) framed people for safety, and 3) framed school as an escape from community violence. framing physical spaces for safety participants cataloged physical spaces, identifying where it was safe for them to go, neutral zones that did not belong to any gangs, and locations known to be hot spots for violence and criminal activities. they reported the following subthemes, framing physical spaces for safety based on: 1) past experiences of community violence, and 2) prominent neighborhood landmarks. using past experiences participants understand their neighborhoods based on past experiences with violence or potentially harmful activity. jamie, 17 years old, explains how he frames particular spaces based on specific experiences: [interviewer]: now, how do you know that mayfield and huron are not safe streets? [jamie]: well, i know that because i was born and raised around here. and then while i was growing up, i had experience meeting people that got shot either on that corner, or down the street, or on the same block. not just on the corner, but on the same block. and yeah, they got shot, stabbed, a lot of things happen. got jumped on, gang fights happen right there. jamie then explains how he knows what strategies to use in specific locations: [interviewer]: where are the unsafe places to go? [jamie]: you shouldn’t really just stand on a corner—like, corners by the school and stuff. don’t stand right there. really, don’t walk towards, like, framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 7 racine or halsted. most of the time i pass, like, even the nighttime, like, when kids get out of schools, there’s a lot of fighting and shootings going on there. [interviewer]: how do you know that? [jamie]: living over there for, i think, now two years. i’ve grown up in the neighborhood. a lot of things have changed. as a kid, it really wasn’t that bad. i didn’t have to worry about anything as a kid, like nobody coming and messing with me or anything. i could just go outside and play. my mom wouldn’t have to worry about nothing. now as i get older, i’m 17 now, a lot more violence, a lot of gangs, a lot of young men in my community that is in gangs are getting shot and everything. these observations highlight how youth establish a frame for understanding the safety of a particular location based on previous memories or experiences, and then navigate those areas accordingly. james, a 14-year-old, demonstrates his framing of safe and unsafe locations in his neighborhood as he describes which activities take place on which streets: “i’m from 78th and whiteside on the south side. it’s a real quiet neighborhood, not a lot of young people live over there. but i have gangs right down the street or the next street.” for james, like most of the other participants, his home is central to describing the parameters of his neighborhood. thus, identifying his home address first suggests it is an aspect of navigating the neighborhood. safety boundaries are determined by several factors. the presence of gangs is one determining factor, as james states: “my neighborhood, from mayfield to huron, that’s not a safe spot. they’re not the safe streets. the only streets you can walk down is austin where the cars drive past. it’s kinda dangerous. they (gangs) shoot mostly every other night.” james also identifies that certain streets are safe because cars are present, which may suggest visibility is an important component of safety in neighborhoods. however, visibility alone does not make the street safe. in many ways, his observations suggest that there are no purely safe streets or parts of the neighborhood, only relatively safe and relatively unsafe zones that can change at a moment’s notice as conditions on the street (e.g. visibility, traffic, individuals or groups present) change. using neighborhood landmarks additionally, participants used neighborhood landmarks and institutions to mark safe and unsafe locations. local institutions (e.g., schools, community organizations) and landmarks (e.g., parks) are useful because they help participants readily recall streets, intersections, or more general areas of safety that are useful when navigating the neighborhood. darron, a 15-year-old sophomore, describes school buildings as safe havens in his neighborhood: [interviewer]: what would you say are the safe and unsafe areas in your neighborhood? framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 8 [darron]: i would have to say right in front of the school because it has cameras and there are no gang bangers in the area. i would say here, and also the high school that is a couple of blocks down. that’s also pretty well protected because they have security guards. darron describes his school as a safe spot because it is highly visible and protected. as a safe place, his school serves multiple functions. youth residing in the neighborhood use the area as a place to congregate with their friends in the neighborhood (which could be positive or problematic, depending on the relational dynamics). darron navigates his neighborhood more freely, knowing that he is close to a school that is visible to people in the community and is deemed a protected space by those residents. since it is well-protected, the school might also be a gang boundary. however, darron knows that if he moves beyond the school, possibly to the next block, gang presence is possible. parks are not always safe spaces. russell, 15, describes the politics of unsafe parks in his community, how certain individuals (e.g., bp, lp, tp) are affiliated, and how they reify boundaries: people get shot because they from another park or consider themselves a gang, which is so stupid to me. so it’s like bp has a gang. then mp has a gang. bp, lp, and tp work together, but it’s people within those parks that go to other parks and then it’s, like, all confusing. so then, like, they never know who the victim is. they never know who they want to shoot, but it always boils down to the fact that you’re not from this park, or if you’re not from over here, you’re in the wrong park. therefore, you shouldn’t be here. therefore, we’re going to shoot you, just become violent. the urban park can become what geertz (1972, p. 17) refers to as a “symbolically charged” entity. small (2004, p. 140) also suggests that a park can “elicit strong emotions for reasons independent of its obvious functions or observable characteristics.” russell’s narrative demonstrates his ability to step outside the phenomenon of the urban park and critique its place in the neighborhood while still understanding the importance of park affiliation. russell exclaims his confusion about why people are fighting over territory in one neighborhood when in reality it is all the same territory. russell’s ability to critique the park yet still understand the importance to associating with a park signals his need and desire to function in two worlds: his neighborhood and everything outside of it. framing people for safety participants also framed individuals who frequented the locations that were a part of their daily travel. russell, the 15-year-old quoted above, divides neighborhood residents into “good” and “bad” and then explains how these groups have evolved: well, i think like jeffrey manor is basically a regular neighborhood. it’s full of good people, bad people. most people like to shoot for the good thing but they end up going towards the bad. because a lot of the older people [that is, older young people] grew up not knowing much, i think. so, they fell toward framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 9 the violent side. then, most of the older people have younger brothers or whatever, or young people that hang around, so they influence the young kids. here, russell is less focused on framing the physical space of the neighborhood and is more focused on framing groups of people who contribute to or deter his safety. he states people start out good or wanting to engage in prosocial behaviors (e.g., going to school, getting a job), but somehow they seem to veer toward “bad.” russell also suggests a lack of information may lead one to “fall towards the violent side.” shawn, an 18-year-old senior, also frames people and challenges broader societal opinions of drug dealers when describing his neighborhood safety: [interviewer]: can you describe your neighborhood? [shawn]: i live in k-town on washington and gilmore. it ain’t as much violence as you think it would be. but it’s still from time to time, things happen. there are drug dealers and all that, but they don’t mess with us like most people would think. my neighborhood, it ain’t so much as violent as people think it is but it ain’t great either. shawn’s description identifies specific violent geographic coordinates and overlays the geographic description with neighborhood relational information. this description underscores the importance of recognizing similarities within congruent environmental contexts and between individual and unique experiences. in shawn’s account, both the drug dealers’ location and his relationship to them suggests the specific geographic space is potentially a safe place, depending on who is present. participants report that perceived “bad” persons are the right people to know if being connected to them ensures protection, crucial information about when and where violence might happen, and maybe even an encouraging, motivating word. for example, josh, a 15-year-old sophomore, explains how knowing the right person helps him navigate the neighborhood: [interviewer]: how do you navigate hilldale? [josh]: watch where i go and hang with the right people, people that i’ve known that i hear about that ain’t nobody coming after them to do harm to ’em. i mean, like this little section [of hilldale] right here, man, everybody knows me. i really don’t go in that other section. that last time i went in that other section i had to leave out. anything could happen down there. don’t anybody know me. being known in a particular place is more involved than mere facial recognition. it also requires exchanging a set of acknowledgments—from a simple nod to a passerby to hanging out on the corner with individuals who might be gang affiliated. josh underscores this point: “every day i wake up, i see violence, but i know the people in the neighborhood, and like i talk to them, say ‘what up?’ to them.” framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 10 to some extent, participants believe being known is a requirement for successfully navigating a violent neighborhood. that is, gang members and others in the area must know that one is from the neighborhood. more specifically, gang members who themselves are vigilant against rival gangs and threats to their own safety must be able to identify one as being from a particular block, area, or community. mike, 17, states: i live in holy city, and it’s—you can’t, if you’re not from around here, you can’t walk by yourself around here. because if you’re not known, like, somebody will walk up to you and ask you who you is, and then—and if they don’t know you, it’s just, i mean, you get jumped on, robbed and all that. but if you’re known around here you would be all right. however, the right person in one context may not be the right person in another. james states: “but it affect me, because people, if they get into it with somebody, they’d probably say, “oh, he hangs out with him too. he be with him. let’s get him too.” but i try not to, like, i try not to be outside that much.” given the context that james describes, it is not surprising that the relationships participants identify as most important for avoiding violence are those with neighborhood gang members. though participants frame gang members as individuals who contribute to an unsafe environment, they conversely frame them as individuals who can also provide a level of protection from violence. these relationships are complicated for black males who are motivated and engaged in school but fully understand the value and benefit of being connected to the neighborhood. despite his focus on school, james describes the need to be connected to the neighborhood for “a little safety”: [interviewer]: what’s the worst thing that’s happened in your neighborhood? [james]: the gangs, ’cause like how boys are going into gangs like the stones and the breeds and then they hang out on the corners. they also just drive ahead and shoot anybody that they see. [interviewer]: so you’re this 3.0 student—do you still associate with these groups? [james]: yeah, i hang with ’em, but i do not call myself one of them. [interviewer]: so why? [james]: well, only reason i still hang with ’em ’cause of a little safety. because of that neighborhood i’m in. and because some of them are family members. i could walk away from it, but just like, when i’m in the neighborhood, i like to come outside. i feel like if people didn’t live in austin they wouldn’t be in gangs. they feel like when they come out they gotta be with somebody, not by yourself ’cause you’ll end up getting jumped. so you’re with a crew, or a clique. you gotta be with, like, the right person, like, the right clique. framing school as an escape from community violence our analysis also revealed how participants’ navigation of violence (i.e., framing places and people) shapes their experiences with education. participants described framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 11 experiences with neighborhood violence that challenged the scripts they used to talk about school. in particular, participants reported subthemes related to how: 1) community violence exposure reinforces the importance of school engagement; 2) school provides access to a better future; and 3) school functions as a psychological barrier to neighborhood violence. reinforcing school engagement james, for example, witnessed the shooting death of his cousin—in front of him at a family member’s home just moments after playing a basketball game. james was asked to reflect on this experience. he responds: [james]: it (his cousin’s murder) woke me up. i’m more into school and everything. it really woke me up, so now i’m not trying to be out here in the streets and hanging out and stuff. i’m trying to get done so i could leave and get out of here, and if i do get somewhere in life, like, they [his friends] could come, too, and i could help them out. [interviewer]: what do you mean get out of here? [james]: like, to get off, get out of here, like, to go to college and experience more things than just—like, people say, “all you do is be in the hood or something. that’s all you gonna ever be at.” then i could show, like, i made it. before witnessing his cousin’s death, james spent time with friends on street corners. james, now “more into school,” highlights a positive shift in his framing of school and spends less time on the streets. james could have become preoccupied with his own mortality, allowed his thinking to become fatalistic, and reveled in the here and now (cummings, 1977). instead, james highlights this event as a catalyst—an experience that he has framed as an opportunity to “get out.” like the other participants, james’ experience with violence has created a desire to leave his neighborhood, and school seems to be the pathway out. he further illustrates this in his discussion of how he chose to leave his former school to enroll in bcp so that he would have more opportunities for academic engagement. [james]: i ended up here due to me not getting the right academics at my other school…. also, i was—i wanted to be challenged more. i wanted to be challenged more intellectually, because at my other school we didn’t have ap, honor classes, or anything like that. the teachers didn’t care about what we were doing, because if we did work and we lose it or something, they really didn’t ask how we lost it or nothing. some of our—we did a project, a technology project. everybody lost they project, but they wanted us to keep saving our work on the same computer the same way, and we kept losing it, so they’ll fail us. so i told my mom. they weren’t trying to do anything about it, so she went up there. the football coach that was there, coach rogers, he worked over here as a gym teacher, and he told my mom about his school, and i came up here one day, and i got to shadow—i shadowed somebody, so i liked the way they was. framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 12 access to a better future chris, 18 years old, on the other hand, experiences varying levels of impact from community violence exposure in relation to his thoughts about school: [interviewer]: so you’ve seen people get shot, so take all that, and then you go to school the next day. how does it affect your thoughts about school? [chris]: it sometimes affect me, but then it sometimes don’t. i have to put it aside and not let it affect me, because i know that at the end of the day there’s life, and i know coming to school that it’s gonna pay off in the long run. just keep coming to school, and hearing the same things over and over from adults and teachers and everything, like, it don’t take that long for you to catch on or grab it and walk along with it…i have to do for myself, and, like, if i really want it, i’m gonna go get it, get my own education. it’s not that you gonna keep telling me and you see i don’t care. at one point, you gonna get tired of telling me and stop. so why have somebody keep telling you something that’s right, and, like, you’re listening, and, like, once i hear it, i hear it every day. every day i see somebody, somebody telling me different. like, it keep going on, and it got to my head like, stay in school. stay in school. chris posits that his community violence exposure does influence how he thinks about his future, and school is one way his future can become a reality. school and mentors help chris conceptualize his future by sending messages that school is important. chris believes that schools and school officials cannot do everything and that he has a vital role in carrying out the messages he has learned. a psychological barrier to violence demarcus, 17, identifies specific school conditions that make school a safe space. i view school as a place to learn and a place…you don’t have to worry about what’s going on outside, but i view school as somewhere that i come to get my education and not to think about, like, what’s going on. how can i say it? like, when i come to school every day, i come in school here to learn and get the knowledge that i need to go on to college. i don’t come to school to talk about who was shooting last night or who was fighting the other day, the things like that. i just come to school to learn and get what i need to know. school has several meanings for demarcus. first, school serves as a respite from the throes of “outside” life, which include neighborhood violence. demarcus makes a conscious effort to keep his school and community life separate. reliving violence in school is, for demarcus, a distraction from learning. school appears to provide a psychological distance from violence in the neighborhood. discussion the current study builds on the extant literature, examining strategies that highachieving black males use to navigate violent neighborhoods while thriving in school. the findings suggest that the ability to stay focused on school in the midst framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 13 of chronic violence exposure stems from how youth frame conditions of safety in their environment. more specifically, youth neighborhood narrative frames focus on locations and people that are considered safe and unsafe in their neighborhoods. these findings, in part, support the work of harding (2010), further illustrating how adolescent males living in impoverished settings traverse neighborhood violence by assessing their social environment for people and places of safety. not surprisingly, our participants also utilized past experiences to shape their frame of their neighborhood, as personal experiences directly inform an individual’s narrative about their environment (small, 2004). our findings also demonstrate how neighborhood experiences can influence the framing of school and education for these youth. their neighborhood narrative frames generally linked the concept of school to safety and future success as a strategy for maintaining school engagement while navigating their circumstances. although youth identity is strongly connected to the neighborhood context (harding, 2010), these youth also recognize the safety risk that neighborhood engagement poses. as a result, they opt to extricate themselves from neighborhood issues, particularly while on school grounds. instead of becoming less engaged in school and relying on aggressive acting out or posturing (fordham & ogbu, 1986; lopez, 2003), our participants became even more connected to school. in fact, they leveraged school as a means of immediate safety (e.g., darron’s example of school as a safety landmark) or imminent safety (e.g., chris’ discussion about school helping his future) to secure what they perceived to be a more promising future (e.g., james getting out of the neighborhood and attending college). school also serves as a place where they can unplug from the dangerous scripts of their neighborhood environment (e.g., demarcus not having to think about issues outside of school). in this way, school provides a sense of both physical and psychological protection. the ways in which participants framed school demonstrates the complex processes that occur as these youth receive conflicting messages from individuals across social settings. youth often reproduce the prevailing ideologies and values that exist in their social and cultural environment (macleod, 1995), and these youth were confronted with both negative messages (i.e., crime and violence), as well as positive messages about the importance and utility of school. then, they demonstrated agency in choosing which narrative to pursue (e.g., chris). this may be due, in part, to students attending a high-achieving school, with above average college matriculation as well as student and teacher retention rates. their experiences in this environment may have functioned as a mechanism by which participants framed education positively, in light of community violence. for example, chris and james both discuss the ways in which teachers in this environment helped to encourage their academic pursuits—james further compares his experiences at bcp to other educational environments where he perceived less concern from his teachers. implications for research, policy, and practice as our findings illustrate, schools can generally represent a beacon of hope for students, also providing an immediate place of safety and an avenue toward future framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 14 success. therefore, schools and educators in urban settings have both the challenge and the opportunity to help students to transcend the social barriers that youth in violent, urban communities face. an intentional, school-wide emphasis on students’ socioemotional learning may be one potential mechanism for accomplishing this complex task. socioemotional learning has become an emerging priority of the u.s. department of education as well as urban schools across the nation (blad, 2015; casel, 2015), and focuses on non-academic areas of student development that ultimately impact well-being and healthy functioning. most recently, the pending compton unified school district class-action lawsuit in california has shed light on the exigent need for school-based initiatives to address emotional well-being and childhood trauma (loudenback, 2016; watanabe, 2015). this is particularly relevant for black boys in urban communities, as this population encounters disproportionate amounts of community violence and traumatic stress (smith, 2015)—not unlike the youth in our study, based on their reported violence exposure. to address this, schools may need to comprehensively examine their policies and practices to ensure that students who encounter community violence are being directed to the appropriate resources both in and out of school. trauma-informed school practice is another approach that may assist schools in supporting students’ needs (crosby, 2015; day et al., 2015). utilizing this approach may be an appropriate next step in communities where schools provide one of few sources of social support for youth. these schools should also endeavor to form partnerships with community-based organizations to bridge support across systems. partnerships between schools and local community centers to facilitate transportation services, afterschool care, and other resources may create a wider network of support for students who would otherwise be left without such options. finally, school mentors and staff at bcp played a strong role in impacting both the nature and consistency of the messages that their students received about education (e.g., chris). therefore, future research should examine specific interventions that can support schools in conveying such positive messages to students, helping them to frame education as a viable asset, and consequently, supporting long-term adaptive outcomes for racial/ethnic minority youth. strengths and limitations although derived from a rigorous qualitative investigation, the data have several limitations. first, the sample is small and limited to high-achieving, black adolescent males from a charter school setting, and thus, not generalizable. however, small samples are common in qualitative studies, and are particularly appropriate for drawing out thick, rich descriptions and preliminary knowledge in a new area of inquiry (guest, bunce, & johnson, 2006). second, this study cannot be used to address or identify any causal links between community violence exposure and educational outcomes. third, socio-economic status and caregiver participation is not addressed, which may have impacted participants’ perceptions of school. conclusion this study identified key themes in high achieving black males’ quest to do well in school. neighborhood narrative frames may provide a strong framework for framing neighborhood safety and academic success: perspectives from… 15 examining black youths’ perceptions. overall, a deeper knowledge of these processes may shed light on how to best support the academic success of black youth in violent neighborhoods, improving their access to a better future. shantel crosby, ph.d., lcsw is an assistant professor in the kent school of social work at the university of louisville. dr. crosby’s on-going research interests include wellbeing and adverse childhood experiences among youth who are courtinvolved or at risk of court involvement—particularly among youth of color. she focuses on trauma and behavioral/emotional health among this population and explores innovative and trauma-informed responses to maladaptive youth behaviors. along with her research, dr. crosby teaches social work courses in the kent school’s mssw program, including social work practice methods. desmond u. patton, ph.d., msw is an assistant professor of social work at columbia university and director of the safelab and faculty affiliate at the social intervention group and data science institute. he utilizes qualitative and computational methods—e.g., interview-based studies, collaborative projects with data scientists—to examine how youth and young adults living in violent urban neighborhoods experience, navigate and respond to community violence in their neighborhood as well on social media platforms like twitter, facebook and youtube. dustin duncan, scd is an assistant professor in the department of population health at nyu school of medicine. he is s a social and spatial epidemiologist, studying how neighborhood characteristics (such as the built environment [including parks, community design features and tobacco retailers] and the social environment [including crime, violence and collective efficacy]) influence population health (especially cardiovascular disease and drug abuse prevention) among children, adolescents and their families. jocelyn r. smith lee, ph.d. is an assistant professor of family studies at the university of north carolina greensboro. her expertise is in research and practice with black youth and young adults with a focus on trauma, violence, and loss among black boys and men. specifically, she examines the experience of homicide survivorship and works to understand how losing loved ones to violence shapes the health and well-being of 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(2015, may 18). compton unified sued for allegedly failing to address trauma-affected students. los angeles times. retrieved from http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-trauma-school-lawsuit20150518-story.html zimmerman, g. m. & messner, s. f. (2013). individual, family background, and contextual explanations of racial and ethnic disparities in youths' exposure to violence. american journal of public health, 103(3), 435–442. http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-trauma-school-lawsuit-20150518-story.html http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-trauma-school-lawsuit-20150518-story.html login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2022 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 32(3), 2022 exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 megan h. owens department of recreation, park and tourism administration western illinois university k. dale adkins college of education and human services western illinois university citation: owens, m. h., & adkins, k. d. (2022). exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19. children, youth and environments, 32(3), 124-142. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract during summer 2020, many organizations shifted traditional, in-person camp programs online due to concerns from the covid-19 pandemic. this study explores the intentional design and building process of a camp community in an online program when that format was not the organizations’ original delivery mode. the study involved six online camp programs that historically operated in person. researchers gathered data through interviews with camp directors across three time points during their online programs. the findings revealed distinct components that comprise a camp-specific community with pertinent considerations for youth development organizations seeking to create a feeling of community in their online programs. keywords: camp community, communitas, youth online community, summer camp exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 125 introduction until summer 2020, providing in-person summer camp experiences was rarely questioned. the covid-19 pandemic changed that for millions of campers worldwide. in the united states, many organizations halted in-person operations and ventured into the uncharted territory of online camp programs. many camp professionals were skeptical and apprehensive initially (summer camp professionals, 2020a). some camp directors could not imagine converting traditions, rituals, and socialization practices to an online format. yet, the camp industry moved in this direction, which some camp professionals called designing “the longest rainy-day program… ever planned” in an effort to connect the camp community (shendelman, 2020). many environments where youth lived, learned, worked, and/or played during the covid-19 pandemic changed drastically. while the online camp movement grew and directors contemplated the pandemic’s lasting impact, organizations connected with campers and alumni in novel ways online. initially, the engagement focused on group support and connection during the difficult period. for example, some organizations used facebook live or zoom© to host sing-a-longs (summer camp professionals, 2020b). as summer camp organizations overhauled their program design, we wondered, could the qualities of an in-person camp community be experienced through new, temporary online programs? this study explored the process of transitioning community-building practices and experiences of youth summer camp during the covid-19 global event. the following research questions guided the study: 1. what comprises a camp community? 2. in what ways did camp directors attempt to create a camp community through these new, temporary online camp programs? literature review since the 1860s, summer camp programs have existed to connect campers to nature (paris, 2008) and develop life skills (e.g. garst et al., 2011; sibthorp et al., 2013; 2020). historically, summer camps have provided experiences unavailable at home such as expeditions or sports (paris, 2008). these experiences are typically delivered in person (american camp association, inc., 2021), but online camp programs have existed prior to the covid-19 pandemic. summer camp programs provide distinct socialization and community-like experiences. these specific experiences have not been explored through the lens of online summer camps, particularly during a global crisis such as a pandemic. online communities for youth and adults have emerged through social networking sites (reich, 2010) and virtual reality experiences (kovatcheva & kommers, 2004). early on, individuals believed that “any erosion in the traditional face-to-face socialability and personal communication or gemeinschaft (i.e., community connection) in modern societies represented a threat to the quality of civic life, collaborative social exchanges, and the community spirit” (norris, 2002, p. 11). this perspective insinuated that in-person experiences supported the intact design of community unlike the dispersed nature of individuals online. youth, alongside exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 126 most individuals, have moved their primary interactions online, with some researchers arguing that online spaces are just as natural to youth as a physical space (szekely & nagy, 2011). while an in-person summer camp community is initiated by the program staff, online community formation and continuance appears driven by the youth involved in the experience. for example, popular online communities focused on fandom, interactive media design (e.g., scratch), social justice, support, or general social networking sites involve a high level of individual initiative (reich, 2010). these online communities may provide an “escapism” from negative offline experiences for some youth while providing a space to gather with other like-minded individuals (mcinroy, 2020, p. 1886). summer camp programs are interactive, social environments (garst et al., 2011). individuals attending summer camp programs have reported a “second-home feeling” (dahl et al., 2013, p. 101) or feeling safe being themselves (darlington et al., 2010). these feelings often derive from forming lasting relationships (catalano et al., 2004) and being in a welcoming community-like environment (roth & brooks-gunn, 2003). the process of building a camp community is strongly influenced by intentional planning (garst et al., 2011). a component of intentional planning revolves around the shared experience that campers have during the program. this shared experience relates to an equalized environment or reduction of personal status symbols, as all campers are in a shared space and participating in similar activities (baker, 2018; garst et al., 2011). baker (2018) connected camps’ property design (i.e., closed gates, spaces surrounded by trees) to the ability for campers and staff to feel separated from the outside world and immersed in activities. rituals, lore, and traditions support the immersive experience leading to “you had to be there to understand” types of stories (baker, 2018; paris, 2008). online communities form outside the physical boundaries that are paramount to the traditional in-person summer camp experience, and research suggests that youth may be able to form communities online, as well as in person. for example, research on “bedroom culture” highlights the shift of youth activity from the outdoors to inside one’s bedroom due to increased usage of personal devices (livingstone, 2009) and internet-based experiences (wong, 2020). some youth considered “hidden” are resistant to in-person interactions but are actually highly engaged with others online (wong, 2020, p. 1227). while the frequency of online interactions and program-specific experiences (e.g., mit junior summit, 1998) suggest that youth may indeed be able to form online communities, in-person experiences have been foundational to establishing summer camp communities. the theoretical framework of communitas (turner, 1982) grounded this study’s exploration of camp community in online programs. communitas are metaphorical communities established when individuals step outside societal structures and into a “world of ambiguity and possibility” (sharpe, 2005, p. 256). baker’s (2018) detailed description of the “camp bubble” suggests that a camp community differs from the sense of community experienced in other settings (p. 26), as when camp staff distinguish between their camp life versus “the real world” (baker, 2018, p. exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 127 31) and when campers bond through an intense wilderness experience (sharpe, 2005). olaveson (2001) distinguished communitas as temporary in nature, spontaneous, and immediate (p. 107). equality among members, lack of status or structure, and having an immersive, shared, and bonding experience are necessary to communitas formation (olaveson, 2001; turner, 1982). several aspects of communitas may be found among summer camp programs. for example, rituals and rites of passage are experiences fostering community membership that outsiders may not understand (turner, 1969). summer camps incorporate traditions such as chants/songs or age-specific trips, and rituals such as ceremonies or events (e.g., baker, 2018; paris, 2008). these temporary shared experiences and spaces are distinct to communitas (olaveson, 2001). individuals engage with summer camp programs in the same space for a few days up to several weeks. this temporary period spent away from home encourages relationship building within that space due to inter-personal proximity and similar interests (baker, 2018; olaveson, 2001). this study sought to uncover the potential experience of community when the camp setting was transferred from its traditionally in-person setting to online. the occurrence was unique to the global effects of the covid-19 pandemic. thus, this study intended to capture this moment in time when one sector of the youth development field attempted to provide a connective experience for their population. methodology study scope and design the purpose of this study was to explore the presence of community within newly created online camp programs during summer 2020. approval for this study was obtained from the university institutional review board. the study was open to all u.s.-based camps without prior experience providing online camp programs. the study engaged directors from organizations providing summer camp programs to various populations with different program designs, and across geographical regions (see table 1). the researchers gathered data through in-depth participant interviews and employed phenomenology to explore this distinct community experience (creswell, 2014). various disciplines have used phenomenology to guide naturalistic and qualitative inquiries of a particular phenomenon that is experienced by an individual or group of people (gallagher, 2012). for example, researchers utilized phenomenology to examine the meaning behind unique situations such as the experience of being a caregiver (sabat, 2009) or experiencing homesickness during camp (thurber, 1999). similar to covid-19 pandemic situations, these phenomena are unlike everyday lived experiences and may benefit from a distinctive approach to explore their contextual meaning. phenomenology guided all aspects of the study design, particularly identifying the target population, data collection methods, and analysis due to the unique factors: a global pandemic, required social and physical distancing measures, and non-traditional camp program design. exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 128 the population engaged for this study was the camp directors that designed and led their online camp programs. directors have a multifaceted role that involves oversight, design, implementation, and evaluation. the rapid shift from a traditional on-site, in-person experience to the creation of online camp experiences resulted in a more limited workforce. thus, directors were directly involved with planning and delivering the camper experience that summer. we employed both convenience and snowball sampling for director recruitment. convenience sampling occurred through two private groups on facebook (summer camp professionals and virtual camp ideas) and a camp administrator email list managed by the american camp association, illinois section (aca-illinois). we then used snowball sampling of study participants to obtain additional contacts of directors who were leading new online camp programs. the managing administrators of the private facebook groups granted the researchers permission to post recruitment information, and we submitted the information to the aca-illinois executive director to distribute via their listserv. recruitment occurred in may and june 2020. eligibility requirements were that the director needed to hold a camp administrative role and work at their current camp for at least two years. initially, 18 directors expressed interest in the study. seven directors began the study with six directors completing the full study. (one director dropped out for an unknown reason.) table 1 presents the camp and director information (pseudonyms used for all participants). table 1. camp and corresponding director information camp director name years’ experience camp information online camp components a mae 7+ • location: mid-atlantic region • camp type: governmental, non-profit • camp design: overnight & day camps • camp activities: varies by program theme, generally outdoor-focused • timeframe: weekly sessions • population: co-ed, all income levels • one 2-week session • activity box: optional, fee • provided free boxes to area homeless and transition shelters • three engagement options: o recorded videos on youtube© channel o complete activities on own from box o livestreamed activities via zoom© b felicity 3 • location: midwest region • camp type: independent, non-profit • camp design: overnight camp • camp activities: outdoor skills, creative/performing arts, educational skills • timeframe: two 4-week sessions • population: co-ed; youth from low-resource households • two 4-week sessions • activity box: free for all • flexibility for engagement was important • recorded videos on youtube© channel • complete activities on own from box • livestreamed activities via zoom© exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 129 c kari 4+ • location: midwest region • camp type: organizational, non-profit • camp design: overnight & day camps • camp activities: varies by program theme (e.g., career exploration, outdoor skills) • timeframe: weekly sessions • population: female only, all income levels • eight 1-week themed sessions • activity box: included • flexibility for engagement • recorded videos • complete activities on own from box • livestreamed activities via zoom© & facebook© live • virtual fieldtrips d jason 17+ • location: mid-atlantic region • camp type: independent, non-profit • camp design: overnight camp • camp activities: nature-based programming • timeframe: four 2-week sessions • population: co-ed, middleto upper-income levels • one 6-week session • class/subject focused • recorded lessons • livestreamed classes via zoom© e brooke 2 • location: northeast region • camp type: independent, non-profit • camp design: overnight camp • camp activities: traditional activities (e.g. arts/crafts, games, outdoor skills) • timeframe: four 2-week sessions • population: co-ed, all income levels • ten 1-week sessions • livestreamed activities via zoom© f polly 31 • location: southeast region • camp type: independent, non-profit • camp design: overnight camp • camp activities: traditional activities (e.g. arts/crafts, games, outdoor skills) • timeframe: four 1-week sessions • population: co-ed, medical diagnosis specific, all income levels • five 1-week sessions • activity box: free for all • live engagement through video game platform (discord) • livestreamed some events data collection and analysis the directors participated in semi-structured interviews at three time points during the summer: pre-camp, mid-camp, and post-camp. while we scheduled these interviews as close to these time points as possible, two camps (camp e and f) exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 130 began their online camp prior to the pre-camp interview. the interviews occurred via the video conference platform zoom© and were recorded with participant permission. each interview lasted between 30-60 minutes. the interview questions focused on elements of communitas and the ways community might emerge in camp programs. specifically, the pre-camp interview focused on learning how the participants believed the feeling of community developed among campers during an in-person camp. additionally, the researchers obtained the 2020 online program plans. the mid-camp interview served as a check-in of the online program implementation and discussion of campers’ behaviors or actions related to community building. the post-camp interview allowed directors to reflect on the online program, contemplate the presence of community and connection among participants, and discuss techniques for building community online moving forward. to identify core elements comprising a camp community, directors answered the same question at the beginning of each interview: what does the phrase “camp community” mean to you? each interview was immediately transcribed verbatim, then the researchers reviewed the interview recording to add behavioral markers to the transcript (weiss, 1995). upon completing all interviews, the researchers followed the multistep process for phenomenological analysis: (1) organized the data into meaning units (e.g., interview foci: camp community definition or online camp community), (2) clustered items within the meaning units, (3) conceptualized the central theme of clusters within meaning units, and (4) compared central themes across the data (giorgi, 1997; hycner, 1985). this multi-step process occurred at each interview time period (i.e., pre-, mid-, and post-camp interviews), then we compared themes across each director’s data as well as across all interviews according to time period (churchill & wertz, 2014). the researchers employed multiple methods to ensure trustworthiness of this study. researchers that follow a phenomenological approach engage in bracketing, which is the process of separating a researcher’s personal beliefs, feelings, and influencing knowledge from the perspective shared by study participants (giorgi, 1997; moustakas, 1994). memo writing and regular meetings allowed the researchers to identify and separate any personal or professional bias, and identify unique factors in the data (glaser & strauss, 1967). the researchers collaboratively coded one director’s full interview data to ensure proper application of the communitas theoretical framework to the data (olaveson, 2001; turner, 1982), then compared codes and discussed their meanings. once both researchers confirmed their theoretical understanding and application, each researcher analyzed the remaining camps’ interview data. finally, the primary researcher shared the findings of the study (in the form of an accepted conference abstract) with the directors; three directors affirmed the findings and three directors did not provide a response. findings this study explored the formation and experience of community in new online camp programs. the findings suggest that while the directors attempted to provide a exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 131 community-building experience there were significant challenges to the full realization of community. defining camp community identifying the presence of a camp community rests on one’s ability to understand the community-building process and behaviors exhibited by members. by asking directors to describe what the phrase “camp community” meant to them during each interview, the researchers sought to identify perspective shifts while narrowing the factors contributing to a camp community. examples of the directors’ varied individual perspectives are noted in table 2. table 2. individual directors’ perspectives of community factors community factor example a feeling • “a feeling that our campers and our staff have when they’re in our camp [that] camp is more than just a camp” – felicity, camp b a place • “a kind of a specific place” – kari, camp c • “i think from a virtual perspective our community shifted a little. i think they’ve built a community within their homes” – mae, camp a personal similarities • “we want our kids and our people to be in a place with people like them, that’s the purest definition of community” – polly, camp f combination of factors • “a camp group is sort of tossed together, it’s not necessarily the people you would choose to associate with but to me it’s those two concepts that are the most important concepts: membership and acceptance” – jason, camp d • “having a sense of mastery. camp communities allow kids to develop new skills” – brooke, camp e while the directors expressed nuanced aspects, two primary factors emerged as necessary components to form a camp community: (1) personal belonging and acceptance (e.g., “you really do get to find a home for the parts of yourself that maybe don’t feel like they have a home during the rest of the year”; felicity, camp b) and (2) people who are supportive and encouraging (e.g., “a group of people who encourage you to do bigger and better things, who support you, and who are willing to try new things with each other”; kari, camp c). these two primary factors are reminiscent of turner’s conceptualization of communitas. turner (1982) believed communitas maintained an “essential and generic human bond” that is free of judgment and egalitarian (olaveson, 2001, p. 104). communitas are recognized as having little to no formal structure or power roles. summer camps do incorporate structure, which varies according to organization purpose and mission. yet, the opportunity to feel equally valued and build multiple high-quality relationships, regardless of status, suggests camp community is possible when these primary factors are present (baker, 2018; garst et al., 2011; sibthorp et al., 2020). initially, the directors’ conceptualization shifted from “a place where” these factors occur to considering how “a group of people” are influential to the process. exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 132 directors began shifting their verbiage at the mid-camp interviews, and people-first perspectives were fully exhibited during post-camp interviews. garst et al. (2011) suggested that “camp is more than a location or a program; it encompasses the affective, cognitive, behavioral, physical, social, and spiritual benefits that youth receive during and after the camping experience” (pp. 73-74). the individuals involved in the program may have some influence over a campers’ feeling of belonging and support (darlington et al., 2010), which affects community (olaveson, 2001; sibthorp et al., 2007). an important caveat to the definition of camp community is the intentional effort of staff (sharpe, 2005). for mae (camp a), building trust with campers was pivotal to fostering community, as for “some kids, this may be the first stable environment that they’ve had where they get three meals a day and have a place to sleep. for other kids, this is their ‘what is happening?’ or ‘where is my tv?’ [situation].” felicity’s organization believed camp community extended across all associated individuals: campers, staff, volunteers, and board members. this foundation of belonging, acceptance, and a supportive group of people have been the foci of inperson camps (e.g., dahl et al., 2013; darlington et al., 2010; garst et al., 2011; sibthorp et al., 2007; 2020), which proved difficult, but not impossible, to foster during these online programs. directors’ intentional attempts at building community when planning the online programs, the directors wrestled with design, content, and methods to engage campers. “i want to start off with… what are our values as a camp? how can we maintain those values this summer when we are distant from one another? what do we really want the camp experience to be like for campers?” (jason, camp d). each camp attempted to incorporate their values with interesting and interactive experiences for campers. we really had to get to a place where i was saying out loud repeatedly ‘we are not taking traditional summer camp and making it happen on a computer, because they’re not the same thing…’ we really had to refocus on what is [sic] best parts of our program and how do we give kids those parts virtually… how do we create ways for them to connect with other people (mae, camp a). the directors described intentionally designing their online camp to foster connection and community (sharpe, 2005). some activities worked better than others. some weeks were much better for experiencing community than others. if they experienced it, it started with a common love of something. a big, big example of that is our harry potter week. our older girls for harry potter week were so excited. they were talking to each other. they were bouncing off [each other], they were very excited (kari, camp c). regardless of theme, directors indicated the activities that incorporated staff-tocamper or peer-to-peer questions increased camper engagement. for example, exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 133 “the activities that there’s a lot of sharing, collaboration, opportunity to say ‘what decisions did you make when you were baking your cookies or can you show us physically your craft,’ i think those have remained our most popular” (brooke, camp e). intentional program design included experimenting with small groups. initially, cabin/bunk groups were created for socialization purposes. only two programs maintained their small groups for the duration of online camp. camp f’s cabin groups interacted spontaneously throughout the session when a camper initiated an online chat then the group members joined the conversation. camp d led weekly bunk group sessions starting week two. camp d matched all campers’ and staff’s schedules to arrange bunk groups, which may have increased engagement compared to programs with pre-set meeting times. we just gave campers a chance to sign up for this if they were interested and tell us what days of the week they were able to meet, whether they had a preference for morning and afternoon… [we] took the staff availability… we came up with nine different time combinations. we also gave campers the chance to let us know if they wanted a same-gender group or a mixedgender group (jason, camp d). the other directors encountered issues maintaining the small groups due to inconsistent attendance. most online programs stopped their cabin groups after the first session, but some directors continued providing all-camp social sessions and campers were randomly divided into smaller groups when attendance was high enough. for example, camp b “eliminated cabin time. we had cabins and we were getting really inconsistent attendance” (felicity). instead, the campers requested an evening all-camp “community time” session for the campers unable to attend the morning session. sibthorp et al. (2007) suggested connectedness “begins with one-on-one relationships” but program structure is also important to consider (p. 3). for example, camp e intentionally used restorative justice circles to help campers resolve conflict during their online program. this process required additional coordination, but the director felt that extra effort was worthwhile for supporting campers’ relationships. these attempts to create community through program structure (e.g., online bunk groups (camp d), community time (camp b), and restorative justice circles (camp e)) may have provided some resemblance of the shared space common to in-person programs (baker, 2018; garst et al., 2011) that have been seen as pivotal to community formation (olaveson, 2001; sharpe, 2005). situations that supported community-building in addition to intentionally structured opportunities for community connection, participants suggested that inside jokes, modified rituals and traditions, and familycentered experiences had the potential to nurture community-building in online camp programs. inside jokes suggested that campers connected with others and attempted to continue that connection beyond the moment: exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 134 there were jokes that came out of it… one of our staff members got accused of being a mafia [detective-type circle game popular among u.s. summer camp programs] and he never defended it. his camera was off and he never said anything. eventually he came back and he was like ‘i was in the bathroom, what happened?’ everyone had voted that he was the mafia and he was sent to jail. this joke [stuck] throughout the rest of july, ‘aaron got thrown in jail while he was sitting on the toilet!’ the kids loved it! (felicity, camp b) rituals and traditions can be potent experiences for community-building (baker, 2018; olaveson, 2001; turner, 1982). traditions (e.g., closing ceremony) are omnipresent across camp programs (baker, 2018; garst et al., 2011; paris, 2008). we have a tradition at in-person camp: when we are playing a night game for the villain to be thrown into the lake, it tends to be one of the founders of the camp. all the kids chant ‘gabe in the lake.’ after every night game he tends to be the villain. we hear it from so many parents, they think it’s the best part of the program. they’re constantly talking about it… we do run night games on zoom© and we were running one where a staff member, not gabe, [was leading it] when the kids kind of unexpectedly started saying, ‘sarah in the lake.’ she walked her computer to her bathroom, put her head under her shower and the kids went wild! it was such a cool moment. we can still have these magical moments… on zoom© (brooke, camp e). another example suggested a shift of community connection from campers to family members within the home. during the online program, many families shared photos of their child dressed in silly costumes, independently completing their activity, or engaged with the livestreamed session. this reverse photo-sharing allowed directors to create and livestream the traditional closing slideshow for the campers and families. similar to the in-person experience, campers responded enthusiastically when seeing their photos. we had parents and families send pictures of their children doing things. i was like, ‘oh, we’re just going to put it out there. we’ll get like a picture or two.’ no! we got a lot of pictures. we’ve been able to do a lot of slideshows. it’s really fun watching their faces as we do that... it’s been really cool to scroll through and hear them say, ‘oh, that’s me,’ just like they would have at camp. that builds community (kari, camp c). some camps saw community form within the home when older siblings helped younger siblings complete projects or when cousins and neighbors participated together during the zoom© sessions. camp f added a new parent program focused on supporting and learning from each other. camp a created family-centric evening programs (e.g., family paint night). you could see a camera at the end of the table and then mom and dad and all the sisters and brothers with easels up and paint out. it was the coolest exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 135 thing… we have pictures of dads painting with their daughters and younger siblings painting and just the whole family was engaged. [it] was very, very cool (mae, camp a). forming bonds with others is foundational to community-building (baker, 2018; olaveson, 2001; sharpe, 2005). the bonds formed between family members and neighbors may have been more accessible to campers, as peers and staff had limited engagement outside the program time. additionally, these momentary situations occurred during sporadic sessions unlike the “camp bubble” (baker, 2018, p. 26), or they extended the opportunities for socializing and bonding common to in-person camp programs (sharpe, 2005). challenges to community formation each camp faced significant challenges when attempting to foster community within their online program. some campers participated sporadically or felt there were limited opportunities for peer-to-peer engagement. we do tell them, we honestly think that they’re going to get more out of the calls with their video [on] since everything is highly interactive. we think that seeing each other’s faces is going to build that sense of community faster and more genuinely. we’ve made a decision that currently to be the most equitable, most accessible to folks, [we] make the exception ‘that if you don’t want to turn your video on that’s okay’ (brooke, camp e). while equity was one consideration, some directors suggested that certain campers only wanted to be present but not interact with others. “there’s an element of being around other people that don’t live in their house. there’s a value to that for everybody. we all need human interaction, beyond who lives in our building. i get that listening to conversations is enough” (felicity, camp b). similarly, jason (camp d) reassured his staff when they struggled with engagement, “if all the camper wants to do is show up to your weekly zoom© meeting and talk about insects or birds and they don’t want to do anything between class that’s okay… it’s not your fault. you’re not a failure.” the decision to not turn one’s video on might represent their ability to make choices. many in-person camps allow campers to make decisions, such as which activities they will participate in or where they sit at mealtime. during online camp, campers chose when, where, and how to engage with the activities, their peers and staff. all the programs provided multiple delivery methods for the online program such as activity boxes, recorded videos, or livestreamed sessions to address issues of equity. for example, “we have families who are low income and we know that… buying a bunch of materials… this summer would be a major barrier. we put all that together for them” and ensured “they could access it in a couple of different platforms” (felicity, camp b). nonetheless, campers’ ability to choose their engagement level may have affected their community experience. online is a different level of choice. i think you get to choose how you engage in your community in a different way than being in person. ‘so, i can exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 136 turn off my screen and you as a presenter or as another member can just think that i don’t like to be on camera, and i’m still totally engaged,’ whereas in-person, if [they] zone out, it’s much easier to see that and to be aware of that and to feel the ramifications of that as a person (mae, camp a). not every camper participated each time despite the variety of activities offered. also, the time between activities ranged from one day to one week, which affected camper attendance. now the campers had multiple options, multiple different things that [they] could participate in, in a given week. each one of the things like a particular class or a particular bunk group, each of those only met once a week. this is the short discrete chunks of time that campers were spending interacting with one another. then they’d have to go for another week without interacting with a thing again. in an on-site session those times together can often last much longer and you don’t have to go for an entire week without seeing the same people again (jason, camp d). the opportunity to build community may not occur during formal activities (sibthorp et al., 2020). “i think a lot of community forms in downtime. just chillin’ in our cabin [or] we’re waiting to go to meals” (kari, camp c). as the summer progressed, the directors’ acknowledged the most significant challenge to fostering community was the inability to provide the unstructured time imbedded in every inperson camp for example during rest hours, transition times, or meals. we’re missing, and there’s really no way to get it, it’s the unstructured time… every interaction we have has to be structured—that’s just how we’re set up. we’re missing that. that’s where a lot of the fun memories come from. kids love doing activities, they love sitting around the campfire and singing songs and all of that. but the stories they tell are about when they were just sitting in their cabin during rest hour and someone did something silly or while doing an activity in the art center, they were having a conversation that they remembered. we don’t get to do those things (felicity, camp b). a hallmark of in-person camp is the opportunity to have semi-private conversations with friends and/or staff (baker, 2018; dahl et al., 2013; sibthorp et al., 2007). these conversations may be the foundation of camp community. sitting next to a friend while building a craft, riding the field trip bus, or late night chats supports deeper connections (yuen, 2005). one of our staff member’s son, age 13, he was like ‘this is fine, but i like when the lights are out and we’re supposed to be quiet and the counselors are sitting on the porch and we’re whispering to each other.’ i can’t replicate that in any way (felicity, camp b). the online programs did not allow private online chatting between campers, due to the staff’s inability to monitor conversations, concerns with potential bullying or exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 137 inappropriate behaviors. the directors collectively agreed that removing private chats hampered community-building despite the need for internet security. it’s so hard, because we don't let them private chat for security reasons, so there's no way for me to really know. and that's the hard thing too, because normally you'd see two or three girls going over here and they're learning [together]. we wouldn’t be able to tell that if we let them do that in the chat… so it's hard. we've kind of effectively locked down any way for them to develop that community because online safety is such a thing (kari, camp c). unstructured time during in-person camp programs has been identified as a potential space for building relationships and overall connection with others (sibthorp et al., 2020). yuen (2005) suggested that campers need both public and private spaces during the program to build relationships. relationship-building is initiated in public spaces while private spaces support campers’ desire to converse with peers without staff facilitation, but within a reasonable distance should they need support (hough & browne, 2009; owens & browne, 2021; sibthorp et al., 2020). directors indicated the need to create an online space that mimics the unstructured time during camp. navigating online spaces is commonplace for youth (way & malvini redden, 2017), as many youth utilize creative methods to address online safety and privacy (youn, 2005). although producing an online camp community was challenging, the directors’ efforts were met with some appreciation from campers. the other night i think they almost to a person spoke to just appreciating the chance to have some connection to an interaction with one another this summer… i really think it was the chance, just to be, to have some sort of a tangible or more tangible connection to the camp community this summer that they would not have if they hadn’t participated at all (jason, camp d). throughout the study, the directors narrowed their perspective of a camp community to the individuals within that program and attempted a variety of experiences to foster a sense of interpersonal connection. after taking time for reflection, the directors intended to use successes and challenges encountered during the summer of 2020 to inform the development and implementation of future virtual programming, as many organizations were in the midst of continued restrictions for in-person activities. limitations this study represents a snapshot during a global pandemic. the small sample of camps and directors does not allow for generalizability, but the perspectives shared illuminate the community-building process undertaken every summer at camp programs. further study of camp community among pre-existing online programs would extend our understanding of this process. exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 138 we attempted to engage campers aged 10-13 years old in this study, however the very low response rate resulted in dropping that data from the analysis. the low response rate suggested that our recruitment and communication method was not effective during that time period. future studies should include campers’ perspectives and the researchers recommend that data be collected at the time of program delivery versus depending on campers’ parents or guardians to pass along survey links or requests. camper data would enrich the broader understanding of camp community in traditional and non-traditional settings. future research some organizations are continuing their online programs after learning effective approaches to engaging participants and alumni beyond the camping season. studying the process of building a camp community may expand our understanding and ability to design connective experiences both in person and online. the additional findings may further enhance our understanding of the lasting learning experiences that have already been found through camp programs (sibthorp et al., 2020). the composition of community members is another area of study when considering online youth programs. household cohorts or program hubs (i.e., small group meeting locations) might be a program option when large in-person gatherings are unavailable. lastly, more research exploring the incorporation of unstructured time for peer engagement is pivotal to online youth communities. youth need both public and semi-private spaces to build connections with others during programs (sibthorp et al., 2007; 2020; yuen, 2005). conclusion during summer 2020, numerous summer camp programs shifted from in-person to online camp experiences. this drastic programmatic shift provided a distinct opportunity to explore community-building experiences among summer camp programs. through director interviews, this study identified and explored mechanisms for fostering camp community. the directors’ conceptualization of camp community shifted from a place-bound feeling to an interpersonal experience that became prioritized when the camp space changed. the online camp programs used interactive experiences to encourage campers to directly communicate with their peers and staff members, as the directors believed those experiences fostered community building. the modified rituals and traditions that were both planned and spontaneous led to campers continuing conversations, discussions, or phrases across the online camp sessions. the directors believed those shared experiences allowed campers to connect to the organization’s camp community. despite momentary glimpses of camp community, the directors collectively agreed the absence of unstructured time and unencumbered conversations between campers limited the scope of community formation. while camp still occurred and provided an outlet for campers and their families during a time of uncertainty, the realization of the camp community may have been secondary to the novelty of an online summer camp experience. the degree to which lasting connections and/or camp communities formed is debatable. still, the desire for interpersonal connection became the essence of camp community that these directors attempted to foster through their online summer camp programs. understanding the exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 139 components of a camp community and the situations that support communitybuilding experiences remain important, as professionals utilize online spaces for programmatic engagement with youth. dr. megan owens is an assistant professor in the department of recreation, park and tourism administration at western illinois university. she received her doctoral degree from the university of illinois, urbana-champaign specializing in youth development practices in the department of recreation, sport and tourism. her research explores youth and adolescent social-emotional learning through recreation. dr. owens led research and evaluation for the university of maryland 4h extension and held supervisory roles leading youth and family programs for both park and recreation agencies in illinois and indiana. dr. k. dale adkins is associate dean emeritus for the college of education and human services at western illinois university. he received his doctorate of recreation from indiana university-bloomington. dr. adkins has been actively involved as a volunteer, accreditation visitor, and board member across the camping industry for the duration of his career while teaching youth development courses through the department of recreation, park and tourism at wiu. he continues to serve in volunteer capacities with american camp association sections. references american camp association, inc. 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(2005). building community and social capital through children’s leisure in the context of an international camp. in t. delamere, c. randall, & d. robinson (eds.), eleventh canadian congress on leisure research (pp. 1–5). http://lin.ca/uploads/cclr11/cclr11-167.pdf https://www.facebook.com/groups/camppros/posts/3328733060473658 https://www.facebook.com/groups/camppros/posts/3320651911281773 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2011.07.002 https://doi.org/10.1023/a:1021911514768 https://doi.org/10.1080/15358593.2017.1293838 https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444820912530 https://doi.org/10.1207/s15506878jobem4901_6 http://lin.ca/uploads/cclr11/cclr11-167.pdf login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers to outdoor environmental education jack burnett catrin edgeley school of forestry, northern arizona university citation: burnett, j. & edgeley, c. (2021). forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers to outdoor environmental education. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 148-157. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract land manager-educator partnerships provide opportunities to overcome barriers associated with outdoor and environmental education within the united states’ k-12 education system. this case study reviews the design and implementation of a novel outdoor environmental education program for kindergartners called forest fridays that involved half-day excursions to a local forest. forest fridays emerged from a unique partnership between three kindergarten teachers and a forest manager in flagstaff, arizona that removed resource and planning barriers in order to facilitate program establishment and operation. immersive observation and informal program review with the program coordinators informed recommendations that may support the establishment of similar partnerships and programs elsewhere. keywords: outdoor education, environmental education, program development, manager-educator partnerships, k-12 education http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers… 149 introduction outdoor education offers non-traditional avenues for introducing children to new environmental concepts and experiences. learning outside is linked to a host of benefits associated with childhood health and development, social competencies, interpersonal skills, and social relations among children (becker et al., 2017; malone & waite, 2016). environmental literacy— “the elementary knowledge, skills, and motives to cope with environmental needs and contribute to sustainable development” (unesco, 1989, p. 1)— and positive childhood experiences in nature can foster an increased connection to nature later in life, documented by proenvironmental and conservation behaviors as adults (cheng & monroe, 2012). despite these positive outcomes, outdoor environmental education remains an underutilized tool within public and compulsory education (macquarrie, 2018). developing novel approaches to support environmental education in outdoor spaces is now increasingly critical to motivate life-long positive environmental attitudes and behaviors among students. educators face multiple barriers to implementing outdoor and environmental programs within traditional schooling, including lack of time, limited flexibility and support from administrators and school boards, and pressures from curriculum, education standards and testing to focus on scores and other objectives (ernst, 2014; waite, 2009). these challenges are compounded by a documented absence of resources to support the design and implementation of new environmental education programs, as well as a distinct lack of training or professional development opportunities (marchant et al., 2019). administrative perceptions of outdoor education as an additional or peripheral activity as opposed to a constructive education tool have allowed such barriers to become widespread (macquarrie, 2018; waite, 2009). many of these barriers highlight the incompatibility of outdoor education in the context of current education standards and teaching assessment metrics, which can disincentivize educators from experimenting with new teaching pedagogies. learning in an outdoor space produces opportunities for experiential knowledge development and problem solving in novel environments and situations, away from the pressures and expectations of the school environment and traditional academic practices, which are based on transmissive and didactic pedagogies (harris, 2018). outdoor education also can lead to improved conceptual understanding and test scores across multiple subjects when compared to traditional schooling (james & williams, 2017). learning outside also helps motivate apathetic students and aids students who struggle with traditional classroom learning (james & williams, 2017). however, the logistical complexity of outdoor education—such as finding suitable locations, transportation need and cost, inclement weather, overall program costs and resources, and safety or liability concerns—make this approach to learning exceptionally challenging, particularly for underfunded or urban schools (ernst, 2014; marchant et al., 2019). partnerships with organizations outside the k-12 education system offer one way to alleviate the resource shortages that educators face when exploring opportunities for, and overcoming barriers to, incorporating outdoor environmental education into teaching. forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers… 150 documenting and advancing understandings of how new outdoor environmental education programs are designed and implemented through emergent partnerships can provide structure and guidance for educators considering this approach. here, we outline the development and trial of a partnership between kindergarten teachers at kinsey elementary school and northern arizona university’s (nau) centennial forest called “forest fridays,” based in flagstaff, arizona. the centennial forest is comprised of 47,500 acres of arizona state trust land that is managed by the nau school of forestry and utilized for education and research purposes. it is dominated by ponderosa pine forest on mildly varied terrain at an elevation of approximately 7,000 feet, with an established field camp that served as a home base for forest fridays activities. forest fridays is an exemplary case of how a partnership between k-12 educators and land managers can support the development of novel outdoor education programs from the ground up. immersive observation of forest fridays development and implementation coupled with informal program review with program coordinators provide insights that can contribute to a framework for other educators and land managers to replicate, modify, and learn from when developing their own programs. figure 1. forest friday students being led on a nature hike forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers… 151 forest fridays as an outdoor education tool forest fridays represents a departure from traditional teaching in the u.s. education system. below, we describe the process of establishing the program and designing its structure, so that other educators and land managers can replicate or modify this effort to their own context. program establishment efforts to establish the structure of forest fridays drew heavily on existing programs and efforts tied to outdoor and environmental education. the forest kindergarten movement began in the mid-20th century in northern europe and is now popular internationally (hughes et al., 2021; knight, 2013). this concept has since been transferred to north american contexts, most notably through the success of similar outdoor education programs in the state of vermont (walker, 2016) that influenced the development of flagstaff’s forest fridays. the forest fridays program emerged organically between the nau forest manager and a local kindergarten teacher who worked at kinsey elementary. this relationship, and the forest manager’s existing experience with forest-based environmental education, were central to the establishment of forest fridays. starting the forest fridays program was a risk for both kinsey elementary and the teachers involved; the program required financial investment due to transportation needs and necessitated additional parent chaperones to ensure student safety. the program also took away classroom and planning time from the teachers due to travel and the lessstructured format of activities. the pre-existing relationship between the land manager and one of the teachers afforded the trust and responsiveness that was critical to the approval and success of forest fridays. project learning tree (plt), a well-recognized nationwide environmental education program, offers core competencies that teachers need in order to establish and effectively engage with programs like forest fridays. plt began in 1976 as a collaboration between the american forest institute and the western regional environmental education council (plt, n.d.). the nau forest manager was the plt coordinator for the state of arizona and offered annual trainings, which became the core source of staff education among kinsey elementary teachers at the outset of planning for forest fridays. the plt training introduced teachers to philosophies associated with environmental education and invited hands-on experience executing some of the activities. critically, this training provided resources and examples to better facilitate environmental education programs that were subsequently translated to forest fridays. establishing a local, accessible area for forest fridays was key to both program design and building a sense of familiarity and continuity for students. nau’s centennial forest offers an ideal setting for k-12 outdoor education; the field camp has basic infrastructure, including pit toilets and running water, as well as a ramada that provided shelter and a centralized meeting space for students. forest fridays used the established field camp facilities, like the ramada and walking paths, as much as possible. other activities were dispersed and rotated to different areas of the surrounding forest to minimize the potential for negative environmental impacts. the centennial forest field camp is accessed via a short 20-minute drive forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers… 152 from kinsey elementary which minimized costs and time lost to travel. forest friday coordinators (i.e., the three kindergarten teachers, the nau forest manager, and the lead author, who is a doctoral student at nau) tested the structure and resources for this program through two pilot excursions undertaken in the spring of 2019 to ensure that the location and programming were appropriate. these successful pilots finalized the program’s set-up, becoming the permanent framework for excursions during the 2020 school year. program structure forest kindergartens are primarily child-led, play-based, and held exclusively or predominantly outdoors. while forest fridays is based on the principles of forest kindergartens, the structure of the forest fridays program was developed to meet the local teachers’ needs and their curriculum standards. the coordinators developed the program structure to find a balance between incorporating forest kindergarten principles and ensuring the program met the more structured requirements of the u.s. public school system. for example, while some activities were dedicated to unstructured playtime, others were organized lessons that ensured science curriculum topics were fully addressed. forest fridays were somewhat constrained by the school schedule, which included early dismissal on fridays, meaning that participating children must return to school by 12:30pm. a total timeframe of three hours was well suited for the program given this context and allowed for focused activities without leading to exhaustion or disinterest among the students, as kindergarten students in the u.s. are generally between 5 and 6 years old. there was an average of two forest fridays excursions a month—every other friday—to allow teachers to balance forest fridays with other demands on their classroom time. on alternating fridays when teaching was school-based, teaching still followed the forest fridays program structure but would focus on science and environmental education in and around the school grounds. additionally, nau’s centennial forest is accessed via unpaved roads, meaning that buses are unable to make the trip during the snowy winter months. all forest fridays in december, january, and february were held on site at kinsey elementary to account for these conditions. local guests, including an entomologist, a firefighter, and a wildlife biologist, visited the school during these months to replicate the diversity of activities and information that students had benefitted from in the forest. establishing a consistent structure for implementation of forest fridays was critical for creating a welcoming learning environment. in the first semester of the inaugural year, the coordinators mostly focused on the students being comfortable in the forest by developing familiarity with both the location and the coordinators. the scope of the program was broadened through partnerships to offer more varied learning experiences for the children in the second semester. the forest manager leveraged their existing connections to university faculty, natural resource managers, and other scientists to recruit local guests during the winter months and this allowed for a richer diversity of experience as the children learned from experts across an array of topics. forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers… 153 the program designers decided that the daily set-up of the forest fridays excursions should be simple yet flexible to allow for adaption to changes or unplanned disruptions. a key tenet of place-based education is to incorporate local, natural phenomena as a “foundation for curriculum development” (knapp, 2005). the flexibility to incorporate environmental changes and context, such as precipitation or the appearance of wildlife, allowed forest fridays educators to capitalize on opportunities to provide impromptu lessons that connected classroombased education to students’ direct experiences and observations in the forest. a typical timeline for a forest fridays excursion was as follows: • 9:30am: students and teachers arrive at the centennial forest via bus. everyone meets under the ramada to review the morning’s activities • 9:45-10:15am: first activity (e.g., nature hike/scavenger hunt) • 10:15-10:45am: second activity (e.g., story with activity) • 10:45-11:15am: third activity (e.g., unstructured time in nature-play area) • 11:15-11:45am: lunch • 12:00pm: students and teachers load back onto buses to return to school three kindergarten classes, each with 15 to 20 students, attended each forest friday simultaneously, so producing three rotating activities allowed each class to participate fully. although forest fridays followed a general schedule, the timing was fluid to support emergent learning opportunities. the three activities followed a consistent framework: one station of unstructured time at the natural play area, one that was active but structured around a core lesson or activity, and one that was less active, such as a story, craft, or other stationary activity. this allowed for opportunities to engage in different types of learning and play during each excursion. after activities concluded, all three classes ate lunch together under the ramada. this unstructured time invited students to reflect on what they had learned and participated in that day, occasionally leading to exciting and spontaneous learning opportunities. integration with curriculum the teachers placed a high priority on ensuring that forest fridays developed into an outdoor, environmental education effort that could become a long-term, permanent component of the kinsey kindergarten experience. in order to achieve this, it was critical that the topics, activities, and practices used at forest fridays integrated well with the established curriculum and standards that the teachers and school must follow. specifically, integrating topics such as five senses, animals, weather, and living versus non-living helped ensure that what was being learned in the forest could be built upon with classroom-based lessons. kinsey teachers provided the science and social studies standards that are set by the school district to frame this strategic curriculum integration. each of these requirements could also be linked to the varying topics covered in the forest, and the teachers created a document to show where these forest friday topics aligned with their standards. additionally, non-academic considerations such as gross motor skills and social and emotional development were incorporated into program design to ensure forest fridays contributed to holistic student learning and development. the teachers forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers… 154 wanted to ensure that forest fridays could capitalize on opportunities to promote non-academic growth because the forest provided many novel situations and environments that could not be found in the classroom or playground. findings and recommendations fostering a partnership between educators and the forest manager was integral to the structure and success of this program. proactive efforts to anticipate student needs in the planning process, such as a consistent location, ensured a productive learning environment that coordinators unanimously agreed fostered student success. coordinators felt that the program’s inaugural implementation was highly successful, and identified key successes and learning opportunities from which others can benefit to inform their own outdoor education partnerships: • leverage partnerships to access new resources and expertise: assess the resources, expertise, and skills of staff involved to best leverage differing abilities. forest fridays could not have been implemented without a trusting educator-land manager partnership. working with nau’s forest manager and lead author, who were both program coordinators and involved in the design and implementation of forest fridays, introduced access to the excursion location, use of existing outdoor education materials and the plt training, scientific expertise on the local environment, and increased capacity to seek extramural funding. identifying a local land manager who has the capacity to support a program like forest fridays allows for more comprehensive and successful outdoor education. • develop a robust framework that fosters consistency and flexibility: once the framework of three rotating activities was established, coordinators could easily switch topics and activities without creating additional work. the framework also allowed teachers to link activities and lessons from the forest with those they provide in the classroom to build an iterative learning process. an established framework helped promote more efficient use of planning time and provided structure and consistency to help excursions run smoothly. furthermore, using one consistent outdoor location helps build familiarity and comfort for both the teachers and students. that structure can also provide smoother transitions if new coordinators become involved. however, some flexibility within excursions is needed to help manage disruptions and capitalize on environmental opportunities when they occur. adaptability within the framework allowed for incremental improvements to be made as the program progressed. • build in time for immediate reflection among program coordinators: reflecting briefly after each excursion, particularly in the early days of the program, helped forest friday coordinators rapidly identify pivotal moments and areas for improvement to support reflexive adaptation of the forest fridays format. moving forward, the coordinators plan to use the lunch time to build in formal opportunities for reflection to potentially hone the program’s format and content to facilitate improved outdoor education experiences. forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers… 155 • prioritize effective communication: finding ways to improve virtual communication and clearly address everyone’s roles, responsibilities, and expectations is crucial when coordinators are both educators and land managers. it became increasingly difficult to set aside time for coordinators to meet, discuss, and plan together as they became busier with other professional demands and responsibilities. as a result, formal face-to-face communication through regular planning meetings gave way to emails and impromptu conversations. being able to dedicate time each month to in-person meetings can provide structure to the planning process and an opportunity for further discussion. • find a balance between the new program and existing efforts: coordinators felt that two excursions per month into the forest was an appropriate balance between forest fridays and other demands on classroom time for kinsey students. the alternating weekly format allowed time for planning the activities for each forthcoming trip to support smoother integration of classroom and forest friday topics. however, this structure is not required for other programs; discussions with prospective coordinators at the onset of program design is essential to find the right balance for each context. • improve integration with curricular demands: the topics and activities covered in forest fridays were largely based on the school district’s science and social studies standards. however, coordinators expressed a desire to expand into other subjects in the future. the teachers noted that much of the pressure of assessment and student progress lies in mathematics and reading. establishing clear, common threads between classroom learning and forest fridays can foster continuity while reducing the workload of educators and removes perceptions of outdoor education as a stand-alone or peripheral program (macquarrie, 2018; waite, 2009). conclusion forest fridays demonstrates how the capacity and cohesion of outdoor environmental education programs can be rapidly expanded by educator-land manager partnerships. this case study provides real-world contextualization for institutions, organizations, and agencies interested in developing similar programs. most existing research around these programs is conducted from the viewpoint of education and overlooks the role that natural resource management agencies can provide. natural resource managers are uniquely positioned to provide resources and opportunities to educators to support environmental education programs. along with expertise, land managers can provide access to natural areas that may not normally be available; this is important as not all schools are situated near outdoor environments like those around flagstaff. leveraging the resources and knowledge land managers can offer presents an underutilized pathway to overcoming many of the barriers educators face in implementing and integrating outdoor education into k-12 curricula. clarity regarding how environmental education can integrate with existing curricula and compulsory education standards will enable outdoor learning to play a greater role in the u.s. education system. forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers… 156 land managers and educators with an interest or passion for environmental education should proactively seek opportunities to initiate partnerships for outdoor education programs. initial partnerships need not be large, but it is critical that those interested take advantage when an opportunity presents itself. the first year of the kinsey forest fridays program demonstrated that opportunistic collaboration and consistent communication are key to fostering a productive working relationship using the recommendations provided above. however, it is important to acknowledge that land managers often have limited resources and time to contribute to these partnerships, which may not necessarily align with their position responsibilities. increased funding to support local educator-agency partnerships can expand collaborative opportunities to benefit children and provide more equitable opportunities for outdoor education. such partnerships also provide an excellent opportunity to strengthen public-land manager relationships by interacting with new groups of people and diversifying how agencies integrate with, and support, their local communities. such investments can help children from diverse backgrounds experience the outdoors, help educate the next generation of environmental stewards by nurturing a public that is more knowledgeable about local ecosystems, and build life-long connections to nature through positive land ethics. jack burnett is a ph.d. student in the school of forestry at northern arizona university. his dissertation research addresses the state of collective action towards wildfire and finding ways to improve this critical component in the pursuit of building fire adapted communities. jack holds a master of forestry from northern arizona university, which centered on a project where he partnered with a local elementary school to design, implement, and evaluate an environmental education program called forest fridays. he also holds a bachelor’s degree in anthropology from tulane university. catrin edgeley is an assistant professor of natural resource sociology in the school of forestry at northern arizona university. she teaches courses on humanenvironment interaction, including wilderness management and human dimensions of forestry. catrin holds a ph.d. in natural resources from the university of idaho, and both a master of science in risk and environmental hazards and a bachelor of science in geography from durham university in the united kingdom. references becker, c., lauterbach, g., spengler, s., dettweiler, u., & mess, f. (2017). effects of regular classes in outdoor education settings: a systematic review on students’ learning, social and health dimensions. international journal of environmental research and public health, 14(5), 485. cheng, j. c. h., & monroe, m. c. (2012). connection to nature: children’s affective attitude toward nature. environment and behavior, 44(1), 31-49. forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers… 157 ernst, j. (2014). early childhood educators’ use of natural outdoor settings as learning environments: an exploratory study of beliefs, practices, and barriers. environmental education research, 20(6), 735-752. harris, f. (2018). outdoor learning spaces: the case of forest school. area, 50(2), 222-231. hughes, f., elliott, s., anderson, k. & chancellor, b. (2021). early years learning in australian natural environments. oxford university press. james, j. k., & williams, t. (2017). school-based experiential outdoor education: a neglected necessity. journal of experiential education, 40(1), 58-71. knapp, c. e. (2005). the “i–thou” relationship, place-based education, and aldo leopold. journal of experiential education, 27(3), 277-285. knight, s. (2013). international perspectives on forest school. sage. malone, k., & waite, s. (2016). student outcomes and natural schooling: pathways form evidence to impact report 2016. plymouth. macquarrie, s. (2018). everyday teaching and outdoor learning: developing an integrated approach to support school-based provision. education 3-13, 46(3), 345-361. marchant, e., todd, c., cooksey, r., dredge, s., jones, h., reynolds, d., stratton, g., dwyer, r., lyons, r. & brophy, s. (2019). curriculum-based outdoor learning for children aged 9-11: a qualitative analysis of pupils’ and teachers’ views. plos one, 14(5), article e0212242. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0212242 plt (n.d.). mission & history. https://www.plt.org/about-us/mission-history/ unesco (1989). environmental literacy for all. connect: unesco/unep environmental education newsletter, 14(2), 1-8. waite, s. (2009, april). outdoor learning for children aged 2-11: perceived barriers, potential solutions. paper presented at the fourth international outdoor education research conference, la trobe university, beechworth, vic, australia. walker, t. d. (2016, september 15). kindergarten, naturally. the atlantic. https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2016/09/kindergartennaturally/500138 https://www.plt.org/about-us/mission-history/ https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2016/09/kindergarten-naturally/500138 https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2016/09/kindergarten-naturally/500138 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(1), 2019 project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment in an urban area shannon m. westlake department of wildlife, fisheries and aquaculture mississippi state university citation: westlake, s. m. (2019). project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment in an urban area. children, youth and environments, 29(1), 127-136. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract the purpose of this project was to connect youth with the environment by building pollinator and food gardens in an urban area. a diverse core team of experts collaborated to construct gardens and conduct environmental education lessons at a community center in auburn, new york. this project emphasized the value of collaboration and non-traditional learning opportunities, along with the importance of youth and citizen involvement in hands-on activities to develop connections with nature. at the conclusion of the project, the author created a concise, comprehensive pollinator gardening guide to expand this community of practice and support others engaged in similar future efforts. keywords: pollinator conservation, urban gardens, youth, environmental education, community collaboration http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment… 128 the origin of project pollinator about three years ago, i found myself in a conversation about pollinator and food gardens with the u.s. fish and wildlife service (fws) visitor services manager at the montezuma national wildlife refuge in seneca falls, new york. the impetus for this meeting was my dual desire of addressing the growing divergence of youth and the environment—specifically what richard louv (2009) calls nature-deficit disorder—and increasing support for pollinator conservation. pollinators are responsible for a third of the bites of food eaten each day, yet they are facing increasing habitat loss and degradation. my approach for addressing these focal areas was the promotion of citizen science opportunities, as they can allow for people’s discoveries of science to turn into scientific engagement (cooper, dickinson, phillips, & bonney, 2007). specifically, the opportunity of joint pollinator and food garden creation would allow for a direct connection between citizens and pollinators through the food produced and consumed. the fws’s interest in encouraging the provision of healthy food for local schoolchildren solidified our partnership, and we set out to determine the location for this project within a nearby city in upstate new york. we chose the city of auburn, new york to have localized impact in an urban setting supporting disadvantaged youth. in 2016, the auburn city school district had a k12 enrollment of 4,164 students, 58 percent of which were economically disadvantaged, and the district’s multi-tiered education model revealed the necessity of specialized educational opportunities (nysed, n.d.). i contacted several schools and various associates within auburn to determine the best location for the project and gardens, ensuring high exposure, practicality, utilization, and benefit. the booker t. washington community center (btw) met all of these categories by having a centralized location and facility use by multiple schools within auburn, at the time actively engaging over 100 elementary and high school students. after solidifying the location, we built a core team of people with complementary skills and experience. joining the team were two of btw’s program leaders, to provide connection to the community center and incorporate our program activities into their schedule; a local permaculture expert, to provide gardening expertise and to tie btw into the neighboring gardening efforts; and a master gardener through the cornell cooperative extension, to provide additional gardening and environmental education lesson support. one long-term hope for the food garden was to eventually produce a surplus of food that could be donated to local food banks. this led to the final core team addition of the food security director at the cayuga-seneca community action agency, who provided a greater community connection. after the team was formed and the initial plan developed, we applied for and received an fws 2016 region 5 visitor services small grant projects award. this funding support covered all of the planned activity costs and allowed the project to move forward. project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment… 129 project initiatives the ultimate goal for this project was to construct gardens to provide healthy food sources for pollinators and students, as well as learning opportunities for the citizens of auburn. the evaluation of these efforts was anecdotal, focusing on the qualitative effects as observed and expressed by the project participants. the project was divided into three initiatives: 1) construction of pollinator and food gardens, 2) development of an environmental educational program, and 3) plans for ongoing efforts (see table 1). the first and third initiatives were addressed with a series of meetings regarding garden specifics, such as species selection and garden certification, and plans for continued collaborative support for ongoing activities at btw. for our second initiative, we aimed to adhere to btw’s hands-on learning approach to mentally and physically engage the students, who ranged from kindergarten through high school. environmental education provides learning and engagement opportunities beyond the confines of a classroom. early-life perceptions and experiences can have important impact on children’s connections with nature; thus, activities addressing the gap between youth and the environment are essential (awasthy, popovic, & linklater, 2012; louv, 2009; pawelek, frankie, thorp, & przybylski, 2009). additionally, the creation of community gardens further integrates civic engagement and environmental stewardship with food production, which can promote social learning, neighborhood well-being, and positive social and cultural relationships (krasny & tidball, 2009; pawelek et al., 2009). based on this, we constructed lesson plans that would engage the various students’ ages and needs by incorporating core team member knowledge with previously developed environmental educational material regarding pollinator conservation and food production (see websites, below). table 1. project pollinator initiatives, objectives, and timeline initiative objectives timeline (2016) 1: construction of pollinator and food gardens decide location and size of gardens and plant species january source nursery for plants february secure volunteer support for construction march construct pollinator garden april restore and plant food garden may 2: development of environmental educational program develop lesson plans and schedule march initiate lessons at gardens april continue lessons throughout summer may-august 3: plans for ongoing efforts develop garden maintenance plan april assess garden health to plan improvements august determine next year's gardening and educational activities september project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment… 130 a community of learners wider learning experiences can be cultivated from interactions between adults and children, where children can internalize information and construct social and cultural information systems that can assist with future knowledge progression (tellado & sava, 2010). additionally, having an opportunity to practice skills learned is a vital component of developing conservation behaviors (lewandowski & oberhauser, 2016). an interactive learning opportunity for practicing skills occurred on a cold sunday morning in april, when core team members, local high school students, and college students from a nearby university joined together for the initial pollinator garden preparation (figure 1). this group consisted of varying levels of expertise, allowing the entire activity to be a learning experience for all. core team members shared knowledge regarding garden bed preparation, using a sheet mulching technique, and information about pollinators, including their importance and conservation efforts. on this day, teachers became students as they learned about gardening techniques and rich dialogue occurred as the students and volunteers became more intrigued with the process and its purpose to support healthy gardens and pollinator species. this collaborative, hands-on activity built further excitement and commitment to the project. figure 1. pollinator garden preparation volunteer group on april 10, 2016 additional interactive learning opportunities occurred with the continued construction of gardens over the next few weeks. on earth day (april 22), the core team and high school students attending btw planted the pollinator garden, first learning how to transplant nectar plant species, and then breaking into self-selected groups to plant (figure 2). students were excited and inquisitive about the project and the positive impact it would have for pollinators, remaining engaged throughout the gardening activities and discussions. excitement for and connections to the pollinator garden seemed to increase as more students became engaged throughout the summer, including project-based lessons and watering activities for elementary students (figure 3). in may, core team members and numerous students prepared and planted the food garden. during one of the initial environmental lessons, the students chose which types of food they wanted to grow project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment… 131 in the garden. by planting these food species, the students had the opportunity to gain greater ownership of the project. to promote further connection and ownership, we held a garden naming competition among the students at the end of the summer. the winning name, “btw’s butterfly oasis,” was used for registering the garden in the pollinator partnership’s million pollinator garden challenge (see websites, below). figure 2. planting the pollinator garden on april 22, 2016 figure 3. pollinator garden growth progress on august 15, 2016 critical moments two of the initial critical decision-making moments in this project were the selection of location and recognition of a lack of expertise. originally, we had planned to project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment… 132 partner with a high school in auburn to magnify the project’s impact by reaching a large group of students. however, a restricted timeline, regulations associated with school partnerships, and the desire to reach students of various ages ultimately led to our collaboration with btw. this location proved the most effective regarding impact as it allowed us to reach and regularly interact with over 100 students from the various schools in auburn. after the location was selected, i realized that we would need multiple people to fill our knowledge gaps to create a successful project. i determined the connections we needed and used my networking ability for the engagement of several experts in various fields. their dedication of time, energy, and skills was vital in forming a committed core team branching the knowledge areas essential for success. another critical moment was the informal evaluation of the project. although we set initiatives and objectives to meet, we did not devise a formal evaluation process to generate quantitative results. however, an informal qualitative validation of our methods to create environmental connections with youth occurred early in the project implementation process. during the planting of the pollinator garden, a student excitedly came over to me with a plant to reveal two small snails she had found (figure 4). she had become enamored with them and our conversation revealed why. she admitted she had never previously gardened and she did not go outside much, stating that the neighborhood had “just changed” and it did not feel safe anymore. she said she would like to do more activities like gardening, but she did not think it was possible living in the city. i suggested there were simple ways to connect with nature, such as through the haven provided by gardens at btw, and that she could do these activities at home by creating a small garden in her yard or a window box. witnessing her connection to nature within the garden and realization that she did have safe and simple outside activities provided evidence that our methods could have lasting positive impacts for participants. figure 4. student discovery of snails on one of the pollinator garden plants project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment… 133 a final critical moment was revealed during my self-reflection on our efforts. when i started this project, i believed that i had a “black thumb” because i knew very little about gardening, which proved to be a common belief among many of the core team members. throughout my months of research and consultations with garden experts, i realized there was a vast amount of information available, but it all lacked an obvious, tangible connection point from which to begin. i then considered how to create a larger impact from our efforts at btw to reach a broader audience. the resulting idea was the creation of a gardening guide outlining the easy, yet comprehensive, steps we took that could provide people their own connections to nature through gardening. to determine interest and applicability to a variety of stakeholders, i reached out to landowners, managers in a private corporation, governmental employees, and church members. the consensus among everyone was that they would welcome participation in gardening activities, especially to support pollinators, but they lacked the time and knowledge to begin. a simplified gardening guide would be crucial for their future participation. thus, i developed the project pollinator gardening guide (see websites, below). while not exhaustive, the guide provides information for starting a garden and how to use the garden in environmental lesson planning. the guide was placed on the montezuma national wildlife refuge’s website in 2016 for greater accessibility and has since been used by members of the core team to encourage others to participate in pollinator conservation and to build greater connections to nature. reflection and recommendations the success of this project resulted from its collaborative approaches. we pulled together local knowledge and capitalized on individual team member strengths to support each initiative toward our common goals. this created a mosaic of teaching styles and learning opportunities, which ultimately led to greater impacts. the excitement of everyone involved was palpable and the increased interest and desire for participation among the students and volunteers was highly rewarding. the diverse core team involvement ensured the impacts spread beyond the initial btw location and goals as we eagerly shared across our respective organizations, essentially forming and expanding an active community of practice (see wenger, 1998). a cross-pollination of ideas occurred during this project and our results were then shared through our individual personal networks. this type of crosscollaboration is essential not only for the success of a project, but also for its ongoing proliferation in surrounding areas (wenger, 1998). in fall 2016, the core team met to evaluate the entire project to determine if goals were met and to share overall feelings regarding the project’s success or otherwise. everyone stated they were pleasantly surprised and encouraged by how well everything had developed. in a few short months, we were able to meet all of our objectives and create a safe, new environment for students to connect with nature. the btw program leaders reported that the students were very eager to participate in our program as part of btw’s project-based learning approach, providing evidence of project efficacy. the team’s main criticism of the project was the lack of community awareness regarding the early efforts. this has since been addressed through increased btw project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment… 134 sharing of the gardening activities online through their facebook page and communications sent home with students. the gardens have grown since their construction, creating greater interest, awareness, and involvement among the citizens of auburn (see rocheleau, 2017). based on our efforts and informal evaluations, i have four main recommendations for anyone interested in implementing a project similar to project pollinator: 1) allow for sufficient planning time, 2) create early and continuous awareness opportunities for the project, 3) start construction in the fall, and 4) secure ongoing summer support. first, sufficient time for planning a project like this is essential because it allows for contingency plans if something should not eventuate. it would also allow for necessary approvals should the project be on a larger scale or involve partnerships with schools. second, plan for ways to increase project awareness, either through social media platforms, articles in the local papers, or sending newsletters regarding activities to parents. higher visibility of projects like these may lead to greater support and, subsequently, continuation. third, a fall start of garden bed preparation for a subsequent spring planting would allow for the accumulation of organic garden materials, expectedly leading to greater garden success. finally, a plan of action for ongoing summer support is essential, especially if these gardens are at school locations. this is even more critical in years with inclement weather conditions. working with a community center may prove beneficial as there will be ongoing presence and activity throughout the summer. figure 5. a pollinator at work in btw’s butterfly oasis project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment… 135 this grassroots project provided engaging learning opportunities and a direct connection to the environment through hands-on gardening activities that youth in this urban area might otherwise avoid. it also fostered new partnerships and provided enhanced green spaces that will benefit myriad species. since the initial efforts, these gardens have continued to grow and thrive, and also maintained their place as a favorite project-based learning activity among the students at btw. the gardens have also become a refuge for pollinators, providing suitable habitat within this urban area (figure 5). the majority of the core team have remained actively involved, teaching new students and encouraging their connectedness to nature and the community, while also ensuring the ongoing efforts of the project. this simple garden idea has grown from initial hopes of supporting pollinators and producing healthy food for local youth, to providing essential connections between people and the environment, hopefully affecting positive change for years to come. shannon westlake is a lifelong learner and advocate for the environment, hoping to create pollinator habitat and citizen connections to nature everywhere she goes. shannon’s interest in pollinator species began in her youth and continued through her academic career, leading to the creation of project pollinator in auburn, new york during her master’s program. her work for pollinator conservation and citizen involvement has continued through her dissertation research efforts. shannon is currently a ph.d. candidate in the department of wildlife, fisheries and aquaculture at mississippi state university in starkville, mississippi. websites for more information about the project pollinator gardening guide, please visit: • https://www.fws.gov/uploadedfiles/projectpollinator_guide_appledevices.pdf • https://www.fws.gov/uploadedfiles/projectpollinator_guide_nonappledevices .pdf for more information about various pollinator lesson plans and hands-on ideas, please visit: • growing minds https://growing-minds.org/lesson-plans-landing-page/ • pollinator live https://pollinatorlive.pwnet.org/teacher/lessons.php#8 • pollinator partnership’s million pollinator garden challenge https://www.pollinator.org/million-pollinator-garden-challenge • the university of minnesota monarch lab https://monarchlab.org/educationand-gardening/curricula • whole kids foundation https://www.wholekidsfoundation.org/school-gardens references awasthy, m., popovic, a. z., & linklater, w. l. (2012). experience in local urban wildlife research enhances a conservation education programme with school children. pacific conservation biology, 18(1), 41-46. https://www.fws.gov/uploadedfiles/projectpollinator_guide_appledevices.pdf https://www.fws.gov/uploadedfiles/projectpollinator_guide_nonappledevices.pdf https://www.fws.gov/uploadedfiles/projectpollinator_guide_nonappledevices.pdf https://growing-minds.org/lesson-plans-landing-page/ https://pollinatorlive.pwnet.org/teacher/lessons.php#8 https://www.pollinator.org/million-pollinator-garden-challenge https://monarchlab.org/education-and-gardening/curricula https://monarchlab.org/education-and-gardening/curricula https://www.wholekidsfoundation.org/school-gardens project pollinator: creating connections between youth and the environment… 136 cooper, c. b., dickinson, j., phillips, t., & bonney, r. (2007). citizen science as a tool for conservation in residential ecosystems. ecology and society, 12(2), 1-11. krasny, m. e., & tidball, k. g. (2009). community garden as contexts for science, stewardship, and civic action learning. cities and the environment (cate), 2(1), 8. lewandowski, e. j., & oberhauser, k. s. (2016). butterfly citizen science projects support conservation activities among their volunteers. citizen science: theory and practice, 1(1), 1-8. louv, r. (2009). do our kids have nature-deficit disorder? educational leadership, 67(4), 24-30. new york state education department [nysed]. (n.d.). auburn city school district enrollment (2016-17). retrieved from https://data.nysed.gov/enrollment.php?year=2017&instid=800000054614 pawelek, j. c., frankie, g. w., thorp, r. w., & przybylski, m. (2009). modification of a community garden to attract native bee pollinators in urban san luis obispo, california. cities and the environment (cate), 2(1), 7. rocheleau, k. (2017). ‘it takes nothing and makes food’: auburn center students learn gardening through program. the citizen. retrieved from https://auburnpub.com/lifestyles/it-takes-nothing-and-makes-food-auburncenter-students-learn/article_6da3dc23-189b-56f4-ab52-55b9b9e9068c.html tellado, i., & sava, s. (2010). the role of non-expert adult guidance in the dialogic construction of knowledge. revista de psicodidáctica, 15(2), 163-176. wenger, e. (1998). communities of practice: learning as a social system. systems thinker, 9(5), 1-10. https://data.nysed.gov/enrollment.php?year=2017&instid=800000054614 https://auburnpub.com/lifestyles/it-takes-nothing-and-makes-food-auburn-center-students-learn/article_6da3dc23-189b-56f4-ab52-55b9b9e9068c.html https://auburnpub.com/lifestyles/it-takes-nothing-and-makes-food-auburn-center-students-learn/article_6da3dc23-189b-56f4-ab52-55b9b9e9068c.html © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(2), 2020 plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening: a reconciled ecological approach to insect conservation jaeson clayborn suzanne koptur department of biological sciences, florida international university george o’brien department of teaching and learning, florida international university citation: clayborn, j., koptur, s., & o’brien, g. (2020). “plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening: a reconciled ecological approach to insect conservation. children, youth and environments, 30(2), 30-71. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this study implemented an active-learning curriculum unit involving butterfly conservation and gardening at three schools in south florida. an experimental group of classes received plants to take home; students maintained their plants and observed insect activity for two months. the control group of classes did not receive take-home items. students who maintained plants at home retained their knowledge of butterflies, ecosystems and environmental stewardship significantly more than those who did not. surveys revealed all students demonstrated favorable interest in animals and plants; however, both groups reported lower interest in insects. after project completion, more students in the experimental group had new gardens at home than students in the control group (29 percent increase vs. 5 percent decrease). keywords: active learning, flagship species, place-based education, reconciliation ecology http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 31 introduction we are in a distinctive chapter in history: scientists have suggested we are undergoing a geological transition from the holocene to the anthropocene epoch (crutzen, 2002; lewis & maslin, 2015), a time when humans have a profound impact on earth’s systems and living species (dirzo et al., 2014). humans have eliminated or severely reduced populations of many species worldwide (barnosky et al., 2011). most attention has been focused on imperiled vertebrates such as birds and mammals; however, many invertebrates have experienced significant declines as well (taki & kevan, 2007). global monitoring of 452 invertebrate species has recorded a 45 percent decline in the past 40 years (dirzo et al., 2014). development, agricultural activities, and invasive species are the top three major threats to federally endangered and threatened insects in the united states (wagner & van driesche, 2010). since the early 1900s, south florida has experienced extensive development at the expense of natural ecosystems (giannini & heinen, 2014). historically, subtropical rockland ecosystems—dry forests and pine rocklands—covered a vast portion of miami-dade and monroe counties (snyder, herndon, & robertson jr., 1990). subtropical dry forests are dense, evergreen forests dominated by broad-leaved trees with leaf litter covering a limestone rocky substrate (snyder et al., 1990). pine rocklands are fire-dependent, open habitats with pine trees in the overstory and a partially exposed limestone rocky substrate (snyder et al., 1990). both ecosystems have been reduced drastically in size because they are situated at relatively higher elevations and highly valued for human habitation and use (alonso & heinen, 2011; giannini & heinen, 2014). development can modify the natural environment by loss of species (habitat simplification), increased matrix habitat (unsuitable habitat between remaining natural areas), and distance from viable habitats (loss of corridors). consequently, many butterflies and other organisms of south florida’s dry forest and pine rockland ecosystems have experienced significant population reductions with some species going extinct. many imperiled species are now confined to state and federal parks and preserves, which are often underfunded and threatened by pollution, invasive species, and reduced natural buffer habitats. the protection of natural habitats and restoration of modified areas are two important ways to protect south florida’s and earth’s biodiversity (giannini & heinen, 2014; hoekstra, boucher, ricketts, & roberts, 2005; mathew & anto, 2007; oliver, roy, hill, brereton, & thomas, 2010). reconciliation ecology is the study and strategy of conservation biology in humandominated landscapes (rosenzweig, 2003). for example, rehabilitating green spaces at schools, community centers, and neighborhoods in urban areas by planting native plants, removing invasive plants, and minimizing pesticide application can provide viable habitats that shelter common and rare butterflies (brown jr. & freitas, 2002). imperiled butterfly species depend on specific host plants in natural areas that are often imperiled themselves (mcelderry, salvato, & horvitz, 2015; salvato, 2003; schultz & dlugosch, 1999). outreach programs using butterfly gardening, growing and establishing host plants in backyards, parks, and schoolyards, can help rare and endemic butterflies through species awareness and providing suitable habitat beyond natural areas (mathew & anto, 2007; ramírezplugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 32 restrepo, koi, & macgregor-fors, 2017; revathy, mathew, & narayanankutty, 2014). schools provide an opportunity to capitalize on integrative, place-based, botanical education by modifying their green spaces (sobel, 2005; waliczek & zajicek, 1999). teachers can use the school’s surroundings as a framework where students build their own learning and improve local environmental quality (lieberman & hoody, 1998; sobel, 2005; tatarchuk & eick, 2011). younger students are often receptive to nature (fisher-maltese, 2016; pyle, 2002), and elementary educators can align state standards with activities incorporating gardens (culin, 2002; tatarchuk & eick, 2011), leading to greater environmental awareness later in students’ lives (culin, 2002; grunova, brandlova, svitalek, & hejcmanova, 2017; miller, 2005). many studies have demonstrated the importance of school gardens as effective teaching tools inside and outside of classrooms (klemmer, waliczek, & zajicek, 2005; libman, 2007; sobel, 2005). the hands-on, active-learning approach connects students with the environment as they learn about their surroundings (pyle, 2002; waliczek & zajicek, 1999). for example, edible gardens can change students’ attitudes toward foods, particularly unpopular vegetables (libman, 2007). similarly, the capacity to raise butterflies at schools can make inconspicuous invertebrate species salient and facilitate potential action to protect them (cutting & tallamy, 2015; ramírez-restrepo et al., 2017). teachable moments and garden failures eventually transform to garden success if teachers scaffold their students to work through adversity and “fail forward” (culin, 2002; lieberman & hoody, 1998; settlage & southerland, 2007; waliczek & zajicek, 1999). south florida is a promising place to integrate butterfly gardens and conservation into the school curriculum. unlike other regions in the u.s., the subtropical climate of south florida allows people to observe butterfly activity year-round (hammer, 2015; minno & emmel, 1993). developing native plant butterfly gardening at schools in miami-dade county creates an ecological schoolyard (feinsinger, margutti, & oviedo, 1997), an opportunity to apply textbook material to the real world, promote conservation (caro, mulder, & moore, 2003), and reduce “plant blindness” (wandersee & schussler, 1999). plant blindness, the inability to recognize plants in one’s own environment, leads to the inability to appreciate and understand plants as important components in an ecosystem and for people (allen, 2003; balick & cox, 1996; wandersee & schussler, 1999). native plant butterfly gardens can both remediate plant blindness and promote insect conservation. native plant diversity, especially host plants for butterflies, benefits butterfly populations and other insects dependent on native plants (koh & sodhi, 2004). the schaus’ swallowtail butterfly (heraclides aristodemus ponceanus) was deployed as the flagship butterfly species and ambassador for butterfly and insect conservation in south florida (figure 1). in 1976, the schaus’ swallowtail was the first butterfly federally listed as endangered, and was declared in danger of extinction in 1984 (smith, miller, miller, & lewington, 1994; usfws, 2017). concerned scientists and staff at the national park service south florida caribbean network initiated the schaus’ swallowtail butterfly habitat enhancement project plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 33 (whelan & atkinson, 2015). the habitat enhancement project restored degraded sections of subtropical dry forests on two islands in biscayne national park (by planting host plants: sea torchwood [amyris elemifera] and wild lime [zanthoxylum fagara]), where schaus’ swallowtail butterflies still occur (clayborn, koptur, o’brien, & whelan, 2017; whelan & atkinson, 2015). figure 1. the federally endangered schaus’ swallowtail butterfly (heraclides aristodemus ponceanus) inhabits subtropical dry forests in the florida keys photo: susan kolterman conservation projects for rare and threatened species are more effective when combined with educational programs in local communities (grunova et al., 2017; guiney & oberhauser, 2009). we sought to make such a connection by developing a three-month curriculum unit to teach 5th-grade students about the endangered schaus’ swallowtail butterfly and the dwindling coastal hardwood hammock habitat (also known as tropical dry forest). the “schaus and coastal hardwood hammock” curriculum unit was developed and refined for this study with the aid of veteran teachers, following educational best practices (clayborn, koptur, o’brien, & whelan, 2017). part of this curriculum unit was a hands-on “gardening for butterflies” activity for children aged 10–11 years (5th graders). creating a schoolyard butterfly garden let the students apply some principles highlighted in the lessons about one rare butterfly endemic to south florida and experience the joy of seeing butterflies plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 34 and their plants firsthand using common butterflies visiting a variety of nectar and host plants. the objectives of our study were to: 1) incorporate a curriculum unit designed to address the plight of a rare butterfly, insect conservation, and forest ecosystems; 2) facilitate the construction of native plant butterfly gardens in school yards; 3) increase the number of butterfly gardens in the extended community; and 4) assess both changes in attitudes and gains in content knowledge from the sequenced lessons in the curriculum unit. we also looked at the influence of personal involvement, via an experimental intervention in which students in the experimental group were given plants to take home, care for, and observe, while control group students did not have that additional involvement. we applied a mixed-methods approach (cook & campbell, 1979; creswell, 1994; morse, 1991; tashakkori & teddlie, 1998) in this study to better understand the impact of extending the classroom experience to the home environment through the applied project of nurturing butterfly plants at home. while knowledge gained can be measured by a content exam, and changes in attitude can be measured through surveys, adding a qualitative component to the study (the interviews) provided a detailed perspective on why students were responding to the surveys in the ways they did (hanson, balmer, & giardino, 2011). we worked with three schools, with two 5th-grade classrooms at each school assigned to either the experimental group, which received an intervention (extended home activities), or the control group, which did not receive extended home activities. we wanted to discern how the extent of student personal involvement with the subject, including extended home activities, would affect their knowledge retention and attitude toward butterflies and environmental stewardship. our three research questions were: 1) will students retain more knowledge about butterflies, ecosystems, and environmental stewardship after participating in the intervention (extended home activities)? 2) will students report and voice more favorable attitudes towards butterflies, ecosystems, and environmental stewardship after participating in the intervention? 3) is the intervention an effective model for increasing the number of butterfly gardens at home? our questions led to three testable hypotheses: • hypothesis 1: students receiving the intervention (extended home activities) will retain more knowledge about butterflies, ecosystems, and environmental stewardship than students with the same classroom experiences but no intervention. • hypothesis 2: students receiving the intervention will report and voice stronger affinities towards butterflies, ecosystems, and environmental stewardship than students with the same classroom experiences but no intervention. plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 35 • hypothesis 3: the number of home butterfly gardens in the experimental group will increase during the study, whereas the control group will not show this increase. methods study area miami-dade county is the southernmost county on the united states mainland. the subtropical climate and proximity to the lucayan archipelago and greater antilles have contributed to south florida’s diverse flora and fauna. many tropical species of lepidoptera (butterflies, moths, and skippers) reach their northern limits in south florida, specifically miami-dade and monroe counties (smith et al., 1994). miami-dade county is ecologically and demographically diverse, with dominant spanish-speaking populations from numerous countries in the caribbean and south america. three schools in miami-dade county participated in the study (figure 2): north hialeah elementary, in a densely packed urban, residential area with no natural areas and minimal green space near the school; air base k-8 center, and whispering pines elementary, both adjacent to natural areas of the pine rockland ecosystem, and located within a region harboring protected environmentally endangered lands and natural forest communities (giannini & heinen, 2014). despite being near these natural areas, at the time of this study, neither air base k-8 center nor whispering pines elementary educators actively engaged their students in outdoor learning activities there. plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 36 figure 2. map of school locations and their proximity to natural forest communities and environmentally endangered lands ab = air base k-8 center; wpe = whispering pines elementary; nhe = north hialeah elementary study preparation the study employed a mixed-methods quasi-experimental design that combined elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches (creswell, 1994; morse, 1991; tashakkori & teddlie, 1998). the qualitative assessment—the interview—was complementary to the quantitative assessments—the tests and surveys. interviews often provide more detailed information about a topic beyond surveys (hanson, plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 37 balmer, & giardino, 2011). we deployed simultaneous triangulation, using quantitative and qualitative methods at the same time, for this study (morse, 1991). we selected two 5th-grade classrooms (~20 students per class) from each school based on teachers’ willingness to participate in the study, a form of convenience sampling. at each school, we designated one class as the experimental group, the other class as the control group. both groups followed the same protocol for the duration of the study, except for one difference: the experimental group at each school was given butterfly and plant identification guides, butterfly host and nectar plants, and a data sheet (for observations) to take home as part of the intervention portion of the study. all participants in the study completed consent forms approved by the florida international university institutional review board (#irb15-0080). teachers used the signed consent forms to randomly select eight students from each classroom for pre-study and post-study interviews (n = 48 students; n = 96 interviews). we administered interviews, surveys, and tests at both the beginning and the conclusion of the study. pre-study surveys and post-study surveys were identical and consisted of 28 statements, which were pilot tested to measure students’ attitudes about wildlife and the environment. pre-study tests and post-study tests were isomorphic, with similar style questions and concepts selected from a test bank. tests consisted of 18 questions or statements, which were designed to measure present and gained knowledge about the environment and wildlife. in addition to the general themes, the tests focused on butterflies. subsequently, we asked 11 identical pre-study and post-study interview questions to capture relevant information not easily acquired through the surveys and tests (hanson, balmer, & giardino, 2011; peshkin, 1993). (see appendices a, b, and c for the text of the tests, survey statements, and interview questions.) initial assessments (week one; september 2015) during the first week of the study, teachers administered the pre-survey to their students. surveys were based on likert’s five-point scale (likert, 1932) and coded for student confidentiality. after survey completion, students were given a break before taking the pre-test. students were allotted 25 minutes to complete the test. later that day, we individually interviewed eight students, randomly selected from each class. the protocol for initial tests, surveys, and interviews was the same for each class at each school. interactive classroom lecture and activities (week two; september 2015) all classes participated in an interactive presentation titled “imperiled butterflies of south florida: plight of the schaus’ swallowtail and other butterflies,” specifically designed for students of south florida. the presentation was led by the first author and covered several topics: 1) south florida’s ecosystems, 2) butterfly and insect conservation, and 3) native plant butterfly gardening. students were engaged during the presentation with visual games and brief discussions, prompted by questions. afterwards, students played a map game, “place the schaus’ swallowtail butterfly in the right habitat” (figure 3; clayborn, koptur, o’brien, & whelan, plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 38 2017).1 finally, students observed living butterfly eggs, caterpillars, and native host and nectar plants. figure 3. map of south florida depicting the historic (outlined in green) and current range (outlined in red) of the federally endangered schaus’ swallowtail butterfly. the largest populations exist on islands in biscayne national park (outlined in blue) native plant butterfly garden construction (week three; september 2015) the participating classes at each school were given an outdoor space (≈ 8 m2) on the school grounds to construct a native plant butterfly garden, which they worked on as separate classes (figure 4). with input from teachers and principals, the researchers chose garden plants for their ability to serve as caterpillar host plants and nectar sources for adult butterflies. by providing floral resources and host 1 the objective of the activity was to navigate a magnetic schaus’ swallowtail butterfly to suitable habitat (outlined in red) on a 5’ x 3’ enlargement of the map in figure 3. one blindfolded student was selected to hold the butterfly and placed at a random location in the classroom. the rest of the class had to non-verbally navigate the student to the map and the butterfly’s habitat. classmates were given five to seven minutes to brainstorm and execute a plan to use toy instruments and sounds to assist the blind-folded student. plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 39 plants, we hoped to attract butterflies common in nature that might venture into an urban area. we presented information about each plant to each class, including species name, preferred natural habitat, morphology, and ecological significance in the garden and ecosystem. students were assigned garden tasks, including weed removal, soil preparation and supplementation, planting of native plants, adding mulch to help in water conservation, and marking plants with small, labeled flags. students added rocks from the local area to demarcate their garden space and protect against lawn mowers and weed trimmers. under the supervision of their teachers, students watered and weeded their garden periodically during the entire three months of the study. figure 4. teacher and 5th-grade students working together to construct the butterfly garden at north hialeah elementary school experimental group home project (week four; october 2015) students in the experimental group (one class from each school) participated in the home project. each student was given one native butterfly host plant (passiflora suberosa), which served as a host plant for three butterflies: the zebra longwing [heliconius charithonia], gulf fritillary [agraulis vanilla], and julia [dryas iulia]; all three species are common, inhabit wild and urban spaces, and exist in the same habitats as the schaus’ swallowtail butterfly. students also received one nectar plant (salvia coccinea—a hardy, attractive plant with red, tubular flowers) to maintain at home. plants were kept in one-gallon pots with soil and mulch and labeled with both their common and scientific names. both of the take-home plant species are easy to grow and attract many butterfly species. each student received two identification guides, butterflies of southeast florida: a guide to common and notable species (minno, 2014) and wildflowers of southeast florida including the plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 40 florida keys and everglades national park: a guide to common native species (hammer, 2012). the user-friendly, picture-based laminated guides displayed pictures of butterfly, skipper, and plant species in southeast florida with specific habitat requirements (figure 5). figure 5. two students at whispering pines elementary school reading butterflies of southeast florida: a guide to common and notable species (minno, 2014) students in the experimental group also received verbal and written instructions for how to care for their plants, directing them to place plants outside in partial shade, watering them as needed (they were taught to feel 3 centimeters deep to gauge soil moisture). once a week, students (using their guides) were asked to look for butterflies on and around their plants, as well as eggs, caterpillars, and chrysalises on the plants. they were also instructed to observe other animal activity on or near both plant species. plant maintenance and observations lasted approximately two months. wrap-up (final week; december 2015) the study concluded in the classroom, where post-surveys, post-tests, and postinterviews paralleled week one of the study. students in the experimental group kept their plants and identification guides. students in the control group received butterfly and plant identification guides for their participation in the study. plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 41 data analysis we performed a shapiro-wilk test for normality on pre-test and post-test scores, and analyzed pre-tests and post-tests with paired sample t-tests. we performed an ancova to assess the influence of the intervention (students in the experimental group maintaining plants at home) on post-test scores with pre-test scores as the covariate. to identify strongly correlated survey statements, which were loaded into factors, we performed an exploratory factor analysis (efa). factors with only one statement were eliminated; factors with two or more statements were retained. students’ response scores from strongly correlated survey statements were averaged for each factor. we utilized a quade’s rank analysis of covariance to assess the influence of (1) gardens present at the place of residence before the study commenced, (2) the intervention of taking host and nectar plants home, and (3) the type of students’ residence for each factor, with pre-survey scores as the covariate (quade, 1967). all data analyses were conducted using ibm spss statistics 24. home garden counts were derived from surveys administered at the beginning and end of the study (preand post-surveys) in which students self-reported whether they had a home garden or not. if they did, they were then asked what kind of garden (see appendix c). garden data reported in the preand post-surveys were interpreted and summarized. we recorded interview responses and later transcribed them by hand. an inductive thematic analysis approach was applied to identify themes that emerged from the data (boyatzis, 1998; braun & clarke, 2006). we followed a six-step theme identification and analysis process: 1) detailed notes were taken on all responses; 2) initial codes were generated from relevant pieces of information; 3) candidate themes were developed for further analysis; 4) candidate themes, initial codes, and detailed notes were reviewed by multiple people for coherence; 5) themes were defined, named, quantified, and analyzed; and 6) findings were described and reported (boyatzis, 1998; braun & clarke 2006). if 20 percent or more of the students from each group (control or experimental) gave a response that fit a theme, then that theme was reported in the results section. results knowledge retention across all schools, students in the experimental group had post-test scores that were significantly higher than pre-test scores (pre-test mean = 0.68, sd = 0.16; post-test mean = 0.80, sd = 0.13; paired sample t-tests: t = -6.301, p < 0.001, n = 60; figure 5a), while there was no significant increase in the control group (pretest mean = 0.63, sd = 0.15; post-test mean = 0.65, sd = 0.17; paired sample ttests: t = -1.239, p = 0.220, n = 60; figure 6a). the same trend was seen for each school, separately, as well: • air base k-8 center: experimental group, pre-test mean = 0.75, sd = 0.09; post-test mean = 0.86, sd = 0.08; control group, pre-test mean = 0.74, sd = 0.09; post-test mean = 0.77, sd = 0.10; paired sample t-tests, plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 42 experimental group: t = -3.871, p < 0.001, n = 21; control group: t = 0.937, p = 0.360, n = 20; figure 6b; • north hialeah elementary: experimental group, pre-test mean = 0.73, sd = 0.10; post-test mean = 0.81, sd = 0.15; control group, pre-test mean = 0.55, sd = 0.15; post-test mean = 0.57, sd = 0.17; paired sample t-tests, experimental group: t = -2.403, p = 0.028, n = 18; control group: t = 0.573, p = 0.573, n = 20; figure 6c; and • whispering pines elementary: experimental group, pre-test mean = 0.55, sd = 0.19; post-test mean = 0.72, sd = 0.12; control group, pre-test mean = 0.61, sd = 0.14; post-test mean = 0.63, sd = 0.17; paired sample t-tests, experimental group: t = -4.705, p < 0.001, n = 21; control group: t = 0.701, p < 0.492; n = 20; figure 6d. figure 6. comparison of pre-test and post-test scores (mean ± se) for experimental and control groups of students at the three participating elementary schools * indicates significant differences (p < 0.05) between pre-test and post-test scores for each group using paired sample t-tests plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 43 the intervention applied to the experimental groups—i.e., students nurturing and observing their personal host and nectar plants at home—had a significant effect on post-test score gains as demonstrated by the results of ancova (table 1). overall, experimental groups’ post-test scores were significantly higher compared to the control groups for all schools combined (experimental group mean = 3.721, sd = 4.574; control group mean = 0.708, sd = 4.427; df = 1, f = 25.771, p < 0.001; table 1). post-test scores were also significantly higher for the experimental group at individual schools: • air base k-8 center: experimental group mean = 3.190, sd = 3.777; control group mean = 0.850, sd = 4.056; df = 1; f = 9.926, p = 0.003; table 1; • north hialeah elementary: experimental group mean = 2.458, sd = 4.341; control group mean = 0.725, sd = 5.660; df = 1, f = 6.203, p = 0.018; table 1; and • whispering pines elementary: experimental group mean = 5.333, sd = 5.195; control group mean = 0.550, sd = 3.509; df = 1, f = 10.986, p = 0.002; table 1. table 1. summary statistics of post-test scores (dependent variable) using analysis of covariance source sum of squares df mean square f significance all schools intercept 0.918 1 0.918 57.985 0.001* pre-test 0.870 1 0.870 54.953 0.001* intervention 0.408 1 0.408 25.771 0.001* error 1.853 117 0.016 air base k-8 center intercept 0.360 1 0.360 43.615 0.001* pre-test 0.001 1 0.001 0.026 0.873 intervention 0.082 1 0.082 9.926 0.003* error 0.314 38 0.008 north hialeah elementary intercept 0.209 1 0.209 9.089 0.005* pre-test 0.145 1 0.145 6.304 0.017* intervention 0.143 1 0.143 6.203 0.018* error 0.804 35 0.230 whispering pines elementary intercept 0.440 1 0.440 31.052 0.001* pre-test 0.297 1 0.297 20.976 0.001* intervention 0.156 1 0.156 10.986 0.002* error 0.539 38 0.014 * significance plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 44 attitudes before and after: survey results after performing the efa, the kaiser-meyer-olkin (kmo) measure of sampling adequacy was 0.688, including a significant bartlett’s test for sphericity (χ = 946.401, df = 378, p < 0.001). the kmo test measures how suited the data are for a factor analysis. the kmo value of 0.688 is adequate to justify additional analyses. fourteen of the 28 statements loaded into 6 factors: 1 – stewardship; 2 – learning interest [nature]; 3 – insects; 4 – interconnectedness [bees and plants]; 5 – interconnectedness [animals]; and 6 – anthropogenic harm. one factor comprised only one statement and was removed from the analysis (5 – interconnectedness [animals]; appendix d). quade’s test revealed no significant changes in attitudes for any of the factors based on intervention, type of residence, or presence of gardens at home for all schools combined (appendix d). however, the intervention was significant regarding post-survey score changes between experimental and control groups at one school, whispering pines elementary, for factor 4 (interconnectedness [bees and plants]: f = 8.213, p = 0.007) and factor 6 (anthropogenic harm: f = 6.155, p = 0.018; appendix d). at whispering pines, post-survey scores for factor 4 interconnectedness (bees and plants) reported an increase for the control group (pre-survey mean = 3.816, sd = 0.831; post-survey mean = 4.237, sd = 0.547; table 2) and a decrease for the experimental group (pre-survey mean = 4.476, sd = 0.732; post-survey mean = 4.238, sd = 0.453; table 2). post-survey scores for factor 6 anthropogenic harm reported a decrease for the control group (presurvey mean = 4.404, sd = 0.453; post-survey mean = 4.123, sd = 0.594; table 2) and an increase for the experimental group (pre-survey mean = 3.635, sd = 0.981; post-survey mean = 4.175, sd = 0.985; table 2). neither air base k-8 center nor north hialeah elementary students showed significant changes in attitude for any of the factors based on intervention, type of residence, or presence of gardens at home before the study began (appendix d). plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 45 table 2. results from the likert scale (5 – strongly agree to 1 – strongly disagree) preand post-surveys all schools ab nhe wpe mean sd mean sd mean sd mean sd stewardship pre-con 4.260 0.713 4.317 0.703 4.117 0.777 4.351 0.626 post-con 4.119 0.726 4.033 0.788 4.250 0.752 4.070 0.598 pre-ex 4.131 0.871 4.238 0.676 4.386 0.522 3.794 1.148 post-ex 4.202 0.710 4.333 0.600 4.386 0.533 3.904 0.843 learning interest (nature) pre-con 4.040 0.762 4.067 0.892 4.300 0.730 3.737 0.491 post-con 4.136 0.664 4.033 0.690 4.433 0.528 3.930 0.654 pre-ex 4.093 0.864 4.000 0.756 4.526 0.487 3.794 1.056 post-ex 4.137 0.718 4.111 0.786 4.316 0.501 4.000 0.777 insects pre-con 3.051 1.092 3.400 1.079 3.375 1.023 2.342 0.796 post-con 3.331 0.977 3.300 1.030 3.65 0.808 3.026 0.980 pre-ex 3.139 1.083 3.476 1.229 3.211 0.922 2.738 0.921 post-ex 3.172 0.923 3.357 0.902 3.342 0.744 2.833 0.992 interconnectedness (bees and plants) pre-con 4.144 0.798 4.650 0.421 3.950 0.805 3.816 0.831 post-con 4.263 0.653 4.450 0.610 4.100 0.735 4.237 0.547 pre-ex 4.418 0.691 4.357 0.600 4.421 0.730 4.476 0.732 post-ex 4.393 0.544 4.476 0.663 4.474 0.443 4.238 0.453 anthropogenic harm pre-con 3.983 0.824 4.200 0.653 3.367 0.888 4.404 0.453 post-con 4.175 0.645 4.35 0.499 4.050 0.769 4.123 0.594 pre-ex 3.858 0.779 3.984 0.613 3.965 0.620 3.635 0.981 post-ex 4.186 0.861 4.095 0.880 4.298 0.657 4.175 0.985 bold indicates significant changes in students’ attitude. pre-con = pre-survey control treatment group; post-con = post-survey control treatment group; pre-ex = pre-survey experimental treatment group; post-ex = pre-survey experimental treatment group. ab = air base k-8 center; wpe = whispering pines elementary; nhe = north hialeah elementary. attitudes before and after: interview results although eight randomly selected students were interviewed from each class twice (preand post-interviews) during the study (n = 48 students, n = 96 interviews), some recorded interviews were corrupted due to technical difficulties. as a result, in the experimental group only, sample size was reduced by six for north hialeah elementary (post-interview) and by two for whispering pines elementary (preand post-interview). the remaining recorded interviews were used for analysis and plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 46 interpretation (n = 48 students, n = 86 interviews). responses to the most important questions are explained in detail here. 1) what kind of activities do you enjoy doing outdoors? three themes derived from this question: 1) sports, 2) random play, and 3) gardening/yard exploration. more students in the control group (pre: 67 percent, post: 63 percent) engaged in “sports” than the experimental group (pre: 41 percent, post: 50 percent). the percentage of students in the experimental group engaged in “random play” increased 19 percent during post-interviews (pre: 50 percent, post: 69 percent), but remained the same in the control group (pre: 58 percent, post: 58 percent). responses regarding “gardening or yard exploration” in the control group increased (pre: 25 percent, post: 38 percent), but responses decreased (pre: 50 percent, post: 31 percent) for the experimental group in postinterviews. 2) name some things you need to attract butterflies to a garden. from the control group, we derived three themes: 1) flowers, 2) plants, and 3) host plants. “flowers” and “plants” were considered basic responses as they displayed rudimentary understanding of components attracting butterflies. the theme “host plants” was considered an advanced response because it demonstrated a more specific understanding of plants used to attract butterflies, namely that butterflies need particular plants upon which to lay their eggs. more than 50 percent of the respondents mentioned “flowers” during both interviews (pre: 58 percent, post: 54 percent). thirty-eight percent of the respondents mentioned “plants” during both interviews. twenty-five percent more respondents mentioned “host plants” during post-interviews (pre: 13 percent, post: 38 percent). from the experimental group, we derived five themes: 1) flowers, 2) plants, 3) host plants, 4) nectar plants, and 5) milkweed. the most prevalent responses during pre-interviews were “flowers” (50 percent) and “nectar plants” (45 percent). the percentage of students that mentioned “flowers” declined substantially during post-interviews (pre: 50 percent, post: 13 percent). there was a modest decrease for “nectar plants” (pre: 45 percent, post: 38 percent). thirty-two percent of respondents mentioned “host plants” during pre-interviews, increasing to 44 percent during post-interviews. the percentage of respondents mentioning “plants” (pre: 10 percent, post: 38 percent) and “milkweed” (pre: 10 percent, post: 25 percent) also increased substantially during post-interviews. as before, the themes “host plants” and “nectar plants” were considered advanced responses because they demonstrated complex understanding of relationships between plants and butterflies. both groups mentioned “milkweed” (control group < 20 percent, a higher percentage of respondents in the experimental group) as attractors for butterflies, but no other specific plants were named. 3) would it be easy or difficult for animals and plants to survive in your neighborhood? briefly explain. in the control group, more than half of the respondents reported, “it would be easy” during both interviews (pre: 54 percent, post: 54 percent). twenty-nine percent stated, “it would be difficult or somewhat difficult” during pre-interviews, plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 47 but the proportion of responses increased during post-interviews (42 percent). two themes explained the ease of animal and plant survivorship in their neighborhoods: “lots of green space” and “lack of green space.” twenty-nine percent of respondents mentioned “lots of green space” during pre-interviews, which increased to 38 percent during post-interviews. “lack of green space” also increased during post-interviews (pre: 8 percent, post: 21 percent). in the experimental group, 59 percent of respondents reported, “it would be easy” during pre-interviews, increasing to 69 percent during post-interviews. thirty-six percent stated, “it would be difficult or somewhat difficult” during pre-interviews, but the proportion of responses decreased during post-interviews (31 percent). two themes explained the ease of animal and plant survivorship in their neighborhoods, which were “lots of green space” and “friendly neighbors.” forty-one percent of respondents mentioned “lots of green space” during pre-interviews, which increased to 50 percent during post-interviews. “friendly neighbors” also increased during post-interviews (pre: 18 percent, post: 25 percent). 4) describe some reasons butterflies and other insects are disappearing, going extinct. in the control group, students’ responses to this question comprised five themes: 1) no food, 2) predators, 3) pesticides, 4) people harming them, and 5) habitat loss. during pre-interviews, “no food” was the most prevalent response (38 percent), declining during post-interviews (21 percent). students’ responses for “people harming them” (pre: 33 percent, post: 42 percent) and “habitat loss” (pre: 33 percent, post: 42 percent) mirrored each other. responses for “predators” remained the same (pre: 21 percent, post: 21 percent), but “pesticides” markedly increased during post-interviews (pre: 8 percent, post: 25 percent). in the experimental group, the four response themes were: 1) no food, 2) pesticides, 3) people harming them, and 4) habitat loss. “people harming them” was the most prevalent theme during pre-interviews (50 percent), decreasing by 25 percent during post-interviews. thirty-six percent of respondents reported “habitat loss” during pre-interviews, increasing to 56 percent during post-interviews. thirtytwo percent of respondents reported “no food” during pre-interviews, decreasing to 25 percent in post-interviews. there was a 15 percent increase in the percentage of students reporting “pesticides” during post-interviews (pre: 10 percent, post: 25 percent). 5) would you recommend a butterfly garden to a friend? can you explain? most respondents from both groups said they would recommend a butterfly to a friend. while several students in the control and experimental groups said “no” during pre-interviews (controlpre: 8 percent; experimentalpre: 14 percent), all students said “yes” during post-interviews. themes derived from the responses included: 1) increase butterfly population, 2) like butterflies, and 3) help endangered butterflies. in the control group, the most popular theme was “like butterflies” (pre: 50 percent, post: 42 percent). twenty-five percent of respondents reported “increase butterfly population” during pre-interviews which declined to 17 plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 48 percent during post-interviews. the theme “help endangered butterflies” greatly increased during post-interviews (pre: 8 percent, post: 21 percent). in the experimental group, the most popular theme was “like butterflies” during pre-interviews, drastically decreasing during post-interviews (pre: 50 percent, post: 19 percent). twenty-seven percent of respondents reported “increase butterfly population” during pre-interviews which increased during post-interviews (38 percent). the percentage of respondents that contributed to the theme “help endangered butterflies” more than doubled during post-interviews (pre: 14 percent, post: 31 percent). butterfly gardens in the extended community students in the experimental group (all schools combined) reported a net gain of eight new home gardens (a 29 percent increase), compared to a net loss of two home gardens (a 5 percent decrease) in the control group (table 3). almost every student in the control group at north hialeah elementary had a garden before this study commenced; however, they reported two fewer gardens at the end of the study (this may have been due to moving or other reasons). the other control groups at air base k-8 center and whispering pines elementary maintained the same number of gardens. each school in the experimental group increased the number of gardens at home by two (air base) or three (north hialeah and whispering pines). while the experimental groups had an overall net increase of eight gardens, both the experimental and control groups had a net increase of five butterfly gardens after the study. the increase was greater in the experimental groups (the number doubled, 100 percent gain), while the control groups increased by 83 percent. north hialeah elementary students in both groups reported a dramatic increase in the number of butterfly gardens at home (control group = 5, experimental group = 4; table 3). table 3. the number of home gardens reported by students schools ab nhe wpe ab nhe wpe # of students 20 20 20 21 18 21 treatment control groups experimental groups # of gardens (pre-survey) 10 19 11 11 7 10 # of gardens (post-survey) 10 17 11 13 10 13 net results (gardens) 0 -2 0 +2 +3 +3 # of butterfly gardens (pre-survey) 1 1 4 3 0 2 # of butterfly gardens (post-survey) 2 6 3 4 4 2 net results (butterfly gardens) +1 +5 -1 +1 +4 0 ab = air base k-8 center; nhe = north hialeah elementary; wpe = whispering pines elementary plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 49 discussion focusing on butterflies, using the federally endangered schaus’ swallowtail butterfly as the flagship species, we engaged students in a variety of activities that described the work being done to rescue its population while highlighting pragmatic solutions for public participation; this project is an example of reconciliation ecology (rosenzweig, 2003). knowledge is essential to the changes needed to protect and preserve butterflies and ultimately biodiversity (allen, 2003; miller, 2005; vickery, 1995), and some changes can take place in our neighborhoods, not just in natural areas. overall, students in the experimental groups performed better on the post-test than students in control groups over the course of this teaching unit. looking at each school individually, the knowledge gain derived from the intervention was significantly higher for the experimental groups. this demonstrates that personal experiences with nature, in addition to knowledge about butterflies and ecosystems, are foundational to behavioral changes that can promote insect conservation and environmental stewardship (broom, 2017; caro et al., 2003; cheng & monroe, 2012; pe’er & settele, 2008; waliczek & zajicek, 1999). hypothesis 1 was supported as students in the intervention group showed greater knowledge retention about butterflies, ecosystems, and environmental stewardship. post-survey results revealed most students liked and valued animals, plants, and the environment, but showed lower, though neutral, interest in insects. independent variables such as the presence of established gardens at home before the study, the extended home activity intervention, and type of residence did not significantly influence post-survey results when all schools were grouped together. individually, the intervention did significantly influence post-survey results for two factors, interconnectedness (bees and plants) and anthropogenic harm, at one (whispering pines elementary) of the three schools. for interconnectedness, the control group score significantly increased while the experimental group score significantly declined. the opposite occurred for anthropogenic harm; these disjointed attitude shifts between the experimental and control groups at this school were perplexing, possibly due to factors not measured in this study, leading to more questions. the surveys did not detect significant explainable trends over time, as significant attitude shifts between the experimental and control groups were minimal. survey results suggested young students already had a strong appreciation for the environment (pyle, 2002), which can be harnessed by teachers and educators (brewer, 2002; culin, 2002; tatarchuk & eick, 2011). efforts in demystifying insects, often portrayed as “gross,” annoying pests, but as essential components to biological processes on earth, should be taught inside and outside the classroom (matthews, flage, & matthews, 1997; rader et al., 2016). students’ interviews provided them an opportunity to share perceptions about themselves, hobbies, butterflies, gardens, and the environment. exploratory activities and time spent outside often relates to connection to the environment. for example, students engaged in nature (exploring, gardening, and playing) are more plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 50 likely to advocate for its protection (broom, 2017; cheng & monroe, 2012; wells & lekies, 2006). the act of “playing” could be harnessed as an effective means to encourage exploration and inquiry in the butterfly garden, school grounds, and home backyard, promoting environmental stewardship (fisher-maltese, 2016; jacobi-vessels, 2013; sobel, 2005). most students were familiar with basic components of a butterfly garden, mentioning specific butterfly attractors such as flowers, plants, and host plants. a higher proportion of students in the experimental group mentioned host plants as a butterfly attractor than students in the control group during preand postinterviews. students’ recognition of host plants demonstrated a better understanding of enticing butterflies to visit gardens as well as the butterflies’ life history. more than half of the students in the control group mentioned flowers. some flowers are great attractors for butterflies, but the term “flower” is a generic, loose term. the term “nectar plant” is more specific and focuses on plants that produce food resources for various pollinators including butterflies (allen, 2003; hammer, 2015). post-interview responses from the experimental group demonstrated a deeper understanding for attracting butterflies compared to the control group (mathew & anto, 2007; minno & emmel, 1993). during the interviews, students made the connection between abundant green space (the presence of herbaceous and woody plants) and wildlife presence. some students in the experimental group also mentioned their homes were surrounded by friendly neighbors, depicting a positive atmosphere of community and communication. both are necessary to promote and spread environmental stewardship (sobel, 2005). during post-interviews, a higher proportion of students in the control group recognized that lack of green space was a reason animals and plants would have a difficult time surviving in their neighborhood. nature within urban ecosystems is a relatively new concept, although more people are becoming cognizant of synurbization (adaptation of wildlife to urban environments; andrzejewski, babińska-werka, gliwicz, & goszczyński, 1978; ramírez-restrepo et al., 2017). during post-interview results, a higher proportion of students in both groups recognized that habitat loss and pesticides were deleterious to butterflies and other insects. lack of food was a popular response from students in both groups during pre-interviews, but that response decreased during post-interviews. it is likely that the “lack of food” response relates to monarch butterflies and milkweed, the most widely known butterfly story, in which population decline is attributed to fewer milkweed host plants, as well as fewer forests and natural areas, along their migratory route (guiney & oberhauser, 2009; howard & davis, 2009). students were also aware people could directly harm butterflies and other insects by collecting them for money, and killing them if, as insects, they are perceived a nuisance. during the pre-interviews, several students in both groups stated they would not recommend a butterfly garden to a friend because their friends would have no interest in it. three months later all interviewed students stated they would plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 51 recommend a butterfly garden to a friend. interviewed students were conscious of the negative effects on local flora and fauna associated with urban environments and people. people can directly harm insects by squashing them or using pesticides or indirectly through development and removal of viable greenspace. the preand post-survey results demonstrated students had a neutral interest towards insects and insects in their space; however, post-interview responses indicated students were willing to advocate for butterflies through butterfly gardening. school butterfly gardens can excite students to care more about their local flora and fauna; moreover, a reconciled ecological approach extending from schools into communities can transform anthropogenic, sterile landscapes into attractive, plant biodiverse habitats suitable for various wildlife including butterflies (koh & sodhi, 2004; rosenzweig, 2003; rudd, vala, & schaefer, 2002). in summary, survey results did not support hypothesis 2; on the other hand, interviews provided a deeper understanding into what students already knew and felt at the beginning and end of the project. all students in both groups came to value butterfly gardens and stewardship for the environment. did this translate into an increase in gardens at home? there was a net increase of eight gardens of all types in the experimental group and a net loss of two gardens in the control group. an additional two to three gardens were added to neighborhoods outside of each school, potentially benefiting wildlife. our third hypothesis was not supported because both the experimental and control groups had a net increase of five butterfly gardens, although the percentage increase was slightly higher for the experimental group. in the future, photo evidence of gardens at home could allow more accurate designation of garden type. giving students plants to take home presented an opportunity to motivate students to expand gardens beyond the school grounds. student ownership provided additional care and experiential learning to monitor plant growth and insect activity over time. however, individual plant observations and maintenance at home were likely more successful with parent, teacher, and peer support, which should be integrated into the curriculum (culin, 2002; tatarchuk & eick, 2011). teacher scaffolding can push the experiential process and teach students how to think critically based on acquired knowledge from the science content and their own observations in butterfly gardens at school and home (brewer, 2002; settlage & southerland, 2007; tatarchuk & eick, 2011). younger students are more subject to the motivation of their guardians; therefore, scaffolding the construction and maintenance of a butterfly garden at home is not mutually exclusive from guardian approval and encouragement. future studies investigating the impact of naturebased activities in elementary schools should integrate guardians into the study. in addition, follow-through on home garden creation might be further facilitated by providing additional information resources and support (e.g., county extension office contact, web sites of native plant and butterfly groups, etc.). conclusion insects are smaller and less noticeable than pandas, tigers, and other “charismatic megafauna” (leader-williams & dublin, 2000; rohlf, 1991). many people also have plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 52 unfavorable opinions about insects (lockwood, 2013; sumner, law, & cini, 2018), even though insects play important roles in ecosystems, serving as pollinators, food producers, nutrient transporters, and decomposers. of the insects, butterflies are the most attractive to people, and in recent years more attention has been drawn to monarchs, their food plants (milkweed), and their migration (cutting & tallamy, 2015; howard & davis, 2009). at the same time, scientists have studied imperiled butterflies to better understand their life histories and restore their populations and habitats (mcelderry et al., 2015; ramírez-restrepo et al., 2017; salvato, 2003; schultz & dlugosch, 1999; wagner & van driesche, 2010). the schaus’ swallowtail butterfly has been the subject of research for decades (usfws, 2017). our firsthand experience in habitat restoration for the schaus’ swallowtail (whelan & atkinson, 2015) led us to develop its story into attractive and teachable lessons; we used the schaus’ swallowtail as a flagship species to draw in students to become aware of butterflies and care about what happens to them. this approach is applied extensively by zoos and wildlife conservation organizations, teaching the public about rare, charismatic species to instill a sense of compassion and advocacy for their protection and preservation. in this study, the intervention at home significantly increased students’ content knowledge about butterflies and their ecosystems over a two-month timespan. knowledge about and positive exposure towards a subject can lead to real changes in behavior (broom, 2017; caro et al., 2003; cheng & monroe, 2012; waliczek & zajicek, 1999). overall, despite negligible shifts in attitudes, students demonstrated high affinities for animals, plants, and the environment. interviews revealed students had positive experiences from the program. place-based learning, active participation, and personal involvement are effective strategies to pique students’ interest in butterfly conservation and environmental stewardship (brewer, 2002; fisher-maltese, 2016; sobel, 2005). south florida and the keys have been ideal locations for human habitation at the expense of native wildlife and habitat (giannini & heinen, 2014). through education, butterflies can be used as flagship species (guiney & oberhauser, 2009; pe’er & settele, 2008), as most people like butterflies, and they are attractive mascots for conservation (ramírez-restrepo et al., 2017). butterfly gardening goes beyond butterflies, as many other species of animals are also attracted to the garden (hammer, 2015; minno & emmel, 1993). a generational paradigm shift is necessary to ameliorate the continued decline of insect biodiversity and abundance. recognition of ecosystem services and aesthetics through habitat rehabilitation and enrichment such as butterfly gardening can transcend attitudes of environmental mastery towards environmental harmony between humans and wildlife (alonso & heinen, 2011; rosenzweig, 2003). limitations findings from this study represent only the study participants and may not necessarily be extrapolated to represent the majority of 5th-grade students in miami-dade county, given the dynamics of cultural diversity and experiences in conjunction with socioeconomic factors (kurlaender & yun, 2005; moore 2004). a larger sample size of students (more 5th-grade classes) in both experimental and plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 53 control groups would have strengthened representation. miami-dade county is a large cosmopolitan metropolis with 197 elementary schools and 44 k-8 centers. an extension of the study to include more students and schools would provide more opportunities to elucidate the effects on place-based education and the intervention of native plant home assignment. logistical and financial constraints involving time commitment, plant resources, and identification guides increases as the sample size scales up; however, detailed preparation and experience can alleviate some of the constraints through timed plant cultivation, collaboration with nurseries, dedicated teacher commitment at each school, and reliable support by the scientific community. acknowledgments we thank the principals at each school: tamela brown (wpe), yanelys canales (nhe), and raul calzadilla, jr. (ab). the study would not have been feasible without the dedication and support of the teachers involved: sarah davio (wpe), nadia earl (nhe), jessica hernandez (nhe), sandra martinez (ab), carmen monge (ab), kamelia ramnarine (wpe), vicki terranova (wpe), and louis vazquez (nhe). we thank dr. scott zona for provided fiu greenhouse space and materials. we also thank leslie bayas, lydia cuni, darlene darrican, michael foguer, tanjim hossain, eduardo ibarra, andrea salas, and yadira reynaldo for leadership roles involved in garden construction, plant care, and transportation. jennifer morales provided invaluable consultation on the instruments (tests, survey statements, and interview questions) designed for this study. constructive comments on the manuscript including statistical support were made by sarah eddy. financial support was provided by: fiu center for leadership global civic engagement mini grant, kelly foundation botany scholarship to the first author, and donorschoose.org (through which we raised contributions for supplies at the schools). many butterfly host and nectar plants donated to the students and schools were provided by mark glasser. additional plants were provided by members in the north american butterfly association miami blue chapter and florida native plant society tillandsia chapter. constructive comments on the manuscript were provided by adel peña, maureen donnelly, bradley bennett, and jeffrey wells. jaeson clayborn participated in the schaus’ swallowtail habitat enhancement project in biscayne national park as part of his dissertation work at florida international university. in addition, part of his research focused on developing and implementing an insect conservation curriculum unit applied in classrooms and homes in south florida communities. he is an entomological society of america policy fellow (2019). his research interests include insect and landscape conservation and predator-prey interactions. suzanne koptur is a plant ecologist and professor of biology at florida international university. her areas of expertise are insect-plant interactions, pollination ecology, agroecology, and schoolyard ecology. george o’brien is a professor of science education. he uses social constructivist frameworks to study science and science education teaching and learning; educating pre-service science teachers for sustainability; developing and plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 54 strengthening teacher learning environments based upon the design of four levels of educational outcomes and specific stem content themes. references allen, w. 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(2015). schaus’ swallowtail butterfly (heraclides aristodemus ponceanus) habitat enhancement in biscayne national park. south florida coastal program project progress report. florida: national park service sfcn. plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 61 appendix a. pre-study test: butterflies, gardens, and conservation use vocabulary from the box below that best completes each statement (1 6) 1) a(n) _________ is the combination of living and non-living things and their interactions. 2) when the last animal of a species dies, the species becomes ____________________. 3) a(n) ___________________ is a chemical used to kill harmful insects. 4) an animal without a backbone is a(n) ____________________. 5) butterflies lay their eggs on ____________________ which provide food for caterpillars. 6) ___________________ are globally imperiled areas found only in south florida, the bahamas, and turks and caicos. short answers 7) what changes in a habitat would cause butterfly populations to decrease? 8) what would you add to your garden to attract monarch butterflies? 9) what does it mean for an animal to be imperiled? 10) what is the difference between a caterpillar and an adult butterfly? 11) name two countries near (very close) south florida that have similar plants and insects. multiple choice choose the letter that best completes the statement or answers the question 12) butterflies are considered pollinators, what are pollinators? a. flight behavior used to escape predators b. an animal that transfers pollen from one flower to another flower c. plants that use wind to disperse their pollen d. ascended saiyan who defeated cell 13) the host plant for the florida leafwing (butterfly) is the pineland croton plant which grows in a globally imperiled ecosystem in south florida known to be rocky, what is the correct name for the ecosystem? a. hardwood hammock b. pine rockland c. cypress dome d. pine flatwoods pine rockland host plant hardwood hammock pesticide extinct endemic invertebrate ecosystem plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 62 14) what would be harmful to a butterfly in your garden? a. allowing some weeds to grow in the garden b. watering the plants c. releasing snakes into your garden d. spraying the plants with pesticides 15) photosynthesis is the process plants use __________ to make sugar for food. what do plants need to make food and oxygen? a. air, leaves, soil, and roots b. sunlight, soil, and clouds c. sunlight, water, and carbon dioxide d. sunlight, water, carbon dioxide, and oxygen cause and effect 16) fill in the missing cause and effect cause it does not rain for four months at the school's butterfly garden effect the schaus' swallowtail butterfly becomes in danger of extinction http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-qfmjgrfkcrk/uxmz0u06pyi/aaaaaaaagbo/4hpf5nsnn6s/s1600/photosynthesis_diagram.jpg plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 63 17) label each picture below in order from beginning to end by writing the different stages (1st stage, 2nd stage, 3rd stage, 4th stage). 18) identify which picture below represents a host plant or nectar plant by writing the correct name below each picture (host plant or nectar plant). a) ___________________ b) ____________________ c) ________________________ a b c http://forums.gardenweb.com/forums/butterfly/msg0616572221454.0617010427284.jpg plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 64 appendix b. post-study test: butterflies, gardens, and conservation use vocabulary from the box below that best completes each statement (1 6) 1) when the last animal of a species dies, the species becomes ____________________. 2) a(n) ___________________ species is an organism native or restricted to a certain country or area (found nowhere else). 3) a(n) ___________________ is a chemical used to kill harmful insects. 4) an animal without a backbone is a(n) ____________________. 5) ___________________ are globally imperiled areas found only in south florida, the bahamas, and turks and caicos. 6) the schaus’ swallowtail butterfly lives in a ________________________ which is a forest habitat characterized by dense stands of hardwood, broad-leafed trees. short answers 7) what changes in a habitat would cause butterfly populations to increase? 8) what would you add to your garden to attract monarch butterflies? 9) the schaus’ swallowtail butterfly population has decreased over time to very low numbers. should the butterfly be listed as imperiled, briefly explain? 10) what is the difference between a caterpillar and an adult butterfly? 11) name two countries near (very close) florida that have similar plants and animals. multiple choice choose the letter that best completes the statement or answers the question 12) butterflies are considered pollinators, what are pollinators? a. flight behavior used to escape predators b. an animal that transfers pollen from one flower to another flower c. plants that use wind to disperse their pollen d. ascended saiyan who defeated cell pine rockland host plant hardwood hammock pesticide extinct endemic invertebrate ecosystem plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 65 13) the host plant for the bartram’s scrub-hairsteak (butterfly) is the pineland croton plant which grows in a globally imperiled ecosystem in south florida known to be rocky, what is the correct name for the ecosystem? a. hardwood hammock b. pine rockland c. cypress dome d. pine flatwoods 14) what would be harmful to a butterfly in your garden? a. allowing some weeds to grow in the garden b. watering the plants c. releasing snakes into your garden d. spraying the plants with pesticides 15) photosynthesis is the process plants use __________ to make sugar for food. what do plants need to make food and oxygen? a. sunlight, soil, and clouds b. sunlight, water, and carbon dioxide c. air, leaves, soil, and roots d. sunlight, water, carbon dioxide, and oxygen cause and effect 16) fill in the missing causes and effects cause people spray lots of pesticides in their front and backyard effect students observe many monarch butterflies in their backyard http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-qfmjgrfkcrk/uxmz0u06pyi/aaaaaaaagbo/4hpf5nsnn6s/s1600/photosynthesis_diagram.jpg plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 66 17) label each picture below in order from beginning to end by writing the different stages (1st stage, 2nd stage, 3rd stage, 4th stage). 18) identify which pictures below represent a butterfly, moth or skipper by writing the correct name below each picture (butterfly, moth or skipper). a) _________________________ b) ____________________________ c) _______________________ a b c plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 67 appendix c. survey statements and interview questions all students (n = 120) in the experimental and control groups at each school (air base k-8 center, north hialeah elementary, whispering pines elementary) were administered prestudy and post-study survey statements. a total of 48 students (16 students at each school, 8 students per treatment) participated in preand post-interviews. teacher _______________ what is your age? _______ what is your ethnic background (or origin)? do you have a garden outside of school? yes or no if yes, what kind (or type) of garden? ____________ what type of place do you live in (please circle one below)? house apartment condo other ___________ survey statements 1) i like to learn about animals. 2) i like to learn about insects. 3) i like to learn about plants. 4) i like to learn about the environment 5) insects are important to the environment. 6) plants are important to the environment. 7) animals are important to the environment. 8) animals are easily harmed by people. 9) plants are easily harmed by people. 10) insects are easily harmed by people. 11) the environment is easily harmed by people. 12) i would give some of my money to help save animals. 13) i would give some of my money to help save insects. 14) i would give some of my money to help save plants and trees. 15) i would give some of my money to help save butterflies. 16) i would give some of my money to help save bees. 17) i like to spend time in places that have bees. 18) i like to spend time in places that have plants. 19) i like to spend time in places that have animals. 20) i like to spend time in places that have insects. 21) i like to spend time in places that have butterflies. 22) it makes me sad to see buildings and homes where plants and animals used to be. 23) i would like to help clean up the environment in my neighborhood. 24) people need animals to live. 25) people need plants and trees to live. 26) people need insects to live. 27) people need butterflies to live. 28) people need bees to live. interview questions 1) what kind of activities do you enjoy doing outdoors? 2) what kind of activities do you like to do indoors? 3) how much time do you spend outside during school? plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 68 4) how much time do you spend outside after school? 5) can you describe a butterfly garden? 6) name some things you need to attract butterflies to a garden? 7) do you have a garden outside of school? 8) (if yes to #7) tell me about some of the plants in your garden. 9) would it be easy or difficult for animals and plants to survive in your neighborhood, briefly explain? 10) describe some reasons butterflies and other insects are disappearing, going extinct. 11) would you recommend a butterfly garden to a friend? can you explain? plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 69 appendix d. quade’s rank analysis of covariance was used to analyze survey results. postsurvey score was the dependent variable, pre-survey score was the covariate with the influence of gardens present at the place of residence before the study commenced, intervention of taking host and nectar plants home, and type of students’ residence as independent variables. we tested type of residence for all schools; however, we did not test it for individual schools due to small sample size. factor 1 – stewardship #12 i would give some of my money to help save animals. #14 i would give some of my money to help save plants and trees. #23 i would like to help clean up the environment in my neighborhood. factor 2 – learning interest (nature) #1 i like to learn about animals. #3 i like to learn about plants. #4 i like to learn about the environment. factor 3 – insects #2 i like to learn about insects. #20 i like to spend time in places that have insects. factor 4 – interconnectedness (bee and plants) #6 plants are important to the environment. #28 people need bees to live. factor 6 – anthropogenic harm #8 animals are easily harmed by people. #9 plants are easily harmed by people. #11 the environment is easily harmed by people. all schools source sum of squares df mean square f significance stewardship intervention 451.077 1 451.077 0.384 0.537 residence 3628.042 1 3628.042 1.568 0.213 garden at residence 103.698 1 103.698 0.088 0.767 learning interest (nature) intervention 23.124 1 23.124 0.019 0.889 residence 418.668 1 418.668 0.175 0.840 garden at residence 33.724 1 33.724 0.028 0.867 insects intervention 1048.373 1 1048.373 0.889 0.348 residence 68.363 1 68.363 0.029 0.972 garden at residence 735.246 1 735.246 0.622 0.432 interconnectedness (bees and plants) intervention 1449.649 1 1449.649 1.298 0.257 residence 2641.917 1 2641.917 1.184 0.310 garden at residence 4031.248 1 4031.248 3.683 0.057 plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 70 anthropogenic harm intervention 708.809 1 708.809 0.602 0.439 residence 3186.678 1 3186.678 1.367 0.259 garden at residence 530.940 1 530.940 0.451 0.503 air base k-8 center source sum of squares df mean square f significance stewardship intervention 183.083 1 183.083 1.329 0.256 garden at residence 68.882 1 68.882 0.490 0.488 learning interest (nature) intervention 21.712 1 21.712 0.155 0.696 garden at residence 5.393 1 5.393 0.038 0.846 insects intervention 1.092 1 1.092 0.008 0.931 garden at residence 42.212 1 42.212 0.298 0.588 interconnectedness (bees and plants) intervention 2.364 1 2.364 0.019 0.890 garden at residence 4.995 1 4.995 0.041 0.841 anthropogenic harm intervention 93.283 1 93.283 0.694 0.410 garden at residence 106.634 1 106.634 0.795 0.378 north hialeah elementary source sum of squares df mean square f significance stewardship intervention 9.892 1 9.892 0.079 0.780 garden at residence 18.018 1 18.018 0.144 0.706 learning interest (nature) intervention 43.925 1 43.925 0.361 0.552 garden at residence 20.354 1 20.354 0.166 0.686 insects intervention 251.296 1 251.296 2.177 0.149 garden at residence 13.323 1 13.323 0.109 0.743 interconnectedness (bees and plants) intervention 289.663 1 289.663 2.468 0.125 garden at residence 320.376 1 320.376 2.749 0.106 anthropogenic harm intervention 55.336 1 55.336 0.445 0.509 garden at residence 14.691 1 14.691 0.117 0.734 whispering pines elementary source sum of squares df mean square f significance stewardship intervention 6.073 1 6.073 2.146 0.151 garden at residence 5.654 1 5.654 1.948 0.171 plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening… 71 learning interest (nature) intervention 0.011 1 0.011 0.542 0.466 garden at residence 0.012 1 0.012 0.550 0.463 insects intervention 5.125 1 5.125 2.186 0.148 garden at residence 0.079 1 0.079 0.033 0.856 interconnectedness (bees and plants) intervention 6.185 1 6.185 8.213 0.007* garden at residence 0.073 1 0.073 0.080 0.778 anthropogenic harm intervention 15.608 1 15.608 6.155 0.018* garden at residence 0.487 1 0.487 0.167 0.686 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are 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via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. children, youth and environments 32(3), 2022 growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses to changing socio-ecological contexts as a result of the pandemic barry percy-smith just futures: centre for child, youth, family and communities research university of huddersfield, uk sara rizzo chermaine tay enrica lorusso laurie day ecorys, uk leanne monchuk just futures: centre for child, youth, family and communities research university of huddersfield, uk citation: percy-smith, b., rizzo, s., tay, c., lorusso, e., day, l., & monchuk, l. (2022). growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses to changing socio-ecological contexts as a result of the pandemic. children, youth and environments, 32(3), 1-24. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract many studies about the impacts of the covid-19 pandemic on young people have focused on them as victims or villains in the crisis and with a predominant emphasis on their schooling. this paper draws on participatory action research (par) with young people in the uk, italy, singapore and lebanon to provide insights into the impacts of the pandemic and the changes it brought into young people’s everyday personal, familial and social worlds. using bronfenbrenner’s socio-ecological framework, the paper provides a more balanced view of the impact of the pandemic on young people, including examples of how it brought about new opportunities for young people’s personal development, social actorship and political agency, in spite of the pandemic’s detrimental impacts. we apply the concept of “affordances” to understand how young people have creatively, critically and reflexively responded to changes to the socio-ecological contexts that frame their lives. these are manifest through new social roles, identity development and a heightened sense of communitarianism, political awareness and active citizenship. the paper raises growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 2 questions about what young people need in terms of nurturing environments to grow up in and highlights key considerations in safeguarding young people’s rights in future public health crises and post-covid rebuilding. keywords: covid-19, young people, socio-ecological contexts, affordances, family, political, personal development, participatory action research growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 3 introduction covid-19 has had significant impacts on young people across the world (gupta & jawanda, 2020; lundy et al., 2021). there is now a considerable evidence base documenting the effects of the pandemic on different areas of their lives. academic and news media reports have placed considerable emphasis on the far-reaching disruptions to young people’s education (vuorikari et al., 2020; di pietro et al., 2020; oecd, 2021; engzell et al. 2021; blaskó & schnepf, 2021). while young people across the world have had their education disrupted as a result of the pandemic, blaskó and schnepf (2021) highlight the extent to which covid-19 compounded inequalities in educational experience and outcomes, giving rise to what van lancker and parolin (2020) refer to as a social crisis in the making. breaking down these differential impacts on young people’s education, rotas and cahapay (2020) document how, for example, many young people have struggled with remote learning; similarly, vuorikari (2020) highlighted the differential ability of families to support education at home. in parallel with concern about impacts of the pandemic on young people’s education, an increasing number of studies underline the impact on young people’s mental wellbeing (ford et al., 2021; loades et al., 2020; duan et al., 2020 gadermann et al., 2021; young minds, 2021) highlighting in particular the impact of loneliness and isolation on children and youths’ mental wellbeing (loades et al., 2021). echoing trends in the socially differential impacts of the pandemic on young people’s education, inequalities in impacts on their mental health have been similarly reinforced and exacerbated. global examples include gadermann et al.’s (2021) study examining the impacts of the covid-19 pandemic on family mental health in canada, young mind’s 2021 study in the uk, and duan et al.’s (2021) work highlighting the unequal impacts on vulnerable groups in china. impacts on young people’s mental health in turn affect other areas of their lives including education, for instance due to “zoom fatigue” resulting from spending considerable time online (bailenson, 2021). evidence suggests that impacts of the pandemic on children and youth are not simply the result of causal influences, but instead are mediated by the contextual circumstances that shape young people’s lives (bronfenbrenner, 1979). bronfenbrenner’s (1979) socio-ecological model is now well known and involves a series of socio-ecological dimensions that shape (young) people’s lives: the immediate microsystem of the family, peers, and school; the mesosystem which links these together through community relationships and interactions; the exosystem of wider social factors and socio-structural position; and the macrosystem of national culture, political economy, and virtual worlds. this model is useful for understanding the way in which social events such as the pandemic affect young people’s lives. a key microsystem that has impacted young people during the pandemic is family life (biroli et al., 2020; branquinho et al., 2020; lebow, 2020; cluver et al., 2020). while some studies have reasserted the significance of social inequalities in understanding the worsening plight of some families and young people during the pandemic (blaskó & schnepf, 2021; oecd, 2021; bambra et al., 2021), including growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 4 those in specific situations such as temporary accommodation (rosenthal et al., 2020), others have highlighted how the pandemic can place strain on family life even in middleand high income families (carroll et al., 2020) and parenting (cluver et al., 2020) with consequential impacts for young people’s wellbeing. there is also stark evidence that it is often young people with pre-existing vulnerabilities, including those in families experiencing poverty or violence and young people with special educational needs and disabilities, who have most felt the effects of the crisis (crawley et al., 2020; gupta & jawanda, 2020; imran et al., 2020; rosenthal et al., 2020; thorisdottir et al., 2021), with studies by hawke et al. (2021) and paceley et al. (2021) highlighting the mental health impacts on particularly vulnerable groups such as young people from the lgbtqi+ communities. faced with these multiple impacts a number of scholars underline the importance of hearing the voices of young people on their own terms in order to understand the unique ways they have been impacted and to safeguard their human rights (cuevas-parra & stephano, 2020; lundy et al., 2021; branquinho et al., 2020). however, young people are not solely passive victims of the negative impacts of covid-19 on their education, health, and wellbeing. while young people have undoubtedly been impacted by the pandemic, sociological studies of childhood and youth assert the extent to which young people are competent social actors able to demonstrate a degree of resilience in navigating social change. young people readily demonstrate resilience in managing as well as positively navigating difficult situations (see for example berridge, 2017; ray, 2010), including the pandemic (see for example paceley et al., 2021, with respect to lgbtq young people). although there is growing literature on how covid-19 has affected young people, little attention has been paid to its more nuanced psychosocial impacts on young people in terms of their changing sense of self, coping strategies, personal development, agency and contribution as citizens. this paper fills this gap by revealing the extent to which many young people responded creatively, critically, and reflexively in diverse ways to the pandemic, through, for example, new social roles, personal and identity development, and a heightened sense of communitarianism, political awareness, and active citizenship. while these types of changes also occurred in pre-pandemic contexts, this research illuminates that young people recognize that these are significant outcomes from the pandemic. scholarly work concerning children’s environments commonly draws on gibson’s idea of “place affordances” (gibson, 1979), referring to the opportunities young people can derive from different contexts. in a similar way, we applied the concept of “affordances” to our analysis of young people’s experiences to understand how, despite the pandemic’s detrimental impacts, it also brought about new possibilities for young people. by understanding the complex ways in which the pandemic changed the socio-ecological contexts in which young people lived and their responses to this, we can gain valuable insights into young people’s views of the world in which they are growing up. growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 5 the overall aim of the research on which this paper draws was to understand how young people are experiencing and responding to the covid-19 crisis, and to make suggestions for how to promote young people’s wellbeing and rights during and after the pandemic. to achieve this aim, the researchers worked with young people as co-researchers to understand: 1) how is the covid-19 crisis affecting young people’s everyday lives and those around them, and how are they responding to the situation? 2) what are young people’s perspectives about how the covid-19 crisis is being managed, how it is talked about in the media, and the measures that are put in place? 3) to what extent are young people’s needs and circumstances being considered, and what is the actual and potential contribution of young people as active citizens? 4) what do young people think about the attitudes, values, and behaviors of others, and the positive and negative consequences of the covid-19 crisis for society? 5) what do young people perceive as the priorities for the recovery, for rebuilding society and young people’s roles in the recovery process? 6) what messages do young people have for decision makers about managing future crises, and safeguarding young people’s rights in the future? in this paper, we draw on qualitative evidence gathered by young people, including outcomes from their own research, observations, interviews and diary extracts to elaborate a more nuanced understanding of young people’s experiences and responses to the pandemic. in so doing, we reflect on what young people’s experiences, values and actions signal for policymakers and practitioners in developing more nurturing environments for children and youth to grow up in in the future. this paper is framed by sociological studies of childhood and youth (james & prout, 1997) and children’s rights that acknowledge childhood and youth as periods in the lifecourse in their own right rather than perceiving them in developmental terms as “human becomings” (uprichard, 2008). we also argue that personal and social development and change are equally characteristic in other phases in the lifecourse and as such should not be used solely to define adolescence. in this context we respect the integrity of young people’s diverse everyday life experiences shaped by variable and changing socio-cultural contexts and influences over time (james & prout, 1997) and echo authors elsewhere who argue for the importance of hearing the voices of children and youth and their experiences of the pandemic (lundy et al., 2021; cuevas-parra & stephano, 2020). accordingly, the value of the evidence in this paper is important for understanding the influence of this major public health crisis on changes in young people’s lives according to their own terms of reference and in ways that may not have happened otherwise. growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 6 understanding young people’s lives during the pandemic: methodological approach the nuffield foundation funded research1 on which this paper is based adopted a longitudinal ethnographic action research approach supporting 70 young people (ages 14-18) in seven countries (italy, lebanon, singapore, england, scotland, northern ireland, and wales) in documenting and making sense of their own experiences and views on political decisions for managing responses to the pandemic. young people worked in seven research panels, including four mixed-uk groups of young people from the four home nations, each supported by an adult researcher. the approach drew on principles of participatory action research (par), involving young people in exploring and reflecting on the pandemic from their own perspective, generating questions to explore in dialogue with others, engaging in collaborative sense-making, generating key messages for decision-makers and identifying possibilities for their own social action in response to their learning. this approach is not about systematically comparing young people’s responses to adult questions or assessing prevalence. instead, par is a participatory alternative for enabling young people to research their own lives according to their own research questions and priorities (reason, 1988) and valuing the integrity of those experiences in their own right rather than solely giving them value through scientific abstraction. this approach to post-positivist research is not subject to the same notions of rigor as conventional scientific research, but instead is given value by the meaning and value ascribed to the findings in context by those involved (gibbons et al., 1994). carr and kemmis (1986, p. 162) hence articulate action research as “simply a form of self-reflective enquiry undertaken by participants in social situations in order to improve… their own practices, their understanding of these practices and the situations in which the practices are carried out.” young people in this study decided how and with whom they documented the covid-19 crisis. this allowed the possibility for both formal research methods such as semistructured interviews, surveys, and media discourse analysis, as well as informal diary and arts-based methods. recruitment was via social media, ngos, public authorities, and organizations representing specific groups, including black asian minority ethnic (bame) young people, lgbtqi+ young people, and young carers2, and participant selection was guided by the need to ensure sufficient maturity and independence to carry out an action research project online over time. the researchers selected participants with an emphasis on diversity, and to include representation from those who faced specific forms of adversity during the covid-19 crisis, such as health issues, family issues, or socio-economic challenges. the adult research team trained and supported the young people as co-researchers to undertake their own research according to their own interests and situations, 1 grant reference wel/fr-000022571 2 young carers are young people who take on responsibilities of providing care for their siblings and or parents growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 7 alongside keeping journals of their own observations about the pandemic. the training took place online and included discussing different methods the youth participants might consider using including interviews, diaries, group work, surveys, etc. and discussing how they might use these to investigate issues further and find out more information. the adult researchers designed a research guide and a research toolkit specifically for the project. research training included talking through the aims, research questions and the socio-ecological framework developed for the research as a way of helping young people think about the varying spheres of influence on different areas of their lives. during the training sessions, adult and youth researchers discussed different areas of young people’s lives as possible foci for their research including family, friends/peers, work/income, access to services, education, health and wellbeing, identity, communication, and civic and social participation (figure 1). figure 1. key themes (1): implications of covid-19 for young people’s lives 1. family • family roles and relationships • family routines and traditions • emotional support and caregiving • privacy and personal space 2. friends and peer relationships • leisure activities • friendship groups and personal and social networks • intimate relationships 3. work and income • work, remuneration and family responsibilities • financial or material support • poverty and hardship 4. access to services • access to food, medicines, sanitation and other essentials • access to professional support • access to information 5. education • schooling and educational resources • formal and non-formal learning (incl. validation of learning under lockdown) • parental engagement in education • effects of missed education/ transition to school or work 6. health and wellbeing • physical health and exercise • social and emotional wellbeing • health-related vulnerabilities and their impact • personal safety 7. identity and freedom of expression • outlets for personal or creative expression (culture, music, art) • observation of religious or cultural practices • political expression during the crisis (e.g., blogs/vlogs, social commentary) 8. civic and social participation • getting out • informal support within the local neighborhood • participation in organized activities (e.g., youth councils, ngo affiliation, or fund-raising activities) • helping others 9. crosscutting themes • mobility and freedom of movement • spaces and environments (e.g., learning, social or digital environments) • gender dimensions • vulnerability and disadvantage growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 8 young people were invited to think critically about social and political responses to the pandemic, impacts on themselves as a generational group, and what they think needs to happen to ensure that young people’s rights are safeguarded during and after the pandemic (figure 2). figure 2. key themes (2): young people’s social commentary and recommendations 1) young people’s perspectives of emergency measures taken – perceived sufficiency of the speed and type of actions by government and other public authorities: school closures, social distancing, restrictions placed on mobility and privacy (e.g., contact tracing, monitoring of citizens’ movements, forfeiting of rights and freedoms). 2) views on impacts for young people as a group within society – perceived social justice and fairness (e.g., trade-offs between young people’s education and public health); intended or unintended consequences for young people of emergency legislation; concerns about groups who are vulnerable within society or overlooked. 3) commentary on societal values, attitudes and behaviors – perceptions of media coverage of the pandemic and how young people are portrayed; reliability of information; unexpected positive consequences of the crisis (e.g., reduced travel and carbon emissions, community support, collective responsibility and acts of kindness). 4) future proofing – learning from the covid-19 crisis for safeguarding child rights in future emergency situations: actions needed at municipal, national or global scales; views on spending priorities for recovery after the crisis—economic, public health, welfare and social justice; and mechanisms to ensure that young people have a voice. in keeping with the philosophy and ethos of par, the specific focus of young people’s own research was left for them to decide according to their own situations, interests and realities. hence, some chose to focus on their own or their family’s experiences, while others, for example, used video diaries to provide ongoing commentaries on political decisions being made at a national level. young people also chose different methods: some conducted interviews and surveys with friends and families, and others focused on documenting their experiences using diaries (written and video) or other creative forms of expression such as art and creating artefacts, both as a medium for inquiry and a mode for findings. most supplemented their research with their own investigative online searches and interviews to find out more about the pandemic and decisions made. some young people also engaged in social action such as community support, writing letters to politicians or organizing meetings with local leaders such as the town mayor as part of the project; while constituting actions in their own right, these activities also provided opportunities for further learning. panels met approximately every two weeks to share, reflect on and discuss their research findings, using a closed online platform (yammer) that enabled young people to post and respond to thoughts, findings and questions. in addition, panels were brought together periodically in cross-panel sessions across countries to widen growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 9 the scope of dialogue and inquiry across groups and countries. young people largely worked autonomously within a robust ethical and safeguarding framework in partnership with the adult researcher overseeing their panel. ethical clearance was provided by the lead organization as well as reviewed on an ongoing basis as the project emerged, for example, for the purposes of involving young people in external webinars and in co-writing publications and reports. the study began in may 2020 and finished in october 20213. young people shared the learning and outputs from their research on the yammer platform with their peers, which in turn provided a focus for discussion. some young people also posted their research outputs on the project website. adult research panel leads supported young people in discussing and making sense of their research findings in relation to different areas of their lives; these discussions were recorded and captured on the yammer platform as a learning history as well as stimulating further discussion. in addition, the adult researchers interviewed the young people at the end of the first phase of research to enable those who were less forthcoming in groups to have an opportunity to articulate their perspectives on issues arising in the research. all research “data” was uploaded to nvivo to enable cross-project analysis and sense-making according to the different thematic areas of the study. impacts and changes in young people’s lives as a result of the pandemic this paper uses the idea of socio-ecological contexts flexibly, to understand how the global pandemic was experienced by different young people in this study depending on changing personal, familial, social, and political influences. we argue that the impact of covid-19 was mediated by the dynamic relationships between these different socio-ecological contexts. at the same time, covid-19 initiated changes in the way young people as social actors can affect these wider social domains through the realization of their own agency and development of their sense of citizenship. personal impacts and responses the significant impacts of the pandemic on young people’s education, health and wellbeing, sense of identity and future plans have been well documented (bourne et al., 2021; thorisdottir et al., 2021). our focus here is to discuss some of the more nuanced psychosocial impacts on young people in terms of their changing sense of self, coping strategies and personal development. when the pandemic first hit, and as a response to covid-19 restrictions forcing them to stay at home, young people often made a conscious choice to use the time that otherwise would be filled with schooling as productively as possible. keeping busy with tasks and a structured routine for many helped prevent boredom and frustration and provided them with some sense of control over their lives (as also found by mariani et al. 2020). while some pursued new leisure activities, others 3 for further detail about the methodological approach see monchuk et al. (2020) and www.guc19.com file:///d:/documents/cye/32(3)/covid%2025%20percy-smith/www.guc19.com growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 10 reconnected with existing commitments such as civic responsibilities, for example by “kicking my student voice work back into gear again.” others found fulfilment in community volunteering, as in singapore where they supported local migrant workers who were disproportionately affected by the pandemic. while some young people looked outwards, others turned their focus inwards to creative expression such as visual arts, music, or writing, as art allowed them “to escape the grim reality covid dumped on their shoulders.” art provided important means for processing their thoughts and feelings about the crisis—like discomfort with empty public spaces and a sense of helplessness after a year of restrictions, as represented in the artwork below (figure 1)—and reassure themselves about their ability to cope. some young people used art or poetry to communicate with friends they could not see. i started writing more poems during this period. i think that was one way that i managed to cope with my down-ness, i guess, because i feel that writing poetry, it allows me to express myself. it tells a story that i would not be able to tell anybody face-to-face. (m17, singapore) figure 1. one young person’s artistic depiction of experiences during lockdown i drew this during a time i felt really powerless against our whole situation. my frustration wasn’t directed at the restrictions themselves—we had to lock down [as] our cases were surging—but… a year on it felt like nothing had changed and this virus still wasn’t going away. (f18 uk) faith was a central part of how some young people coped during this phase, with some rediscovering their lost faith, which provided comfort and reassurance: growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 11 for me as a muslim, i sort of focused more on the prayer aspect of things… if i do have another life, this is going to be something quite small… i kept telling myself that, and that helped me cope through it and realize that it’s not that much of a bigger deal. (f17, england) i’ve always been a spiritual person. i’ve always had a connection with the higher power, but i never felt close.… it’s when covid, when there was a lockdown… i felt like i should start getting close to my spiritual beliefs. (f18, england) as a result of lockdown, young people recognized how they had neglected their wellbeing due to academic responsibilities, social life, and extra-curricular activities. as a result, and with encouragement from parents and carers, young people spoke of feeling that they had become better at caring for themselves, adopting beneficial routines, thought patterns and behaviors that could be applied long-term, beyond coping with the pandemic. i think if there is one good thing to come out of covid-19, it’s more of how not to distract myself, but how to self-care… even before the pandemic, it’s something that a lot of my peers and i struggled with… i just honestly decided to pay more attention to the smaller things… i stopped feeling so hopeless. (f15, singapore) for others, lockdown brought a more critical appraisal of life goals. a common theme was to reassess the importance of academic achievement relative to other aspects of their lives, such as family, leisure interests and personal development. young people spoke about the need for respite from grade competition with peers and from the anxiety induced by exams and results; others spent time on the development of their own sense of self. a central theme was that young people often felt they were no longer the same person as before the covid-19 crisis. i’ve changed as a person… before i was much shyer, i would get involved with things but not to my full abilities… looking back, i don’t think i had anywhere near as much confidence as i do now. (f15, uk) 2020 in general was a challenge for me and i learned a lot of things. i thought 2020 would be the year i get everything i want. now i know 2020 is the year i appreciate everything i have… i learned when you change your priorities you change your life. (f17, lebanon) these are quite fundamental shifts in young people’s personal development that occurred as a result of changes to the context of their everyday lives. young people spoke of becoming more mature and self-aware. they regretted losing the opportunity to experience key milestone events such as in-person post-exam celebrations, graduation ceremonies and school trips. however, they simultaneously recognized the value of learning to cope with a crisis of this magnitude, the psychological strength they gained from it, and a sense of perspective about what they felt was important. above all, young people rejected the narrative that they growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 12 were victims of the pandemic, with many proving able to pragmatically adapt to changing circumstances. i’ve changed a lot, both for the best and the worst on different aspects. i have become more mature, i have changed my opinion on many things, because i had more time to reflect about them and discuss with others. this pandemic has changed my identity and beliefs very much. (m14, italy) changing family roles for some participating young people, covid-19 prompted changes in relation to the family and their role within it. school closures and working from home meant that many of the young people spent much longer periods of time with family members within the home, which resulted in changes in relationships for better and for worse. some felt that the experience of lockdown had resulted in a greater level of emotional closeness, as well as appreciating the value of time spent with family members. concerns about the health of parents who were frontline workers or about financial hardships posed a strain on young people and their family members’ mental wellbeing. in some cases, young people reacted by taking on new roles and responsibilities within the family, by helping with house chores and siblings’ home schooling. with my immediate family, my brother, my mum and my dad, it’s just been us four, and normally, we don’t really spend this much time together…. it’s really helped us to strengthen our bonds... i think we’ve grown a lot closer to each other than… before. (f16, england) lockdown also exposed similarities and differences in values and beliefs within the family. for some, this involved getting to know a side of family members or siblings that they may not have had an opportunity to observe before. young people sometimes found that they appreciated parents or siblings to a greater extent following lockdown, because they had the chance to learn more about their views and interests as well as how much their parents did on a daily basis to take care of the family. many young people gained a newfound respect towards their family members as a result of that: my mum helped me a lot. she's always optimistic... i think over those three months, she started to grow on me… her way of thinking. (f16, england) this echoes findings elsewhere (liu & doan, 2020; prime et al., 2020) that positive experiences of family life during the pandemic were contingent upon a degree of compatibility of values between family members, and related to greater emotional closeness to family members (moore et al., 2020), a slower pace of life (hawke et al., 2020), and realizing new abilities (chawla et al., 2020). elsewhere, clashes and conflicts provided opportunities for young people to develop their own values and identities in relation to family members. indeed, young people noted that the added time spent with family because of the pandemic made them growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 13 more comfortable and willing to engage adult family members in discussion when these views came into conflict. i spent some time with my dad, he has a lot of very far-right beliefs, and i do not share any of those, so i think i’ve become more opinionated and vocal…and standing up to him. (f17, scotland) i got to know my dad better, especially in terms of his political views, which turned out to be different than what i thought. i heard him comment on the news sometimes, and i would stare at him thinking, ‘what are you saying?’ (f17, italy) these experiences highlight that while covid-19 will leave lasting effects (oecd, 2020), the young people in this study have demonstrated creativity and resilience in managing to grow through adversity. changing patterns of social activities contrary to the popular view that young people choose to spend time predominantly on social media (common sense & hopelab, 2021), our research revealed young people missed face to face “genuine” human interaction with friends during the pandemic, as also reported elsewhere (butler & bannock, 2021). however, the pandemic also highlighted how young people developed new possibilities for socializing with each other, including exercising remotely together, playing online games or starting a blog to share experiences with close friends. recently, there was this very popular game ‘among us’ that many of us played. after a tiring day of studying, my class would skype each other and play this game together, allowing us to have fun and interact with one another despite the physical distance. (f17, singapore) in many cases, the lockdown led young people to realign their friendships, developing stronger bonds with close friends while putting distance between themselves and others they had not felt supported or understood by. others developed new friendships as a result of new interests and activities online and mutual support groups. for example, in italy the strengthening of class groups providing solidarity and mutual support partially compensated for lack of real-time interaction: you have no idea how much it helped me, making me feel so relieved because we would take study breaks and have some fun. (m15, italy) we as a class have bonded, out of solidarity, we have all felt the lack of school in the true sense of the word. (f18, italy) however, despite these self-help initiatives, young people also became aware of the extent to which many of their friends were struggling to cope, especially those disadvantaged by digital exclusion, highlighting how the context for experience is structurally variable. growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 14 schools and learning repeated school closures, the move to online learning, and changes to assessment procedures all had significant impacts on young people’s lives. home-based learning was experienced both positively and negatively. on the positive side, home-schooling meant less time spent travelling to and from school and more time for rest, doing other things and interacting with family, as well as learning how to study and manage one’s own time independently. some felt that chat functions enabled them to interact with teachers more easily than through face-to-face teaching. contrary to narratives that this was a “lost year,” young people argued that, despite difficulties of online learning, there were opportunities and benefits in terms of modernizing teaching, making classes more engaging through powerpoint presentations, students becoming autonomous learners, and students and teachers learning digital skills that are important for future careers. at school we had never been taught how to use these resources. at school we were always with pen and paper, writing. now it’s different, now if they asked us to do any autonomous work, we would be able to do that. (f17, italy) on the negative side, home-based learning brought about problems related to too much time spent in front of a screen, limited opportunities to engage in informal chats with classmates and teachers, limited wider social interactions, technical difficulties with learning online, (especially when teachers were not properly trained), and disrupted learning due to having to care for younger siblings. across countries, the experience of home-schooling during the pandemic made some young people realize the social significance of school but also how little they were involved in school decision-making processes, how their needs were often just assumed, rather than discussed and understood by school staff and decisionmakers. when some young people had tried to voice their experiences with remote learning, they did not feel their concerns were taken seriously. our teachers did this… mass survey to… ‘tell us how it felt and rank us on a scale of 1 to 10.’ but then they were like ‘oh most of the people enjoyed online learning.’ i was like, that is a lie… so i think the schools were overplaying too much how well online learning went and how much young people were actually engaging with it… all of us are like ‘we hated it.’ (m17, england) the political domain many young people reported that their needs were not sufficiently accounted for during the pandemic, with decisions seemingly based on what was best for the country and economy as a whole, often at the expense of young people. for example, in italy young people appreciated the strict measures adopted during the first wave of the pandemic, but grew disappointed with the government’s growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 15 management during the second wave, as they realized how little their concerns and priorities were reflected in post-pandemic recovery plans. the superficiality with which the school is treated is the revelation of the lockdown, and its most catastrophic part. (m14, italy) these feelings of being marginalized in the political process echoed across other countries. in lebanon, young people’s experiences of the pandemic were exacerbated by wider issues such as the collapsing economy, sectarianism, structural inequalities (refugees, urban/rural divide), a general lack of government accountability, and poor investment in infrastructure, including schools, broadband, and public services—for example, having electricity for only three hours a day. these triggered a strong feeling of frustration among young people, as well as calls for politicization and youth social action mirroring trends in egypt where youth disenfranchisement has fueled the creation of youth-led civic action (abdou & skalli, 2017). even in singapore, where young people had a more positive view of political leaders, uncovering of poor conditions affecting migrant workers gave rise to young people having concerns about such inequalities existing in their country. the coronavirus exposed a lot more about our society that we were perhaps not ready or open or even willing to know existed in our communities. some of the truths really shocked me to my core because i didn't believe that, as progress[ive] as singapore was, that we could… make these mistakes. (f16, singapore) young people were in turn similarly spurred to engage in community outreach activities to support marginalized groups in need within their local community. digital civic engagement cutting across personal, social, and political dimensions is the affordance of the digital environment and young people’s use of digital media to make their voices heard and spur collective action to respond to issues highlighted by the covid-19 pandemic. our research echoed evidence (cho et al., 2020; pelter, 2020; wike & castillo, 2018) concerning the potential role of social media and digital platforms as alternative spheres for young people’s political engagement to “develop their civic identities and express political stances in creative ways, claiming agency that may not be afforded to them in traditional civic spaces” (p. 3), and facilitate participation in individual or collective actions to improve the well-being of their communities or societies (pelter, 2020). young people readily discussed the value of digital tools and platforms such as online surveys, instagram, and twitter as effective, accessible ways to share information. the changing relationship between young people and the broader civic sphere is reflected in a growing proportion of young people looking for news online and discussing political problems online. for example, young people in lebanon utilized social media to organize and mobilize for their campaigns and protests, and in singapore for volunteering. growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 16 to some extent, young people’s use of social media was encouraged through the par approach in this project, which was conducted entirely online, including young people communicating findings with practitioners and decision-makers via online workshops, presentations, webinars, and video commentaries. regular discussions with young people about the pandemic led to wider reflections about social issues, political decisions, and opportunities for civic action. this aligns with research (cho et al., 2020; kahne et al., 2013; ito et al., 2019) that found that a vibrant digital exchange between peers around seemingly non-political issues can be conducive to higher political engagement, online and off, and higher participation in civic life more generally. this is illustrated, for example, with singaporean young people’s concern over data privacy implications and surveillance resulting from contact tracing: there are real threats that this information and technology may one day be repurposed for surveillance purposes and may in turn result in the people’s privacy and security being heavily compromised. (m18, singapore) lessons for providing nurturing environments for young people to live, learn and grow i) on becoming a person for most young people in advanced economic societies, their lives are programmed around education and assumptions that growing up involves doing well in school and acquiring qualifications. yet, the findings from this article underscore the importance of a more holistic perspective on young people’s development including having time to play, socialize, gain new experiences, establish their own identity, and develop their capacity as citizens (kroger, 1996; lister, 2008; wulff, 1995). in this paper we have highlighted the way in which personal development and change happens, albeit sometimes out of adversity, when young people have free, unprogrammed space and time for new ways of being, learning, reflecting, and acting (oecd, 2020). it is in this respect that young people bemoan the narrow focus of governments solely on education to the detriment of wider determinants and factors affecting young people’s development. to that extent, we argue that in the context of young people’s rights and inclusion as citizens, having the opportunity to advance their own sense of self, develop resilience and evolve their capabilities as autonomous social actors is fundamental to being able to take control of their lives and adapt to change. this more holistic and nuanced perspective on youth-focused policy should therefore be central to post-pandemic planning. ii) life learning “beyond the classroom” young people realized the significance and availability of learning opportunities beyond the narrow confines of subject-based curricula and formulaic learning cultures of the classroom. many participants saw the pandemic as an opportunity for developing a more holistic education for life and active citizenship (bentley, 1998), by gaining a greater awareness of social issues such as racism (e.g., black lives matter), inequalities (bambra et al., 2021), vulnerability of particular groups growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 17 (e.g., migrant workers in singapore), and climate change, as well as reflecting on social values in society at large. many young people realized a sense of their own agency and identity, dedicating more time to self-reflection and reassessing their relationships and priorities. young people talked about the value of having the opportunity to discuss with others about their individual experiences and what was happening around them, for example through the meetings organized as part of our projects, as they believed school did not provide them with space for reflective dialogue. indeed, many complained about the missed opportunity of using school to discuss the pandemic, as this would have increased young people’s understanding of what was happening around them and their ability to cope with that, offering further opportunities for self-growth and helping to contrast some of the mental health issues that young people experienced. this year, covid was a taboo. we heard how it affected the school, but no teacher asked us: ‘how are you? how are you experiencing it?' the mood of the young would have been better, if these questions had been asked. you couldn't talk about covid with your family, at school you couldn't talk about it… once again, it was like school was that thing out of this world that doesn’t help you in life. (m15, italy) iii) political accountability, rights, and participation as active citizens as a result of young people becoming more aware of social issues around them and, in turn, the way in which professionals and decision-makers responded to those issues, there has been a significant development in young people’s political agency. this mirrors rising trends in social movements and new forms of social action, in part a product of the affordances that social media provides. this activation or politicization of young people is characterized by freire’s (1970) idea of conscientization, in which young people develop a heightened sense of their own political agency through critical reflection on their social environment. in this project this resulted in young people seeking opportunities to speak out and communicate their experiences with political decision-makers, for example through writing letters to elected officials or through engagement in dialogue at events with political leaders. despite the popular press and politicians scorning young people’s involvement in these types of activities, they are nonetheless key to young people realizing their rights to participation as active citizens. in some cases, as a result of perceived limitations in opportunities for democratic engagement, some young people developed their own forms of self-initiated social action, through for example social media, community volunteering and support groups for peers. conclusion this study has highlighted how young people are not solely passive victims of the covid-19 pandemic. rather, covid initiated a more complex set of responses from young people at personal, familial, social and political levels. on a personal level, young people were able to respond to the pandemic through critical selfreflection, art, and faith, investing in their own wellbeing or channeling their energies into civic action. while prosocial behaviors and family support contributed growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 18 to mediating some of the pandemic’s negative effects and opened new possibilities for young people, many reported a feeling of stagnation and disappointment with the personal and social experiences they were missing out on, and disillusionment with government responses and prevailing social attitudes. young people in our study underwent long spells of emotional and psychological instability, which tested even the most motivated ones. this demonstrates the non-linear growth path they experienced during the pandemic, which they believed generated long-lasting learning in terms of their approach to life, priorities, and life goals. unpacking young people’s engagement, growth and change through the pandemic, our findings have highlighted that there is no fixed “normal.” rather, life is constantly unfolding and changing, with young people’s wellbeing dependent on their ability to engage with, negotiate and reflexively deal with changes and ups and downs. our findings have also revealed the importance for young people’s wellbeing, of being afforded a space to discuss and debate these changes with their peers and adults. on the one hand, this could have at least partially compensated for the lack of mental health support with which many young people struggled during the pandemic. on the other, this stresses the importance of formal civic education in schools as “an important step in creating awareness of children’s rights as citizens and of the possibilities for action in the civic space” (cho et al., 2020, p. 15). strengthening the teaching of civic education in schools would turn these spaces into sources of young people’s increased awareness of their rights as citizens, and of the possibilities for action in the civic space. this might go some way in redressing the inequalities and disadvantage that many young people experience. taken together, evidence concerning how the young people in this study responded to the unintended opportunities afforded by the pandemic has provided a renewed perspective on what young people need in terms of nurturing environments in which to grow up. barry percy-smith is professor of childhood, youth and participatory practice at university of huddersfield, uk. he has extensive experience as a participatory action researcher and an international reputation for his work in child and youth participation. his main interests are in children and youth as active agents of change, participatory social learning and action inquiry approaches to learning and change in organizations and communities. he has published widely on these issues including a handbook of children and young people’s participation: perspectives from theory and practice (co-edited with nigel thomas and currently being revised for the second edition). sara rizzo is a senior research manager at ecorys. she has a master’s in urbanisation and development from the london school of economics and political science. she is an experienced qualitative researcher, specializing in participatory action research, youth policy and participation, and socio-economic inclusion. she was project manager of the nuffield-funded growing up under covid-19 project and co-led the italian panel of youth researchers. before joining ecorys, sara spent three years working as a monitoring and evaluation officer for a non-formal growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses… 19 education program that promotes social entrepreneurship among at-risk youth in rio de janeiro. chermaine tay is a research manager at ecorys. she holds a dual master’s in international affairs from the london school of economics and sciences po paris. chermaine is a mixed-methods researcher, with practical experience of remote data collection through participatory methods. she co-led the singapore panel of youth researchers as part of the growing up under covid-19 project. chermaine’s work on youth-related issues includes research on youth, violent extremism and online hate speech with a uk-based think-tank; an exploration of youth and conflict drivers with the united nations in lebanon; and an adolescent health survey in british columbia, canada. enrica lorusso is a research manager with ecorys. she has a master’s in development studies from the graduate institute, geneva, and experience working in multilateral processes across different sectors, including at the un human rights council with the eu delegation to the un and with the advocacy team of human rights watch. she specializes in qualitative approaches and participatory methodologies, including with young people; she has co-led the italian and singaporean panels of young researchers for the growing up under covid-19 project, coordinating bi-weekly meetings, supporting panel members in their individual researches, and collecting and analyzing data. laurie day is a director at social policy consultancy ecorys, with lead responsibility for child, youth and family research. his main interests and expertise lie in the areas of youth participation, child rights, educational inclusion, multiprofessionalism and place-based initiatives. he has over 20 years’ experience overseeing scoping studies, policy analysis, thematic reviews and policy and program evaluations, including for public authorities and ngos, and he is currently principal investigator for the nuffield foundation transnational participatory action research (par) project, growing-up under covid-19. laurie is also a visiting research fellow at the school of human & health sciences, university of huddersfield (2020-25). dr. leanne monchuk is a senior lecturer and qualitative researcher in the school of human and health sciences, university of huddersfield. leanne is interested in the co-design and co-production of research tools and outputs and how research can engage different types of publics. leanne leads one of the uk panels in the growing up 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(2010) the participation of children living in the poorest and most difficult situations. in percy-smith, b. and thomas n., eds. a handbook of children and young people’s participation: perspectives from theory and practice. routledge. reason, p. (1988) human inquiry in action: developments in new paradigm research. sage. rosenthal, d. m., ucci, m., heys, m., hayward, a., & lakhanpaul, m. (2020). impacts of covid-19 on vulnerable children in temporary accommodation in the uk. lancet public health, 5(5), e241-e242. rotas, e. e. & cahapay, m. b. (2020). difficulties in remote learning: voices of philippine university students in the wake of covid-19 crisis. asian journal of distance education, 15(2), 147-158. thorisdottir, i. e., asgeirsdottir, b. b., kristjansson, a. l., valdimarsdottir, h. b., jonsdottir tolgyes, e. m., sigfusson, j., allegrante, j. p., inga dora sigfusdottir, i. d., halldorsdottir, t. 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(eds.), youth cultures: a cross cultural perspective. routledge. young minds (2021). coronavirus: impact on young people with mental health needs. https://youngminds.org.uk/media/4350/coronavirus-report-winter.pdf https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanpsy/article/piis2215-0366(21)00156-5/fulltext https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2018/10/17/international-political-engagement/ https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2018/10/17/international-political-engagement/ https://youngminds.org.uk/media/4350/coronavirus-report-winter.pdf login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: shaping urbanization for children: a handbook on child-responsive… 147 shaping urbanization for children: a handbook on child-responsive urban planning jens aert (2018) unicef, 188 pages available for free: https://www.unicef.org/reports/shaping-urbanization-children isbn: 978-92-806-4960-4 nearly a third of the 4 billion people living in urban areas today are children. according to global trends, by 2030, 60 percent of the world’s population will live in cities. in recent years, two major united nations declarations aim to address the challenges of the growing urbanization of the world. the necessity to think about city building and management in a different way is one of the pillars of the united nations 2030 agenda for sustainable development (2015) and especially of the sustainable development goal 11: “make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable.” during the habitat iii conference (quito, 2016), un member states also established a “new urban agenda,” which focuses particularly on urban planning as a way to achieve sustainable urban development. shaping urbanization for children: a handbook on child-responsive urban planning could be seen as part of unicef’s response to the habitat iii conference.2 it seeks to show how the built environment can support children’s rights, and how children’s rights and urban planning are a way to achieve several of the sustainable development goals. although the book focuses on children, it starts with the idea that shaping urbanization for children is not only necessary for them: it is the means to build sustainable cities for all. the manual, authored by unicef urban planning specialist jens aerts, is the result of a collaborative process that engaged a reference group composed of urban planning and cities experts of the international society of city and regional planners (isocarp), the institute for transportation and development policy (itdp), and other institutions. the handbook targets “everyone involved in planning, designing, transforming, building and managing the built environment” (p. 6), including urban planning professionals, city governments, the private sector, and civil society organizations. its objective is as large as its intended audience: it aims to call urban stakeholders to bring children to the foreground of urban planning and to present concepts, evidence, and technical strategies on why and how to do this. as set out in the book, those different stakeholders can use it for a large range of purposes, including “to promote planning better cities for children,” “to support the process towards child-responsive cities,” “to build evidence for child-responsive cities,” and “to influence stakeholders” (p. 8). 2after the second united nations conference on human settlements (habitat ii), in 1996, unicef and un-habitat launched the child friendly cities initiatives, with the objective of including the un convention on the rights of the child at a municipal level. book review: shaping urbanization for children: a handbook on child-responsive… 148 the manual has two parts. the first (chapters 1, 2, and 3) sets the bases for childresponsive cities: why plan cities for children? what can be planned for children? how can cities be better planned for children? these chapters are mainly conceptual and present a dense synthesis of concepts and typologies. the ten “children’s rights and urban planning principles” “all cities should commit to” (p. 5) are the core of the handbook. principle 1 (investments) “outlines three preconditions for urban planning to be beneficial for children and involve their participation—to be areabased (promoting people design and spatial planning), to be process-oriented (supporting children’s participation in local stakeholder engagement), and to be evidence-driven (addressing spatial equity and people-centred decision-making)” (p. 44). the remaining nine principles are based on the components of childresponsive urban settings previously defined: housing and land tenure, public amenities, public spaces, transportation systems, integrated urban water and sanitation management systems, food systems, waste cycle systems, energy networks, and data and information technology networks. the first part of the manual ends with a checklist on “children’s rights and urban planning principles” (pp. 62-65), which is intended to evaluate, step by step, child-responsive urban planning at different scales and by different actors. the second part of the handbook (chapter 4) aims to provide technical support for urban planning stakeholders in order to implement “children’s rights and urban principles.” the handbook examines, for each principle: • why should we invest? (current challenges; the benefits for children and their community) • what should we plan? (definitions and concepts; promising practices; supporting international frameworks) • how should we plan? (planning the space; designing the process; using evidence, including a list of possible indicators) each section also contains a list of bibliographic resources. children’s rights to nondiscrimination and to participation are cross-cutting principles. shaping urbanization for children is a good tool with which to advocate for the necessity of including urban planning in children’s rights agendas and, at the same time, to consider children’s rights within urban planning agendas. in this sense, the book reaches its main purpose and manages to synthesize a huge number of concepts and issues. however, because of its wide intended audience and broad purposes, the handbook may be a better starting point to approach the complex issues of shaping cities for children and their communities instead of a technical tool. to go more deeply in this issue would imply, among other things, taking into account the context of the cities: their scale and existing urban fabric, as well as their geographical and cultural specificities. one interesting challenge would be to think about child-responsive urban planning without making cities and children uniform. book review: shaping urbanization for children: a handbook on child-responsive… 149 review by tuline gülgönen tuline gülgönen received her master’s degrees in philosophy (université paris i panthéon-sorbonne) and political sciences (institut d’etudes politiques de paris “sciences po”) and wrote her ph.d. dissertation on the child rights approach in mexican ngos (universidad nacional autónoma de méxico, unam). she is currently a research associate at the centro de estudios mexicanos y centroamericanos (cemca) and an independent consultant on children’s rights and participation. her research interests focus on the relation between children, urban public space, and public policies. author’s response as rightly commented in the book review, the knowledge, concept and tools elaborated in the handbook need to be translated into the local context of a specific city and its geographical and cultural specificities. this remark touches upon two strategic objectives we envisioned and discussed many times amongst contributors. it has been a conscious choice to focus in the first chapters on developing a rationale that resonates globally and aims to fill a gap we felt present in international literature and practice around child rights, child development and cities for all. by listing major vulnerabilities of children related to spatial inequity and environmental degradation, we wanted to emphasize that a commitment to child rights implies the need to invest in urban planning and urban design and consequently to increase the impact of child-friendly cities initiatives that usually focus on children’s participation and access to basic services. equally, the structure of the handbook, based on nine built environment components and three families of urban planning dimensions that can be instrumentalized to make urban settings child-responsive, helps to identify entry points in the daily professional practice of the reader and provides a tool to urban planning stakeholders to contribute to making cities child-friendly. although chapter 4 uses a more technical language that should be familiar to built environment specialists and most urban policy makers, it is meant to be a starter for further translation into specific contexts or urban programs. for these reasons the publication is a handbook with a global aspiration, not a toolkit. neither is it a compendium that accumulates various concepts, theories and examples of application; rather, the handbook aims to aspire and give guidance to reach that aspiration. the handbook and its call to cities to commit to 10 child rights and urban planning principles also came with a dissemination strategy that sought to spur local interest and application in specific urban contexts. a free on-line version of the handbook and uptake in professional media generated various activities such as dialogues, debates, workshops and trainings with local partners. in the course of the 18 months since its original publication, more than 3500 downloads were registered, and 500 hardcopies were sent out to partners. the urban planning society of china facilitated the translation of the handbook into chinese and a spanish version will be launched soon. in collaboration with academic partners, professional groups and local public authorities, experts from various technical ngos and myself conducted book review: shaping urbanization for children: a handbook on child-responsive… 150 trainings, seminars and workshops in 17 countries, reaching approximately 1400 professionals directly. unicef philippines, paraguay and south africa set up a training-of-trainers program to capacitate more than 70 urban planning experts, who will set up further courses and trainings on child rights and urban planning, based on a workshop script, a syllabus and a checklist for an individual action plan. knowing that many participants are affiliated with key institutions, the training gives them an opportunity to think how to mainstream a child rights approach within their organization. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(2), 2019 examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students thomas p. sweeney georgia southern university h. joey gray middle tennessee state university citation: sweeney, t. p., & gray, h. j. (2019). examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students. children, youth and environments, 29(2), 108-118. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract changing education philosophies and technological advancement have altered the way educational content can be delivered to students. however, as new formats continue to emerge and gain in popularity, little is known about how the type of school a student attends impacts their out-of-school time recreation and leisure participation. as recreation and leisure pursuits have been shown to address many social, physical, emotional, and psychological issues, it is imperative that researchers continue to investigate factors that could constrain students’ regular participation in these activities. therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine how attending online learning institutions, one of the fastest-growing alternatives to brick-and-mortar schools, affects leisure participation. results of the study indicate that while students attending full-time multi-district online schools may initially experience constraints on their participation in out-of-school-time activities, these are not likely to be permanent. keywords: recreation, leisure, constraints, online education, brick-and-mortar schools, participation, extracurricular activities http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 109 during the teenage years of a person’s life, recreation and leisure activities have been shown to act as a catalyst for development, lay the groundwork for future behavior, and address many physical, social, emotional, and psychological issues (klieber, walker, & mannell, 2011). often, opportunities for participation are facilitated by schools, recreation-based organizations, classmates, and friends. to date, research regarding youth recreation participation has focused nearly exclusively on those students who attend traditional, brick-and-mortar institutions. however, the number of students attending schools in alternate formats has grown considerably. one such alternative school type is online, or virtual, schools, in which students can complete their education from kindergarten through twelfth grade entirely online. these schools have experienced rapid growth since their inception in the late 1990s, and at present, 5.7 percent of all public schools in the united states, serving approximately 278,511 students, are entirely online entities (riser-kositsky, 2019; molnar et al., 2017). research has revealed that the change of environment from brick-and-mortar to virtual is often a positive one and that many students enjoy increased academic success (weatherholtz & gatti, 2018; gatti, 2018; repetto, cavanaugh, wayer, & liu, 2010; cavanaugh, gillan, kromrey, hess, & blomeyer, 2004). however, there has always been a concern that the model facilitates increased isolation and decreased face-to-face interaction between teachers, students, and classmates (posey, burgess, eason, & jones, 2010). while the advancement of learning platforms and video conferencing have helped to address this issue, concern is growing among parents, teachers, and administrators as to how a virtual environment affects students outside of the classroom. many are worried that attending an online school limits participation in out-of-school activities resulting in social isolation. given the impact of recreation and leisure activities on child development, it is imperative that researchers continue to seek a better understanding of the factors that limit children’s participation in these activities. at this time, scholars have identified the physical environment (tucker et al., 2009), access to activities (samdahl & jekubovich, 1997), and social and psychological barriers (hinch, jackson, hudson, & walker, 2005) as common limiting factors. this paper will seek to expand these findings as it compares the leisure constraints perceived by students in online schools and a brick-and-mortar school. for leisure researchers, recreation professionals, and educators, the results of this study will continue to expand the body of leisure research and provide valuable information to school administrators, teachers, parents, and students. literature review online learning institutions at the center of this study are two types of schools: traditional schools in which students and teachers meet face-to-face in a physical, “brick-and-mortar” building during established school hours, and online, or virtual, schools in which students examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 110 and teachers meet on internet-based platforms. while the brick-and-mortar model has long been the bedrock of education in the united states, online public education is relatively new. virtual schools came to fruition in 1997 when a $7.4 million federal grant allowed the formation of the virtual high school and florida virtual school (barbour & reeves, 2009). since that time, five categories on online learning as described by watson and colleagues (2011) are commonly recognized. briefly, these are: • state virtual schools and initiatives: these schools and programs are created by legislation or state education agencies and often serve as a supplement to face-to-face learning. • single-district programs: single district programs are offered to students living within an established school district. this option can provide a full-time online education, or act as an educational supplement to face-to-face learning. • consortium online programs: often comprised of students from multiple school districts, consortium programs allow for the combining of resources to increase efficiency. • post-secondary programs: these programs serve as a full-time education option but are privately funded and operated. thus, unlike public school programs, a tuition or fee is required for enrollment. • full-time, multi-district, online schools: these publicly funded schools provide a complete kindergarten through twelfth-grade education online. they exist in special school districts not limited by geographic location within a state. as a result, it is not uncommon for students from across a state to be enrolled. the two virtual schools in this study are considered full-time, multi-district, online schools. each are publicly funded and incorporate a hybrid of synchronous and asynchronous teaching strategies. this means that students are able to interact with teachers and fellow students in real time (synchronous), but also complete course work utilizing methods that do not require immediate response or interaction, such as a message board or email (asynchronous). out-of-school time another crucial element of this study is the notion of out-of-school time. put simply, out-of-school time refers to the time after the school day is completed (national institute on out-of-school time, 2003). the activities in which students engage during this time can be organized with a specific structure, schedule, or duration, or the activities may be unorganized and self-directed. the aim of this study is not to identify specific activities in which students are participating, but rather, to determine if they are actively engaging in something outside of their school hours. leisure constraints theory leisure constraints can be described as those elements which prevent, reduce, or modify participation in leisure activities (henderson, 1997). three types of constraints—intrapersonal, interpersonal, and structural—were identified by crawford and godbey (1987) and have been shown to affect participation. intrapersonal constraints include psychological barriers, such as stress, anxiety, or examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 111 depression (samdahl & jekubovich, 1997). interpersonal constraints refer to personal relationships between members of social networks and how these relationships, whether positive or negative, influence participation (samdahl & jekubovich, 1997). finally, structural constraints include external conditions, such as lack of funds or access to leisure activities (samdahl & jekubovich, 1997). constraints will vary across our lifespans, but the presence of a constraint does not necessarily result in total non-participation as constraints are often overcome through alternate activities or forms of participation. methods the purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between the type of school students attend and the leisure constraints the students experience. to achieve this goal, the study used a non-experimental comparative research design. the design, which used a self-reported survey, allowed students attending the two types of schools to retrospectively examine those factors that constrained their participation in leisure activities. data collection and sample one hundred fifteen high school-aged students from one brick-and-mortar school (n=73) and two full-time multi-district online schools (n=42) completed the survey to determine possible constraints to their leisure participation. there were no restrictions based on age, sex, race, or any other factors as all students in the institutions were encouraged to participate. the brick-and-mortar school was a public institution located in the midwestern united states. four grade levels, freshmen through seniors, comprised a total enrollment at the school of 784 students at the time of data collection. the two participating online institutions were full-time, multi-district schools located in tennessee and enrolling students from across the state. at the time of data collection, they had a combined enrollment of 110 students. convenience sampling was used in the selection of the schools. the study followed procedures related to research studies for each school and administrators granted approval prior to data collection. the participating schools distributed parental consent forms and submitted completed forms to the researcher as both hard and digital copies. the researcher provided participants with an informed consent document before they completed the survey. research instrument at the onset of data collection, the researchers asked participants to complete a brief demographic survey, including sex, the type of school attended, current grade level and the number of years they had attended their current institution. to measure leisure constraints, the study used the shortened version of the leisure constraints questionnaire (lcq) developed by carroll and alexandris (1997). the short form of the lcq is a valid and reliable measure of leisure constraints as demonstrated by carroll and alexandris (1997) in their initial study, in which satisfactory psychometric characteristics with a cronbach alpha of .85 were reported. gürbüz, öncü, & emir (2012) yielded similar results as the pearson correlation coefficient was calculated and demonstrated that the factor loadings of examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 112 the items were between 0.49 and 0.91. a cronbach alpha of 0.85 indicated the internal consistency of the total scale. due to the nature of the school formats, the delivery method for the survey differed for each school. for brick-and-mortar students, the researchers administered the surveys in person to classes approved by school administrators. surveys for the online students were distributed by school administrators via the schools’ education portal. once distributed, students were given a two-week period to complete the questionnaire. it took approximately one hour to complete the survey, regardless of format, and students were permitted to ask clarifying questions regarding content. brick-and-mortar students were able to ask their questions in person, while virtual school students utilized email, phone, or video conferencing. results data collected via online and hard copy were entered into a data table for analysis. the researchers coded each leisure constraint item separately and gave each a numeric value corresponding to the text response options. the items were divided based on the type of constraint, specifically: time, psychological factors, knowledge, access to resources or facilities, accessibility or cost, transportation, partners, and interest. the researchers created an index including all the variables for an overall leisure constraint scale. this was used as the dependent variable in an analysis of variance (anova) where the independent variables were school type, sex, and years of attendance. descriptive statistics the survey was completed by 97.2 percent of the students who were presented the survey in the brick-and-mortar school, compared to 38.1 percent of virtual school students, for an overall response rate of 62.8 percent. the majority of participants (84.3 percent, n=97) self-identified as white, and a slight majority identified as female, 53.9 percent (n=62). first-year students dominated the survey (51.3 percent, n=59), with second year attendees following at 35.7 percent (n=41). the full results displaying all demographic information can be found in table 1. table 1. demographic characteristics of participants (n= 115) characteristic n % gender male 49 42.6 female 62 53.9 prefer not to answer 4 3.5 race white 97 84.3 hispanic or latino 10 8.7 asian 6 5.2 american indian or alaska native 2 1.7 school type brick and mortar 73 63.5 virtual 42 36.5 examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 113 number of years attending current school 1 year 59 51.3 2 years 41 35.7 3 years 6 5.2 4 or more years 6 5.2 class standing freshman 38 33 sophomore 42 36.5 junior 16 13.9 senior 11 9.6 leisure constraints the researchers conducted an anova to measure the impact of school type on leisure constraints. the results revealed that the interaction of the school students attended by the number of years they attended the school was significant (p<.01, 2df). the analysis then divided the sample by school type, with brick-and-mortar students placed in one group and online school students in another. a separate anova was conducted on each group. for brick-and-mortar students neither sex nor length of attendance was significant. for online school students, however, sex (f=4.65, 1df) and attendance (f=16.23, 2df) were significant. the analysis showed that males attending the online school were more likely to be constrained in their leisure participation (b=111.6, p=.038) than were females. however, the longer a student attended the online school, the less likely they were to be constrained in their leisure activities (table 2). comparatively, students who were in their first year attending the online school (b=-450.9, p<.001) were more constrained than those students in their second year attending the school (b= 476.70, p<.001), a noticeable decline. table 2. analysis of variance of leisure constraints for virtual schools characteristic m sd n df f p between subjects source: reduced model 3 14.76 <.001 main effect (sex) 1 4.65 0.04 male 167.34 407.43 6 female 1.26 0.93 35 main effect (attendance) 2 16.23 <.001 1 year 1.24 0.87 29 2 years 1.18 1.23 10 3 years 25.56 705.42 2 within-group error 37 examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 114 the researchers created separate scales measuring the interpersonal, intrapersonal, and structural leisure constraints. an anova measured the impact of type of school attended on each of the three types of leisure constraints. the main effect of school type was significant in relation to structural constraints (f=3.8, 1df). the analysis showed that online school students (b=87.87, p=.05) were more likely to be constrained by structural variables than were brick-and-mortar school students (table 3). table 3. analysis of variance of structural constraints characteristic m sd n df f p between subjects source: main effects model 1 3.799 .054 main effect (school type) 1 3.799 .054 brick and mortar 999.0 0 40 virtual 911.13 284.5 68 within-group error 113 eta2=.035 for main effects (p<.054) discussion and implications the current study sought to determine if the type of school a student attends can act as a constraint to leisure participation. the study did so by comparing the survey responses of students attending brick-and-mortar schools to those of students attending virtual schools. the results echo previous findings that indicate that perceived constraints are significantly impacted by unique attributes of the population (cho & price, 2018; dong & chick, 2012; stodolska 1998; kay & jackson, 1991). in this case, enrollment in an online learning institution does initially alter students’ participation in leisure activities, especially due to structural constraints. however, the results also indicated a significant drop in the students’ perceptions of constraints the longer the students attend the school. this leads the researchers to believe that the initial transition from a brick-and-mortar to online environment creates barriers that students are able to successfully negotiate following a period of adjustment to their new lifestyle. this is supported in previous work in which participants successfully negotiated leisure constraints to avoid nonparticipation (godbey, crawford, & shen, 2010; palen et al., 2010; jackson & rucks, 1995; jackson, crawford, & godbey, 1993). this transition is aided by online institutions that are engaged with students and their parents, in some cases even more so than in the brick-and-mortar environment (borup, graham, & drysdale, 2014). further, opportunities for faceto-face engagement in social activities, physical education courses, and field trips have long been included in online school curricula (bogden, 2003; mccluskey, 2002). however, additional attention should also be paid to increasing availability and access to out-of-school time leisure activities while emphasizing the benefits of examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 115 participation. this can be accomplished through participation in government initiatives, partnerships with community and private recreation agencies, and taking an active role in advocating for legislation allowing the participation of nontraditional students in school-sponsored extracurricular activities within districts. this option has been successful in multiple instances and led to the creation of enrollment provisions in several school districts (atkinson, 2014; brown, 2014). conclusions and limitations as with many research studies, the current study does have limitations. the small sample size will affect the generalizability of the study. future studies should include the replication of the current study with an expanded participant group including a greater number of students and varying geographic locations. in addition, the inclusion of home-schooled students would provide an additional group for comparison from a unique education environment. finally, supplementing quantitative data with qualitative data will allow us to delve into what is constraining each group of students, and why these factors change over time. the current study provides insight into the leisure constraints affecting out-ofschool time participation for students in varying educational environments. virtual school students experience higher constraint levels compared to brick-and-mortar students, but are able to successfully overcome these barriers as they continue in their education. partnerships between school administrators, recreation agencies, and lawmakers could allow for increased accessibility and participation in recreation-based programming by students who attend online educational institutions. thomas p. sweeney, ph.d. is an assistant professor of recreation and tourism management at georgia southern university. joey gray, ph.d. is an associate professor in the department of leisure, sport, and tourism studies at middle tennessee state university. references atkinson, m. (2014). let them play: why kentucky should enact a tebow bill allowing homeschoolers to participate in public school sports. journal of law and education, 43, 433. barbour, m. k., & reeves, t. c. (2009). the reality of virtual schools: a review of the literature. computers & education, 52(2), 402-416. bogden, j. (2003). cyber charter schools: a new breed in the education corral. the state education standard, 4(3), 33-37. examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 116 borup, j., graham, c. r., & drysdale, j. s. (2014). the nature of teacher engagement at an online high school. british journal of educational technology, 45(5), 793-806. brown, k. d. (2014). sports law in law reviews and journals. marquette sports law review, 25, 349. carroll, b., & alexandris, k. (1997). perception of constraints and strength of motivation: their relationship to recreational sport participation in greece. journal of leisure research, 29(3), 279-299. cavanaugh, c., gillan, k. j., kromrey, j., hess, m., & blomeyer, r. (2004). the effects of distance education on k-12 student outcomes: a meta-analysis. learning point associates/north central regional educational laboratory (ncrel). cho, d., & price, t. (2018). leisure constraints to participation in competitive activities and intramural sports: comparing international and domestic students. journal of international students, 8(2), 884-900. crawford, d. w., & godbey, g. (1987). reconceptualizing barriers to family leisure. leisure sciences, 9(2), 119-127. dong, e., & chick, g. (2012). leisure constraints in six chinese cities. leisure sciences, 34(5), 417-435. gatti, g. (2018). a comparison study of connections academy schools to matched brick and mortar and virtual schools, examining the types of students who attend k–12 virtual school and the effects on performance of a highly mobile student body. efficacy & research report. london: pearson. retrieved from https://www.pearson.com/content/dam/one-dot-com/one-dotcom/global/files/efficacy-and-research/reports/pearson-connectionscomparison-technical-report.pdf godbey, g., crawford, d. w., & shen, x. s. (2010). assessing hierarchical leisure constraints theory after two decades. journal of leisure research, 42(1), 111-134. gürbüz, b., öncü, e., & emir, e. (2012, december). leisure constraints questionnaire: testing the construct validity. in 12th international sports sciences congress (pp. 339-343). henderson, k. a. (1997). a critique of constraints theory: a response. journal of leisure research, 29(4), 453-457. hinch, t., jackson, e. l., hudson, s., & walker, g. j. (2005). leisure constraints theory and sports tourism. sport in society: cultures, commerce, media, politics, 8(2), 142-163. https://www.pearson.com/content/dam/one-dot-com/one-dot-com/global/files/efficacy-and-research/reports/pearson-connections-comparison-technical-report.pdf https://www.pearson.com/content/dam/one-dot-com/one-dot-com/global/files/efficacy-and-research/reports/pearson-connections-comparison-technical-report.pdf https://www.pearson.com/content/dam/one-dot-com/one-dot-com/global/files/efficacy-and-research/reports/pearson-connections-comparison-technical-report.pdf examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 117 jackson, e. l., & rucks, v. c. (1995). negotiation of leisure constraints by juniorhigh and high-school students: an exploratory study. journal of leisure research, 27(1), 85-105. jackson, e. l., crawford, d. w., & godbey, g. (1993). negotiation of leisure constraints. leisure sciences, 15(1), 1-11. kay, t., & jackson, g. (1991). leisure despite constraint: the impact of leisure constraints on leisure participation. journal of leisure research, 23(4), 301313. klieber, d. a., walker, g. j., & mannell, r. c. (2011). a social psychology of leisure (2nd ed.). state college, pa: venture publishing inc. mccluskey, n. (2002). beyond brick and mortar: cyber charters revolutionizing education. center for education reform, january. retrieved from https://edreform.com/edreform-university/resource/beyond-brick-andmortar-cyber-charters-revolutionizing-education-2002/ molnar, a., miron, g., gulosino, c., shank, c., davidson, c., barbour, m., . . . nitkin, d. (2017). virtual schools in the us 2017. national education policy center. retrieved from https://nepc.colorado.edu/publication/virtual-schoolsannual-2017 national institute on out-of-school time (2003). making the case: a fact sheet on children and youth in out-of-school time. retrieved from http://www.noist.org. palen, l. a., patrick, m. e., gleeson, s. l., caldwell, l. l., smith, e. a., wegner, l., & flisher, a. j. (2010). leisure constraints for adolescents in cape town, south africa: a qualitative study. leisure sciences, 32(5), 434-452. posey, g., burgess, t., eason, m., & jones, y. (2010). the advantages and disadvantages of the virtual classroom and the role of the teacher. in southwest decision sciences institute conference, march (pp. 2-6). repetto, j., cavanaugh, c., wayer, n., & liu, f. (2010). virtual high schools: improving outcomes for students with disabilities. quarterly review of distance education, 11(2), 91-105. riser-kositsky, m. (2019). education statistics: facts about american schools. education week. retrieved from https://www.edweek.org/ew/issues/education-statistics/index.html. samdahl, d. m., & jekubovich, n. j. (1997). a critique of leisure constraints: comparative analyses and understandings. journal of leisure research, 29(4), 430-452. https://edreform.com/edreform-university/resource/beyond-brick-and-mortar-cyber-charters-revolutionizing-education-2002/ https://edreform.com/edreform-university/resource/beyond-brick-and-mortar-cyber-charters-revolutionizing-education-2002/ https://nepc.colorado.edu/publication/virtual-schools-annual-2017 https://nepc.colorado.edu/publication/virtual-schools-annual-2017 http://www.noist.org/ http://www.edweek.org/ew/issues/education-statistics/index.html http://www.edweek.org/ew/issues/education-statistics/index.html examining the impact of school type on leisure constraints in high school students 118 stodolska, m. (1998). assimilation and leisure constraints: dynamics of constraints on leisure in immigrant populations. journal of leisure research, 30(4), 521551. tucker, p., irwin, j. d., gilliland, j., he, m., larsen, k., & hess, p. (2009). environmental influences on physical activity levels in youth. health & place, 15(1), 357-363. watson, j., murin, a., vashaw, l., gemin, b., & rapp, c. (2011). keeping pace with k-12 online learning: an annual review of policy and practice, 2011. evergreen education group. weatherholtz, k., & gatti, g. g. (2018). quasi-experimental study of connections gradpoint: how taking a credit recovery course in gradpoint leads to better learner outcomes than repeating a failed original credit course. efficacy & research report. london: pearson. retrieved from https://www.pearson.com/content/dam/one-dot-com/one-dotcom/global/files/efficacy-and-research/reports/pearson-gradpoint-technicalreport.pdf https://www.pearson.com/content/dam/one-dot-com/one-dot-com/global/files/efficacy-and-research/reports/pearson-gradpoint-technical-report.pdf https://www.pearson.com/content/dam/one-dot-com/one-dot-com/global/files/efficacy-and-research/reports/pearson-gradpoint-technical-report.pdf https://www.pearson.com/content/dam/one-dot-com/one-dot-com/global/files/efficacy-and-research/reports/pearson-gradpoint-technical-report.pdf login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. children, youth and environments 29(2), 2019 an appeal for designing safe, progressive, and transformative schools victoria carr rhonda douglas brown vikas mehta leslie kochanowski citation: carr, v., douglas brown, r., mehta, v., & kochanowski, l. (2019). an appeal for designing safe, progressive, and transformative schools. children, youth and environments, 29(2), 1-4. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi within this issue of children, youth and environments, markowska-manista’s review of jessica taft’s book, the kids are in charge: activism and power in peru's movement of working children underscores the existing inequalities between adults and children, and praises the book’s focus on children’s agency in social, economic and political life. conversely, breckin points out the lack of research on the frightening plight of youth and often young children in his position paper entitled “los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico's organized crime conflict.” research articles included in this issue examine children’s connections to informal learning spaces such as museums (kalessopoulou) and nature (hinds and o’malley). additionally, volpe, derr, and kim describe the benefits of nature schools and the assessment methods that led to their study’s findings. sweeney and gray investigated the impacts on youths’ leisure time in online schools versus a brickand-mortar school. bicycling serves as a worldwide activity for leisure or transportation, but whelan, hubkarao, winters, teschke, stang, freedman,macpherson, howard, fuselli, and hagel present research on how the environment faced by child bicyclists elicits their fears and may lead to injury. this, in turn, influences their bicycling experiences. finally, ataol, krishnamurthy, and van wesemael point out that children’s rights to participate, survive and to be protected may hinge on the built environments in which they live—specifically those created with children’s input. in summary, these cye articles highlight how environments can be transformational when care and attention is given to supporting children’s agency and capabilities. yet, we are also made aware of how children and youth face dangers far beyond acceptable risks within the built environments in which they live, learn, and play. thus, we would like to again call for research on school safety, particularly into how a school’s built environment might be designed to mitigate the need for many of the drastic and fearful measures that are currently being employed to keep children and youth safe. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi an appeal for designing safe, progressive, and transformative schools 2 more specifically, as this issue goes to publication, the usa is grief-stricken over its 22nd school shooting this year—two more of our nation’s youth have died at the hands of a teenage gunman. although not a common occurrence, these acts of gun violence are tragic reminders of how vulnerable our children and youth are in learning spaces that should be safe and worry-free. the complexity of these extreme events goes beyond bullying, mental health issues, and weaponry—all very significant social issues that demand resolutions and action. the most common response across the nation thus far, however, is to enact active shooter and lockdown drills in schools that may exacerbate unwanted fears and further impact students’ learning. the los angeles times highlighted comments from students at saugus high school—the site of the most recent school shooting—that clearly communicated the effective manner in which their teachers responded to the crisis as it happened as well as their fears, trauma, and concerns about the world in which they live (fry et al., 2019). it makes us wonder if it is possible to create school campuses that are safe, progressive, and transformative. thus, we are reaching out to our readers to ask the question: how might these issues be addressed through intentional design of the built environment? we looked at some of the innovative projects that have recently been in the usa news and call for international recommendations for safe learning spaces for our children and youth, particularly those that respect their developmental understandings, capabilities, and agency. building a school that evokes feelings of “openness and access while providing constant connection and subtle levels of security” served as a primary design principle for sandy hook elementary school. this school re-opened in 2016 after the unfathomable and heartbreaking december 14, 2012 school shooting tragedy that took the lives of 20 sixand seven-year-old children plus six adults in newton, connecticut (sisson, 2018). the school design was the first to comply with connecticut’s school safety infrastructure guidelines (connecticut department of administrative services, 2015). more recently, the renovation of michigan’s fruitport high school, scheduled to open in 2021, has employed controversial design strategies such as curved walls and shadow zones to make the environment secure, but not prison-like, by using the crime prevention through environmental design guidelines (franklin, 2019; ruiz, 2018). as ruiz (2019) points out, safe school design is a new architectural dilemma. moreover, children, teachers, school staff, and families experience emotional stress and trauma as a result of perceived threats of violence, active shooter drills, and school lock-downs (rich & cox, 2018). these stressors are impacting children’s learning and well-being. at the same time, well-meaning adults are grappling with their own fears and limited strategies for allaying students’ anxieties and addressing mental health issues and challenging behaviors related to school safety threats. school psychologists have been called upon by school districts to provide multi-tiered mental health supports and mitigate physical and psychological safety concerns (nasp, 2015). given that safety cannot be guaranteed, chan (2019) documents how parents are purchasing bullet-proof backpacks and other paraphernalia marketed to increase children’s protection should they encounter a horrible scenario involving a school shooter. these strategies, however, may only an appeal for designing safe, progressive, and transformative schools 3 exacerbate fears, provide a false sense of security, and/or detract from the hotly debated issue of gun controls. specifically, as we highlighted in a previous cye issue, anguished youth voices called out politicians over the horrific 2018 school shooting at marjory stoneman douglas high school in florida. their voices led to protests, specifically the national school walkout and march for our lives, and a reform bill that established some purchasing regulations for guns signed by florida’s governor (brown, carr, mehta, & kochanowski, 2018). we commended the youth on their activism and agree that we have not done enough to protect them. we begged the question, what’s next? we would like to hear from our cye readership about these issues in several ways: 1) submission of research articles or field reports on built environments related to safe schools; 2) submission of research articles or field reports on how school environments have addressed issues related to stress and trauma resulting from drills and school threats; 3) posts to our cye network discussion forum; and 4) submission of position papers related to potential solutions for creating safe, progressive, and transformative schools. references brown, r. d., carr, v., mehta, v., & kochanowski, l. (2018). children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy. children, youth and environments, 28(1), 1-8. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi chan, m. (2019). these businesses say they’ve got what you need to survive a school shooting. time, october 19. retrieved from https://time.com/5698423/bulletproof-backpacks-school-shootings/ connecticut department of administrative services (2015). report of the school safety infrastructure council. retrieved from https://portal.ct.gov//media/das/communications/communications-list-docs/specialreports/ssic-report-nov-19-2015.pdf?la=en franklin, s. (2019). michigan high school upgrades campus to combat potential active shooters. the architect’s newspaper, august 26. retrieved from https://archpaper.com/2019/08/fruitport-high-school-towerpinksterrenovation/ fry, h., gerber, m., queally, j., mejia, b., winton, r., & parvini, s. (2019). saugus high shooter opened fire on crowded quad in 16-second attack that left 2 dead and 3 wounded, sheriff says. the los angeles times, november 14. retrieved from https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-14/shootingreported-at-saugus-high-school-in-santa-clarita-police-searching-for-teensuspect http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi https://time.com/5698423/bulletproof-backpacks-school-shootings/ https://portal.ct.gov/-/media/das/communications/communications-list-docs/special-reports/ssic-report-nov-19-2015.pdf?la=en https://portal.ct.gov/-/media/das/communications/communications-list-docs/special-reports/ssic-report-nov-19-2015.pdf?la=en https://portal.ct.gov/-/media/das/communications/communications-list-docs/special-reports/ssic-report-nov-19-2015.pdf?la=en https://archpaper.com/2019/08/fruitport-high-school-towerpinkster-renovation/ https://archpaper.com/2019/08/fruitport-high-school-towerpinkster-renovation/ https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-14/shooting-reported-at-saugus-high-school-in-santa-clarita-police-searching-for-teen-suspect https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-14/shooting-reported-at-saugus-high-school-in-santa-clarita-police-searching-for-teen-suspect https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-14/shooting-reported-at-saugus-high-school-in-santa-clarita-police-searching-for-teen-suspect an appeal for designing safe, progressive, and transformative schools 4 national association of school psychologists (nasp) (2015). a framework for safe and successful schools. bethesda, md: nasp. retrieved from https://www.nasponline.org/resources-and-publications/resources-andpodcasts/school-climate-safety-and-crisis/systems-level-prevention/aframework-for-safe-and-successful-schools rich, s. & cox, j. w. (2018). what if someone was shooting? the washington post, december 26. retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2018/local/school-lockdowns-inamerica/ ruiz, k. (2018, may). how can architects balance security and openness in school design after mass shootings? the architect’s newspaper. retrieved from https://archpaper.com/2018/05/how-can-architects-respond-reactionaryhardening-schools/ sisson, p. (2018, february). sandy hook elementary school design finds safety, security in openness. curbed. retrieved from https://www.curbed.com/2018/2/22/17042004/sandy-hook-elementaryschool-design-security-safety https://www.nasponline.org/resources-and-publications/resources-and-podcasts/school-climate-safety-and-crisis/systems-level-prevention/a-framework-for-safe-and-successful-schools https://www.nasponline.org/resources-and-publications/resources-and-podcasts/school-climate-safety-and-crisis/systems-level-prevention/a-framework-for-safe-and-successful-schools https://www.nasponline.org/resources-and-publications/resources-and-podcasts/school-climate-safety-and-crisis/systems-level-prevention/a-framework-for-safe-and-successful-schools https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2018/local/school-lockdowns-in-america/ https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2018/local/school-lockdowns-in-america/ https://archpaper.com/2018/05/how-can-architects-respond-reactionary-hardening-schools/ https://archpaper.com/2018/05/how-can-architects-respond-reactionary-hardening-schools/ https://www.curbed.com/2018/2/22/17042004/sandy-hook-elementary-school-design-security-safety https://www.curbed.com/2018/2/22/17042004/sandy-hook-elementary-school-design-security-safety login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(1), 2021 addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning richard mclauchlan co-founder, light up learning citation: mclauchlan, r. (2021). addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning. children, youth and environments, 31(1), 178186. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this field report provides an overview of the scottish educational charity light up learning (lul). it delineates the ways in which lul’s focus on developing a love of learning in youth can positively address some of the central challenges associated with poverty-related educational inequality. the report also provides practitioners with ideas, tools and recommendations for programs that similarly want to move the focus of education away from purely economic considerations—the root of scotland’s exam-obsessed culture—towards a more expansive sense of human flourishing. keywords: interest-driven learning, interest-related learning, mentoring, disengagement, poverty http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning 179 light up learning: an introduction light up learning (lul) is a scottish charitable incorporated organisation providing one-to-one mentoring for youth aged 13 to 18 years across edinburgh and the surrounding lothians. we are dedicated to igniting a love of learning in young people and transforming the nature of education in scotland. amidst a range of national and local mentoring programs, lul is unique for its focus on the love of learning for its own sake. we aim to address issues of unequal access to education and disengagement in the classroom by creating low-stress, supportive, and playful learning environments for youth who have experienced disadvantage. the program instantiates what is typically considered interestdriven or interest-related learning (azevedo, 2011; barron, 2006), in that we encourage students to pursue their own interests and curiosities and place them in charge of their own learning. we help them develop the resources, skills, and contacts they need to achieve their potential. our students are drawn from geographical areas that fall within what are called the scottish indices of multiple deprivation areas 1-3 and/or are eligible for the scottish government’s free school meals program. their names are put forward by their school’s “guidance teachers,” who oversee the social and academic welfare of their students, but participation is entirely voluntary. most students are identified as disengaging from education or at risk of doing so. our mentors are chosen based on their passion for learning and ability to communicate with young people. sometimes they are university students and sometimes they have other part-time jobs. mentors report to a head of mentoring who oversees and supports their work. students and mentors meet once a week during the school day. sessions are 50 minutes long and take place on school premises, with field trip opportunities. each student-mentor pair researches and develops projects around topics that fire the student’s imagination, from anime to zoology. we see learning as an opportunity to explore existing passions, to discover new ones, and to build key skills in the process of each. to us, a successful relationship with learning is one that leaves a student curious, passionate, confident, self-aware, and eager to learn beyond the walls of the classroom. the program was founded in 2015 by two recent graduates of cambridge university, richard mclauchlan and will ferguson. richard’s own educational experiences had taught him the power of connecting learning with topics of intrinsic interest but also the rarity of this, while will’s privileged upbringing and costly education inculcated a strong sense of the injustices within society and the need for redressing the imbalance. their concerns united to create lul’s distinctive brand of mentoring. theoretical underpinnings lul was founded with the intention of promoting human dignity, improving educational outcomes for youth experiencing disadvantage, and challenging a scottish educational system that is fundamentally determined by market forces and thus places an excessive emphasis on examinations, “attainment” and addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning 180 “positive destinations.” there are a number of bodies of scholarship within education and psychology which advance similar objectives to lul. the following two are of particular note: 1) connected learning in the united states (ito et al., 2013), which is learning that “connects personal interests, supportive relationships, and academic, civic and career opportunity” (ito et al., 2013, p. 4) and 2) youth-adult partnership literature (halpern, 2005; zeldin, christens & powers, 2013), which emphasizes the importance of the intergenerational dynamic in youth learning. there are resonances with lul in both of these approaches to learning and youth development, yet lul is distinct in several ways. first, lul youth-adult sessions are almost infinite in scope, insofar as they can be shaped by any interest that a young person wishes to pursue, and pursued through any combination of means. we also prioritize one-on-one time in a way that is not common within the boundaries of the typical school day. this is principally an equity issue. where young people growing up in deprivation are so often cut off from the advantages afforded by attentive and financially secure parents—additional support, resources to pursue interests, the smaller class sizes of private schools—lul makes one-on-one sessions the primary mode of interaction. this is a way of addressing what john goldthorpe has called the “inequality of condition—the inequality in resources of various kinds—that exists among families with different locations within the class structure” (2016, p. 107). moreover, because our support is entirely embedded in the school day, no extra time commitment from the participating youth is needed. for those with engagement issues or anxiety troubles, and importantly, for those who need to work for money or care for family members outside of school time, this feature of lul is of critical importance and encourages increased access to participation. perhaps what sets lul most apart from the aforementioned bodies of work is its emphasis on learning for its own sake. learning, in most educational theory and practice, is a vehicle for something else, and from our vantage point, thereby loses its primacy. lul not only wants to reinforce the well-documented effects of learning on personal wellbeing (feinstein, vorhaus & sabates, 2008; hammond, 2004); but more fundamentally, we want to honor what both plato and aristotle knew long ago: that it is vital for human beings to satisfy their deep inbuilt urge to know. this is not to ignore economic considerations. we believe that our focus on the love of learning—and therefore human flourishing in the present moment—will in fact entail the positive enhancement of young people’s capacities to enter the world of work and to do well within it. description of activities and program design lul concentrates first and foremost on developing trusting relationships between mentors and students. this takes time, so mentors commit to seeing their students until they leave school, though students may leave the program earlier if they wish. the first year of a mentor-mentee relationship is noted for its lack of emphasis on “producing” something; building trust and respect are viewed as far more valuable. aligned with research from the contemporary fields of positive youth development (e.g., eccles & gootman, 2002; zeldin et al., 2013) and the learning sciences (see for example digiacomo & gutiérrez, addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning 181 2015; digiacomo, 2020; vakil, mckinney de royston, suad nasir, & kirshner, 2016) we believe this emphasis on healthy relationships is the basis upon which good learning happens. conversations about students’ lives are common, first names are always used, and mentors wear casual clothes. thus, the usual signifiers of power distinctions are likely to break down. one challenge associated with this is the fine line this can create within a student’s mind between their mentor and a therapist figure or a friend. mentors draw their boundaries by clearly stating, regularly if necessary, their role as learning guides and by keeping up-to-date and in touch with the school’s network of resources and support for those struggling with personal issues. personal emails and phone numbers are never shared over the course of the program. secondly, we emphasize student autonomy and freedom as a way of shifting the usual school power dynamics. instead of being passively taught a subject with little immediate relevance to their life, students not only decide what to study in their lul sessions but also learn with rather than from their mentor; and, often the student actually teaches their mentor about the thing in which the student is interested. a sense of student empowerment is critical to our success. mentors’ practices vary as they seek to ensure this, but some choose to give their students 10-20 minutes of personal research time, and then discuss their findings together for the remainder of the session. some will make sure that the school-owned ipads, which are often used in sessions, are in the student’s hands and not theirs. all mentors will begin each session by checking where student interest is based that day and how the student wants to pursue that interest. if a student expresses a desire to research something different from the previous week(s), then the mentor will tend to accept this and shift the session focus to the new topic. in this way, impact may be less tangible, which can present another challenge, particularly for new mentors who are accustomed to measuring success by production. gathering student, parent and teacher feedback is vital, not only for funders, but to reassure new mentors that they are making a difference. every mentor consciously foregrounds and honors student expertise on an issue. mentors will frequently say such things as, “tell me more about that” or “have i understood this right?” as students build a sense that they are repositories of knowledge, a new sense of self-efficacy, self-worth, and confidence appears to emerge. lul mentors are simply guides, there to inspire and to challenge, and to help with the skills necessary for good learning (e.g., how to check the accuracy of a wikipedia fact or how to use the school library). mentors will also instill a sense of student choice by giving students the option of where to have their session within the school (if this is possible), seeking to put students in an environment in which they are comfortable. they will also honor the learning preferences of each individual student. for example, it became clear that one student was a kinesthetic learner. having determined to work on an essay together, the mentor and the student placed a very large sheet of paper on the floor with the overall structure of the essay on it and used smaller sheets of different colors to represent subsections of the essay. this addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning 182 meant the student had to move around the room placing subsections in their appropriate area. the flow of the essay thereby came alive for the student and a sense of structure, with which he had previously struggled, “clicked” for him. mentors also provide links with people who share a student’s passion, but who may be further down the road. a student interested in ai, for example, met with a friend of his mentor’s who had a specialization in that topic; a student who wanted to be a doctor was in email exchange with her mentor’s friend who was a cardiologist in glasgow. such connections are common markers of privilege. lul seeks to make good connections commonplace for all those who participate. trips to areas outside the immediate school vicinity are also associated with privilege. lul challenges this, too, by offering every student field trip opportunities. for example, one student who liked anatomy went with his mentor to the surgeons’ hall museum in edinburgh. another who was thinking about studying architecture designed her own architectural tour of edinburgh, based on online research in her lul sessions, and then she and her mentor went on the actual tour. she explained the different architectural styles to her mentor as they passed each building. examining impact lul draws on surveys, parent feedback sessions, student school reports, and mentor-teacher conversations to gather evidence of impact. positive feedback from students, parents and teachers has been continuous since the program started in 2015. after only two school terms, the head teacher of lasswade high school could say: this has been a fantastic programme and initiative, and i can honestly say that, in well over 10 years of senior leadership, i can’t recall as positive feedback about this work as any other that i have been involved with. it was not long before the school was partly funding our work, and other funding bodies and charitable trusts followed suit. intensive field work by one researcher in 2016 demonstrated that lul had created an environment within a school setting where youth felt both free and supported to learn by deeply and widely pursuing their interests. she showed that we were able to do this “by employing the pedagogic moves of continually foregrounding youths’ interests, honoring youth expertise, and making space for youths’ ideas” (digiacomo, 2020, p. 68). our youth, parental and teacher surveys have continued to demonstrate lul’s ability to raise confidence, aspirations, and perspectives on learning. as one parent commented: “i have noticed a big change in my son since starting lul. he has become more outgoing and has more confidence.” a lul student observed: “lul really helps me to open up and talk out and shows me if i wanna do something and make it public and see-able then i can if i try.” another wrote: “i like going to lul as i addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning 183 get to do tasks about the things i like.” one teacher viewed a specific case of impact thus: lul has given mary (a student1) an opportunity to build their confidence and skills on a 1:1 basis, meaning they are able to recognize and develop in areas they are most interested in. having a mentor they trust, respect and enjoy working with is key for mary’s success and is something they value beyond a lot of other things in life. the close relationships that mentors and students build allows for moments of significant breakthrough, as the following story by one lul mentor demonstrates: damien’s low self-efficacy was hard to shift… after failing all his prelims we had an honest discussion about what happened… he just didn’t believe he could achieve, and thought anyone telling him otherwise was lying… . i came up with the idea for us to watch a tedtalks video. this video featured a blind man discussing his experiences of life from his perspective, a blind one. his entire experience of life was a reality created in his own mind, one which he believed to be true. damien stopped the video and said, ‘so i’m creating a reality for myself which i believe to be true.’ this was an important moment for damien. he was intelligent enough (as i had suspected) to connect the parallel between the blind man’s constructed reality and his own. we had a discussion around his perceived reality versus the potential everyone else could see in him. i asked him to think things over during the imminent holiday period…. we also discussed other situations where he limited himself or created a certain reality and then surpassed it. he was now also considering evidence that his beliefs could be wrong in certain situations, evidence that he had previously dismissed because it didn’t uphold his low self-efficacy belief. i feel it was a real moment of realization for this pupil that just maybe, he might have this potential others see in him. lul can also make clear shifts in students’ futures too. one girl, for instance, gained a competitive scholarship to study mandarin at a chinese university for a year, before commencing a university degree in psychology back in scotland. she and the school attributed much of this success to her lul sessions, which had helped her overcome some of her struggles with anxiety, increased her confidence and her ability to articulate her beliefs. the student put it this way: lul made a huge difference to my school experience because it showed me that learning can be fun and it isn’t just about things you’re forced to learn at school. by taking me out of the typical classroom environment that i had associated learning with, it gave me a break from just sitting 1 pseudonyms for participating students have been used throughout this field report. addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning 184 and copying stuff off a board and gave me the chance to use the school resources for something i found interesting and wanted to learn. lul has made me realise that my opinion is valid and that there are people that want to hear it. it’s also helped me with my anxiety because by having someone to listen and shows that they care, it has helped me see the better parts within myself and when i forget these parts then lul is something i can look back on to remind me. such a response verifies the central proposition undergirding lul: that the promotion of the love of learning, within the context of a trusting one-to-one relationship, is intimately linked to a broader flourishing of humanity. moving forward by the spring of 2021 lul will have established partnerships with five high schools in some of the most deprived areas of edinburgh and the lothians region. we will be working with nearly 60 young people and have a team of six mentors. the covid-19 pandemic caused an organizational shift that proved to be deeply beneficial. we instigated “digilul” and transferred our sessions and resources online in a safe and secure manner, and maintained sessions with 19 out of 33 students across a period of time that has been marked nationally for the lack of support received by youth in lower socio-economic circumstances. our digital offering is now ready for immediate instigation if circumstances should require it again, and we have a set-up that can now be used across vacation periods when schools are closed and students are often most in need of support. we have trialed online group work over the 2020 summer vacation with positive results and will build on this in 2021. we have also instigated a youth forum at one partnership school to champion the voice of young people and will roll this out across our schools. recommendations for practice finally, in order to support other practitioners who may wish to establish or adapt their own interest-driven learning projects, there are a handful of practical considerations that ought to be borne in mind. it is important that mentors for interest-driven learning are chosen on far more than academic ability. their capacity to connect with young people is crucial and we would recommend that, as part of the interview process, candidates meet with youth and that the young people’s response to them is sought afterwards. mentors should also make the most of their own networks and forge connections—in person, ideally—between their students and those within their networks as much as possible. similarly, field trips ought to be emphasized as they can make a profound impression and bring learning to life in an unparalleled way. the lul method tends towards an unstructured approach as interests can shift rapidly. this ought to be balanced with appropriate framing of the learning taking place. a well-structured 50-minute session might therefore look as follows: addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning 185 • informal catch-up about each other’s past week (5 min) • discussion on what the student wants out of the session (5 min) • independent student research on topic chosen for study (15 min) • mentor-student discussion on findings of independent student research (15 min) • joint consideration of next session (5 min) • final reflection on whether session expectations have been met; reasons for effectiveness or ineffectiveness of session; and, linking learning to other school or life experiences (5 min) a mentor’s regard for student interest, expertise, and socio-economic condition should not hinder a critical challenge to elementary thinking—i.e., thinking that either re-hashes prior thinking or uncritically regurgitates the views of others. mentors should be encouraged to push their students beyond their range of knowledge and to bring further nuance to the knowledge they already have. mentors should not, however, think they have to know everything about a subject which interests a student. their own lack of knowledge should drive their desire to learn with the student and remind the student that the power dynamic is one of mutual respect and equity. to break with the prevailing utilitarian perspective on learning and education is no easy feat, but by following some of the basic insights in this report there is no reason why the first steps towards a fuller realization of their potential cannot be made. in so doing, it will be possible to address a number of fundamental educational inequalities that exist across our societies. richard mclauchlan is the co-founder of light up learning. educated at the universities of st. andrews and cambridge, he now works as a writer and continues to lead lul’s educational policy. in 2016, he published a book on the poetry of r. s. thomas entitled saturday’s silence and, in 2020, he collaborated with john campbell obe on the highly acclaimed biography, haldane: the forgotten statesman who shaped modern britain, a study of britain’s leading edwardian educationist, richard burdon haldane. references azevedo, f. s. (2011). lines of practice: a practice-centered theory of interest relationships. cognition and instruction, 29(2), 147-184. barron, b. (2006). interest and self-sustained learning as catalysts of development: a learning ecology perspective. human development, 49, 193-224. digiacomo, d. k. (2020). supporting interests and sharing power: insights from a scottish youth program. journal of youth development, 15(5), 68-92. addressing educational inequality by promoting the love of learning 186 digiacomo, d. k., & gutiérrez, k. d. (2015). relational equity as a design tool within making and tinkering activities. mind, culture, and activity, 23(2), 141-153. eccles, j. & gootman, j. (2002). features of positive developmental settings. in national research council and institute of medicine, community programs to promote youth development (pp. 86–118). washington, d.c.: national academies press. feinstein, l., vorhaus, j., & sabates, r. (2008). learning through life challenge report. london: foresight mental capital and wellbeing project. goldthorpe, j. h. (2016). social class mobility in modern britain: changing structure, constant process. journal of the british academy, 4, 89-111. halpern, r. (2005). instrumental relationships: a potential relational model for inner-city youth programs. journal of community psychology, 33(1), 11-20. hammond, c. (2004). impacts of lifelong learning upon emotional resilience, psychological and mental health: fieldwork evidence. oxford review of education, 30, 551-568. ito, m., gutiérrez, k., livingstone, s., penuel, b., rhodes, j., salen, k., schor, j., sefton-green, j., & watkins, s. c. (2013). connected learning: an agenda for research and design. irvine, ca: digital media and learning research hub. vakil, s., mckinney de royston, m., suad nasir, n. i., & kirshner, b. (2016). rethinking race and power in design-based research: reflections from the field. cognition and instruction, 34(3), 194-209. zeldin, s., christens, b. d., & powers, j. l. (2013). the psychology and practice of youth-adult partnership: bridging generations for youth development and community change. american journal of community psychology, 51(3-4), 385-397. review: cities alive: designing for urban childhoods 78 cities alive: designing for urban childhoods arup’s foresight, research and innovation and integrated city planning teams (december 2017) london, 71 pages available from https://www.arup.com/perspectives/cities-alive-urban-childhood in 1996, the second un conference on human settlements, widely known as habitat ii, addressed the pressing global need, in an increasingly urbanized world, for towns and cities to place sustainable, livable environments that support universal human rights at the heart of their plans. the istanbul declaration (united nations, 1996), which established the habitat ii agenda, included the recognition that this endeavor must pay particular attention “to the needs of… children and youth for safe, healthy and secure living conditions”; it resolved to “ensure… the effective participation of youth in political, economic and social life.” more than this, as unicef (2018) reports, the conference declared that the wellbeing of children is the ultimate indicator of a healthy habitat, a democratic society and of good governance. this idea, that “children are a kind of indicator species,” was later famously taken up by enrique peñalosa, mayor of the colombian capital, bogotá, who added: “if we can build a successful city for children, we will have a successful city for all people.” peñalosa’s words are frequently cited at gatherings of the child-friendly city (cfc) movement that has developed around the habitat ii agend, and they now can open this succinct, handsome publication from the planning and design specialists, arup. although presenting itself as a “report,” the document might be more accurately described as a short guide. it breaks the innately complex, crosscutting issues of its subject matter—children’s rights, urban design and sustainable development—into manageable headings and accessible lists: two “key concepts” (“everyday freedoms” and “children’s infrastructure”); seven “key messages” (e.g. “decision makers should be opportunistic and strategic, and integrate child-friendly thinking into all aspects of city making”; five “core challenges” (from “traffic and pollution” to “isolation and intolerance”); seven broad “benefits” (from “health and wellbeing” to being a “catalyst for improving cities”); and 14 “recommended interventions” (e.g., “intergenerational spaces,” “pedestrian priority,” “neighborhood mapping”). the main section is illustrated with neat, thumbnail case studies (beginning, inevitably, with bogotá), helpfully located on a map of the world, and the whole document is liberally garnished with beautiful photographs of children, sharp infographics and a welter of carefully referenced (though not always accurately represented1) facts. 1 for example, “…30% more children (in developing countries are) overweight compared to developed countries” (p. 11) is clearly a mistake; the figure refers to the rate of increase. https://www.arup.com/perspectives/cities-alive-urban-childhood book review: cities alive: designing for urban childhoods 79 although the document aims its conclusions at “policy makers and city leaders, developers and investors, and built-environment professionals,” many other practitioners may also find it useful as a handy summary of some of the main issues, a resource from which to discover further reading, and—being highly accessible in both style and format—an effective campaign tool. advocates seeking to engage busy policymakers in a more serious consideration of children’s needs in the planning process could do worse than pull out some of the key points here. indeed, presenting the document as a whole—with its well-marshalled facts and concise summation of challenges and solutions—may help to make many a policy case for adopting a more child-friendly approach to urban planning. this is the document’s stated purpose, and, with arup saying it is already their most downloaded publication ever, in this it must be judged a success. there are nevertheless a number of interconnected criticisms that can be made of this report, touching on issues for the cfc movement in general. the first is that it gives the impression that children’s well-being and the safeguarding of their rights is primarily a matter of design, as though the built environment were the main determining factor in children’s quality of life. arup are planning and design specialists, and so perhaps this perspective is inevitable. they may also argue that the cfc idea was conceived to focus attention on the importance of the built environment for children; that their approach here merely reflects this agenda. this is a common misconception. the significance of habitat ii is indeed that the liveability and sustainability of human settlements are vitally important issues for the global community, but the agenda is a socio-economic one; the built environment and its design are part of the challenge, not more important than “homelessness, increasing poverty, unemployment (or) social exclusion” (united nations, 1996). the narrower emphasis on the built environment is both a strength and a weakness of the independent (non-unicef) cfc movement. it is a strength because children and youths’ needs, perspectives and aspirations are routinely overlooked in spatial development, planning and infrastructure decisions, where the needs of commerce, traffic and adult culture tend to dominate. children’s advocates are traditionally more prevalent and influential within the large, usually statutory, services dedicated to them—education, child health and social care. even the international play movement has, arguably, led to more (and not always better) segregated play areas than it has succeeding in making or conserving space for children within the general public realm. in cultivating the acceptance of a responsibility to children within the big professional sectors and policy contexts that shape the built environment, the cfc movement is slowly surely changing this; embedding the crucial notion of children’s agency as citizens with needs for incremental degrees of independence that should be negotiated within families, not denied them by the mere fact of growing up in a city. this guide supports this purpose and is to be welcomed for it, but the problem with narrowly focusing on design, planning and the built environment is that this overlooks the complexity of factors that impact children’s lives, and, in the process, book review: cities alive: designing for urban childhoods 80 also tends to minimize the significance of the human rights framework within which the cfc movement is properly situated. it is telling that no reference is made in this guide to the official unicef (2018) cfc initiative, the mandated program to promote and implement the habitat principles for children and youth around the world. this leaves the publishers open to charges of appropriation, by commercial interests, of a un children’s rights initiative (the document is indeed a very effective calling card for arup’s services in child-friendly developments); it also means the omission of the essential guiding principles that should underpin every such endeavor: non-discrimination; the best interests of the child; the inherent right to life, survival and development; and respect for the views of the child—the four cornerstones of the uncrc (1989). this is not to take the ideological high ground (and i repeat that this critique can be levelled at the independent cfc movement in general), but there are consequences to this approach that have ethical implications. one such concerns the question of gentrification. for example, the city of rotterdam has adopted its own interpretation of the cfc approach to the economic regeneration of downtown areas that had become rundown and unattractive, as the city’s industrial hub declined as did its status as a major port. the city council is unapologetic about its gentrification program, arguing that its relatively high social housing stock meant that all socio-economic groups benefit. yet a critical analysis of the rotterdam program (berg, 2013) finds that these plans discriminated against poorer families, priced out of their traditional neighborhoods to make way for more affluent families. the research concludes that because “child-friendly” in this case means “middle class-friendly,” it is to be expected that the “poor become further marginalized” (berg, 2013). this is a major issue requiring further research and debate. if rotterdam’s strategy is indeed discriminatory against children from poorer families, then it cannot claim to be a child-friendly city in terms of the un’s habitat agenda, which is squarely situated as far as children and youth are concerned, within the convention on the rights of the child (1989). arup’s guide fails to set this wider context and only obliquely refers to the issue. linked to the report’s neglect of the full children’s rights context for the cfc movement is a final criticism: that the role of central government in this agenda is not recognized. even within a narrow, built-environment perspective, the role of the “city leaders and policy makers” to which the report is addressed are constrained by whichever national planning policy framework may be in place. even a relatively minor piece of national legislation such as the play sufficiency duty, introduced by the welsh government (2010), can have a big influence on how local governments respond to children’s claims on space. conversely, the uk government’s radical deregulation of national planning policy in 2010 has made a similar challenge much more difficult in england because development is now the default. taking the full cfc agenda, wherein poverty, crime, public health and statutory services all have a big impact, the significance of national government policy is unavoidable; a serious omission from arup’s guide. book review: cities alive: designing for urban childhoods 81 in summary, this is an attractive, helpful synthesis of the key arguments for a child-friendly approach to planning and design for urban environments, but it fails to situate its rationale within the full context of children’s rights or the holistic policy context of the habitat agenda. thus, it does not acknowledge the complex ethical and political questions arising from concerns, for example, that child-friendly planning sometimes equates to discriminatory gentrification. in fairness to arup, this is a challenge to all of us in this movement. can we really aim to influence the shape and culture of towns and cities without addressing the political and ethical arguments behind big policy decisions? they may be a metaphorical “indicator species,” but children are first and foremost the entire human race at its most vulnerable and dependent stages of life. if child-friendly cities are not for all of them, then who and what are we advocating for? review by adrian voce adrian voce is the director of playful planet cic, president of the european network for child friendly cities, and author of policy for play: responding to children’s forgotten right (policy press, 2015). references berg, m. (2013). genderfied urban regeneration in rotterdam. international journal of urban and regional research, 37(2), 523-536. doi:10.1111/j.14682427.2012.01172.x united nations (1996). the habitat agenda: istanbul declaration on human settlements, united nations conference on human settlements (habitat ii) in istanbul, turkey, 3-14 june 1996. available from http://www.un.org/ga/istanbul+5/declaration.htm united nations office of the high commissioner for human rights (1989). convention on the rights of the child. available from www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/crc.aspx unicef (2018). child friendly city initiative. available from https://childfriendlycities.org/what-is-a-child-friendly-city/ welsh government (2010). children and families (wales) measure. doi: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/mwa/2010/1/contents https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2012.01172.x https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2012.01172.x http://www.un.org/ga/istanbul+5/declaration.htm http://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/crc.aspx https://childfriendlycities.org/what-is-a-child-friendly-city/ http://www.legislation.gov.uk/mwa/2010/1/contents © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(2), 2021 where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics, authority structures, and school micro-climates elke altenburger benjamin r. wellenreiter illinois state university citation: altenburger, e., & wellenreiter, b. r. (2021). where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics, authority structures, and school micro-climates. children, youth and environments, 31(2), 1-33. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this comparative case study examines non-classroom spaces within two rural, midwestern high schools in the u.s., relying on a critical pedagogy of place perspective (gruenewald, 2008). participant descriptions focus on the interplay between school building characteristics and local authority structures. the juxtaposition of two demographically similar populations led by administrators of similar mindset, in different physical settings, highlights the influence of school building types in supporting or undermining place-based authority processes. the authors argue that purposeful alignment of social, physical, and organizational aspects can foster positive school climates. they recommend involving vulnerable students in the evaluation of environmental stressors in non-classroom spaces. keywords: secondary schools, school climate, school buildings, non-instructional spaces, adolescent socialization http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 2 architecture regulates and influences people in purposeful, systematic ways (shah & kesan, 2007). public school buildings are considered important tools for attainment of educational goals and social order (markus, 1993). investigations of school buildings traditionally evaluate classroom spaces for their effects on academic outcomes (uline, tschannen-moran, & wolsey, 2009). in contrast, nonclassroom spaces are often studied for their relationships to social problems (astor, meyer, & behre, 1999; perkins, perkins, & craig, 2014; vaillancourt et al., 2010; woods, 2001). non-classroom spaces are, however, deeply connected to student academic achievement, confidence, and perception of self-worth (maxwell & schlechtman, 2012; uline et al., 2009). studies of interactions between educational spaces and educational practices are both rare and important (daniels, stables, tse, & cox, 2019). viewing all school spaces as integrated and influencing academic, social, and emotional development, we explore the social learning environments of nonclassroom spaces in two rural high schools in the midwestern united states. specifically, we explore dynamic interactions between school building design, school practices manifested through each school’s administrative philosophy regarding student autonomy, and the resultant yet evolving micro-climates created by school community members in the buildings informing them. connections between buildings, practices, authority structures, and relationships when working to expand understanding of the effects of the physical environment beyond basic variables for which consistent evidence has been established, the dynamic relationships between the environment and behaviors within increasingly need to be filtered through specific social contexts (higgins, hall, wall, woolner, & mccaughey, 2005). important to the holistic evaluation of school environments are school practices. to avoid sending conflicting messages to students, educators need to implement practices that decrease dissonance among complex goals (perryhazan & birnhack, 2018). clearly defined rules and expectations need to be effectively communicated (galton, hargreaves, comber, wall, & pell, 1999) to better meld educators’ and students’ often divergent perspectives of the sociospatial qualities of their buildings (maxwell, 2000; wellenreiter, 2021). those familiar with schools in the united states know that decisions about which spaces are accessible to students during breaks from class are typically the result of careful consideration by educators. administrators also usually devote substantial effort to the regulation of school routines, student break experiences, and students’ behaviors in these spaces. with often low expectations for student behavior (hope, 2009), many u.s. school administrators address safety and discipline concerns with practices and policies such as the presence of police officers, video surveillance, and zero-tolerance policies (arum & ford, 2012; nolan, 2009). recognized are the ineffectiveness, unintended negative consequences, and biases of these practices and policies (johnson, boyden & pittz, 2001; okilwa & robert, 2017; skiba & peterson, 1999). international comparisons of student behavior and school discipline practices suggest support of teachers’ moral authority and students who perceive school rules as fair are more effective than greater sanctions and stricter where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 3 enforcement of rules (arum & ford, 2012; gottfredson, fink & graham, 1994). authority structures are the foundations on which students are either granted or denied access to non-classroom spaces. intertwined with pupils’ autonomy are trust (mullin, 2014) and trustful student–teacher relationships. teacher perceptions of students’ trustworthiness is connected to school organization and size (van maele & van houtte, 2011). together, space, schedules, and routines influence the quality and frequency of communication between students and between students and administrators. this spatiotemporal order facilitates opportunities for communication and the extension of relationships between stakeholders (gross, 2004; higgins et al., 2005). dynamic relationships between the building’s social affordances (gibson, 1979), authority structures, and school community members shape students’ perceptions of non-classroom spaces. school climate school climate as a concept integrates physical, social, and organizational aspects of school environments to holistically understand a school’s quality (davidovitch & casakin, 2015; gislason, 2009; voight & nation, 2016). the national school climate center (nscc, 2020) measures 14 subcategories of school community members’ perceptions of their institution’s climate. the primary categories are (1) safety, (2) teaching and learning, (3) interpersonal relationships, (4) institutional environment, (5) social media, and (6) leadership and professional relationships of staff members. this study addresses the physical environment as a dimension of category 4, the institutional environment. indicators for the contribution of “physical surroundings” are currently limited in the nscc framework to cleanliness, order, appeal of the facilities, and adequate resources and materials (nscc, 2020). we argue that contributions of the social affordances (gibson, 1979) of the physical environment to school climate are underestimated and underexplored. we suggest that a wider range of more concrete physical qualities contribute to school climates and their embedded micro-climates. further, we believe each school space has its own micro-climate and that it is useful to explore contributions of spaces designed to serve and support social goals. figure 1 illustrates our research findings and our contributions to an expanded understanding of the interacting aspects of dynamic school climates. we rearranged the nscc’s six institutional climate categories into four: (1) physical environment, (2) school practices that facilitate the social life within, (3) local authority structures, and (4) interpersonal relationships. our revised model incorporates all 14 nscc subcategories (presented in blue in figure 1), repeating several that could be viewed through multiple lenses. all aspects of school climate established by nscc—including all items in the interpersonal relationships category—are noted in blue; all new aspects that emerged from our data are noted in red. our expanded list of physical attributes noted in red in figure 1 are part of the core findings of this research study. additional aspects that influenced our participants’ perceptions and behavior, belonging to the school practice and authority structures categories, are also noted in red in figure 1. finally, we put students’ perceptions and behaviors in the non-classroom spaces at the center of our investigation where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 4 because students are most directly affected but least often consulted (cook-sather, 2002). conveying the influence of history and experiences on these factors, we added a third dimension to this framework, recognizing their dynamic natures influenced by time. figure 1. interacting aspects influencing student perceptions of dynamic school micro-climates where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 5 exceptional approaches to authority “[p]rogressive, humanistic conceptualizations of learners based on trust” have remained exceptions to the predominant u.s. school culture, which instead is typically driven by fear and adults’ need to control student behavior (cook-sather, 2002, p. 4). school building design, however, has changed dramatically over the last two decades. the conceptualization of school buildings as classifying devices (markus, 1993) has evolved. architects and researchers have found that changing learning environments influences school experiences (daniels et al., 2019). modern school design better supports learning activities, such as collaborative student work, with employment of informal spaces, while past generations of buildings encouraged strict teacher-centered pedagogies (dudek, 2000; mahony, hextall & richardson, 2011; pearlman, 2010; uduku, 2015; walden, 2015; woolner, hall, higgins, mccaughey, & wall, 2007). emphasized in newer designs are environmental comfort for users (bernardi & kowaltowski, 2006) and support for, not hinderance of, student social encounters. in our ongoing conversations with them, educators in newer school buildings describe frustration at incongruence between their new physical environments and supervision practices to which they were accustomed. educators report insufficient levels of control over student social activities during non-instructional times in newly expanded and openly connected non-classroom spaces. essentially, school physical spaces were changing, but educators’ authority philosophies and practices were not. to deepen understanding of interactions between architectural characteristics of school spaces, authority structures, and stakeholders, we explore student perspectives of non-classroom spaces in two rural high schools: one of a teachercentric, institutional design and one of a student-centered, comfortable design. theoretical framework we explore these school environments through a lens of critical pedagogy of place (gruenewald, 2003; 2008). suggesting engagement in “needed conversation about the relationship between the places we call schools and the places where we live our lives” (gruenewald, 2003, p. 623), we look inward on schools as places with important micro-environments where students live their lives (gruenewald, 2003). blending sociological, ideological, political, and ecological dimensions of spaces (gruenewald, 2003), we explore these school spaces and processes as hegemonically, culturally, and ideologically infused. both daily and over the long term, adolescents interacting in these spaces navigate multiple overt and tacit authority structures informed by and informing the physical spaces in which the students exist. this investigation explores interplay between these influences, focusing on messages received by participants engaged in these spaces. this work responds to gruenewald’s (2003) focus on: (a) revealing the relevance of place as a unit of cultural and ecological analysis, (b) demonstrating the many ways that places are pedagogical, and (c) supporting the claim that educational research, theory, and practice need to pay more attention to places (p. 621). where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 6 exploration of student perceptions of spaces where they learn concepts of authority, economics, culture, and social interaction is a foundational step to encourage “teachers and students to re-inhabit their places, that is, to pursue the kind of social action that improves the social and ecological life of places, near and far, now and in the future” (gruenewald, 2008, p. 314). method a review of literature regarding the effects of school design on their users’ responses uncovers a lack of qualitative studies and an associated “excessive fragmentation of the environmental complexity,” particularly in the evaluation of school interiors (manca, cerina, tobia, sacchi, & fornara, 2020 p. 31). manca and colleagues (2020) suggest holistic inquiry into the personal experience of school users. this investigation is a comparative ethnographic (erickson, 1984; green, skukauskaite & baker, 2011; wolcott, 1997), multi-case study (flyvbjerg, 2011; stake, 1995; yin, 2009) coming from a critical perspective (anderson, 1989). we used maxwell’s (2013) interactive model to design the research project. essential questions of our inquiry were: 1. what happens regularly during the breaks at these two rural high schools? 2. what are the most popular student spaces during non-instructional times? 3. how are these spaces described and understood? 4. how do these spaces contribute to the local school climate? research site selection we selected two demographically and socioeconomically similar rural schools in the midwestern united states: country high school and prairie high school (pseudonyms). country high served a single small community. at the time of this study, it had 385 students and a per pupil expenditure of $9,700. ninety percent of the students at country high were white, 4 percent hispanic, 4 percent mixed-race, and 1 percent asian. thirty-seven percent of the student population belonged to households of low-income status. country high school was completed in 2014 and had classrooms clustered around shared open zones intended to foster student collaboration (figure 2). where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 7 figure 2. country high floor plan diagram with a student population of 540, prairie high was located at the center of a geographically large school district in the same state. its per pupil expenditure was $14,000. ninety-three percent of the students at prairie high were white, 3 percent hispanic, 3 percent mixed-race, 1 percent black, and 1 percent asian. thirty-three percent of the students belonged to households of low-income status. prairie high occupied a building constructed in 1972, characterized by narrow, locker-lined circulation hallways that facilitated access to tight rows of classrooms on both sides (figure 3). where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 8 figure 3. prairie high floor plan diagram data collection serving as ethnographers, two professors and one graduate student experienced both school environments and visited the sites in pairs to coordinate data collection proceedings. during three fall months, each site was observed on various days on a weekly basis for full school days by at least one collaborator. observations of stakeholders’ behaviors and conversations were conducted in non-classroom spaces such as lunchrooms, common areas, collaborative spaces, hallways, and libraries. balancing the need to maintain a natural environment with student and educator curiosity, we answered any questions regarding our presence but did not actively seek out conversation with students. we observed interactions between students, focusing on how they used spaces available to them, paying special attention to social engagements between students and adults in charge of supervision. we wrote ethnographic field notes describing observed behavior as neutrally as possible, avoiding judgement and interpretation of interactions (emerson, fretz & shaw, 1995). place-based behavioral maps (ng, 2016) were created both early and late in the data collection phase. during early site visits, we used floor plan excerpts to record regular locations of different peer groups such as football players, “band kids,” and other groups, as well as times of arrival and locations of supervising adults. the maps helped us match student groups with their territories (delaney, 2005). they also helped us understand which spaces were occupied first or were occupied by the largest groups of students. where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 9 during the second half of the school year, we conducted semi-structured individual interviews. when these started, student participants also used floor plan excerpts to mark spaces and furniture arrangements in places they used to meet friends or considered favorite places. we also collected documents designed to inform school routines and regulate student behavior, such as student handbooks and bell schedules. the schedules illustrated the level of complexity of both schools’ regular routines and how much time students had been afforded for social interaction. the handbooks were used to compare the public transcript (scott, 1990) of school behavioral guidelines with the school disciplinary culture described by participants and observed by the researchers. participant selection employing a stratified purposeful participant selection approach (palinkas et al., 2015; sandelowski, 2000), we sought names of prospective participants through school counselors. as caring adults focusing on the emotional and social well-being of students, counselors have unique insights into both social and authority structures of their school communities. we sought students who reflected relative cross-sections of genders, diverse backgrounds, diverse socio-economic and peer and social groups, and extracurricular interests. after introductory informational meetings, five students at prairie high and seven students at country high participated in interviews. principals, counselors, and librarians from both schools represented adult perspectives of social processes in the non-instructional spaces. participants’ names have been replaced with pseudonyms. data analysis after interview transcription, the two main investigators and an undergraduate research assistant—and former country high student—engaged in collaborative open coding. we coded the transcripts, adjusting codes and their definitions as the first-round process unfolded (saldoña, 2021). the second phase of coding was predominantly conducted by the primary investigator with peer debriefing (lincoln & guba, 1985) by the second investigator concerning the development of the overarching terms (weston et al., 2001): locations, space, times, rules, supervision, students’ hang-outs, digital social space, and place/culture. long excerpts were doubleand triple-coded, then followed up with investigation of strong code co-occurrences. the primary investigator wrote memos describing the nature of these code co-occurrences, then condensed them into major themes and compared them across cases. she then connected the contents of relevant documents serving as secondary data sources. during a final round of data analysis collected from student participants, we identified and highlighted nscc’s indicators of school climate to deepen understanding of their presence in the student perception data. the second investigator served as peer debriefer (lincoln & guba, 1985), again by reviewing two especially data-rich interviews, one belonging to each case. he confirmed proceedings, findings, and appropriateness of the summation and contextualization of student participants’ perspectives as documented in figure 4. figure 4 offers condensed primary data in the form of relevant brief excerpts from where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 10 all student interviews. three of the four categories of the interacting aspects influencing student perceptions of dynamic school micro-climates— physical environment, school practices, and interpersonal relationships (see figure 1)— serve as column headings. authority structures, the fourth category, does not appear here because during the interviews, rather than explicitly talking about authority structures, the students described the nature of their relationships to adults; the rules, norms, and institutional practices governing their school experiences; and the interactions between adults. the abstract concept of authority structures emerged as relevant while analyzing prominent code cooccurrences. code names that emerged during our iterative coding process appear bolded in the figure. nscc’s subcategories are coded in blue as in figure 1, and codes referring to particular school locations are in black. all remaining code names referring to social or organizational aspects of the school environments appear in red. we share the essence of students’ perspectives on the qualities of their physical school environments in the columns, “what works” and “what’s wrong.” participants’ recommendations for the improvement of socio-physical school environments are closely connected to their perceptions of what works and are therefore integrated into that column. the purpose of the red and blue text in these two columns is to emphasize strong consistencies among student perspectives. for example, social density and high noise levels are commonly perceived as problems, while spaces that offer soft furniture and are characterized as calm appear desirable. we also share school practices and their consequences for students’ daily school experiences. in accordance with nscc’s conceptualization, in figure 4 we divide interpersonal relationships by the school stakeholder types, specifically students and adults. we referenced our collected field notes, behavioral maps, and the content of informal conversations at the schools to describe the context for participants’ understandings in the findings section and to inform code names. findings the strongest themes identified related to the schools’ social climates manifested in non-classroom spaces during non-instructional times. themes related to the interplay of school architecture, educator approach to authority, and student use of space included: (a) educators’ approaches to authority structures informed students’ perceptions of and behaviors in spaces available to them during their breaks. (b) when administrative philosophy regarding authority was a collective value of the adult stakeholders and well-aligned with the social affordances of the spaces, supportive effects of the physical environment on social school climate were strong. (c) when administrative philosophy regarding authority was not a collective value or well-aligned with the social affordances of the spaces, multifaceted, heterogenous school micro-climates existed during breaks. where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 11 figure 4. student participants’ perspectives student perspectives: prairie high school physical environment school practices interpersonal relationships jack, sophomore what works what’s wrong consequences students adults library: quiet place to work with low social density. recommendations: gym: should be more accessible; maybe instead of just sitting in the commons, [it would be less crowded] if they were allowed to go to the gym cafeteria: i usually avoid the cafeteria at lunch— too loud and crowded, unsafe during club days commons: loud and crazy; i feel like less bad things would happen if they’re not just all together. bathrooms: crowded, feels unsafe at times, [there are] boys that always are looking to mess with someone no time before class to socialize short transition times [mean i] try to get through the halls pretty quick because i don’t want to be late and i never know if i’m going to get behind someone in the hallway; i speed walk lunch routine + schedule: freshmen and sophomores eat together; i get in line as quickly as i can because it gets so full club day/double lunch: fights have broken down during lunch because it’s a time where you are free to do whatever by myself, no interaction, with peers before school stand at their lockers, other students, with their friends in the morning, can be very rude and disrespectful talk: quick little conversations during transition times walk while listening to music sense of physical security: instead of looking where they are going, they are looking at their phones; people getting pushed and shoved, being tripped, especially after school social supportstudents: in response to academic stress monitoring in the mornings; questioning if close to fights support for learning during study hall sophie, freshman what works what’s wrong consequences students adults small, repurposed spaces: entry lobby to auditorium; they [adults] can see us from office; convenient location/ proximity choir room: feels welcome, a place where i belong; that is where my home is library: quiet, nice place to work, soft chairs recommendations : commons: provide soft chairs at vending machines: there were a lot of people going over there and getting in trouble, we don't want to get in trouble for their stuff commons: there is just floors and skinny, hard benches hallways: crowded, easily overwhelming; there’s some weird stuff going on in the hallway sometimes, the things that kids yell at each other no time to get to my bus after school because my locker is pretty far away; i worry about that study hall: homework, read, talk to some of my friends; as long as you are quiet they don’t really care if you are on your phone lunch routine + schedule, 3 or 4 teachers walking around supervising in the cafeteria, 2 in the commons; sometimes we come over there and we talk to them connections across grades: talk about school with best friend [and] two intersecting groups, one of 4 one of 5 humor: dad jokes memes connectedness/ engagement: choir [is] great; you are one of us and that’s ok. i don’t care how different you are, you’re just part of the family. volleyball ok; english, these people are definitely not my friends support for learning: collaboration; everyone is good at something monitoring: they can see us in our nook, make sure everyone’s behaving [and] not setting the school on fire talk: to my teachers, miss my middle school teacher social supportadults: important adultschoir director is an important personal connection; extracurricular teachers are some of the most important people i have ever met; i could go to them with anything where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 12 renee, senior what works what’s wrong consequences students adults outdoor eating area: nice to be outside small, repurposed spaces: auditorium entry area for some students; little backstage area for band kids, that’s their group that’s their place, quiet/ calm pit in the auditorium, my favorite spot to hang out soft chairs, no teachers cafeteria: round tables [because] you just can’t socialize with each other in a line commons for outgoing students library: new, whiteboards, welcoming, open all the time, low social density pe locker room: where your friends are recommendations: cafeteria: provide round tables with loose chairs outdoor eating area: fights cafeteria: long linear tables, hard to see each other, talk and interact. tables with fixed seats need to be expanded with loose chairs commons: behind the trophy case [is a] rowdy space hallways: juniors hanging out create a sophomore traffic jam; crowded, uncomfortable outdoor lunch only with supervising adult, waiting, wasting lunch time locker assignments organized by grade level create clogs of students from the same level short transition times: [must] plan ahead to fit a bathroom break, be extremely organized to have enough time for a locker stop, otherwise you have to carry [your books] study hall: freshman and sophomores have assigned classroom spaces, have to have passes to be in the hallways club day/double lunch: a chance to meet friends that are less close sense of physical security; lunch routine + schedule: 4 teachers walking around feels safe after school adults walk around with walkie talkie by myself—some students sit alone sit at their lockers with two friends in the morning connections across grades: stands and talks after lunch; hangs out with less-close friends on club days; meets different students in different spots in the hallways during transitions in direct connection to schedule classroom locations games: hacky sack, rowdy boys—no need to hang with them fights in outdoor lunch space monitoring: cafeteria, outdoor space, teachers at every corner in the hallway rules + norms: make rules; librarian is strict about the no-feeton-the-furniture rule where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 13 lizzie, sophomore what works what’s wrong consequences students adults small, repurposed spaces: low social density; unfortunately taken by other students auditorium, associated with good memories, relaxing, place attachment classroom with favorite teacher; quiet/calm, low social density, lower light levels library, positive place recommendations: place to be alone, to do homework or listen to music. there isn’t any space to get away from the crowds except for special classrooms cafeteria: crowded, cliquey no mingling commons and adjacent areas: crowded, it’s not like bad bad— there are no fights, but too open for introverts hallways: crowded short transition times: to get from north end to south end of school, math to art; struggle; back packs are allowed which minimizes locker time lunch routine + schedule: 4 or 5 teachers walking around in the cafeteria, 2 in the commons; they are usually a little bit more lenient, because its lunch club day/double lunch: special privileges for good attendance and grades; free periods as result by myself: introverted, don’t like people that much stand at their lockers: just a bunch of lockers and people gathered around those; they're just hanging out and having conversations and taking up space sit in doorways: people get away from everyone else talk with two friends during lunch, about school, drama; fights (maybe 1 or 2 every 6 months) with theater friends; with friends in the library games: other students play hacky sack monitoring: rules + norms, enforcing school rules, no fights; they see most of what is going on or someone will go and get them; if something is going on i talk to a teacher; phone rules depend entirely on the teacher support for learning during advisory social supportadults: important adults [are] like a friend/parental figure; librarian is cool steven, senior what works what’s wrong consequences students adults outdoor eating area: nice to be outside small, repurposed space: little area outside the gym, little areas close to auditorium, for people who like seclusion in small group cafeteria: less crowded in the mornings library: quiet place to study; not a place for popular kids weight room: where friends are recommendations: bathrooms + weight room: equip with cameras [for] safety gym: should be more accessible to serve the hacky sack community that used to be much larger hallways: crowded in the morning; everyone is just trying to squeeze through to get to their class lockers and bathrooms: vaping bathrooms and weight room: excluded from proficient supervision; people go over there to try to fight or mess around short transition times: not enough time to be social with friends you do not share a class with study hall: freshman do bonding things during advisory; no structure for advising for older students, free range lunch routine + schedule, 2 or 3 teachers in the cafeteria, 2 teachers in the commons supervision practices: teachers are in charge of a section of the hallway connections across grades: talk; students hang out in the hallways and in the cafeteria to talk to their friends or in the classrooms; hangs out with popular jocks and nerdier side geek; friendly morning conversations; friendly start to the day; positive vibes, after school i go talk to my friends about sports and drama games: card games during advisory; hacky sack more important than eating; its social—just hanging out fights: after people start yelling at each other vaping: other students while in the cafeteria monitoring: coach supervising the weight rooms before and after school sense of physical security: adults are there to break things up; de-escalation rules + norms: rule enforcement; they don’t see most of the stuff that happens; teachers in the hallway to keep an eye on things and avoid wandering students social support-adults one important adult: contact with coach where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 14 student perspectives: country high school physical environment school practices interpersonal relationships elizabeth, freshman what works what’s wrong consequences students adults outdoor eating area: low social density; smaller group; bright and nice collaboration areas: soft chairs, quiet/calm, low social density; whiteboards good for creative brainstorming; my friends are walking into their math class and i’m already there; convenient location/ proximity cafeteria: bright, spacious with many tables; seats are less closely spaced than in previous school; calming; likes to sit far away from the teachers there is time: all my classes are close together; i have a lot of time to talk to other people during lunch i can move where i want to during lunch; the hallways are not so crowded so you can move lunch routine + schedule: i can meet upper classmen during my school day supervision routines: teachers are there but not so close you can freely talk connections across grades: talk during lunch about school, summers, memories, homecoming; in collaboration area with 3 friends before school about school, dreams, weekends, teachers walk with friends during transitions or alone humor with my brother’s friends support for learning before school professional relationships in collaboration areas mark, senior what works what’s wrong consequences students adults collaboration areas: soft chairs with awning, location for ap and online independent study students; becomes convenient; location/proximity to content-specific teachers cafeteria, open, spacious, high ceilings; low social density library: adequate resources + materials, printer; quiet/calm there is time during lunch oh yeah, definitely; most of the time everyone is done eating in 15 or 20 minutes and then gets to chill out for the last 20 minutes i can move [in the] cafeteria during lunch; i have room to move and breathe short transition times: just enough to get to the next classroom unless its close lunch routine + schedule: some of us had first lunch but this year we pretty much all had the same lunch; we got to get a table together talk: nobody wants to go sit in the classroom, so everybody (4-8 friends) comes into collaboration areas; [we talk about] last night, weekend, sports; hanging out with a friend is a good relief to rigorous classes; friends from ap classes and athletes; that’s one of the best things about this school—not a big separation between the jocks and the nerds; third group of friends is less homogenous during lunch in cafeteria; small, tightknit communities are good games on phones social media, social support: conversations about college decisions social media: drama, sportscommunication management sense of socialemotional security: some scream and shout in the hallway but it’s never a real concern sense of physical security: teacher/coach told us to be on the lookout for some strangelooking person; i’ve never felt worried to come to school support for learning: in collaboration area, all the science teachers are there, and you can ask them questions concerning the online classes social supportadults: earned trust: we really have the freedom because at this point, we’re trusted enough, the faculty here trust us where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 15 juna, senior what works what’s wrong consequences students adults outdoor eating area: speech privacy from student groups at other tables collaboration areas cafeteria: tables along spatial boundary rather than central locations library: should be bigger; quiet/calm, yet social; convenient location/proximity recommendations: appeal of facility colors should be more expressive— orange, yellow and red display students’ artwork; decorate classrooms; students need to do this; add plants classrooms owned and controlled by students; students stay there all day; rearrange the movable furniture regularly to get to know all students library: too small appeal of facility: depressing colors short transition times: at home in europe i have a lot more time to walk to class and talk to my friends. here i just feel like i am always rushed. lunch routine + schedule: my friends from cross country all have the same lunch as i do rules + norms library rules: not so very strict, we can have food, not much supervision talk: in cafeteria in the morning with boyfriend, best friend and her boyfriend; brief meeting to talk to friends in science collab; 8-12 people in different constellations —nerds and jocks; there is never a moment where we’re not talking; trying to maximize the time in the hallways; important ongoing conversations. walk each other to class in the morning social supportstudents: respect for diversity, expressive group (lgbtq) who likes their speech privacy to discuss topics that are comfortable only with friends; me and my friends don’t fit in very well; hard to be new support for learning: collaboration, we help each other with homework in the mornings in the cafeteria surveillance: through teachers at classroom door; they keep their eyes on you. i feel like i cannot be my expressive self professional relationships in collaboration areas; that’s better than when they just watch you mai, junior what works what’s wrong consequences students adults collaboration areas: convenient location/ proximity; high chairs, soft chairs; relaxed, low social density cafeteria-appeal of facility: it’s pretty nice, table away from back entrance for thermal comfort classroom of one important adult; whiteboards there is time to play games after eating during the lunch break talk with best friend about mentor kids, english class games: card games during lunch; stress reliever monitoring: [in] cafeteria, just so we’re not doing anything wrong social supportadultsone important adult; we talk to him where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 16 kristopher, sophomore what works what’s wrong consequences students adults outdoor eating area: smaller collaboration areas: soft chairs, supports focused individual work library: soft chairs, quiet/calm; it makes me relax and want to actually do my work recommendations: gym should be more accessible to practice basketball library: too small gym: not accessible enough there is time: small talk and the walk to class the school is kind of small lunch routine + schedule: two of my friends i can have lunch with; the third is on a different schedule rules + norms: rules are good; everything is just easier here; library rules: nobody is there to tell me what to do; quiet goes without saying; no running in the hallways by myself, shooting hoops in the morning talk while sitting with my 4 friends in the cafeteria about sports; nice escape during lunch walk to class while talking, listening to music social supportstudents: with girlfriend problems, positive contact with the weird kids social + civic learning: freshman play around, throw food, are noisy; we had to take them under our wing, now they sit with us support for learning: be respectful and quiet in library when others are working social media: to connect with friends, drama; moves fast across the community, everybody just talks respect for diversity: it does not take much to feel different than everyone else here monitoring: in the hallways; not effective, you stop doing it while they are looking sense of physical security: teachers prevented a potential fight social supportadults: earned trust—you got to be mature about it and get your stuff done; i like the teachers better here, they actually care; they want to help you professional relationships: you see them talking to each other in collaboration areas where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 17 serina, senior what works what’s wrong consequences students adults collaboration areas: convenient location/proximity to classroom; opportunities for incidental social encounter cafeteria: tables along spatial boundary; loose chairs to be able to adjust to a variety of group sizes; convenient table location and proximities, sight lines, speech privacy library, soft chairs, quiet/ calm; low social density; casual/ less formal; comfortable recommendations: gym: should be more accessible, boys like to use it natural light to take pictures collaboration areas: no speech privacy cafeteria: too cold classrooms, too loud and crowded to do group work library: too cold there is time; i never feel rushed during lunch i can move to talk to my little brother during lunch, avoid sharing space with students i don’t like short transition times: you don't really have time to do anything else. so the extra time that we do have is really nice study hall: assigned classrooms and then i can branch off; club meetings; homework in the library—40/60 learning and socializing; rearrange the furniture in collaboration area; you play on your phone and you do your homework; relaxing, chill; food; 50/50 learning and socializing; when studying or working needs to be done, we always do social media: a lot of that happens when you are walking from class to class rules + norms: library rules—not so strict; sitting on the floor; selfcheck-out when the librarian is absent connections across grades: talk about homework, love lives, extracurricular involvement, college applications, politics; walk to class and text dance in collaboration areas humor games: quizzes on buzzfeed; trivia read social supportstudents: friend is moving to brazil support for learning: 40/60 learning and socializing; collaboration; study for tests in the morning in the library social media: photos of friends using bathroom mirrors; posting on snapchat, instagram, record goofy stuff; if there is going to be a fight it is going to be on snapchat; gossip, drama; that's like another way to be connected with people in the school without necessarily meeting up with them in these spaces; our phone is our own little collaboration area where we socialize as well as lip sync battle incidental social encounter between teenagers in the collaboration zones fights: it’s always the boys; they just do it to get to go home earned trust: selfcheck-out in the library; extra time to collaborate outside of the classroom is really nice incidental social encounter between adults and teenagers in collaboration areas where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 18 megan, senior what works what’s wrong consequences students adults collaboration areas: high table if soft chairs are already taken cafeteria: large tables not fully occupied allow you to do homework there during lunch; very nice and spread out, relaxed, refreshing; quiet/calm; tables along spatial boundary; speech privacy classroom of one important adult; whiteboards recommendations: make a variety of settings available: depends on the mood— sometimes i want to be in the middle, i want to be the cool kid. and other times i just kind of want to sit against the wall, chill for a bit. and then a lot of the times i go wherever is closest to the whiteboard. collaboration area: math and science; too many tables and chairs set up cafeteria: inconvenient central location; distracting crosstraffic during lunch; tables close to trash we used to [get together] all around lockers; nobody touches them as much— why do you think that is? i can move where i want to during lunch, so i can talk to all my friends short transition times: not enough time to use the locker and deliver papers to clubs, therefore i carry my books around connections across grades: talk when i run into friends in the hallway, during lunch, [about the] night before, plans for the future, club activities games: card games occasionally before class and during lunch; texting, checking phones; lunch is probably one of my most relaxed times dance: just dance on wii after school draw during free period social + civic learning, connectedness/ engagement: its technically not for school, [but] we prepare girls for leadership roles in the local area. i have been part of it for 4 years support for learning: 60/40 learning and socializing; if they are trying to learn and be quiet, i stay clear of the library, i don’t even know their names, but we help each other social media: small community; quickly everyone knows what is going on; no fights but i’ll block you on snapchat; some are very public persons others are private sense of physical security: monitoring/ surveillance during transitional times at their classroom doors to make sure no one gets in fights; instances where that has been helpful; i am being watched, [because] my sister misbehaved last year support for learning: math teachers help with homework and with prep for tests in collaboration areas social supportadults: important adults: long term relationships with math and science teachers; they are so much fun; they keep things uplifting because high school is stressful; they try to give us a break after school, so we associate it in a positive way; i think the teachers really do try to keep us together where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 19 country high like many contemporary school buildings, country high was designed to support student ownership of educational spaces. hallways were wide and curved. replacing lockers—traditional centers of casual interactions between students in high school buildings—were flexible, open, informal learning spaces referred to as “collaboration areas” (see figure 2, above). these collaboration areas were located between clusters of classrooms as connected extensions of hallways, intended as informal gathering spaces instead of pure circulation spaces. students at country high experienced less-defined boundaries between the dichotomic “classrooms as learning spaces” and “non-classroom spaces as socialization spaces” typically experienced in older school buildings. displaying varied ceiling heights, the building was designed to control noise levels, promote student cooperation (read, sugawara & brandt,1999), and offer sufficient lighting (earthman, 2004). to control noise, interiors of county high were materialized using acoustically absorptive materials instead of relying solely on acoustical ceiling tiles. light fixtures created different brightness levels throughout these spaces. with mostly carpeted floors and varied furniture arrangements, spaces at country high were usually less densely occupied and noticeably quieter than spaces at prairie high. interiors characterized by high social density (cash, bradshaw & leaf, 2015; maxwell, 2003) and noise levels (boman & enmarker, 2004) have been found to generate environmental stress (ahrentzen, jue, skorpanich, & evans, 1984; evans & cohen, 1987; gatersleben & griffin, 2017). students at country high identified their favorite places by choosing the most comfortable furniture arrangements available in collaboration areas at locations most convenient to their peer groups. most popular was furniture that was soft, comfortable, and residential in nature. convenient locations were determined by evaluating relevant proximities to previous or upcoming classes of peer group members. if friends were coming from classrooms on opposite ends of the building, for example, they met in the cafeteria or the library, both located at the school’s center. students sometimes chose to hang out in collaboration areas close to specific teachers’ classrooms so group members could easily seek additional academic support. we did not observe student competition for desirable spots, suggesting temporary ownership of locations by different peer groups (delaney, 2005). collaboration areas were usually characterized by low social density. rare exceptions to low social density occurred during occasional meetings of larger student clubs. the collaboration areas served as architectural public squares (hertzberger, 2002) where one might regularly claim a favorite bench together with a coworker during lunch breaks without being upset or surprised if someone else used it at different times. mark, a senior, described what he understood as the core characteristic of the existing authority structure, responsible for granting his group autonomy to use non-classroom spaces freely for both academic and social activities: where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 20 …in the science collab, there's like seven or eight of us that hang out down there usually because everybody that's down there, it's all seniors…. so at that place, it's just basically if you have homework, you do your homework. if you don't, you just sit and hang out for 45 minutes and just do whatever; talk. sometimes we play games on our phones…. i honestly, i think we really have the freedom because at this point, we're trusted enough, and the faculty here trust us enough that they don't really care where we're at. similarly, serina, another senior, described why she valued her access to collaboration areas as quiet and spacious learning settings, nesting academic and social behaviors in a broad culture of trust, supported by educators: [w]hen you're in your classroom, you're just confined to the people that are in that class with you. and in classes, sometimes [teachers] let us go out into the collaboration areas to work if we have a project or something. usually, most people want to do that, and they'll branch off on their own. and that's nice just because you're more separated. so, it's easier to work in smaller groups. whereas, like if you were stuck in the classroom, it's really loud and crowded and you can hear everybody and there's not room. so, it's nice to leave for more room. both mark and serina described spaces as less dichotomic classroom versus nonclassroom spaces than traditional school structures imply. supporting the melding of classroom and non-classroom space and times were the purposefully designed collaboration areas. only with the support and trust of educators—gatekeepers of these spaces—did students have access to these areas. in each description, educators trusted students to utilize these spaces. without this trust, students would not have had deep social access to these spaces except during short transition times. administrators at country high relied on personal familiarity with students to inform their relationships. rewarded with “earned freedom,” students meeting behavioral expectations used these spaces as architecturally intended. students perceived as needing more structure remained in closer proximity to their teachers. in describing his approach to collaboration spaces, principal weiger emphasized the importance of trust and expectation of responsible, autonomous activity: it's nice to be out there, but it's not a right. it's a privilege to be out there. so, utilize it properly. and that's what my point was to [students]. and i went down to the [collaboration space] in the next couple of days and they were fine. i haven't been down there this week, so i may check in. but for the most part they're seniors. they know what they're supposed to be doing. we've built enough of a relationship that they're going to, most of the time, do what you ask them to do. viewing access to these spaces by students as a privilege, principal weiger relied on a culture of trust and unwritten expectations for student behavior in these spaces. that “they know what they’re supposed to be doing” reflects norms balancing where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 21 academic focus, social interaction, and an informality of rules by which students abided. without trust in student adherence to these broad norms and standards, principal weiger and his team would have restricted student access to these spaces. the architectural design of country high, with its intent to support student collaboration and social interaction, was well aligned with an educator-influenced culture of trust. prairie high materialized with hard and acoustically reflective surfaces, hallways at prairie high were narrow, designed solely for controlled circulation of students (figure 3). typical for schools created during the school building boom of the late 1960s and 1970s, narrow hallways discouraged social interactions (osmond, 1957). in some schools, narrow hallways and dense layouts of classrooms enable enforcement of extreme disciplinary routines intended to shape desired student behavior (altenburger, 2019). students gathering in hallways created noisy “clogs,” hindering movement of students between classrooms. the “commons,” the large social center adjacent to the cafeteria lacked spatial variation, varying ceiling heights, or light levels, had no acoustically absorptive materials, and offered no furniture arrangements to support relaxed social interaction between students. built before diversified, flexible, and student-centered learning practices were commonplace, the design of prairie high emphasized a dichotomic view of places throughout the school, designed as either teacher-centered classrooms or nonlearning spaces for movement between classrooms. interior spaces of the school building afforded little support for student socialization. the commons offered minimal bench seating along part of its periphery as the only spaces intended as locations for social interactions. students perceiving the commons environment as too loud or too crowded responded to the socio-spatial characteristics of their school building by repurposing small internal entry areas and discrete hallways in proximity to the spaces associated with their favorite extracurricular activities into group territories for their friends (delaney, 2005). sitting on the floor in doorways, congregating in small “hacky-sack” circles behind a freestanding trophy case, or standing on the periphery of the commons, students turned spaces designed as transitory locations into purposeful social places. renee described one of these socio-physical pockets. belonging to a social group that had navigated the responsible use of a space not intentionally designed for student interaction, this space was largely free of adult supervision. these “band kids” had repurposed a small hallway connecting a music room and the school auditorium as break space: [t]hat little backstage. yeah. those people, if they're not doing anything bad, they're just like, that's their group. they're band kids, so they, like, socialize in that area and that's just their place where they don't feel it's so loud. they're involved with each other. most of them are dating each other. so, it is like, ‘oh, we're together.’ it's not like they're vaping or anything. where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 22 sophie, a freshman, described how her peer group interpreted the socio-physical environment of a conventional break space they had initially occupied as increasingly problematic and explained that they adjusted by choosing a less densely occupied and quieter space that better suited their needs: well, we used to sit by the vending machines, but there were a lot of people going over there and getting in trouble and we didn’t want to get in trouble for stuff they're doing. so, then we moved to a quieter area and that's where we sat ever since. renee and sophie described the adaptation of small spaces designed for transition rather than extended occupation as alternatives to large and undefined break spaces in a school characterized by a dichotomic distinction between academic and non-academic spaces. by dichotomizing spaces for learning and spaces for social interaction, the school building did not intentionally support group size variety or consider sensitivities to noise levels during non-instructional times. importantly, leadership at prairie high supported the retreat of students from the uncomfortable and noisy commons area to repurposed, smaller transition spaces during breaks. both student quotes illustrate what the principal described as his core expectation for students: that they “self-advocated” their time and behavior in the nonclassroom spaces. leadership teams employing an authority structure emphasizing more control over student behavior would probably have inhibited students’ repurposing of transitional nooks into social spaces. principal novak described the importance of connecting with students during lunch but respected their prevailing need and desire for peer interactions. he thought of lunch time as an opportunity for students to socialize, relatively free from adult intervention: “i like to move around and talk to students, but sometimes during lunch i feel like i'm intruding on their conversations. i might move around but i might also hang back and not say anything to them.” supporting students’ enactment of the administrative expectation of self-advocacy was an underlying assumption that students could be trusted to decide for themselves which spaces best suited their needs. at the same time, principal novak was aware of trust violations in repurposed transitional spaces located beyond the reach of casual supervision: [t]he music hallway's always been a hallway where our music students congregate. they’re great kids. there's some spaces around [the auditorium] where they like to hide. and so that's an area that is a little concerning to me. i always worry about the locker room areas because kids don't respect those areas very well. we have the most vandalism in those areas throughout the day. those areas are of concern to me. principal novak identified several spaces as worrisome because of their hidden nature and lack of supervision. despite this, he neither considered global where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 23 restrictions to these spaces nor did he adjust school routines toward a more intrusive approach to supervision. detected problematic behaviors were addressed individually by supervisors employing their understanding of what qualified as unacceptable student behavior. the principal reported that some teachers preferred more clearly defined institutional rules and behavioral expectations and, by extension, less autonomy for students in these spaces. as a result of interactions between the aspects of these socio-physical environments, small, repurposed transitional spaces were both important social spaces for students and potentially problematic locations. student access to these spaces was practiced as a right in a physical environment offering few alternatives to the large, loud, and crowded break spaces. the architectural design of prairie high’s transitional spaces, not designed to be locations for extended social interaction and offering limited opportunities for casual supervision, was not well-aligned with administrative philosophies and practices of student self-advocacy and autonomy. the strongly defined boundaries of these spaces and their hidden nature hindered the casual and informal style of supervision, leaving the environment and their occupants occasionally unprotected from potential harm. discussion at country high, we found a close person–environment fit (caplan & van harrison, 1993; edwards, cable, williamson, lambert, & shipp, 2006) between the interacting aspects of the school environment that influenced students’ perceptions of the social affordances (gibson, 1979) of spaces designed and intended for their use during breaks and informal learning activities. administrator philosophies were shared with other adult stakeholders, allowing a common foundation for informing relationships between adults and students. behavioral expectations were communicated clearly and consistently (galton et al., 1999) but not enforced through overly controlled routines that would have suggested a lack of teacher–student trust (mullin, 2014). instead, the depth of trust and autonomy granted to students had been sustained over time in response to a student peer culture generally perceived as responsible. in this community, a positive school climate had grown, particularly for seniors, over the course of multiple school years. the nature of school practices, such as schedules and everyday routines governing the relationship between physical spaces and social behaviors within, were aligned with authority structures. they relied on noticeable levels of “earned trust” and rewarded students with “earned freedom.” the characteristics of the school’s architecture complemented specific social and organizational contexts endorsed by administrators. architectural design and educator approaches to authority worked in tandem to support students’ use of these spaces. stakeholders at country high embraced the design of collaborative spaces to expand opportunities for academic and social activities in these spaces. at prairie high, incongruence existed between the interacting physical and philosophical aspects of the school environment that influenced students’ perceptions of the social affordances of traditionally designed break spaces. because the principal’s philosophy of self-advocacy was not universally shared by other adult stakeholders, it was weakened as a foundation for informing student– where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 24 teacher interactions. wide-ranging behavioral expectations among adults led to uneven communication and, combined with often non-invasive and casual supervision, created a variety of school microclimates in these spaces. extroverted students appeared to enjoy the cafeteria and commons spaces, but those more vulnerable to the negative effects on health and mood of chronic environmental noise outside their control (belojevic, slepcevic & jakovljevic, 2001; haines, stansfeld, job, berglund, & head, 2001; stansfeld & matheson, 2003), avoided them. identifying less noisy and smaller spaces, groups of likeminded students repurposed small and clearly defined non-classroom spaces available to them. these spaces were quieter, easier to navigate socially, and better suited to group or individual needs. adults reported desires to support student autonomy during break times but worries about the hidden nature of small spaces used as alternatives to the commons and cafeteria. adults’ desires informed organizational approaches and individual supervision styles. there was, however, incongruence between the physical environment designed for control of behavior and the principal’s philosophy and practice of student autonomy. prairie high’s building was not well-suited to either the envisioned relaxed student culture during breaks or to informal, extra classroom learning activities. educator approaches to authority structures led to opportunities for student access to unconventional spaces during their breaks, but the architectural design was not conducive to introverted or vulnerable students. educators at prairie high worried that expanded opportunities for student social encounters could lead to safety risks in this building characterized by designed, dichotomic academic/non-academic spaces. principals at each school emphasized awareness of students’ needs to have substantial opportunities to socially connect. prairie high and country high were, however, two very different places (cresswell, 2004). while we found similar goals for responsible student behavior and positive school climates, the spatial qualities and rules that informed each school’s daily practices varied substantially. each principal exhibited ambition beyond enforcement of rule-obedient student behavior. instead, each tried to encourage the practice of responsible social decision-making processes to prepare students for life in less-controlled environments. working with the affordances or within the confines of their physical environments, students responded to the philosophies of school administrators by adapting their own social processes. limitations several limitations to this study need to be pointed out. that both communities were demographically similar was a purposeful choice as we worked to juxtapose varied school building types with relatively similar populations. the school communities were homogeneously white, limiting generalizability to schools with populations with greater diversity. although typically major factors in student socialization patterns, race, ethnicity, and culture (joyner & kao, 2000) were not described by participants as major considerations when interacting in these environments. while the findings of this study are thus not generalizable to every school community, the themes identified may serve as valuable starting points for where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 25 educators who wish to explore their non-academic environments and the social processes nested therein. indeed, recommendations described below may be broadly implemented in schools of widely diverse student populations. second, while we selected the students participating in this study because of their diverse positioning within the school, students in their senior year in high school were overrepresented. this certainly affected our findings since educators commonly think of juniors and seniors as more mature than sophomores or freshmen. this second limitation does, however, allow the interesting and important dimension of time on student perceptions of their socio-physical school environments to be captured within these cases. finally, despite the small participant size, we argue the themes serve as starting points for consideration for readers in a wide variety of school settings. conclusion this study took place during what may be considered a transitional phase in the interplay between school building characteristics and local authority structures. most adult stakeholders in this study had developed their understanding of school authority structures informed by school buildings designed for control and within a national school culture emphasizing behavioral control of students perceived as untrustworthy. educators were familiar with continuity between school designs promoting classroom/non-classroom dichotomies and authority structures characterized by surveillance and control. recent trends in school building designs promoting collaboration and trust conflict with these established authority structures. during this study, we found educators of a new mindset concerning appropriate authority structures for their educational institutions. these educators thought of trust and space for freer social encounters between students as a way to prepare them for future, less controlled settings. the principals who inhabited different physical school environments either struggled against the rigid boundaries and loud and crowded spaces or enjoyed the support of a flexible yet spatially defined, comfortable, and spacious learning environment. to grow stakeholder awareness of the barriers traditional school buildings create, and to deepen support for long-term investment in modernized school facilities, we suggest listening to those most directly affected but least often consulted at school (cook-sather, 2002): marginalized or vulnerable students (flutter, 2006; ghaziani, 2012). the students with whom we talked either appreciated or longed for nonclassroom environments characterized by increased environmental comfort (bernardi & kowaltowski, 2006) and minimized environmental stressors as places to foster peer relationships. they wanted comfortable furniture arrangements to support different group sizes in less crowded and less noisy spaces. we suggest administrators start by adjusting school practices until they achieve break times and spaces characterized by lower social density. we further recommend identifying spaces to be reallocated as student-owned spaces during non-instructional times at strategic locations near adult-owned spaces or close to the schools’ centers. this can be done, for example, by reconceptualizing school libraries as flexible learning centers where students are welcome, whether they read or not (altenburger, 2021). where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics… 26 a concrete adjustment to physical school environments worth consideration is the removal of lockers from the hallways to afford more space during transition times. the result may be enhanced ability for students to congregate with friends without obstructing the necessary flow between classrooms. we recommend the addition of soft, sound-absorbing materials, such as carpets, to dampen the acoustics and minimize noise pollution in non-classroom spaces. perhaps the most easily attainable adjustment we suggest is the addition of comfortable, diverse furniture for use in commons areas. prior to renovations, educators may take time to consider the school climate they envision, the authority structures they have, their shared ideas about the appropriate level of student autonomy, and the current alignments between these aspects and their daily routines, for “if the good life does not begin at school, few children will believe that school is meant to help them reach the good life” (bettelheim, 1979, p. 212). though not every traditional school building will be replaced with one better suited for student interaction, the changes suggested may make non-academic spaces more conducive to positive student social interaction and improved microclimates, even in traditional school buildings. elke altenburger, ph.d., is an assistant professor for interior design at illinois state university. she received her ph.d. from the university of missouri and has a degree as graduate engineer of interior architecture from the university of applied science in düsseldorf, germany. she practiced interior design in large architectural teams in europe and the united states. her portfolio includes mostly cultural buildings and projects of higher education. her research interests revolve around student perspectives on informal learning environments in public secondary schools. benjamin wellenreiter, ed.d., is an assistant professor in the school of teaching and learning at illinois state university. ben teaches courses in middlelevel social studies pedagogy, content-area literacy, middle-school teaching methods, and classroom management. his research interests include adolescent socialization in non-academic school environments and school authority structures. he has recent publications in the clearing house: a journal of educational strategies, issues, and ideas and middle school journal. references ahrentzen, s., jue, 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(2009). case study research design and methods (4th ed., vol. 5). thousand oaks, ca: sage. https://doi.org/10.1080/03054980601094693 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review amy schoeppich donna koller coralee mclaren ryerson university citation: schoeppich, a., koller, d., & mclaren, c. (2021). children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 1-25. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract child-friendly cities include playgrounds that can promote healthy childhoods. children have a right to participate in the planning, construction, evaluation and management of playgrounds intended for their use. this critical review examines 14 peer-reviewed studies published from 2004–2020 focusing on children’s participation in playground creation. after a search across several multidisciplinary databases, we evaluated the selected studies using the legend protocol. themes derived from the reviewed studies included children’s playground preferences and participatory experiences, as well as adult perceptions of youth involvement. our analysis exposed gaps, inconsistencies and benefits associated with child participation. we offer recommendations for future engagement of children in playground development. keywords: children’s participation, landscape architecture, playgrounds, urban design http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 2 introduction the well-being of children is one important indicator of a healthy habitat and a democratic society (korean committee for unicef, 2018). in democracies, the political process is intended to empower all citizens regardless of age or developmental level. meaningful participation requires that power is shared between governmental leaders, policymakers, and those living in the community. in this context, child participation is defined as their active involvement in collaborative decision-making about issues that directly affect the everyday life of young people (derr et al., 2018; hart, 1992). unicef projects that 70% of all children will be living in urban centers by the middle of this century. the child friendly cities initiative is a unicef-led program that supports municipal governments in realizing the rights of children at the local level, building on the foundation established by the un convention on the rights of the child (korean committee for unicef, 2018; un general assembly, 1989). this program encourages stakeholders including civil society organizations, the private sector, academia, government, media, and children themselves to establish a network with the goal of making their cities and communities more child-friendly. there are a multitude of spaces that children inhabit, including those that were specifically designed to be used by children as well as more unconventional spaces that children feel afford them opportunities to play (jack, 2010; koller & farley, 2019). one of the spaces that children frequent are playgrounds. playgrounds are an essential element of any child-friendly community and the inclusion of children in playground design and development allows them to exercise their participatory rights as well as their right to play. purpose the primary purpose of this research was to engage in a critical review of literature focusing on children’s participation during the playground development process. systematic analysis of the findings from peer-reviewed studies yielded key themes related to the planning, construction, and evaluation of playgrounds. the following discussion explores children’s participation in the creation of playgrounds, as well as gaps and inconsistencies in the research. it also provides recommendations for the future and advocates for ongoing collaboration between adults and children. this can help guide community leaders, educators, city planners, and landscape architects who wish to engage children in these processes. historical perspectives on playground design in north america, playgrounds have been prominent features of children’s outdoor spaces since the 1800s (frost, 1992; tai et al., 2006; woolley et al., 2006). the first formal playground was constructed in salem, massachusetts in 1821; it was initially developed as an outdoor gymnasium to encourage physical activity, and imitated the design characteristics of indoor exercise areas. this type of outdoor gymnasium was discontinued due to lack of popularity, but it served as the foundation for a playground movement that grew exponentially over the next century, when rudimentary fixed play apparatuses began to emerge. they were usually built on publicly owned land allocated by the government specifically for this children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 3 purpose (frost, 1992). playground equipment included swings, slides, merry-gorounds, and seesaws designed for children under the age of ten, and adults often supervised these spaces with the goal of limiting children’s exposure to negative societal influences and keeping them off the streets (woolley et al., 2006). the number of playgrounds expanded significantly until the first world war, when many of the materials used to create these structures were repurposed for the war effort. later, the end of the second world war gave way to “the most innovative [period] in playground development since the turn of the century” (frost, 1992, p. 125). new theme-based equipment, including spaceship sculptures and fantasy creatures, were integrated into outdoor environments. adventure playgrounds also grew in popularity during the post-war period (rorabaugh, 2019). the design of these spaces varied depending on the environment but often included loose parts and other natural materials. they provided open-ended opportunities for children to engage in social agency. these playgrounds have diminished significantly over the past few decades due to a plethora of factors including enhanced health and safety regulations, limited funding and increased focus on academic achievement (rorabaugh, 2019). modern-day playgrounds have been characterized by the standardization of artificial features. “these spaces can be termed ‘kfc’ playgrounds consisting of a kit of play equipment, being enclosed by a fence and carpeted in rubber surfacing: hence ‘kit, fence and carpet’ playgrounds” (woolley et al., 2006, p. 501). they are generally perceived as safe areas, but they have also been criticized for undermining the important elements of risky play, which some view as fundamental to healthy development (sandseter, 2009). stages of playground development contemporary playground development can be classified into four main stages: planning, construction, evaluation, and management (table 1; olsen, 2015). these stages have guided the work of professional community developers and city planners, and may be adapted depending on contextual factors including geographical location, government safety regulations, and the individuals involved in creating and managing these spaces. children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 4 table 1. stages of playground development stages of playground creation key components of playground stages planning stage • stakeholders, building site, and community data are gathered • overarching goals for the space are delineated • conceptual ideas for the playground are generated and documented in visual format construction stage • play equipment and other design features are installed in the environment • assistance is obtained from professionals in regard to safety regulations evaluation stage • ensure that equipment is installed properly • project goals are reassessed • feedback is obtained from playground users management stage • park managers and playground users collaborate on sustainability theoretical framework societal perceptions of children and childhood have changed dramatically in recent years. with the emergence of the sociology of childhood and a newfound focus on children’s rights, childhood is now acknowledged as a complex and evolving process. childhood is known to be influenced by a variety of contextual factors including culture, ethnicity, ability, gender, and socio-economic status; these factors are in constant flux and are influenced by the power dynamics between adults and children (james & james, 2004; un general assembly, 1989). the sociology of childhood frames children as competent individuals who are knowledgeable about their own experiences, and scholars working in this field argue that children should participate in decision-making processes, with regard to issues that concern their everyday life (james & james, 2004; mayall, 2000). meaningful collaborations between adults and children have the potential to benefit society and are aligned with children’s rights (hart, 1992; un general assembly, 1989). integrating children within the dominant discourse enables them to engage as active citizens. roger hart’s ladder of participation in his seminal work, children’s participation: from tokenism to citizenship, roger hart defined participation as “the process of sharing decisions which affect one’s life and the life of the community in which one lives” (hart, 1992, p. 5). hart’s ladder of young people’s participation enables assessment of the quality of child participation when working alongside adults. as shown in figure 1, it is divided into eight separate stages, denoting various degrees of participation. the three lowest rungs, including manipulation, decoration and tokenism are classified as nonparticipation. these stages are characterized by a lack of access to information, as well as limited opportunities for children to generate their own perspectives. the next five rungs of the ladder are considered forms of genuine participation: children are able to gain a comprehensive understanding of issues, engage in active children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 5 consultation, and make informed decisions. the highest level of child participation, which hart considered the optimal form, involves child-initiated decisions that are shared with adults. in the following discussion, hart’s ladder serves as a complementary tool that supports the theoretical framework and allows for comparisons of the quality of child participation across studies. figure 1. ladder of participation (hart, 2008) research methods critical literature review a critical literature review involves the collection and analysis of original studies published on a specific topic. the scope of critical reviews is typically broad, which allows the researcher to explore the topic and select articles representative of the literature (paré et al., 2015). these reviews can include quantitative, qualitative and mixed methods research, thereby capturing a variety of methodologies (xiao & watson, 2019). critical reviews promote innovative ways of interpreting data and can expose misconceptions or inconsistencies in the literature. based on emerging descriptive analyses or interpretations, they can provide guidance for future research (grant & booth, 2009). these features align with the research objectives of this project: to advocate for child participation rights, expose the realities of playground development, and generate recommendations for designing future playgrounds in collaboration with children. children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 6 search strategy we searched five databases for literature published within the past 16 years: geobase: geography, ecology and earth sciences; scopus: health sciences, social sciences and physical sciences; psycinfo: psychology; education resources information center [eric]: educational-based research; and the avery index to architectural periodicals: architectural design and landscape architecture. we compiled a list of keywords with the assistance of a university librarian trained in search methodologies. search terms included: child* (children), user, student, co-researcher, community, design, planning, management, evaluation, assessment, development, construction, renovation, retrofit, renewal, participation, involvement, inclusion, perspective, opinion, attachment, playground, green space, landscaping, architecture, play space, community park and public park. inclusion criteria the primary question that guided our research was: what is the role of children within the playground development process? our three sub-questions were: 1) what are children’s preferences for playground design? 2) what factors may influence the quality of child participation during the creation of playgrounds? 3) what methods are used to engage children within these collaborative processes? these questions represent the main areas examined in the research. in particular, we focused on the subjective experiences of participants as reported through a range of methods (table 2). the initial search focused on original peer-reviewed studies published between january 2004 and august 2020. relevant articles presented research involving qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods; art-based research; and communitybased participatory research. in accordance with the objectives of this critical review, we only included studies in analyses if they incorporated children (aged 2– 12 years) in some capacity during the planning, construction, evaluation, or management of playground spaces. our study defined playgrounds as “settings that typically include equipment specifically designed and built for children. these environments are generally available to the public, and found in public parks, schools, and pre-schools” (moore & lynch, 2015, p. 332). they can be located in urban, suburban or rural communities. because the focus here was on the playground development process, the completion of a playground was not required for a study to be included in our analyses. exclusion criteria we excluded abstracts, conference papers, books, systematic reviews, and gray literature. moreover, studies evaluating individual playground components such as surface materials, play equipment, and fencing were not eligible for inclusion in this study, nor were studies exploring government policy and legal requirements in relation to the installation of playground spaces, or studies that focused on how playground design affected children’s play. children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 7 table 2. inclusion criteria primary research question • what is the role of children within the playground development process? sub-questions • what are children’s preferences for playground design? • what factors may influence the quality of child participation during the creation of playgrounds? • what methods are used to engage children within these collaborative processes? population • children (2-12 years old) • any adults that worked in collaboration with the children intervention • study must have focused on children’s participation during at least one stage of playground development • project did not have to result in the actual creation of a playground outcomes • subjective experiences of participants (children and adults) as reported through a range of methods study design • qualitative research • quantitative research • mixed methods research • arts-based research • community-based research setting • urban, suburban or rural communities data extraction we searched the literature on a monthly basis from may 2019 to august 2020. in total, 332 studies emerged from electronic searches, with an additional 11 sources found through hand searching. we imported all citations into mendeley software, which we used to identify and remove 24 duplicate studies (francavilla, 2018). a final screening yielded 33 studies that were reviewed by the researchers and assessed for eligibility in accordance with inclusion criteria. the data extraction process, preferred reporting item for systematic reviews and meta-analyses (prisma), is represented in figure 2. children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 8 figure 2. prisma flow diagram (moher et al., 2009) assessment tools following evaluation of the 33 studies, we excluded 19 due to irrelevant titles/abstracts, unsuitable type of research publications, or incorrect population. we evaluated the remaining 14 studies using let evidence guide every new decision (legend), an instrument that was originally developed by professionals at cincinnati children’s hospital medical center (clark et al., 2009). this tool was selected in collaboration with the early childhood studies librarian at ryerson university who had valuable knowledge and experience that was relevant to the process of conducting a critical literature review. the primary purpose of legend is to create “a set of tools to guide standardized quality processes using language friendly to multiple disciplines” (clark et al., 2009, p. 1054). it has been applied in many systematic reviews (e.g., giambra et al., 2014; goldschneider et al., 2014; mcginigle et al., 2019). “legend’s algorithm children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 9 provides decision points to determine the study design of the article, allowing the user, through guided questions, to find the most appropriate evidence appraisal form by study design and domain” (clark et al., 2009, p. 1057). the tool is used to assess the overall quality of an article: good quality, lesser quality, or not applicable or credible (clark et al., 2009). using this tool, we classified all 14 studies discussed below as good quality studies. findings and discussion this section begins with an overview of the studies, specifically with regard to playground and participant characteristics. next, we organize the findings that were generated from these studies into three main themes and analyze them in accordance with the theoretical framework. descriptions of the studies playground characteristics seven of the fourteen studies examined a playground that had been created at the time of publication (khan et al., 2020; kreutz et al., 2018; malone, 2013; norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015; özdemir, 2019; pawlowski et al., 2019; yates & oates, 2019). these installations were located at schools (n=4) and public parks (n=3). additionally, four studies were conducted with the intention of using the research findings for the development of a playground but at the time of publication, it was unclear if the physical playground structure had been built (nah & lee, 2016; pearson & howe, 2017; polyzou et al., 2017; menconi & grohmann, 2018). all four of these playgrounds were intended to be constructed on school grounds (n=4), with the exception of one playground that was slated to be developed at a childcare center (n=1). the remaining three studies did not result in the completion of a playground (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; lozanovska & xu, 2013; xu & izadpanahi, 2016). participant characteristics studies engaged preschool and school-aged children aged 5–13 years. five achieved a gender balance (khan et al., 2020; malone, 2013; menconi & grohmann, 2018; norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015; pearson & howe, 2017), and one had a significant gender divide (pawlowski et al., 2019). with regard to the remaining studies, we assumed that children of all genders were included unless otherwise stated. two studies indicated that children with disabilities might have been included but the degree of their participation was not explicit (menconi & grohmann, 2018; pearson & howe, 2017). there was also a lack of clarity regarding the races of child participants who were involved in the studies, but based on the locations of two studies, we assumed that most participants were people of color (khan et al., 2020; nah & lee, 2016). three studies included children living in low-income neighborhoods (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; pawlowski et al., 2019; yates & oates, 2019). in conclusion, the majority of participants were wealthy, school-aged children, of any gender, who were typically developing and living in the global north. children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 10 exclusion of children from the participatory process in most studies (n=13), adult stakeholders primarily relied on convenience sampling to determine how children were recruited for the project. children were often selected because they had personal connections to a space that was scheduled for development (e.g., schoolyard, public park) or because they had prior relationships with the adults spearheading the project. a reliance on this sampling technique inadvertently created representational disparities for children with disabilities, children living in low-income communities, and young children. children with disabilities two studies indicated that children with disabilities might have been included within their sample but it was unclear to what degree these children played an active role in the project (menconi & grohmann, 2018; pearson & howe, 2017). children with disabilities are among the populations most likely to be excluded from collaborative projects (derr et al., 2018), which is particularly problematic given that playground features are often inaccessible to them (yantzi et al., 2010). all children, regardless of their abilities, should be provided the opportunity to exercise their participation rights (wenger et al., 2021). inclusivity entails ensuring that the recruitment process for child participants does not exclude those with disabilities, as well as offering individualized accommodations and accepting continuous feedback (wenger et al., 2021). children living in low-income communities children living in low-income communities are also often marginalized from the playground development process (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; pawlowski et al., 2019; yates & oates, 2019). low socioeconomic status has been identified as a social determinant of health and is known to affect individuals throughout their lifespan due to limited access to resources (moss, 2010). children living in lowerincome communities might have different play experiences than children living in higher-income areas (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; pawlowski et al., 2019). the lack of safe play spaces in these neighborhoods can inhibit opportunities for physical activity and forming social connections (rogers, 2012). young children six studies included preschool children (malone, 2013; menconi & grohmann, 2018; nah & lee, 2016; norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015; pearson & howe, 2017; yates & oates, 2019), but only one focused exclusively on this population (nah & lee, 2016). young children have been traditionally excluded from these processes when compared to school-aged individuals (derr et al., 2018; ataol et al., 2019). the lack of research with this demographic is disconcerting: playgrounds are often intended for use by children as young as 18 months (canadian standards association, 2014). if young children are expected to play in these spaces, they also have the right to participate in their development. a range of innovative methods could be modified for use with younger children (johnson et al., 2014). for example, visual methods such as photographs and drawings can foster inclusivity and provide opportunities for children to engage in research through nonverbal means (einarsdóttir, 2007). children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 11 table 3. list of included studies reference purpose of study methods sample results 1. planning stage of playground development bosco & joassartmarcelli (2015) usa explore children’s emotional labor by analyzing a collaborative project involving green spaces. methods used with children: • visual methods • focus groups methods used with adults: • observations child participants: • 12 children between the ages of 9 and 11 adult participants: • landscape architects children’s drawings depicted nature, private places and traditional play equipment. adults stifled children’s emotions (e.g., silliness) and tokenized their contributions. khan et al. (2020) bangladesh explore children’s, teachers’ and parents’ preferences for learning, socializing and playing outside at primary schools. methods used with children: • focus groups • visual methods methods used with adults: • focus groups child participants: • 16 girls and 13 boys between the ages of 8 and 12 adult participants: • school staff • families children preferred both natural and artificial features as well as social and private spaces. kreutz et al. (2018) usa study the process of school children participating in the design of a park. methods used with children: • focus groups • visual methods methods used with adults: • interviews child participants: • 10 children between the ages of 10 and 13 adult participants: • project manager • city representatives • landscape architects • school staff • families • university students • senior citizens final designs did not match children’s ideas. adult attitudes towards participation varied greatly. lozanovska & xu (2013) australia propose a pedagogical model for children’s genuine participation in architectural design and education. methods used with children: • visual methods child participants: • 90 children between the ages of 7 and 9 adult participants: • university students • architects • community members • families • school staff children and adults enjoyed collaborating with each other. adults should engage children using multiple methods (e.g., storytelling, model-making). children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 12 menconi & grohmann (2018) italy develop a transferable method to retrofit a school playground and build alliances between schools, public administration and universities. methods used with children: • surveys • visual methods • computer software methods used with adults: • workshops • discussions child participants: • 157 girls and 131 boys between the ages of 5 and 10 adult participants: • university students • school staff children enjoyed making models and seeing their designs digitally represented. teachers were initially skeptical of the participatory process. nah & lee (2016) south korea examine how children’s participation can be actualized when engaging in the development of playgrounds. methods used with children: • observations • field notes • audio and visual recordings • visual methods • field trips methods used with adults: • interviews • journals • emails and telephone conversations child participants: • 25 children between the ages of 5 and 6 adult participants: • school staff children liked using cameras. adults developed attentiveness and respect for children’s views. norðdahl & einarsdótti r (2015) iceland enhance awareness of young children’s preferred outdoor activities and environment. methods used with children: • interviews • observations • walking tours • visual methods methods used with adults: • interviews • meetings child participants: • 100 children between the ages of 4 and 5 • 189 children between the ages of 6 and 9 adult participants: • school staff children enjoyed playgrounds that facilitated risky play, but also wanted the space to be more safe. children liked interacting with nature, playing in private places, and socializing with peers. children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 13 pearson & howe (2017) uk provide a critical account of a small research project that attempted to involve children in the redesign of their school playground. methods used with children: • focus groups • visual methods • questionnaires methods used with adults: • scoping meetings • questionnaires • focus groups child participants: • children between 5 and 12 adult participants: • school staff ⅔ of children felt that adults listened to them, but only ⅓ of children felt that their peers listened. ¾ of children felt confident their ideas would be taken and used by adults. polyzou et al. (2017) greece evaluate an adapted drawing program to gain child perspectives regarding the development of their play spaces. methods used with children: • walking tours • discussions • questionnaires • visual methods • computer software child participants: • 116 children between the ages of 10 and 12 75% of children stated that they enjoyed digital drawing more than hand drawing. 93% of children said that they were satisfied with their drawings and found the software helpful. xu & izadpanahi (2016) australia explore children’s creative potential and achieve codesigning outcomes. methods used with children: • visual methods • interviews • questionnaires methods used with adults: • interviews child participants: • 48 children between the ages of 10 and 12 adult participants: • university students children enjoyed interacting with university students while participating in various activities. students had to balance fostering children’s creativity without controlling them. yates & oates (2019) uk provide insight into children’s views about their play choices and the challenges involved with child participation. methods used with children: • visual methods • discussions child participants: • 60 children between the ages of 6 and 7 adult participants: • university students children valued nature, traditional play equipment, risky play and safety. children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 14 2. combination of planning, construction and evaluation stage of playground development malone (2013) australia meaningfully involve children in the design of a new development, incorporating their preferences and visions of the space. methods used with children: • surveys • visual methods • site visits • discussions methods used with adults: • interviews child participants: • 30 kindergarteners between the ages of 5 and 6 • 120 children between the ages of 9 and 10 adult participants: • urban developers children wanted to socialize, explore nature, take risks and feel safe. adults built relationships with the children and wanted to collaborate with them in the future. özdemir (2019) turkey investigate the methodological approach when children actively participate in every stage of the planning process. methods used with children: • participatory questioning action method • child conferencing • participatory action wall child participants: • 20 children between the ages of 9 and 10 adult participants: • project facilitator • technical staff children preferred features that facilitated risky play, group games and the exploration of nature. pawlowski et al. (2019) denmark explore the effects of children’s involvement in creating playable installations. methods used with children: • site investigations • visual methods • surveys • interviews • accelerometer • gps methods used with adults: • interviews child participants: • 39 children between the ages of 10 and 11 adult participants: • school staff final designs did not match children’s ideas. teachers were initially skeptical of the participatory process. children’s preferences for playground design most of the studies highlighted children’s design preferences during the planning and evaluation stage of playground development (n=9), and they yielded three sub-themes: risk and safety, natural and artificial features, and social and private places. risk and safety children have a proclivity to seek out risky play experiences in a variety of environments (norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015). risky play is often characterized by a desire to navigate heights, fast speeds, and dangerous natural elements. for example, children enjoy playing in water, exploring drainage ditches, climbing trees, and speeding down hills (norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015; yates & oates, children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 15 2019). complex play structures that encourage risky play are considered extremely desirable (menconi & grohmann, 2018; özdemir, 2019). children’s preferences included monkey bars, climbing walls, zip lines (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; yates & oates, 2019), laser tag, and water slides (norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015). while children prefer risky play, they also appear to be aware of social norms regarding playground safety. five studies found that children acknowledged the importance of safe outdoor play spaces (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; malone, 2013; norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015; pawlowski et al., 2019; yates & oates, 2019). some expressed concern that open spaces would become “uncontrollable” and expose them to potential dangers in the community (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015, p. 34). natural and artificial features most playground spaces consist of both natural and artificial features. natural features include geophysical landforms (hills and fields) and natural substances (sand and water), wildlife (plants and animals), and loose materials (leaves and sticks). artificial features include play equipment (swings, slides, and climbing frames) as well as sport facilities. children enjoy using their senses to explore the outdoors (özdemir, 2019). they consider colorful flowers (norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015) and natural aromas important aspects of the playground (khan et al., 2020). they like experimenting with materials found in nature (özdemir, 2019). one study found that children tended to perceive the value of nature solely from an aesthetic perspective—until they were encouraged to discover alternative ways to use the space and realized that these features “could be complementary to the traditional indoor lessons” (menconi & grohmann, 2018, p. 78). some children alluded to the importance of artificial apparatuses (khan et al., 2020; norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015; yates & oates, 2019). menconi and grohmann (2018) found that 42% of children referenced traditional play equipment when asked about the characteristics of “good” playgrounds. khan and colleagues (2019) encouraged children to draw their ideal school ground for learning and play. the researchers found that 12% of participants’ artwork included swings, slides, and seesaws. many children desire a wider variety of artificial spaces (norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015; yates & oates, 2019). social and private places children highly value playground spaces that provide opportunities for socializing (derr et al., 2018). these gathering places can be composed of both natural features (khan et al., 2020; norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015; özdemir, 2019) and artificial features (khan et al., 2020; menconi & grohmann, 2018). when children were asked to identify “good” features of playgrounds, 14% of responses included athletic facilities and open fields (menconi & grohmann, 2018). khan et al. (2020) found that 17% of participants’ artwork, which depicted idealized playgrounds, contained images of objects required to play organized games and sports, including football (i.e., soccer) and cricket equipment. previous research demonstrates the children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 16 importance of having access to spaces that foster relationship-building and contribute to overall well-being among children (rogers, 2012). children also enjoy playing in private places (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015). these locations allow them to spend time alone or with a small group of friends out of the watchful eye of adults. hiding spots include tall grass, wooded areas, and playhouses (khan et al., 2020; kreutz et al., 2018). private places are associated with physical and psychological risks including the possibility of being “caught” by adults playing in areas that are considered unsafe. koch (2018) referred to the “underlife” of children, and suggested that subjective feelings of well-being emerge “when children are allowed to participate in games of the underlife in a way that does not compromise their relationship with adults and their capability to live up to prevalent rules and norms of behaviour” (p. 81). in summary, children can effectively navigate the complexity and nuances of playground development. they value spaces that initially seem diametrically opposed and involve negotiating a balance between risk and safety, natural and artificial features, and social and private places. children’s perceptions of participation some studies examined how children perceived their own participation during the creation of playgrounds (kreutz et al., 2018; malone, 2013; menconi & grohmann, 2018; pawlowski et al. 2019; pearson & howe, 2017; xu & izadpanahi, 2016). in general, most children enjoyed collaboration (malone, 2013; pearson & howe, 2017; xu & izadpanahi, 2016) and one study noted children’s ability to work with peers in a meaningful and tangible way (malone, 2013). another study reported that children appreciated collaborating with adults involved in the study (researchers, university students, and “playground experts”) (xu & izadpanahi, 2016). the children looked forward to the adults visiting their school and recognized the help that they provided. these thoughts were documented throughout the children’s portfolios and questionnaire responses. children’s perceptions of how their ideas were valued children’s perceptions of their contributions during playground development varied widely (kreutz et al., 2018; pawlowski et al., 2019; pearson & howe, 2017). pearson and howe (2017) found that the children generally believed their ideas would be heard. this sentiment was reflected in a questionnaire, which was distributed to 18 child participants at the end of the planning stage. in contrast, kreutz et al. (2018) and pawlowski et al. (2019) found that children felt disappointed in the degree to which their opinions were acknowledged. in these studies, children’s perspectives of playgrounds were gathered during the planning stage and analyzed by “professionals” who developed architectural designs. the final layout was often drastically different than what was initially discussed with the children (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; kreutz et al., 2018; pawlowski et al., 2019). the disconnect between children’s plans and the final design likely stemmed from children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 17 the dismissal of child participants following the completion of the planning stage. the exclusion of children after this integral first stage may preempt a disregard for their contributions and exposes a risk for tokenistic involvement. despite feeling disappointed, some children appeared to accept that many of their ideas would be ignored; others were much more critical of the adults who were involved in the study and felt deceived. these emotions were expressed through children’s verbal statements (kreutz et al., 2018; pawlowski et al., 2019). one ethical requirement when conducting participatory research with children is to inform participants about how their ideas will be used (derr et al., 2018; hart, 1997). children seemed to have different perceptions of how their ideas would be implemented. some were confident their ideas would be taken forward and used by “experts” (pearson & howe, 2017); others were aware that not all of their ideas would be implemented (kreutz et al., 2018). the discrepancy between how children understand the design process poses concerns related to the quality of participation. children’s perceptions of methods the majority of research studies referenced in this review were conducted using qualitative methods (n=9). the methods of data collection included interviews, observations, drawings, photographs, conferences, focus groups, model making activities, journaling, walking tours and community mapping. studies that incorporated mixed methods were also present within this review (n=5). these articles tended to use at least one of the data collection methods listed above as well as quantitative methods such as questionnaires and surveys. technology. children tend to like using technology to explore their environment as well as to document and present their ideas in a digital format (menconi & grohmann, 2018; nah & lee, 2016; polyzou et al., 2017). they vastly prefer computer design software and digital cameras compared with traditional methods such as drawing (nah & lee, 2016; polyzou et al., 2017). technology can offer new intriguing experiences that hold the attention of children and allow them to represent their ideas in realistic and tangible ways. walking tours/site visits. children enjoy participating in site visits, which provide opportunities to interact with their surroundings and generate design ideas (malone, 2013; özdemir, 2019). one child participant commented, “i liked it because we got to get out of the classroom and go to the site, it was more interesting than sitting in a classroom. i would do it or something similar again. it’s good kids get to be part of it and make a difference” (malone, 2013, p. 391). adult perceptions of participation approximately half of the studies (n=6) included adults’ perceptions of the collaborative process. these adults included university students, parents, educators, landscape architects, and municipal representatives. their perceptions varied within and across studies, ranging from positive to negative, and some changed over time. children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 18 positive experiences with participation many adults are enthusiastic about engaging in participatory projects with children (kreutz et al., 2018; lozanovska & xu, 2013; malone, 2013). for example, one landscape architect appreciated how children effectively communicated what play meant to them, and commented that children proposed ideas that were unique and innovative, encouraging architects to stretch their understanding of what was possible (kreutz et al., 2018). malone (2013) observed similar sentiments among urban developers: throughout the project, these adults formed strong, reciprocal relationships with the children and were committed to including them in future projects. negative experiences with participation while many adults embrace collaboration with children, others may have more negative experiences (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; kreutz et al., 2018; menconi & grohmann, 2018). kreutz et al. (2018) noticed that one landscape architect was highly critical of collaboration: as an “expert” with valuable knowledge regarding playgrounds, this individual made a conscious effort to distance children and other community members from participating. similarly, some adult stakeholders were resistant to the messiness of child participation, and requested that children’s ideas be communicated in a more structured and organized manner (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; xu & izadpanahi, 2016). transformative experiences with participation adults can demonstrate the capacity to change their perspectives regarding participation (menconi & grohmann, 2018; nah & lee, 2016). initially, adults tend to express feelings of trepidation or skepticism about the collaborative process, which is related to their unfamiliarity with these experiences (menconi & grohmann, 2018; pawlowski et al., 2019). over time, they can become more comfortable engaging with children and embrace their role within a project. based on the literature, teachers and other professionals who work primarily with children appear to be more open to change compared to those working as municipal employees or as funding allocators (menconi & grohmann, 2018; nah & lee, 2016). adults’ opinions on the purpose of playgrounds can change as well. one study found that teachers initially viewed the outdoors as a space to play and exercise, but as the project progressed, teachers realized that the space could be used for educational purposes and relaxation (menconi & grohmann, 2018). they also started to question the rigidity of playground rules and asked how these benefited or hindered play experiences. eventually, they appreciated the value of risky play, even though it might result in minor injuries (menconi & grohmann, 2018; norðdahl & einarsdóttir, 2015). in summary, adult attitudes towards child participation varied widely within and across studies. some adults had positive perceptions of children’s contributions during the collaborative process, acknowledging their flexibility and creativity (kreutz et al., 2018; malone, 2013). others discounted children’s design concepts, which resulted in their ideas being decontextualized, misconstrued, and devalued (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; menconi & grohmann, 2018). a number of adults children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 19 entered projects with a sense of skepticism, but their attitudes were shown to evolve over time. these transformative experiences were most prevalent among teachers and appeared to be associated with the meaningful relationships they had with children (menconi & grohmann, 2018; nah & lee, 2016; pawlowski et al., 2019). recommendations for the creation of future playgrounds this critical analysis yielded several recommendations for creating playgrounds. these can help guide parents, community members, researchers, municipal representatives, and landscape architects when collaborating with children, and should be adapted depending on the context of each project and the child stakeholders. ongoing consultation with children one key point is that children should be consulted throughout the entire process of playground development, especially during later stages when children are often excluded (kreutz et al., 2018; özdemir, 2019; pawlowski et al., 2019). adult stakeholders must effectively communicate how children’s ideas are being incorporated into the project. this dialogue will ensure ethical research practices, help minimize tokenism and reduce differences between children’s ideas and the final design (hart, 1997). additionally, when children are well informed about their contributions (kreutz et al., 2018; pawlowski et al., 2019), they are more likely to take part in future collaborations (hart, 1992). engaging children in participatory projects through hands-on experiences it is recommended for children to explore and manipulate their environment by engaging in walking tours, site visits (malone, 2013; nah & lee, 2016), 3d modelmaking (meconi & grohmann, 2018), and the use of technological devices (menconi & grohmann, 2018; nah & lee, 2016; polyzou et al., 2017). children vastly prefer these techniques to passive methods such as drawing and journaling (nah & lee, 2016; polyzou et al., 2017; xu & izadpanahi, 2016). additionally, adults should invite children to actively engage in the construction stage, for example by painting equipment, sanding wood, and digging holes (özdemir, 2019; pawlowski et al., 2019). it is crucial that children participate in ways that they find enjoyable and motivating (hart, 1992). opportunities for child rights education article 42 of the un convention on the rights of the child states that children should be knowledgeable about their rights (un general assembly, 1989). researchers and project administrators should educate children about the parameters and value of their role when they are involved in any project. also, experts in the field of playground design, such as landscape architects and city planners, should be aware of children’s rights and the benefits associated with child participation. ideally, this will lead to meaningful collaborations between adults and children that can decrease the likelihood of tokenism. more education about, and awareness of, children’s rights can mitigate feelings of skepticism, uneasiness, and outright disdain among adults regarding children’s involvement in participatory projects (menconi & grohmann, 2018; nah & lee, 2016). it is unclear to what children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 20 degree children’s rights were communicated to child participants in the reviewed studies. adult reflective practice in this context, reflective practice refers to an ongoing process of thinking about power dynamics, internal biases, and the role of authority when working with children on a project (leavy, 2017). for example, some adult stakeholders sought out children’s perspectives that were consistent with their preconceived notions, rather than genuinely listening to children's contributions (bosco & joassartmarcelli, 2015; punch, 2002). additionally, it was difficult to determine whether the ideas expressed by child participants were truly their own or whether they were influenced by adult narratives (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; yates & oates, 2019). adults should be willing to consider children’s responses in light of existing power differentials between adults and children. limitations of research only 14 studies that focused on children’s participation during the creation of playgrounds met our inclusion criteria and assessment standards, which likely resulted in the exclusion of articles that might have contained important information. similarly, we used a scoped definition of the term “playground” to guide the search process; this might have limited the range of outdoor play environments that were represented within the studies. a third limitation is related to the sociology of childhood, which tends to frame children in a homogenous way and may neglect to reflect how race affects children’s lives. a related limitation is that most studies did not provide any demographic information other than the age of the children. future studies on collaborative playground design should consider frameworks that account for racial and other differences between children. conclusions to our knowledge, this study presents the first critical review of literature associated with children’s participation in the development of playgrounds. as a critical review, an assessment of gaps, inconsistencies and strengths revealed prevalent themes and recommendations for the future. more specifically, the exclusion of young children, children with disabilities, and those from marginalized backgrounds exposes inequities in how children exercise their participation rights on issues that matter to them. recommendations and insights regarding future playground development support the continued use of hart’s ladder as a mechanism to assess the quality of child participation. the process of creating a playground is largely dependent on how well the adults work with children who are involved in the project. at the same time, children as social agents with their own skills and perspectives play an integral role in creating a bidirectional and collaborative synergy in these enterprises. above all, children have a fundamental right to express their opinions regarding the design of playground spaces. if we are to foster the growth and development of child-friendly cities across the globe, then we must begin by ensuring that all children have an opportunity to exercise their rights and shape the cities in which they live. children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review 21 amy schoeppich holds a master of arts in early childhood studies from ryerson university. her research focuses on children’s participation in the design of outdoor spaces. donna koller is a professor within the school of early childhood studies at ryerson university. her program of research examines children’s rights and how children experience the world around them. coralee mclaren is an assistant professor at the daphne cockwell school of nursing at ryerson university, and an adjunct scientist at bloorview research institute, toronto. her research explores the relationship between movement and cognition in children with diverse abilities. references ataol, ö., krishnamurthy, s., & van wesemael, p. 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(2019). young children’s views on play provision in two local parks: a research project by early childhood studies students and staff. childhood, 26(4), 491-508. https://doi.org/10.1177/0907568219839115 https://doi.org/10.1080/23748834.2018.1551174 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10643-009-0307-2 http://www.ohchr.org/documents/professionalinterest/crc.pdf https://doi.org/10.1080/11038128.2020.1810768 https://doi.org/10.1080/14733280601005666 https://doi.org/10.1177/0739456x17723971 https://doi.org/10.1080/21650349.2015.1043352 https://doi.org/10.1080/14733281003650984 https://doi.org/10.1177/0907568219839115 children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review introduction purpose historical perspectives on playground design stages of playground development table 1. stages of playground development theoretical framework roger hart’s ladder of participation figure 1. ladder of participation (hart, 2008) search strategy inclusion criteria exclusion criteria data extraction assessment tools findings and discussion descriptions of the studies playground characteristics participant characteristics exclusion of children from the participatory process children with disabilities children living in low-income communities young children children’s preferences for playground design risk and safety natural and artificial features social and private places children’s perceptions of participation children’s perceptions of how their ideas were valued children’s perceptions of methods adult perceptions of participation positive experiences with participation negative experiences with participation transformative experiences with participation recommendations for the creation of future playgrounds ongoing consultation with children engaging children in participatory projects through hands-on experiences opportunities for child rights education adult reflective practice limitations of research conclusions login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: the kids are in charge: activism and power in peru’s movement... 132 the kids are in charge: activism and power in peru’s movement of working children jessica k. taft (2019) new york: new york university press, 263 pages isbn: 978-1-4798-5450-9 (paperback) numerous publications in recent years have addressed the issue of children’s activism in its diverse dimensions. various monographs and articles have exposed and interpreted working children’s activism, evidencing the significance of power relations and inequalities between adults and children for understanding the situation in which children find themselves. is another book dealing with this phenomenon necessary? how might it still be possible to provoke fresh reflections and discover new paths that guide us towards the protection of working children and the transformation of individuals and institutions, and do it in an original manner? the book under review is an excellent example of a positive answer to these questions. among many publications devoted to children’s activism, the book the kids are in charge stands out with its narration, target group (children and adults), and message advocating for the practice of intergenerational activism. in the introduction, the author dedicates the book to both children and adults: “for all the kids raising their voices for justice and dignity and all the adults who listen and take them seriously” (p. 5). doing so, she opens the space for intergenerational and equal explorations into and reinterpretations of childhood and adulthood. the construction of the book rests on its two main sections, each featuring aptly selected texts framed by the section’s title. the first section, alternative visions of childhood, is divided into three sub-sections: learning with the peruvian movement of working children; protagonismo and work: reimagining childhood; and equality and horizontalism: reimagining intergenerational relationships. the second section, the practice of intergenerational activism, consists of the sub-sections: teachers, mothers, or compañeros: adult roles in a children’s movement; “the kids are in charge” but “adults talk too much”: the everyday dynamics of agebased power and struggles for children’s dignity; and citizenship: transforming individuals and institutions. the book examines the movement of working children in peru, taking the experiences of children and adults collaborating with them as a point of departure to discuss theoretical aspects, such as the conceptualizations of childhood in peruvian society. the author provides a lively image of working children’s lives that challenges the widespread perception of children as vulnerable and dependent on adults, instead showing them as activists aware of the inequalities between adults and children and the need to challenge these inequalities, proving their agency in social, economic and political life. taft discusses the vital role of adults (colaboradores) in the movement, with a major focus on the issue of power relations and how they are mitigated in these intergenerational relations. the book review: the kids are in charge: activism and power in peru’s movement... 133 impact of the presence of adolescents in the movement how this impacts child-adult symmetry is also addressed. the author then goes beyond the movement itself to consider its implications for other working children and the existing paradigm of childhood, reflecting on the movement’s potential to reform the dominant approach to children’s place in communities and the wider society. taft probes into the categories of childhood and adulthood, looking at them as agebased polarities which are sources of both strong identities and inequalities. her book offers an insight into how adults and children within the movement of working children see children’s role in the public sphere. it explores how they frame power relations between adults and children based on symmetry and egalitarian values, while identifying how these assumptions and approaches are translated into practice within the children’s movement and their potential to impact children’s situation in wider society. the author concludes each chapter by identifying one of the most important aspects of the movement of working children: 1) its eroding impact on the dominant conceptualizations of childhood; 2) the challenges faced by working children connected with power relations between children and adults; and 3) the impact of the movement beyond the scope of its members’ lives. the book is very well grounded in theory and has immense cognitive value. it deals with problems and phenomena historically created through adults’ hands and words that have inhibited the praxis of intergenerational activism because they expose violations of children’s rights by those who ought to protect them. the author emphasizes how important a balanced approach to adults’ role in activism is, and that the value of this activism relies on horizontal intergenerational cooperation. jessica k. taft is careful to use the language of equality while at the same time drawing attention to the weight of keywords ascribed to the categories and theories to which the book refers. for example, analyzing the ideas related to children’s equality and intergenerational horizontalism she writes, “i invite readers to consider the distance between these visions and their own experiences either as children or as adults interacting with children. in what ways do our (adults’) habituated ways of engaging with kids deny them their dignity, underestimate their capacities, or ignore their insights? why is thinking about children as equals so unsettling for many adults? how would the social and political institutions that structure adultchild interactions be different if we recognized children’s equality?” (p. 86). these are brave questions, highly topical and important today for the popularization of this concept in daily practice. i believe the book has an immense potential to inspire scholars, practitioners and readers searching for new issues and fields of exploration that shape childhood and children’s rights studies. the author does an excellent job exposing the problems with having an incomplete understanding of children’s activism against the background of theoretical and research concepts, models and approaches found in existing research. she mentions binary representations of children’s activism as book review: the kids are in charge: activism and power in peru’s movement... 134 either being manipulated by adults or rejecting any form of adult involvement, arguing that neither of these binaries is a valid or effective option. i also believe the book to be particularly valuable through the perspective of contemporary non-discriminatory, participatory research with and on children and adolescents within the economic, social and political arenas and in the face of climate change. children not only can become, but in today’s complicated reality are becoming key political actors and activists—annoying some adults while opening the eyes of others. the book can also be a highly useful read for the students of educational and social work studies as well as for raising the competences of teachers and other professionals working with children. review by urszula markowska-manista urszula markowska-manista, ph.d. is a field researcher; assistant professor at the university of warsaw, poland; and co-director of m.a. childhood studies and children's rights at the university of applied sciences potsdam in germany. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: how to grow a playspace: development and design 167 how to grow a playspace: development and design katherine masiulanis and elizabeth cummins, editors (2017). routledge, 366 pages. $60.95 (paperback); isbn: 978-1138907065 this is a brave, ambitious and unique collection of 43 chapters about playspaces. this book could be overwhelming to anyone with good intentions about creating a playspace, but who has no experience in doing so. what can seem simple actually requires considerable expertise, preferably multidisciplinary teams, negotiations and compromises, trial and error, and a lot of dedication. the editors warn, “if you are searching for a simple formula for a playspace, you will not find it here” (p. 3). staff from every early childhood education center and school, and anyone else with interests in developing playspaces for children such as local governments and private developers should read this book. the combined expertise and experience of the chapter authors highlights the value as well as the challenges of multidisciplinary teams. the role of children as partners in these projects is underscored throughout, as are the roles of the numerous other stakeholders. it also becomes apparent that one-off constructions and outsourced designs that fail to include those who will use the playspaces are unlikely to succeed. the editors use “grow” in their title, rather than “build,” which i initially thought was a clever use of words to promote the idea of nature. i came to realize that the chapters are about the long-term, never-completed process of growing a playspace. the sections of the book are cleverly titled: ground, sowing, seedlings, sprouts, saplings and the potting shed. chapter 1, a history of playspaces is one of the best pieces of work i have read on this topic. it is a scholarly contribution to the playspace literature generally and works well as a standalone piece of writing. it also sets the context for locating current playspaces within the history of childhood. the chapter provides an important point of reflection on what is being achieved with contemporary playspaces and whether creation of some playspaces leads to children being confined to spaces identified as child-friendly by adults rather than having the right to play in any public space. the final section of the book does address specific issues, such as safety regulations, but it is also interesting to read the case studies of how such issues have been dealt with by the authors. for example, in chapter 15 there is detailed discussion of the difficulties of ensuring the water features were not too risky for play and the water was of adequate quality. early difficulties led to closure of the water features until these problems could be resolved. water pumps also featured in various chapters, including problem-solving for unexpected methods of water book review: how to grow a playspace: development and design 168 feature use by children that led to failure of the pumps. solutions are considered site by site and it does not appear that there was pressure from the editors for an agreed-upon approach. for example, at one point there is a comment on the importance of fences, but the author of another chapter clearly does not value them. again, this could be confusing or unwelcome to a reader who is seeking an instruction guide, but it is important and reflects ongoing debates such as those surrounding safety versus risk-taking. authors also raise issues of what happens behind the scenes in sheds or at other sites. the reader has access to an understanding of resourcing and maintenance that is not always apparent even when visiting established playspaces. the book’s indexing could be improved. for example, on page 156 there is discussion of the installation of water pumps in the lafayette nature-based playground and this page is included in the index, but on page 160 the difficulties arising from inclusion of the water pumps is discussed and this page does not appear in the index. similarly, infant exploration is discussed on page 28 but not included in the index. there are many more examples of content not being picked up in the index. diversity of contexts considered is a strength of the book, which includes chapters from a wide range of countries and levels of urbanization. to some extent though, the emphasis on diversity conflicted with the approaches to child development promoted in sections of the book. some chapters included statements on child development that were presented as universals and had limited discussion of the heterogeneity of development unless it was with reference to disability. claims were included such as “because young children’s concepts of distance and scale are typically inaccurate, spaces that are around a corner may feel private and comfortable, but those more than a meter or two off the beaten path may feel isolated and less secure” (p. 34). this claim seems inconsistent with current evidence relating to children’s interactions with large or small environments. unfortunately, there is no citation so i was unable to see the evidence used as the basis of the claim. while the focus on child development is important, in some places it could have been expanded by consideration of pedagogical approaches to extend children’s thinking and interactions. some chapters (e.g., chapter 14), do very well in showing how children’s responses change with time and experience. the chapters also work well when the demographics of the children engaged in the playspace are considered rather than decontextualized. chapter 24 for example, follows the development of a playspace in which loose parts became a feature of play at school and adults were provided with sessions related to supporting play. an outcome noted was “no exclusions,” despite the fact that children at the school had demonstrated social and emotional difficulties that had previously been more difficult to manage. book review: how to grow a playspace: development and design 169 the enormous effort in producing this book has not gone unnoticed. as you might expect, this is a visually stunning book. every picture is well selected and enhances the content of the chapter. however, like the playspaces discussed, it lacks clean lines and uniformity. it brings together diverse approaches from a wide range of disciplines that have variations in the expression of ideas, documentation of process and consideration of what can be presented as evidence. i recommend approaching the book as a playspace; allow for the challenges and enjoy the rewards. laidlaw (p. 154) concludes his chapter with the statement, “nothing teaches as well as experience.” what we have in this collection is the privilege of learning from many who have been involved in growing playspaces across the world, encountered obstacles, and solved problems creatively—typically in consultation with children, team members, authorities and other parties. review by shirley wyver shirley wyver is a senior lecturer in child development at the department of educational studies, macquarie university. she has published extensively in the area of outdoor play and is currently a lead researcher on the sydney playground project (https://www.sydneyplaygroundproject.com/). editors’ response in considering this review of how to grow a playspace: design and development, we would like to clarify the philosophical basis of the book. our objective was always to provide readers with the skills and information to think for themselves and make educated decisions about their particular circumstance, rather than to adhere to a single unified position. we feel that divergent views and opinions are important, representing differing values, social perceptions and cultural views. every site and community offers its own challenges, opportunities and circumstances. for this reason, we encouraged our many contributors to do more than simply pass on their ideas, but to be brave enough to reflect on their work and also share those parts that could have been improved. as the book is primarily to provide a basis for thinking about playspace design, we deliberately steered away from an in-depth pedagogical discussion, as we felt that our expertise did not extend into this field, and that this highly contentious area continues to be successfully debated in many other publications. we would like to thank shirley wyver for her review, and hope that we are able to spark some reflection and new thinking in this complex and varied field. https://www.sydneyplaygroundproject.com/ login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content 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journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath of a mass shooting whitney gecker massachusetts college of liberal arts astraea augsberger mary elizabeth collins boston university school of social work kelsey barber father bill’s & mainspring, brockton, ma citation: gecker, w., augsberger, a., collins, m. e., & barber, k. (2021). eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath of a mass shooting. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 137-147. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract youth are currently participating in civic and social life, often using social media and organizing in ways unique to their generation. in this position paper we apply several theoretical frameworks to the specific case of youth civic engagement in the aftermath of the 2018 mass shooting at marjorie stoneman douglas high school in parkland, florida to identify lessons about youth participation. the institutional adultism the parkland students faced warrants a closer look at both the assets and challenges youth and adults face when entering youth-adult partnerships. we call for future research to continue unpacking the intersectional, contextual, and powerladen dynamics of youth civic engagement. keywords: youth civic engagement, parkland, florida, social justice, gun violence http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 138 on february 14th, 2018 a white, 19-year-old, former stoneman douglas high school student entered the grounds of his alma mater in parkland, florida with a bag full of ammunition and unloaded several rounds of bullets on students, teachers, and staff. dozens were wounded and 17 people were killed. the aftermath of the mass shooting resulted in extraordinary community activity with young people in the lead. after the shooting in parkland, high school students rallied and spoke out about the preventable deaths precipitated by a lack of gun laws and regulations, calling out gun lobbies and politicians on social media, and organizing a national protest (march for our lives) less than a month after the shooting. mass shootings in public spaces, the high-profile killings of unarmed black youth by police, and large movements of young people into the streets to protest these conditions are beginning to feel common. youth are participating in civic and social life, often using social media and organizing in ways unique to their generation. yet, an examination of youth civic engagement through the lens of voting patterns and expectations to vote in the future would not have predicted the large movements of young people into the streets, voicing their opinions on social media, and organizing around issues that matter to them in ways that are quite extraordinary. in other words, national conversations about youth civic engagement are revealing inherent contradictions about how young people engage in civic life. the case of youth organizing and protest in the aftermath of the mass shooting at stoneman douglas high school in parkland, florida exemplifies the movement of young people into national conversations and highlights the contemporary socio-political context of youth civic engagement. there are lessons to be drawn from the case of parkland. the case of the parkland youth illuminates the academic frameworks of youth civic engagement, while also challenging dominant narratives about what young people want and where they belong within political hierarchies. youth-adult partnerships must reckon with institutional adultism, or the reality that social and political hierarchies routinely exclude youth from decision-making. and yet, the case of parkland tells us that young people are informed and ready to engage in civic life. central to our argument is the struggle (on-the-ground and in the literature) between amplifying youth voice and authentic youth-adult power-sharing. as we explore the national narratives about the youth of parkland, we also illustrate the intersectional means by which circumstance and privilege highlight the voice of some youth more than others. the framing of youth civic engagement youth civic engagement is a broad concept, ranging from a singular activity (e.g., voting), to on-going processes (e.g., youth councils), specialized projects (e.g., participatory budgeting), and community organizing activities. these and other forms each engage youth perspectives into community life and, simultaneously, experientially educate youth about the choices, settings, and actors necessary to influence change. these various activities, and many others, present a range of possibilities for theorizing and examining different youth-led community efforts. scholars have identified typologies to help categorize the broad range of possible activities that can occur under the umbrella of civic engagement. checkoway and eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 139 aldana (2013), for example, identified four forms, recognizing some overlap in categories: citizen participation, grassroots organizing, intergroup dialogue, and sociopolitical development. taft and gordon (2013) also distinguished between civic opportunities for youth that are available within government (e.g., youth councils) versus those that are available outside of government (e.g., youth community organizing). our previous research examining formal settings of youth civic engagement in the context of youth councils identified three common theoretical frameworks for understanding youth civic engagement: policy process, positive youth development, and social justice (collins et al., 2018). we compared these three frameworks on factors such as: membership and role of adults, meetings, activities, social networks, and involvement with government. we describe the three briefly below and describe parkland youth activities that fit within each frame. policy process policy process models are those that operate within or very close to government and in many ways model operations of other types of government councils. youth councils operating primarily from a policy process frame require some adult guidance to navigate formal processes and are characterized by fairly formal meetings including access to policy makers. activities are policy-focused and aim to have community impact. social networks are important in order to access opportunities to serve. because the policy focus is predominant, these groups of young people tend to operate formally within governments and can have access to decision-makers. youth political participation is significant in the narrative of parkland and represents a policy process framework. young people used social media and other news outlets to protest gun laws, while simultaneously lobbying lawmakers and gaining the attention of powerful government and private sector leaders. days after the shooting, students organized a lobbying action, with more than 40 students (accompanied by teachers and parents) traveling to the state house to meet with lawmakers (founders of march for our lives, 2018). additionally, youth demanded to know why more was not done to prevent shootings and ban assault weapons; on cnn (later reported by the washington post), parkland student lyliah skinner was quoted as saying, “how are we allowed to buy guns at the age of 18 or 19? that’s something we shouldn’t be able to do” (viebeck, 2018). while these young people were outsiders to the “formal” policy realm, their access to lawmakers and ability to have their voices heard on a national level is remarkable for a population that often lacks voice and power in civic life (collins & mead, 2020). the efforts of the parkland youth clearly were aimed at achieving specific policy actions related to gun safety. positive youth development positive youth development models of youth civic engagement are premised upon the extensive and wide-ranging attributes of youth development practice: asset (rather than deficit-) focused, collaborative, community-oriented, competencybuilding, connected, valuing cultural membership, holistic, long-range, normative, eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 140 promotive, and universal (amodeo & collins, 2007). positive youth development emphasizes “comprehensive views of youth as assets, as individuals with resources and capabilities that deserve full support and development” (costello et al., 2001). youth development models are characterized by youth-adult partnerships where adults are knowledgeable about and practice positive youth development. meetings tend to have more informal procedures and are activity-focused. activities of the group aim at youths’ skill development (e.g., public speaking, running meetings). social networks focus on socialization and there can be a minimal focus on formal government. in regard to parkland, the positive youth development frame presents itself implicitly, as a foundational characteristic undergirding the support, sympathy, and resources visible within the narrative about the parkland teens. at least initially, extensive sympathy was a key characteristic. on the day of the shooting, the washington post reported on the on-air breakdown of cnn counterterrorism analyst philip mudd. this seasoned journalist, used to reporting on acts of terrorism around the world, was shaken by parkland and said on live television, “a child of god is dead. can we not acknowledge in this country that we cannot accept this?” and then sobs and turns away from the camera (wemple, 2018). notably, there were implicit statements about the value of children’s lives. positive youth development is the strategic valuing and empowerment of youth based on an assets-focused approach (amodeo & collins, 2007). the voices of the stoneman douglas students were cultivated and emboldened, so when tragedy stuck, not only were these young people publicly and emphatically mourned, but their voices were valued. youth leaders such as cameron kasky, david hogg, jaclyn corin, and emma gonzalez possessed the skills necessary to face the media (e.g., public speaking, creative writing, organizing, etc.). it is not surprising to learn that these students were class officers and advanced placement students, and had already expressed an interest in politics and leadership (bent, 2020; founders of march for our lives, 2018). their educational opportunities were instrumental in cultivating their skills to engage in civic action. social justice social justice “is a broad macro-level term that recognizes and addresses structural and systemic inequalities through an analysis of power relations and identifies the need for active engagement to address inequalities” (collins et al., 2018, p. 602). thus, social justice frameworks emphasize connection to community, equity and inclusion. meetings emphasize procedural justice, making sure all voices are heard and offering significant opportunity for discussion of diversity and justice. activities are youth-driven and community engaged. access is based on representation of one’s community. there is a strong focus on youth being experts in their own lives and the right for their voices to be heard. activities are often carried out outside of government as the government is viewed as representing the interests of dominant powers. initially, the youth of parkland were met with overflowing sympathy and grief, but as the youth began to shape their own narrative and desires for change, the media eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 141 coverage shifted. in the evolving politicization of the parkland youth, the social justice framework is evident in 1) the call for youth rights and a need to listen to youth voices, and 2) in the collaboration in which parkland youth engaged that attempted to broaden the lens of gun violence. the media’s concern for the rights of youth (farhi, 2018), as well as from among youth themselves who demanded their voices be heard, evokes the social justice framework by amplifying the issues of rights, agency and autonomy. the march for our lives movement extended efforts to amplify issues of gun violence beyond parkland (cullen, 2019). this took the form of broadening the youth organizers within the movement (chandler, 2018) and the “sibling” protests that parkland inspired throughout the country (moyer, 2018), as well as specific efforts on the part of parkland organizers to reach out and meet with youth of color who were similarly active in fighting for gun restrictions and other youth-driven concerns but who garnered less media attention (lang, 2018). paradox of youth voice: attention versus power framing the case of parkland in terms of the three youth civic engagement frameworks illustrates that young people engage in civic dialogue in multiple ways and seek to elevate their voices within and outside of formal structures. the parkland case unequivocally promotes the message that youth are informed and ready to engage, particularly around issues and priorities that matter to them. scholars have suggested there are important differences in the contexts of engagement and, consequently, the reasons why youth choose to engage. in one example, conner and cosner (2016) compared youth involved in a governmentsanctioned youth commission versus a community-based organizing group. the researchers concluded that although both sets of youth saw themselves as civic actors and change agents, youth organizers saw greater need for systemic change whereas youth commissioners had greater trust in government systems. similarly, cushing and van vliet– (2016) noted that official venues may not be the most important participatory settings as these reflect mainstream approaches to change (taft & gordon, 2013). taft and gordon (2013) identified the need for further research to examine the different contexts in which youth participate in civic life. social networking has been recognized as a critical tool in the organizing efforts of youth, in particular because it can overcome the siloing of singular efforts within a school or community (kornbluh et al., 2016). in one recent study, boulianne (2015) conducted a meta-analysis examining the association between social networking sites and political activities. this research found that 82% of the studies included in the review indicated a positive correlation between participating in a social networking site and engaging in social action (including demonstrations and rallies), especially among youth and young adults (15-30 years). also relevant is the extent to which adults are a part of the youth-focused effort and the nature of their relationship with young people engaged in civic engagement. the adult-youth relationship is critical in understanding variation within youth civic engagement. there is a robust literature on this (hart, 1992; eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 142 wong et al., 2010) that provides several typologies of youth participation, particularly in relation to adults. integral to these typologies is the power sharing relationship between young people and adults, and the degree to which youth have meaningful voice in decision making (zeldin et al., 2014). evident within the parkland case are the implicit and explicit roles adults played in supporting, amplifying, and later criticizing youth. what about power sharing? yes, parkland students were engaged and their social positions (e.g., majority white, middle-class, suburban) gave them access to much sympathy. yet, after about a week of coverage that focused on parkland youth as victims, even these privileged youth began to experience media criticism and backlash. national news coverage first critiqued the efficacy and longevity of social media activism (timberg & lowery, 2018), followed by online conspiracies painting students like david hogg as a “crisis actor” (timberg et al., 2018) and attempts to pigeon-hole students like emma gonzalez as exceptional and/or the leader of the movement (bent, 2020). in other words, as the students of parkland become more politically vocal and demanded change, criticisms of the youth mounted. while there exists a robust literature about the importance and utility of youthadult partnerships, the case of parkland portrays adults as unprepared to listen to young people. or, more to the point, adults might have been willing to listen but that did not materialize into affording them the power to make change. in fact, once parkland youth attempted to both expand their voice and change policy, and began to focus on the national rifle association (nra), massive adult resistance occurred. this is evident in the dwindling national media coverage, youths’ overwhelming lack of access in regard to policy and local politics, and ultimately how little policy changed in the wake of the organizing. even for the parkland students, who acknowledged their privileged identities and status (founders of march for our lives, 2018), it remains true that “children live lives outside the normative terms of political recognition giving them limited access to power and rights-driven legibility” (bent, 2019, p. 70). while parkland students were valued and given voice within the national conversation about gun violence—facilitated in part by the socioeconomic and racial make-up of their community—institutional adultism belies the status quo that children and youth fundamentally lack access to practice, policy, and legal decisions (flasher, 1978). several scholars have more recently discussed institutional adultism as age-based policies that make it impossible for young people to access voting and political representation, even though these arenas of social and political life deeply impact children and youth (dejong & love, 2015; godwin, 2011). it is unsurprising then, that by the time the parkland youth earnestly began organizing the march for our lives, they sought to distance themselves from adults. only youth activists were allowed to speak at the event on the national mall, and in the call for official poster designs the group limited submissions to individuals under 24 years old (alter, 2018). the move to distance themselves from adults illustrates an awareness among the organizers of the limitations of youth-adult partnership. in eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 143 order to maintain legitimacy, whether in the eyes of other youth, the media, or themselves, the parkland youth sought to project the image that young people can engage in policy processes and social justice on their own terms. importantly, “on their own terms” does not equate to without adults—parents, teachers, and advisers helped develop and support these teenagers into the competent and empowered public speakers and leaders they became. yet, as the organizers witnessed the unwillingness of politicians to make meaningful change around gun laws, they sought to exclude adults from everything except to “order pizza”(alter, 2018). while we and many others applaud the parkland organizers for using their platform to expand the conversation about gun violence, it remains important to consider the parkland youth within the context of privilege and all that their social positions provided in terms of positive youth development. yes, the parkland students sought to expand attention beyond their school’s tragedy to include gun violence occurring in marginalized communities. yes, this included touring with a range of youth activists and the inclusion of naomi wadler1 at the march for our lives. and yet, attention on parkland (and columbine and sandy hook before it) illustrates the inherent status and sympathy majority white and affluent communities possess within the national narrative. a youth backlash towards adultism, or rather a disinterest in collaboration, is justified given the intense scrutiny and trauma endured by the parkland youth. still, institutional adultism warrants a closer look at both the assets and challenges youth and adults face when entering youth-adult partnerships. there is a fundamental imbalance of power when these actors work together: materially, culturally, politically. the positive youth development frame demonstrates that young people possess the assets of idealism and visionary thinking, and when motivated can create innovative solutions. understanding positive youth development demands an intersectional analytical framework (crenshaw, 1989; 1991) for understanding how people with different combinations of socio-political identities and positions (e.g., age, race, class, gender, ability, geographic location) encounter and experience different and unique forms of privilege and oppression in society (collins & bilge, 2020). intersectionality scholars note that there are interconnecting structures of power in society that inequitably and differentially distribute power and privileges to some and harm and oppression to others (collins & bilge, 2020). adults bear the difficult job of translating the intricacies of systems, particularly political systems, while also maintaining an ingrained respect for the rights and autonomy of youth. the academic literature on adult-youth partnerships needs to continue unpacking the intersectional, contextual, and power-laden dynamics existent among its actors. 1 a 12-year-old african-american middle-school student, inspired by the parkland protests, wadler, alongside a fellow student, organized a walk-out during school. students stood in silence for 18-minutes, recognizing the 17 parkland individuals killed while also honoring the death of courtlin arrington, a black girl killed during a school shooting in march, 2018 in alabama. wadler’s walkout received national media attention and wadler was later invited by the march for our lives organizers to speak at the event in washington, d.c. eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 144 conclusion through the lens of innocence, the national spotlight granted marjorie stoneman douglas students empathy and elevated their voices, but as the students became more vocal against the political status quo, criticism of the students increased. adults constructed massive resistance to the voices of parkland youth and hindered progress around reforming gun violence. that said, the response to the shooting created a rallying call for youth across the country to mobilize around the issue of gun violence. while this position paper does not examine the extent to which the parkland activism inspired others, future research should consider the ripple effects of such periods of national spotlight on youth activism and youth-led organizing. the media coverage of youth civic engagement in parkland highlights that young people care deeply about issues such as gun reform and safety in their communities. our discussion of parkland in the context of civic engagement frameworks confirm that youth are engaging in civic life and have the skills to identify community issues and present relevant solutions. the students’ actions demonstrated elements of policy process, positive youth development, and social justice frames; youth in parkland had the skills, knowledge, and relationships with adults to engage in policy-focused activities. the fact that they had a clear focus on gun control helped to move their agenda forward. addressing legislation related to gun control was a major element of their activities. understanding youth civic engagement requires an intersectional approach; age, class, race and place are deeply rooted in the story of the parkland mass shooting and the ways and means youth activism erupted afterwards. while political systems and structures are intrinsically designed to exclude youth from decision-making, the promise of youth includes the belief that things can change. it might be difficult for many adults to share power with youth in politics, schools, and organizations; however, young people themselves are already dreaming of such possibilities. whitney gecker is an assistant professor in the department of sociology, anthropology, and social work at massachusetts college of liberal arts. their work focuses on the relationship between youth development and place, with a particular interest in the suburbs, privilege, and the intersection of race and class. in addition to work on youth civic engagement, whitney recently conducted an ethnographic study of youth experiences of privilege and diversity in an elite suburb. astraea augsberger is an assistant professor at boston university school of social work. she earned her msw and ph.d. from columbia university. she has over a decade of clinical practice experience with children, youth and families in the child welfare, juvenile justice and mental health systems. her research interests include youth civic engagement, youth participation, child welfare policy and programs, and health equity. she employs community-engaged research, youth participatory action research, and in-depth qualitative research methods to elevate the voices of youth and communities in identifying research priorities and relevant solutions to community concerns. eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 145 mary elizabeth collins is professor and department chair of social welfare policy at boston university school of social work. her research focuses on child welfare policy, youth aging out of care, youth civic engagement and social welfare policy. she is the author of macro perspectives on youth aging out of care and over 80 articles and chapters. kelsey barber is a rehousing case manager at father bill’s & mainspring. she earned her msw from boston university in 2019, and has a masters of applied anthropology from georgia state university. she has over five years of experience in nonprofit settings, including a no-cost dental clinic, a community development corporation and an outreach ministry for people experiencing homelessness. during her graduate education, she assisted in several participatory action research projects focused on youth civic engagement, community organizing, and the impact of gentrification on low-income communities. references alter, c. (2018, march 22). how parkland students are taking on politicians in the gun control battle: the school shooting generation has had enough. time magazine. https://time.com/longform/never-again-movement/ amodeo, m., & collins, m. e. (2007). applying positive youth development principles in practice with youth with problem behaviors. families in society: the journal of contemporary human services, 88(1), 75–85. bent, e. (2020). this is not another girl-power story: reading emma gonzalez as a public feminist intellectual. signs: journal of of women in culture and society, 45(4), 795-816. bent, e. (2019). unfiltered and unapologetic: march for our lives and the political boundaries of age. jeunesse: young people, texts, cultures, 11(2), 55-73 boulianne, s. (2015). social media and participation: a meta-analysis of current research. information, communication and society, 18(5), 524-538. chandler, m. a. (2018, march 21). more mass shooting survivors, inspired by parkland, are joining the fight for gun control. the washington post, p. b01. checkoway, b., & aldana, a. (2013). four forms of youth civic engagement for diverse democracy. children and youth services review, 35(11), 1894-1899. collins, m. e., & mead, m. (2020). social constructions of children and youth: beyond dependents and deviants. journal of social policy, 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0047279420000239 collins, m.e., augsberger, a., & gecker, w. (2018). identifying practice components of youth councils: contributions of theory. child and adolescent eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 146 social work journal, 35, 599-610. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-0180551-7. collins, p. h., & bilge, s. (2020). intersectionality. john wiley & sons. conner, j., & cosner, k. (2016). youth change agents: comparing the sociopolitical identities of youth organizers and youth commissioners. democracy and education, 24(1), 1-12. costello, j., toles, m., spielberger, j., & wynn, j. (2001). how history, ideology, and structure shape the organizations that shape youth. in p. l. benson & k. j. pittman (eds.), trends in youth development: visions, realities and challenges (pp. 191–229). springer us. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-14615-1459-6_7 crenshaw, k. (1989). demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: a black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. university of chicago legal forum, 139. crenshaw, k. (1991). mapping the margins: intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. stanford law review, 43(6), 1241–1299. cullen, d. (2019). parkland: birth of a movement. harperluxe. cushing, d., & van vliet--, w. (2016). children's right to the city: the emergence of youth councils in the united states. children's geographies, 15(3), 319-333. dejong, k., & love, b. j. (2015). youth oppression as a technology of colonialism: conceptual frameworks and possibilities for social justice education praxis. equity & excellence in education, 48(3), 489–508. https://doi.org/10.1080/10665684.2015.1057086 farhi, p. (2018, february 16). reporting on tragedy: to explain or exploit? the washington post, p. c03. flasher, j. (1978). adultism. adolescence, 13(51), 517–523. founders of march for our lives (2018). glimmer of hope: how tragedy sparked a movement. razorbill, an imprint of penguin random house llc. godwin, s. (2011). children’s oppression, rights and liberation. northwestern interdisciplinary law review, 4(1), 247–302. hart, r. a. (1992). children’s participation: from tokenism to citizenship. unicef. kornbluh, m., neal, j. w., & ozer, e. j. (2016). scaling-up youth-led social justice efforts through an online school-based social network. american journal of community psychology, 57(3), 266–279. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-018-0551-7 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-018-0551-7 eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath… 147 lang, m. j. (2018, march 23). parkland and d.c. students find common purpose. the washington post, p. b01. moyer, j. w. (2018, march 21). “sibling” rallies complement march for our lives. the washington post, p. b04. taft, j. k., & gordon, h. r. (2013). youth activists, youth councils, and constrained democracy. education, citizenship and social justice, 8(1), 87–100. timberg, c., dwoskin, e., ohlheiser, a., & tran, a. b. (2018, february 22). on noholds-barred internet, conspiracies are tough to contain. the washington post, p. a01. timberg, c., & lowery, w. (2018, february 21). with gun campaign, students might discover limits of social media. the washington post, p. a12. viebeck, e. (2018, february 16). new critics emerge for lack of action on guns: students. the washington post, p. a01. wemple, e. (2018, february 15). “i can’t do it, wolfe”: cnn counterterrorism analyst philip mudd breaks down over fla. school shooting. the washington post, p. a17. wong, n., zimmerman, m. c., & parker, e. a. (2010). a typology of youth participation and empowerment for child and adolescent health promotion. american journal of community psychology, 46(1), 100–114. zeldin, s., krauss, s. e., collura, j., lucchesi, m., & sulaiman, a. h. (2014). conceptualizing and measuring youth–adult partnership in community programs: a cross national study. american journal of community psychology, 54(3), 337–347. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10464-014-9676-9 book review: children, citizenship and environment: #schoolstrike edition 154 children, citizenship and environment: #schoolstrike edition bronwyn hayward (2020) london: routledge, 259 pages $160 (hardcover), $39.95 (paperback); isbn: 978-0367429621 $39.95 (ebook); http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003000396 our planet is now in a new age, the anthropocene epoch. this threshold has become emblematic for citizens, academics, and politicians to focus not only upon our existing ecological reality but our social realities as well. our collective next steps to deal with this reality have at times forgotten the voices of children and youth. not any longer, as argued in bronwyn hayward’s book children, citizenship and environment: #schoolstrike edition. children and youth activism for the environment has been reignited by the global school strike for climate (ss4c) initiative, asking schools to participate in demonstrations to demand action from political leaders to mitigate climate change and decarbonize our energy industry. this was championed by swedish youth climate activist greta thunberg, who staged a solo protest in august 2018 outside the swedish parliament, holding a sign that read "skolstrejk för klimatet" (school strike for climate; hahn, 2021). while the current #schoolstrike movement continues to be impactful, the work of children’s environmental activism has been the focus of bronwyn hayward’s scholarship well before greta arrived on the scene. her research focuses upon the intersection of sustainable development, youth, climate change and citizenship, as demonstrated by her contributions to the un intergovernmental panel on climate change, and leadership with a global initiative that spans seven cities worldwide titled, children and youth in cities lifestyle evaluation study (cycles). in this revised edition of hayward’s ground-breaking book, children, citizenship and environment, she re-examines how students, teachers, parents, and other activists learn to take effective action to confront the complex realities of climate change and other environmental challenges globally in light of the new #schoolstrike movement. this edition draws on interviews conducted as part of the cycles initiative with young people in new zealand, and includes new contributions by youth, indigenous peoples, social inclusion activists, researchers and educators, so as to provide a contemporary perspective that reminds us of the importance of youth activism and its social nexus in communities. the book is divided into eight chapters, each providing a comprehensive and succinct overview of important premises for the scholarship, along with updated commentaries gleaned from youth and other concerned citizens, professionals, and activists. chapter 1 provides the raison d'être for the updated book as predicated on the #schoolstrike movement. chapter 2 builds upon the 2012 edition by having a wider discussion of the prospects of children who live in new zealand, who are now older (ages 12-18) than the previous edition’s participants, and by listening carefully to adolescent discussions about well-being and the decarbonization of http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003000396 book review: children, citizenship and environment: #schoolstrike edition 155 cities. importantly, this chapter frames her research findings in the context of anglo-american neoliberal democracies, and how youth agency has manifested itself in the new zealand context. one of hayward’s key research questions is to understand how children and youth can learn new forms of citizenship now to better equip themselves to thrive in the anthropocene epoch. chapter 3 begins to address this question by introducing three-part typologies (i.e., fears, smarts, seeds) or models to analyze and interpret the important discussions and interviews conducted. chapter 4 builds upon the individual agentic model of youth activism, as demonstrated by greta thunberg, and highlights the power of and necessity for social and political youth agency, which can transcend an individual narrative. chapters 5 and 6 turn to the role of formal and informal education in creating outcomes that are not only focused on environmental knowledge and dispositions, but also address actionoriented competencies relevant to local communities with the goal of better addressing the complex socio-ecological intertwining of environmental issues such as climate change. chapter 7 reflects upon how climate change activism has reignited the discussion regarding “deliberative democracy” and how this can be used to rethink and enact practices involving youth and place, as described by the youth-led council of the pacific. finally, chapter 8 provides a hopeful yet critical message for the need of children and youth to work together with adults to support strong ecological citizenship and advance democratic ideals that we all should cherish to build a sustainable future. while the book is appropriately grounded in socio-political frameworks as it relates to youth citizenship and activism, there are opportunities for further connecting to other relevant theoretical frameworks, particularly as they relate to sociopsychological and educational factors impacting youth as they think and act in relation to environmental issues like climate change. research has identified the importance of nature and parental eco-friendly behavior as predictive of youth environmental engagement later in life (weyler, 2019). further, there are other surprising developmental findings, for instance that adolescents may become less concerned about the environment as they get older. the transition of children’s proenvironmental attitudes to youth environmental citizenship behaviors during their adolescent years should be best described as “in flux.” nevertheless, this developmental stage can be influenced with due considerations to cultural and educational contexts. in general, this speaks to the complex realties of children and youth in local communities, and a reminder about the transdisciplinary nature of the #schoolstrike movement and ecological citizenship. bronwyn hayward has provided a necessary and timely addition to the environmental literature by successfully arguing and illustrating how children, youth and adults in local communities collectively enact ecological citizenship. her book supports ideas of youth activism moving away from both “thin environmentalism” and authoritative relationships that often frustrate youth. to support this shift, hayward puts forward a “strong ecological citizenship” typology in her book: social agency, environmental education, embedded justice, decentered deliberation, selftranscendence (seeds) for ecological citizenship that can effectively support youth book review: children, citizenship and environment: #schoolstrike edition 156 and the environment. this stimulating typology is a viable model for researchers and educators alike to explore and validate in diverse contexts around the globe. in summary, this insightful book prompts a re-thinking by researchers, educators, environmental and community advocates that wish to support young citizens and activists as they confront the task of re-creating a better world. this necessary shift in our adult thinking is illustrated below by a youth’s declaration while listening to another youth speak. we will be a pain in the ass, we will keep on striking until they do something (greta thunberg). i cannot sit there and watch her [greta] do all this for the environment, and do nothing (young person in crowd listening; hulu, 2020). review by xavier fazio xavier fazio is a professor of science and environmental sustainability education at brock university in the department of educational studies in ontario, canada. references hahn, e. r. (2021). the developmental roots of environmental stewardship: childhood and the climate change crisis. current opinion in psychology, 42, 19–24. hulu (2020). i am greta trailer: a hulu original documentary. [video]. youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xddewka15rg weyler, r. (2019). the youth have seen enough. greenpeace international. https://www.greenpeace.org/international/story/20260/the-youth-haveseen-enough/ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xddewka15rg https://www.greenpeace.org/international/story/20260/the-youth-have-seen-enough/ https://www.greenpeace.org/international/story/20260/the-youth-have-seen-enough/ login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks patsy eubanks owens department of human ecology, landscape architecture + environmental design program university of california, davis citation: owens, p. e. (2018). “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 146-158. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract the discussion of play typically focuses on the activities of and benefits for young children while the perspectives and positive implications of play for adolescents are overlooked. during the participatory action research project, youth voices for change, young people noted that, other than when they were participating in a team activity, they felt unwelcome in their neighborhood parks. their attempts to use the swing set were denounced by parents and sitting around talking with friends drew suspicion from neighbors. the teenagers also lamented their ability to “just be a kid.” this paper discusses these views and what the youth did to impact change in local park design and citywide recreation policies. a public policy brief, in the form of a comic book, was developed and shared with city officials. this activism led to the youth being invited to participate in a park redesign and the city’s recreation master plan update. keywords: participatory action research, youth development, affordances, public policy, recreation http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 147 the importance of play for healthy child development is well established in the literature, but limited attention has been given to the role of play in the development of adolescents. for many adolescents, opportunities to participate in unstructured and unsupervised play are slim and are frequently discouraged. contrary to recognizing a need for adolescent play, high school students “goofing around” after school are perceived as being unproductive or even destructive (owens, 2002). the value of interacting with friends, challenging themselves to new ideas and new skills, and managing their own time is typically overlooked, and misunderstood, by adults. a few writers have highlighted this oversight (conklin, 2015; mehta, 2014) and this paper seeks to contribute to that discussion. the research discussed here, youth voices for change (yvc), was part of the multidisciplinary, multi-year project, healthy youth healthy regions and was funded by the sierra health foundation and the california wellness foundation. the overarching goal of healthy youth healthy regions was to examine the connections between improvements in youth well-being and regional prosperity (university of california center for regional change, 2017). the yvc component of the research, the subject of this paper, focused on how the physical environment and activities can either support or hinder healthy adolescent development (owens, larochelle, nelson, & montgomery-block, 2011). we sought to: 1) gather, document and address youth perspectives on the conditions of their lives; 2) engage youth in creating and sharing their own knowledge about these conditions; 3) promote youth involvement in civic discussions and decisions throughout the region; and 4) experiment with and promote the use of digital media in order to strengthen social media capital among the participating youth. this paper examines our findings as they relate to the existing opportunities for youth to play, their desire to play, and actions undertaken to increase those opportunities. youth voices for change our approach as defined by macdonald (2012), we utilized participatory action research (par) in order to allow the youth an opportunity to examine their collective situation so that it could be changed or improved. we embraced the principles described by others (e.g., israel, eng, schulz, & parker, 2008; kindon, pain, & kesby, 2007) to conduct research that would share the power with our research partners, benefit the community, and connect the participants to wider social and environmental changes. this approach also creates a foundation for the participants for future civic engagement and illustrates to others the benefits of comprehensive involvement of youth. our partners youth partners to access and uplift diverse voices, the par team specifically sought to include youth who are often marginalized. we also looked for an established youth-serving organization that had the interest and capacity to engage with the project for an extended period of time. the investment in finding this existing organization came “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 148 with multiple benefits including built-in recruitment, willing and skilled community leaders, community knowledge, and an avenue to building trust with the youth. our youth partners were the sactown heroes, a group formed as part of the west sacramento youth resource coalition (wsyrc). seventeen heroes participated in the project, 15 of whom were male, and they ranged in age from 11 to 19 years old. the youth self-identified with multiple ethnic and cultural groups: seven africanamerican, seven white, six native american, three latino, two portuguese, one chicano, and one pacific islander. community youth leader our key adult community partner was a young african-american woman who was a member of wsyrc. she was also employed by communicare, a federally qualified health center, located in the community. she recruited youth to participate in the wsyrc and yvc through her contacts at communicare. often these were children of adults obtaining services at the health center. she had a prior relationship with many of the parents/guardians, and therefore they had a high level of comfort with their children participating in the project. university partners a landscape architecture faculty member with experience in community engagement processes and youth environments headed the par team. university partners also included a faculty affiliate with expertise in participatory documentary projects and media production, and two graduate students. the context and the community this project was based in west sacramento, california. west sacramento was incorporated as a city in 1987 and has a population of approximately 55,000. it is a fast-growing community with new residential, commercial, and recreational areas as well as long-established neighborhoods. the community has a history of cultural diversity. the current population is over 30 percent hispanic and 11 percent asian. the current median household income is approximately $57,000, which is comparable to nearby communities. what we did yvc took place over a 10-month period during 2009 and 2010 and included three distinct components. the first activity was a series of weekly research workshops, the second was a week-long spring fling (which occurred after the third weekly workshop), and the third included production-focused work sessions. some activities, such as photography and video projects, were conducted throughout the project. weekly workshops we conducted a series of 12 workshops. nine of these workshops typically lasted 1.5 hours and were held immediately after school at the local teen center. three of the workshops lasted three hours each and were held at the city hall community room. prior to the workshops the university partners developed the meeting activities with the intention of spurring youth ideas and ownership of the meeting “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 149 agendas. the first meetings included exercises to help everyone get to know one another as well as to build foundational agreements and a shared understanding of the research. later meetings focused on identifying and collecting individual stories through media. youth were encouraged to take photographs between workshops and were each given a digital camera for that purpose. the last meetings focused on creating ways to share their stories. spring fling the spring fling was held during the youth partners’ school spring break. the team met from 9am to 3pm for four days. days 1 and 3 were held in the community and days 2 and 4 were held at the university campus. the youth and their parents saw the spring fling as a positive way to spend their spring break. the main objectives for the week were to gather photographic and video data while learning more about the technology and the art of photography. in addition, this was an opportunity to introduce the youth to the university campus environment. during the community-based days, the team conducted fieldwork. the youth partners identified places for the team to visit, developed narration for their tours, and then led the site visits. afterwards, the team wrote about their experiences and shared what they had learned. later one youth partner commented that his “favorite part of the project was probably during spring break when we did the picture taking around the whole city.” the university-based days were focused on uploading the photographs and videos taken the previous days to a shared online storage site. the team viewed each other’s images, selected some for discussion, and tagged the images based on themes the youth had identified. the community youth leader noted, “it was helpful that youth were put into pairs and had a laptop to work with. accessibility to equipment was key. it gave youth an opportunity to be hands on, take ownership and begin to tie what was on their camera to the project.” in addition, each of these days included visits to other places on campus. production sessions along with the weekly workshops and the spring fling, we held several other taskspecific production sessions. we held multiple sessions to focus on developing a web-based map, a project exhibit and idea exchange, and a comic book. the map documented the places that youth partners identified as their favorite, least favorite, and places they would like to see changed. photos and videos were linked on the map to their actual locations (youth voices for change, n.d.). the project exhibit and idea exchange was held at the conclusion of the weekly workshops. the youth determined what information they wanted to share with others and with whom they wanted to share it. the production session also included planning and testing the logistics of the meeting. lastly, several sessions were held to produce the comic book. much like the web-based map, this publication presented the places the youth had photographed, but it also included their recommendations. each of these products is described and discussed in more detail in the actions taken section below. “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 150 what we learned for the purposes of this paper, we focus on three findings that relate to the role of parks and play in the lives of these young people. our conclusions are drawn from photographs and videos produced by the youth, discussions about these images, and youth-led visits to these places. feelings of exclusion our youth partners repeatedly commented that they did not feel like they were welcome in the local parks. they offered stories about being questioned by adults about why they were in the park and what they were doing—even during daytime hours, after school, and when they were just sitting on a bench. the youth said that they felt like they had to be part of an organized sports team in order to be perceived by others as a legitimate park user. in addition, the youth noted that the local parks did not have facilities that were designed for their age group. they perceived that the design of the parks excluded them. they commented that every park has playgrounds for younger children and benches for adults, but that their activities were confined to the ball fields used by the organized teams. some youth pointed out that a limited number of adolescents, particularly boys, did use the basketball courts and the local skatepark, but that these facilities only served a small portion of their age group. just want to be a kid during one of our youth-led tours, we visited one of the larger community parks. this park matched the description the youth had provided of expansive grass areas for sports and a children’s playground. while standing around the play structure, the youth began to talk about how they still liked to swing and to climb on the equipment, but that when they try to do that, they are asked by adults to leave. they expressed their frustration and stated that sometimes they “just wanted to be a kid and play.” the attempts by the youth to use the equipment not designed for them increased the negativity toward them by adults. the youth would squeeze into swings designed for toddlers or develop creative uses for other components of the structure (figure 1). these uses were all interpreted as a misuse of the equipment by adults and seen as another reason the adolescents should not be at the park. “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 151 figure 1. a youth research partner demonstrating an adaptive use of a toddler swing important places and activities although the feeling of exclusion was common, our youth partners identified many things that they do for fun. they described three main types of recreational pursuits: 1) participating in youth-focused programs and classes, 2) visiting commercial locations, and 3) using outdoor facilities. along with participating in youth-serving programs such as the sactown heroes, many of the youth participated in programs such as dancing that were clearly aligned with their recreational interests. in addition, the youth valued the community youth center for its indoor recreation opportunities. this facility is centrally located, has a supportive adult staff, and provides excellent and plentiful snacks. it was the site for our weekly workshops. our youth research partners, like many others, found recreational opportunities in commercial settings. these ranged from obvious and common activities such as spending time with their friends at fast food restaurants and coffee shops to more creative use of businesses such as playing hide-and-seek at the local ikea or target stores. the youth talked about the important role of the adults in their use of these “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 152 places. they were more likely to spend time at those businesses where the owners or managers were more welcoming. although our youth partners often felt unwelcome at parks, these places were still important to them. they looked to these places as locations to meet with their friends, to relax, to have fun, and to spend time with family. in particular, the local river was a place the young people would spend time with their siblings and other family members. the youth did not always agree on which places they liked or did not. for example, some youth liked to spend time at the local skateboard park while others were concerned about drug use at the park and their safety. actions taken by youth voices for change the youth voices for change effort focused on actions that would advance the stories of the youth and influence changes in their community. as noted previously, several products of this effort were developed with these intentions. a web-based public map, a public exhibit and idea exchange, and a comic book all contributed to sharing the young people’s impressions, knowledge, and desires. those activities as well as the implications of this project on youth development more generally are discussed in the following sections. web-based public map the mechanism the team used to share their stories with the community and to allow other youth to contribute their own stories was a web-based map (youth voices for change, n.d.). after months of photographing places, producing videos, and discussing how their community supported or hindered their healthy development, the team posted their stories to the youth voices for change map (see figure 2). in an effort to inform the community and other youth about this map, the map was unveiled at a public event, it was included on the uc davis art of regional change website (http://artofregionalchange.ucdavis.edu/?page_id=38), and a sacramento region youth media event was held to encourage other youth to document their stories. while efforts to get other youth to contribute to the map were less successful, the media event had very positive results. the initial regional youth media forum was held in may 2010 in collaboration with multiple community partners. these partners included local news organizations that have since taken over the ownership of this annual event. the original goals of the event were to showcase and support a regional effort for youth-led community change through social media, to establish a regional network of youth and adults to create this advocacy tool, and to connect youth-identified issues to regional equity research (owens et al., 2011). these goals are still evident in what has become an annual event (e.g., accesslocaltv, 2016; 2018). the impacts of the online mapping activity on increasing the opportunities of youth for engaging in play are indirect. instead, the mapping effort has led to a more comprehensive opportunity for youth throughout the region to examine and express their opinions about a wide range of issues. http://artofregionalchange.ucdavis.edu/?page_id=38 “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 153 figure 2. the youth voices for change web-based map project exhibit and idea exchange the culmination of the first six months of this effort was a “project exhibit and idea exchange” (figure 3). this event was held in the local city hall, was widely advertised, and well attended. attendees included the mayor, city council members, police officers, school board members, and, of course, parents. the event was designed and hosted by the youth partners and included stations to view their photographs, videos, and maps, as well as a video-recording area for attendees to tell their stories. “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 154 figure 3. project exhibit and idea exchange while attendees accepted the majority of the information shared by the youth as insightful and valid, some adults were concerned that certain youth perceptions were unflattering and inaccurate. for example, images showing that a local community garden was unkempt and youth concerns about this lack of care were met with resistance by those adults involved in the garden. however, this opposition actually resulted in a building of support for the youth and their opinions. other adults noted that the youth opinions were valid and reflected what some others in the community also thought. this event had the impact of raising the visibility of this research effort, and in particular the youth voice, in the community. the public officials in attendance witnessed first-hand the time, thought, and positive actions in which the young people were engaged. the event elevated the involvement and influence the youth had on local discussions. for example, a city youth commission had been in discussion, but this event and the associated activities contributed to the creation of this commission. comic book our team sought to memorialize our findings and recommendations in a written document that would summarize and capture the spirit of the work. the resulting youth voices for change comic book is organized into four main sections: favorites, challenges, adjustments, and recommendations (owens, 2010). this book was “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 155 distributed to local and regional government agencies, school boards, and other decision-making authorities. along with featuring recreation opportunities in the “favorites” section and the shortcomings of existing recreation in the “challenges” section, the comic book offers suggestions for improvements in the “adjustments” and “recommendations” sections. along with recommendations related to recreation, this section also addresses transportation, community pride, and education. the recreation recommendations suggest that more recreational opportunities be made available to youth. this increase in access would include addressing affordability, frequency, and location of specialized programs. also noted is the use of commercial settings for recreation and the need to make these more welcoming for young people. the youth recommend that merchants who welcome youth should be “recognized and celebrated by the community” (owens, 2010, p. 27). in turn, the youth partners recognized that young people should respect local businesses. lastly, this section identified the importance of outdoor park facilities in providing young people with a place to both engage in recreation and with nature. they specifically recommend that the city provide facilities for adolescents in the local parks and that these go beyond token gestures of skateparks. as noted previously, the comic book was distributed widely. in addition, the recreation recommendations page was shared with the director of the city’s parks and recreation department (figure 4). as a result, the director invited our youth partners to participate in focus groups to update the city’s recreation plan and to serve as co-facilitators in an upcoming park master planning process. these immediate and impactful results were unanticipated, but very positive for youth and the community. the youth experienced the power of their stories and their work, and the community benefited from a broader understanding of the role of their local parks in the lives of young people. “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 156 figure 4. recreation recommendations from the youth voices for change comic book healthy youth development our yvc project illustrates the importance of authentic inclusion of youth (hart, 1997) as well as the value of youth-generated data, findings, and recommendations. the process, as well as the products, has significant implications for the healthy development of young people. specifically, youth developmental tasks such as “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 157 developing social relationships, social responsibility, and the capacity to manage their free time were identified and addressed by this effort (owens, 2017). based on our observations and discussions with our youth research partners, we offer that the opportunity to be heard bolsters the young person’s self esteem. in addition, having adults hear their stories provides them with a sense of social responsibility and continuing motivation to seek involvement in civic matters. community understanding, support, and accommodation of youth spending unstructured time with other young people is needed as are places where they can go to get away from daily pressures. lastly, youth involvement has the capacity to improve the final products. as shown by their involvement in the community’s recreation master plan, issues and ideas that would have otherwise been overlooked are explored and embraced. the fact that adolescents, who are often viewed by adults as just looking to cause trouble, sometimes “just want to be a kid and have fun” is a powerful insight that can influence the recreation opportunities available to them. in turn, this change can have direct implications on how the physical environment supports adolescent development. patsy eubanks owens is a professor of landscape architecture in the department of human ecology at the university of california, davis. her research interests focus on the relationships between people and the outdoor environment. specifically, her work examines the role of the physical environment in the development, health, and wellbeing of youth, and methods for community involvement in design decision-making. her research has been published in children, youth and environments; urban geography; landscape journal; children's geographies; and child and adolescent social work. she holds an mla from uc berkeley and a bla from the university of georgia. references accesslocal.tv (2016). youth media forum for social change. retrieved from http://accesslocal.tv/category/neighborhood-news/youth-media-forum-forsocial-change/ accesslocal.tv (2018). 2018 youth media conference hailed a success. retrieved from http://accesslocal.tv/2018/02/21/2018-youth-media-conference-hailedas-a-success/ conklin, h. g. (2015, march 3). playtime isn’t just for preschoolers: teenagers need it, too. time. retrieved from http://time.com/3726098/learning-throughplay-teenagers-education/ hart, r. (1997). children’s participation: the theory and practice of involving youth citizens in community development and environmental care. london: earthscan. http://accesslocal.tv/category/neighborhood-news/youth-media-forum-for-social-change/ http://accesslocal.tv/category/neighborhood-news/youth-media-forum-for-social-change/ http://accesslocal.tv/2018/02/21/2018-youth-media-conference-hailed-as-a-success/ http://accesslocal.tv/2018/02/21/2018-youth-media-conference-hailed-as-a-success/ http://time.com/3726098/learning-through-play-teenagers-education/ http://time.com/3726098/learning-through-play-teenagers-education/ “we just want to play”: adolescents speak about their access to public parks 158 israel, b. a., eng, e., schulz, a. j., & parker, e. a. (2005). introduction. in b. a. israel, e. eng, a. j. schulz, and e. a. parker (eds.), methods in communitybased participatory research for health (pp. 3-26). san francisco: josseybass. kindon, s., pain, r., & kesby, m. (eds.). (2007). participatory action research approaches and methods: connecting people, participation and place. london: routledge. macdonald, c. (2012). understanding participatory action research: a qualitative research methodology option. canadian journal of action research, 13(2), 34-50. mehta, j. (2014, april 12). all work, no play: why high school students should have fun. education week. retrieved from http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/learning_deeply/2014/04/all_work_no_play _why_high_school_students_should_mess_around.html. owens, p. e. (2002). no teens allowed: the exclusion of adolescents from public spaces. landscape journal, 21(1-02), 156-163. owens, p. e. (ed.) (2010). youth voices for change: opinions and ideas for the future of west sacramento. center for regional change, university of california. retrieved from https://regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/sites/g/files/dgvnsk986/files/inlinefiles/youthvoices_comicbook.pdf owens, p. e., larochelle, m., nelson, a., and montgomery-block, k. (2011). youth voices for influencing local and regional change. children, youth and environments, 21(1), 253-274. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi owens, p. e. (2017). a place for adolescents: the power of research to inform the built environment. in bishop, k. and corkery, l. (eds.), designing cities with children and young people: beyond playgrounds and skate parks (pp. 65-78). routledge. university of california center for regional change (2017). healthy youth/healthy regions initiative. retrieved from https://regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/news/healthy-youthhealthy-regionsinitiative youth voices for change (n.d.). [interactive map]. retrieved from https://www.google.com/maps/d/viewer?hl=en&msa=0&z=16&ie=utf8&mid =11wvlxykp1xvcx97ezfjpevkndw4&ll=38.57207966232152%2c121.63067899999999 http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/learning_deeply/2014/04/all_work_no_play_why_high_school_students_should_mess_around.html http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/learning_deeply/2014/04/all_work_no_play_why_high_school_students_should_mess_around.html https://regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/sites/g/files/dgvnsk986/files/inline-files/youthvoices_comicbook.pdf https://regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/sites/g/files/dgvnsk986/files/inline-files/youthvoices_comicbook.pdf http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi https://regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/news/healthy-youthhealthy-regions-initiative https://regionalchange.ucdavis.edu/news/healthy-youthhealthy-regions-initiative https://www.google.com/maps/d/viewer?hl=en&msa=0&z=16&ie=utf8&mid=11wvlxykp1xvcx97ezfjpevkndw4&ll=38.57207966232152%2c-121.63067899999999 https://www.google.com/maps/d/viewer?hl=en&msa=0&z=16&ie=utf8&mid=11wvlxykp1xvcx97ezfjpevkndw4&ll=38.57207966232152%2c-121.63067899999999 https://www.google.com/maps/d/viewer?hl=en&msa=0&z=16&ie=utf8&mid=11wvlxykp1xvcx97ezfjpevkndw4&ll=38.57207966232152%2c-121.63067899999999 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy rhonda douglas brown victoria carr vikas mehta leslie kochanowski university of cincinnati citation: brown, r. d., carr, v., mehta, v., & kochanowski, l. (2018). children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy. children, youth and environments, 28(1), 1-8. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi join a local environmental society, but see to it that it does not waste time on superficial purposes… don’t think it is enough to attend meetings and sit there like a lump…. it is better to address envelopes than to attend foolish meetings. it is better to study than act too quickly; but it is best to be ready to act intelligently when the appropriate opportunity arises… speak up. learn to talk clearly and forcefully in public. speak simply and not too long at a time, without over-emotion, always from sound preparation and knowledge. be a nuisance where it counts, but don’t be a bore at any time… do your part to inform and stimulate the public to join your action…. be depressed, discouraged and disappointed at failure and the disheartening effects of ignorance, greed, corruption and bad politics—but never give up (douglas, 1980, as cited in breton, 1998, p. 244). on february 14, 2018 at marjory stoneman douglas high school, 34 students and staff were wounded in a mass shooting—17 died. this passage, written in 1980 by journalist and activist marjory stoneman douglas, is quoted on a banner displayed near the high school in parkland, florida that bears her name (opened in 1990—the year of her 100th birthday), in articles by contemporary journalists, and on social media by school leaders and students calling for action to increase school safety and prevent school shootings. like many of the authors and readers of cye, mrs. douglas believed in the importance of environments and activism. when presenting her with the presidential medal of freedom in 1993 on the same day she witnessed the signing of the brady bill establishing a federal background check for purchasing firearms, former president clinton noted, children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy 2 beyond florida, marjory stoneman douglas is a mentor for all who desire to preserve what we southerners affectionately call ‘a sense of place.’ and mrs. douglas, the next time i hear someone mention the timeless wonders and powers of mother nature, i'll be thinking about you (clinton, 1993). she passed away in 1998 at the age of 108, yet mrs. douglas’ words and actions have inspired yet another generation. survivors of the deadliest high school shooting in american history have organized a movement called never again msd that uses social media (#neveragain) and rallies to instigate change through legislative action. on march 9, 2018, florida’s governor, rick scott, signed the marjory stoneman douglas high school public safety act, which includes some regulations for purchasing firearms, and provides programming for arming school staff and the policing of school grounds. governor scott commented, “to the students of marjory stoneman douglas high school, you made your voices heard. you didn't let up and you fought until there was change” (sanchez & yan, 2018). on march 14, 2018, a national school walkout occurred at 10:00 a.m. in every time zone. teachers, students, administrators, parents, and allies at approximately 3,000 schools across the u.s. walked out of school for 17 minutes of silence to honor each person killed at msd. the walkout was organized by a connecticut student who lives near sandy hook elementary school, where 26 students and staff were killed on december 14, 2012. on march 24, 2018, march for our lives became one of the largest protests in american history. on april 20, 2018, the 19th anniversary of the 1999 columbine high school massacre, another national school walkout was held to remember the 13 victims killed in littleton, colorado. youth are using their voices to communicate their rights, needs, and ideas. figure 1. protester participating in the 2018 march for our lives in washington, d.c. photo by zach rudisin (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0) children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy 3 yet, on may 18, 2018, as we were writing this editorial, 10 were killed and 13 others were wounded in another school shooting at santa fe high school in texas. that day, cnn published an article estimating that, on average, there has been one school shooting every week in 2018 (ahmed & walker, 2018). in addition to parkland and santa fe, there were shootings on school grounds in the following places across america: italy, texas; benton, kentucky; philadelphia, pennsylvania; los angeles, california; oxon hill, maryland; nashville, tennessee; birmingham, alabama; lexington park, maryland; gloversville, new york; raytown, missouri; ocala, florida; and palmdale, california. what can we do? in response to the school shooting at msd high school, we published the following statement on cye’s website: thomas hobbes (1588-1679) stated that life in a society where “every man is enemy to every man” and where individuals “live without other security than what their own strength and their own invention shall furnish them” limits their well-being consequentially with “no knowledge of the face of the earth; no account of time, no arts, no letters, no society, and, which is worst of all, continual fear and danger of violent death, and the life of man solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” the horrific loss of 17 people at the marjory stoneman douglas high school, another u.s. school shooting in which youths’ lives were cut short by a semi-automatic rifle, has spurred youths’ grief into activism. the editors at children, youth and environments commend these youth as they call out politicians using their own moral authority based on emotions and losses intimate to the gun laws debate and other safety reforms. as these youths appear on television programs, demonstrate at the capitol, and ask poignant, but too often unanswered questions to politicians, we applaud their voices as they advocate for safe environments and the societal norms they want, a society in which they are not living in continual fear of a violent death. it is their future and the future of subsequent generations that they are advocating for… historians will document whether or not these youths’ activism will make a difference. current events, however, suggest that it is time to listen to the voices of the next generation (http://cyenetwork.org). what’s next? we believe it’s important to bridge research, practice, action and policy related to children’s safety on school grounds. in the past, cye has published special issues, research articles, field reports, and book and media reviews on these topics. although not an exhaustive list, here are a few references in chronological order: baker, r. l., & mednick, b. r. (1990). protecting the high school environment as an island of safety: correlates of student fear of in-school victimization. children’s environments quarterly, 7(3), 37-49. children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy 4 special issue (1993). school design: a continuous process. children’s environments, 10(2), including:  moore, g. t., & lackney, j. a. (1993). school design: crisis, educational performance and design applications, children’s environments, 10(2), 99112.  sanoff, h. (1993). designing a responsive school environment. children’s environments, 10(2), 140-153.  galvin, m. (1993). the columbine school: a principal reflects on the influence of school design. children’s environments, 10(2), 154-158. checkoway, b., & richards-schuster, k. (2004). youth participation in evaluation and research as a way of lifting new voices. children, youth and environments, 14(2), 84-98. nairn, k., sligo, j., & freeman, c. (2006). polarizing participation in local government: which young people are included and excluded? children, youth and environments, 16(2), 248-271. special issue (2007). pushing the boundaries: critical international perspectives on child and youth participation focus on the united states and canada, and latin america. children, youth and environments, 17(2), including:  stoudt, b. g. (2007). the co-construction of knowledge in ‘safe spaces’: reflecting on politics and power in participatory action research. children, youth and environments 17(2), 280-297.  suess, g. e. l., & lewis, k. s. (2007). the time is now: youth organize to transform philadelphia high schools. children, youth and environments, 17(2), 364-379.  london, j. k. (2007). power and pitfalls of youth participation in communitybased action research. children, youth and environments, 17(2), 406-432.  kara, n. (2007). beyond tokenism: participatory evaluation processes and meaningful youth involvement in decision-making. children, youth and environments, 17(2), 563-580. owens, p. e., la rochelle, m., nelson, a. a., & montgomery-block, k. f. (2011). youth voices influencing local and regional change. children, youth and environments, 21(1), 253-274. special issue (2012). reconceptualizing school design: learning environments for children and youth. children, youth and environments, 22(1), including: children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy 5  malinin, l. h. & parnell, r. (2012). reconceptualizing school design: learning environments for children and youth. children, youth and environments, 22(1), 11-22.  ghaziani, r. (2012). an emerging framework for school design based on children's voices. children, youth and environments, 22(1), 125-144.  fram, s. m., & dickmann, e. m. (2012). how the school built environment exacerbates bullying and peer harassment. children, youth and environments 22(1), 227-249. special issue (2013). children, violence, community and the physical environment. children, youth and environments, 23(1), including:  lalor, k. (2013). children, violence, community and the physical environment: foreword to the special issue. children, youth and environments 23(1), i-vii.  blanchet-cohen, n., & nelems, r. (2013). a child-centered evaluation of a psychosocial program: promoting children’s healing, safety and well-being in post-disaster contexts. children, youth and environments, 23(1), 23-42  zuch, m., mathews, c., de koker, p., mtshizana, y., & mason-jones, a. (2013). evaluation of a photovoice pilot project for school safety in south africa. children, youth and environments 23(1), 180197. mckoy, d., stewart, j., & buss, s. (2015). engaging students in transforming their built environment via y-plan: lessons from richmond, california. children, youth and environments, 25(2), 229-244. as marjory stoneman douglas recommended, we should continue to study the “prevailing influence of design on school climate and function” (galvin, 1993, p. 154) and youth participation in transforming their schools and shaping schoolrelated policies. we call on researchers and practitioners to expand the knowledge base on these topics by submitting proposals for special issues of the journal, research papers, field reports, and position papers that examine how environments, design, and projects and programs positively and negatively influence school climate, violence, safety, and well-being for children and youth, as well as their efforts to organize and advocate for safe and enriching environments. introducing position papers heeding marjorie stoneman douglas’ advice, the next step is to “do your part to inform and stimulate the public to join your action….” in this issue, we debut a new section for cye: position papers and commentaries. we envision position papers as essays that (1) communicate a stance, beliefs, and arguments on significant and often controversial issues; (2) provide evidence to support opinions and recommended courses of action; and (3) stimulate research, practice, action and children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy 6 policy on the topic. to provide guidance to authors, we established the following guidelines for preparing position papers:  the paper should be no more than 4,000 words, excluding abstract and references.  the paper should be written so that it is accessible to a general, international audience (e.g., researchers, students, policy makers, media) who may or may not agree with the position. authors should write for readers who may be unfamiliar with the author’s country or field. jargon should be avoided or explained.  the paper should include: o a general statement of the position; o evidence to support the position, including theory and research (e.g., statistics, findings from studies); o a review of other positions and explanations for why those were not taken; and o a conclusion that summarizes the position and how it is supported.  the paper should not include method and results sections.  the editors may invite commentaries to position papers. the current issue includes two position papers and a commentary on children’s leadership and rights related to climate change. we hope you enjoy reading this new section and we encourage readers to prepare and submit position papers related to the topics discussed in this editorial. currently, politicians are discussing a variety of design-related solutions to the school shooting epidemic in the u.s., including “hardening schools,” arming teachers, hiring more school-based police officers, increasing metal detectors, and changing entrances. our nation is giving some thought to questions that many of us grapple with on a daily basis: how do children’s environments affect their learning? how can we make schools safer places for children to play and learn without turning them into prisons? how can we involve children and youth in decisionmaking? as experts, we can answer some of these questions and interject complexity and nuance into the conversation using our accumulated wisdom. we have formed opinions that are based on evidence, data from a variety of research methodologies to address these questions, and some stellar examples of practice. for example, the new sandy hook elementary school in newtown, connecticut demonstrates biophilic design that encourages learning, affirms life, and cultivates character, yet also has improved safety features that don’t take center stage (kellert, 2015). we hope that this new forum encourages our readers to share their opinions, knowledge, research, and practice in a way that can influence action and policy. children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy 7 editorial transitions professional and family transitions have prompted editorial transitions for the journal. we would like to express our appreciation to outgoing field report editors briony towers, amy wagenfeld, and mayeda rashid who skillfully engaged in detailed editorial processes that led to the publication of high quality, accessible reports of international practices consistent with the mission of cye. we would also like to express our gratitude to outgoing book review editor angela kreutz. we thank you for sharing your vision and providing guidance to the incoming editors to ensure a smooth transition. we are pleased to welcome daniela digiacomo and sue elliott as field report editors. dr. digiacomo is currently a communityand design-based postdoctoral researcher at the university of california, riverside in the graduate school of education and civic engagement research group. she holds a b.a. in latin american studies from uc berkeley, a master’s degree in development studies from cambridge university, and a ph.d. in learning sciences and human development from the university of colorado, boulder. her experience includes secondary teaching, school administration, political asylum advocacy, and social work and her current research focuses on design for more equitable teaching and learning relationships between adults and young people across various lines of difference. sue elliott is a senior lecturer in early childhood education at the university of new england, armidale, new south wales, australia. dr. elliott is an experienced practitioner, consultant, and researcher in early childhood education with a focus on education for sustainability; design, play, and pedagogy in outdoor learning environments; and practitioner action research methodologies to facilitate change. among other books, she’s the author of sustainability and the early years learning framework (2014), outdoor learning environments: spaces for exploration, discovery, and risk-taking (2017), and co-editor of research in early childhood education for sustainability: international perspectives and provocations (2014) with julie davis. we also welcome ina gankam tambo as book and media review editor. dr. tambo is an experienced editor of books, monographs, and other works and author of book reviews. she currently serves as chair of history of childhood, education and youth at ruhr university, bochum, germany. her work in the field of comparative educational science focuses on children’s rights, international migration and education, and globalization. we believe these new editors have much to offer the cye community! forthcoming issue the next release in this volume is a special issue featuring work presented at the international play association world conference held in calgary, alberta, canada in 2017. dr. janet loebach, an environmental design researcher and consultant, theresa casey of theresa casey consultancy, and dr. john mckendrick, professor at glasgow caledonian university serve as co-editors for the special issue. together they bring expertise in participatory action research design, the design, children, youth and environments: a call for research, practice, action and policy 8 build, and evaluation of natural playgrounds, inclusive play environments, adventure play, playwork, children in poverty, and children’s play in areas of crisis. the special issue features research papers, field reports, and book and toolkit reviews related to children’s play in environments across the world. references ahmed, s., & walker, c. (2018, may 18). there has been, on average, 1 school shooting every week this year. cnn. retrieved from https://www.cnn.com/2018/03/02/us/school-shootings-2018-listtrnd/index.html breton, m. j. (1998). women pioneers for the environment. lebanon, nh: northeastern university press. clinton, w. j. (1993, november 30). remarks on presenting the presidential medals of freedom. online by g. peters & j. t. woolley, the american presidency project. retrieved from http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=46182 douglas, m. s. (1980, october). how you can protect the environment. geojourney, 1, 13. galvin, m. (1993). the columbine school: a principal reflects on the influence of school design. children’s environments, 10(2), 154-158. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi kellert, s. (2015). build nature into education. nature, 523, 288-289. sanchez, r., & yan, h. (2018, march 9). florida governor rick scott signs gun bill. cnn. retrieved from https://www.cnn.com/2018/03/09/us/florida-govscott-gun-bill/index.html © 2022 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 32(3), 2022 physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions delivered remotely during the covid-19 lockdown brittany huber joanne tarasuik nancylee merzel deborah njegac playgroup victoria melbourne, australia citation: huber, b., tarasuik, j., merzel, n., njegac, d. (2022). physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions delivered remotely during the covid-19 lockdown. children, youth and environments, 32(3): 143-154. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract in 2020, melbournians were subjected to one of the world’s longest and strictest pandemic-necessitated lockdowns. prior to lockdown, many australian families received social support from their local playgroup, a group of children (birth-5 years) and their parents who meet regularly to play and socialize. playgroup at home live (pahl), the online adaptation, was developed to address a recognized need. survey responses from 338 (out of 2,046) pahl participants suggested that families experienced similar benefits between pahl and in-person sessions; these included social connections, routine, and play, which may have mitigated the negative impacts of covid-19 restrictions on children and their parents. keywords: playgroup, parent-child engagement, covid-19, remote interaction, social connection physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions… 144 background the impacts of covid-19 have been felt the world over; in addition to the obvious health toll, the pandemic has caused pervasive economic and social consequences (o’sullivan et al., 2020). social distancing measures, stay-at-home orders, cities in lockdown, closure of public spaces, and the like have caused social isolation so severe that many individuals experienced degradations to their mental health or an exacerbation of pre-existing symptoms (sher, 2020). children and families have been especially impacted by these conditions, including the prolonged exposure to stress and uncertainty (morelli et al., 2020; saladino et al., 2020; stark et al., 2020). residents of melbourne, in the state of victoria, australia’s second-most populous city (4.9 million), experienced one of the world’s longest and strictest pandemicnecessitated lockdowns of 2020 (gross et al., 2020). beginning in march 2020, social distancing measures (termed stage one restrictions) were implemented australia-wide to slow the spread of covid-19. figure 1 illustrates the timeline of restrictions in victoria between march and october 2020. as the number of cases grew, so too did the limitations on social mobility. the world was watching as case numbers in italy grew exponentially and infection rates in the u.s. surpassed china’s. just weeks after the stage one restrictions were implemented nationally, melbournians entered stage three restrictions, including a stay-at-home order permitting people to leave their homes only for four reasons: food and supplies, medical care, exercise, and work/education (storen & corrigan, 2020). figure 1. key covid-19 dates between march and october 2020, including restrictions affecting residents of metropolitan melbourne physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions… 145 the most severe measures (stage four restrictions) implemented a curfew, 5km travel radius limit, and the closure of many businesses and public spaces including childcare centers and playgrounds. victorians were already suffering from job loss and other economic stressors from the initial fallout of the pandemic, but this announcement caused a new wave of consequences. the crisis mental health hotline, lifeline, received 30% more calls from victorians when the stage 4 restrictions were announced (kinsella, 2020). additionally, parents working from home were tasked with full-time childcare responsibilities in the advent of childcare closures (australian institute of family studies, 2020). parental stress, social isolation and confinement, and loss of routine were all consequences of australian life in lockdown uncertainty (de young et al., 2021). these factors can negatively impact child development, depending on the severity and duration (de araújo et al., 2020). social support, such as visits with family and friends, can mitigate the impacts of stress in the context of disasters and pandemics (earls et al., 2008; pfefferbaum et al., 2015), but had been inaccessible for months due to limits on social mobility. rationale for playgroup at home live prior to lockdown, many australian families received social support from their local playgroup: a group of children (birth-5 years) and their parents who meet regularly to play and socialize. a typical playgroup session includes story time, songs, and an activity such as a craft. playgroups provide opportunities for parent-child engagement, a space for discussions about parenting, and the formation of social networks by parents and children alike. the benefits of playgroup can be observed for both children and their parents, and include improved school-readiness and transition to school, social supports, and parenting confidence and knowledge (commerford & hunter, 2017; gregory et al., 2017). playgroup victoria, the state’s peak body for playgroups, recognized that families needed the benefits of playgroup arguably more than ever in lockdown. research has demonstrated that children are reassured by the virtual presence of their parent after separation, thus video communication may be a useful tool to maintain relationships when physical presence is not possible (tarasuik et al., 2011). with this in mind, playgroup victoria developed playgroup at home live (pahl)— remotely delivered, interactive playgroup sessions that families could participate in from their homes. pahl provided families the opportunity to continue to “go to playgroup” by offering a consistent weekly schedule of programs. the engaging and social sessions were intentionally planned to help families overcome feelings of isolation and loneliness. strengthening community wellbeing and connectedness are key aspects of playgroup and were thus a focus of pahl. playgroup at home live development and implementation when social restrictions were first implemented, two music-based primary prevention programs were adapted for remote delivery. facilitators applied their understanding from this new and unforeseen format to develop the pahl sessions which followed a traditional playgroup structure including story time, songs, and a group activity. consistent with the goals of physical playgroups, pahl development focused on cultivating positive experiences by providing opportunities for physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions… 146 socialization, promoting play, enhancing children’s learning and development, encouraging parent-child engagement, and improving the wellbeing of both children and their parents. in addition to an all-ages playgroup (birth to 5 years), sessions were designed for specific audiences: baby playgroup for new parents, children with autism spectrum disorder (or similar characteristics), and parents of children with a disability. sessions were run by experienced playgroup facilitators who were also trained in peepltp (evangelou & sylva, 2007), an evidence-based curriculum that teaches parents about how children learn—and how to implement things at home that make a difference to children's outcomes. the initial 12-week schedule was communicated to families via playgroup victoria’s facebook page, website and member email, plus informal promotion from maternal child health nurses and local community organizations. additional program components included the development of protocols concerning esafety, booking processes, and technical assistance. program evaluation after the first 12 weeks of pahl, families who had registered to participate (n=2,046) were invited via email to provide their feedback in an evaluation survey. participation was voluntary and anonymous, and participants could elect to enter a prize draw after survey completion. the 15-question survey asked parents about their pahl experience and was a mix of multiple choice, ratings, and open-ended questions. fourteen percent of participating families (n=338) completed the survey via the online survey tool, typeform. data was collected and treated with adherence to ethics principles, however the project protocol was not subject to an institutional ethics committee. researchers analyzed the data using ms excel (quantitative) and nvivo 12 (qualitative) software. quantitative responses from the quantitative multiple choice and ratings data, we particularly highlight attendance and impacts on participants. attendance pahl was the first experience of playgroup for nearly half of the families who responded to the survey (47%). during the 12 weeks, there were between 2 and 7 weekly pahl sessions. table 1 shows the number of sessions families attended during the first three months of pahl and how many children participated within each family. infants less than one year old were the most represented age group in attendance (27%) followed by children aged 2 years (21%), 1 year (13%), 3 years (16%), and 4 years (15%), and the remaining children were school-aged (5 years or older). physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions… 147 table 1. frequency of sessions attended during the first 12 weeks and number of children per household sessions attended children per household # of sessions % of families # of children % of families 1 20 1 64 2 13 2 27 3 12 ≥3 9 4 10 5 12 6-10 22 >10 11 impacts of participation participants were asked to rate whether seeing other families participate had impacted themselves or their children. more than half of families (53%) indicated their child(ren) enjoyed seeing other children participating. one-third of families (34%) thought it helped their child(ren) feel like they were part of a group (34%), and seeing other children take part encouraged children to participate (31%). parents also reported that they benefitted from the socialization of playgroup; onethird (33%) of parents felt like they were part of a group, 38% of families said that observing other families normalized the challenges of parenting and 19% enjoyed seeing other adults (amid social restrictions). eighteen families (5%) provided additional comments such as that they mostly paid attention to the presenters rather than the other families. one of the most powerful findings, and one that supported the goals of pahl, was that nearly all families felt that attending the sessions made them feel less socially isolated during lockdown by either a little (65%) or a lot (26%). many playgroups, including pahl, provide examples of accessible activities that can be replicated at home to strengthen the parent-child relationship and build the home learning environment. most families (96%) reported learning new activities to do with their child: 63% got a few ideas, 33% got many ideas, and less than 4% of families reported that they did not get any ideas from the sessions. program satisfaction was reflected by participants’ willingness to recommend the program to others and re-enroll (mccurdy & daro, 2001). almost all families (95%) said they would participate in pahl again. nearly three-quarters of families (73%) had recommended pahl to other families, 25% said they intended to do so, but 2% indicated they probably would not. qualitative responses to further understand families’ experiences of pahl, the survey included openended questions about what families enjoyed most about pahl and suggestions for improvement. physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions… 148 what families enjoyed most several key themes emerged from asking families what they enjoyed most about pahl: the activities, learning by parent or child, opportunities to interact and see others, the facilitators, and the routine pahl offered during uncertain times. figure 2 illustrates the frequency of words used to describe what families enjoyed most about the program. figure 2. word frequency of what families enjoyed most about pahl note. more frequent words appear larger. nearly all respondents (91%) mentioned that their family enjoyed the activities offered. singing (29%), storytelling (12%) and dancing (12%) were among the favorite activities. some parents (17%) specifically mentioned that they enjoyed learning new ideas or activities to try at home, e.g., “the activities in playgroup encourage children to learn more and enhance my child's creativity as well as mine as their [sic] is a lot to learn.” children learning from the pahl session was also mentioned (3%), e.g., a parent enjoyed “being able to see my son learning new things and interact with others.” these findings align with what is known to occur at playgroup, and consistent with research demonstrating children develop social, emotional, and cognitive skills through play (singer et al., 2006). providing social connection and a sense of community are inherent to playgroups and were included in the goals of pahl. many families (n=62) mentioned that being able to interact with others or simply seeing other families was one of the things they enjoyed most about pahl, providing further promise of its social benefits for physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions… 149 participants. one parent said, “the community feel, activity ideas and it’s fun!” another parent responded they enjoyed the “dancing and socializing. seeing the children smiling and socializing during a difficult time.” one participant remarked, “the interaction and ideas for entertaining the kids we get from playgroup sessions make lockdown a little bit easier and gives us a chance to socialize from home.” given that physical playgroup has been shown to impact families’ feelings of community and sense of social support, including feeling less isolated (hancock et al., 2015; strange et al., 2014), it was encouraging to have social benefits reported from the online engagement. thirteen families praised the presenters for their enthusiasm and engaging the children, e.g., one parent enjoyed “the presenters—they're so engaging. they personalize it too by calling out the kids names and my little one loves it when he hears his name being called.” twelve families mentioned they enjoyed the structure or routine it brought, e.g., “having a regular time to attend an activity feels normal”; “we loved having something structured to do at a certain time each week.” suggestions for improvement when asked whether they had any suggestions to improve the pahl program, almost half (46%) either had nothing to add or reiterated positive perceptions of the program: i think given it’s very tricky to engage a large group of children in an online platform, the playgroup sessions are fantastic! my children love hearing their names called out too! i’m sure this type of learning is new for most of us, but the program is high quality and makes my boys feel better about life in lockdown. thank you to all involved. love it as is. i think they’ve been really well put together and engaging for the children. the suggestions for improvement were less consistent than what families enjoyed most about the program, but included changes to content, more opportunities for social interaction, and the schedule (e.g., more sessions). while not a large representation, three families mentioned it would be great for more men to participate in the sessions as facilitators or caregivers, e.g., “it is a great session. i think it is really good for dads too. my husband has gained a lot from it. i was also thinking that virtual playgroups could be a great way to get dads involved postcovid. congratulations!” consistent with what families reported enjoying most about pahl, many requested more time be dedicated to singing and storytelling. there were some suggestions for pahl to be offered in various languages, and/or to utilize the sessions as an opportunity for cultural awareness/ education: physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions… 150 since there are many different cultures participating in the playgroup community, maybe consider an international component? sing an indigenous song, tell a cultural story, learn how to count in a different language? it would be great to teach our children about different cultures from an early age. a few families suggested more age-appropriate activities for specific ages, specifically young infants and younger toddlers who were considered outside the developmental stages that the baby or all-ages pahl sessions targeted. there were also comments related to the materials needed for the activities. although activities generally utilized materials often found in the home, some families noted that it was difficult to source what was not in their home during lockdown. a few parents mentioned that pahl could include some outdoor activities during the warmer weather. given that social interaction was reported to be a favorite aspect of pahl, it was unsurprising that more opportunities to interact with others was suggested. parents also remarked how much their child enjoyed hearing their name called and wanted there to be more of this. to improve the social component of pahl, families suggested breakout rooms or limiting attendance to smaller numbers. while breakout rooms are not within the capacity of the program nor the current pahl design, parents who have participated in various sized sessions have commented on the enhanced interactivity in the smaller sessions. a potential solution to this would be to cap session enrollment, but we acknowledge the challenge this presents and depends on having more facilitators to maintain inclusive participation. reflecting on session enjoyment, nine families requested longer sessions. consistent with parents’ recommendation for more age-appropriate activities, some families suggested introducing more age-specific sessions. there were requests for more sessions per day to accommodate for different schedules, particularly pertinent for children who nap at inconsistent times. there were some requests (n=16) for sessions to be recorded and available to watch later, which could not be fulfilled for privacy reasons. although watching a recording might offer the benefits of activity ideas for families to try at home, there were already sufficient non-interactive idea offerings available for families. additionally, the theoretical basis for pahl is grounded in research that suggests video chat can help maintain social connections in the absence of face-to-face interactions (mcclure & barr, 2016; tarasuik et al., 2011). it is less likely that watching a recording, void of the social interaction afforded by video chat, would yield similar results of social connection. conclusion and recommendations playgroup at home live appeared to help maintain a routine for many families throughout lockdown and provided activities, ideas, and socialization for children and adults alike. the survey responses indicated that the online delivery of playgroup provided some of the benefits known to occur at in-person sessions, physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions… 151 most notably, social support. nearly all families reported the sessions made them feel less socially isolated during lockdown, and that they appreciated the ideas for activities to do with their child. by providing a semblance of routine and social connection to families, as well as activities and play opportunities, pahl may have buffered some of the covid-19 distress for many families. the survey findings of pahl demonstrate that we can remove the physical barrier of playgroup attendance while maintaining program satisfaction and similar benefits. just as telehealth has removed barriers and improved access to healthcare, pahl can do the same with playgroups. all children have the right to participate, and personal mobility, immunity, time and financial challenges associated with physically attending should not prevent them from being part of the playgroup community. pahl has great potential beyond the covid-19 pandemic, and future efforts should focus on reaching families facing a variety of barriers. acknowledgements the authors wish to recognize the efforts of the entire playgroup at home live team, and the families who participated in the evaluation. brittany huber (phd) has focused her research on the impacts of screen media content and interaction on young children’s learning. she is currently a senior fellow at the center for scholars and storytellers consulting on children’s media creation and writing content for their blog, with a focus on early childhood and evidence-based practices. brittany also consults with playgroup victoria’s practice and research department, contributing the team’s knowledge translation and dissemination efforts. joanne tarasuik (phd, bsc) is the research manager at playgroup victoria, performing knowledge translation for internal and external audiences, coordinating research collaborations, providing policy/advocacy advice, and designing and managing internal research and project evaluations. her phd was on the highly relevant topic, “young children’s experience of video communication.” she has also been part of the centre for community child health’s policy, equity and translation group at melbourne’s royal children’s hospital, examining child development inequity using victorian and national linked developmental and educational datasets including aedi, lsac, naplan, and sehq. nancylee merzel is the playgroup resourcing and projects coordinator at playgroup victoria, and led the playgroup at home live project, the organization’s online program response to covid-19. she also coordinates the primary prevention programs and playgroup resourcing.   her qualification and experience cover training and assessment, business administration and management, and primary prevention program practitioner. deborah njegac (bbsc, bsw) is the manager practice and research at playgroup victoria. deborah’s social work background in the field of homelessness has physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions… 152 informed her work in the playgroup platform and emphasized the importance of the early years. deborah places a strong emphasis on documentation of playgroup and the utilization of and theory of change for playgroup, thus increasing awareness of the value and benefits of playgroup. deborah is committed to high-quality program documentation to guide successful implementation and delivery of projects. references australian institute of family studies (2020). families in australia survey: life during covid-19 report no. 1—preliminary findings. https://aifs.gov.au/projects/families-australia-survey-life-during-covid-19 commerford, j., & hunter, c. 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(2006). play = learning: how play motivates and enhances children’s cognitive and social-emotional growth. oxford university press. stark, a. m., white, a. e., rotter, n. s., & basu, a. (2020). shifting from survival to supporting resilience in children and families in the covid-19 pandemic: lessons for informing us mental health priorities. psychological trauma: theory, research, practice, and policy, 12(s1), s133. https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2020-40856-001 storen, r., & corrigan, n. (2020). covid-19: a chronology of state and territory government announcements (through 30 june 2020). https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlinfo/download/library/prspub/7614514/uploa d_binary/7614514.pdf strange, c., fisher, c., howat, p., & wood, l. (2014). fostering supportive community connections through mothers’ groups and playgroups. journal of advanced nursing, 70(12), 2835–2846. https://doi.org/10.1111/jan.12435 tarasuik, j. c., galligan, r., & kaufman, j. (2011). almost being there: video communication with young children. plos one, 6(2), e17129. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0017129 https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2020-40856-001 https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlinfo/download/library/prspub/7614514/upload_binary/7614514.pdf https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlinfo/download/library/prspub/7614514/upload_binary/7614514.pdf https://doi.org/10.1111/jan.12435 https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0017129 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights to participate in global conversations ziba vaghri faculty of human and social development university of victoria citation: vaghri, z. (2018). climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights to participate in global conversations. children, youth and environments, 28(1), 104-114. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract the un convention on the rights of the child (crc) articulates children’s rights to be heard and to participate in decisions that affect them. in spite of widespread ratification of the crc, and the recognition of youth as a major stakeholder group with the right to participate in conversations related to climate change, children have not been adequately included in climate change decision-making at a global level, and attempts to facilitate their participation have rarely been more than tokenistic. this paper looks at this issue and pleads for better inclusion of children in conversations and decision-making on climate change. keywords: climate change, convention on the rights of the child, climate justice, child participation, child rights http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights… 105 the general assembly of the united nations (un) adopted the convention on the rights of the child (crc) in 1989. it has now been ratified by 196 countries, making it the most highly ratified human rights treaty in history.1 the crc recognizes specific rights for every child under the age of 18, through 54 articles and a set of optional protocols. because the crc acknowledges that rights have a significant impact on children’s health and development, it lays out the rights to participate and to be heard as core principles of the treaty (united nations general assembly, 1989). despite ratification of the crc by almost every member of the un, many children are finding it difficult to exercise these rights. we, as adults charged with upholding the crc, are failing to provide environments for our children and youth that enable them to fulfill their rights, including the rights to be heard and to participate in decision-making on issues that affect their lives (crc article 12; united nations general assembly, 1989). of all the issues that affect the lives and futures of children, perhaps the most pressing is climate change. we are now living in what some describe as the anthropocene epoch, a period of time that began with mass industrialization, during which human activity has disrupted earth’s natural systems (whitmee et al., 2015). we have arrived at a point where life on earth is threatened in quality, quantity, and diversity as a result of the disturbances in ecological determinants of health, such as water, air, natural resources, climate, and contaminants (hancock, spady, & soskolne, 2015). exploitation of natural resources and an increase in greenhouse gas emissions leading to global warming has resulted in habitat loss and major disruptions to the food cycles of many species, contributing to a sharp rise in the rate of species extinctions worldwide (center for biological diversity, n.d.). since species do not exist in isolation, every extinction has ripple effects, and some extinctions have already had immediate negative impacts for human life, such as a decline in crops due to the loss of pollinators (food and agriculture organization of the united nations, 2008). the lancet commission on planetary health points out that this is an issue that spans generations: we have been mortgaging the health of future generations to realise economic and development gains in the present. by unsustainably exploiting nature’s resources, human civilisation has flourished but now risks substantial health effects from the degradation of nature’s life support systems in the future (whitmee et al., 2015, p. 1973). through short-sighted mismanagement of our planet’s resources, past and current generations have set in motion a process that will continue to unfold long after those of us alive today are gone. there are a few concepts that are integral to understanding how climate change affects the rights of children. climate justice is an approach to climate action that links human rights with development in order to safeguard the rights of the most vulnerable (mary robinson foundation, 2015). the climate justice approach encompasses dimensions of both place and time, utilizing the concepts of 1 all un member states except the united states of america have ratified the crc. climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights… 106 intergenerational equity and international equity. intergenerational equity (fairness between generations) is the idea that we have inherited the earth from previous generations, and we are obligated to pass it on in good condition to future generations (mary robinson foundation, 2015; weiss, 1990). international equity (fairness between nations), in the context of climate change, acknowledges that countries differ in their contributions to climate change, their vulnerability to the effects of climate change, and in their ability to mitigate the causes of climate change; therefore, the international burden of reducing climate change risk should be distributed fairly (cazorla & toman, 2000). the world population is undergoing a sharp demographic shift. it is estimated that by 2025, the world’s least-developed countries will contain almost one-quarter of the worldwide population of children under the age of five (united nations, 2010). although these countries have generally contributed less to climate change than more developed countries, due to their limited resources and a lack of mechanisms to cope with devastating climatic events such as drought and rising sea levels, they are likely to bear the brunt of the effects of climate change (united nations framework convention on climate change, 2007). furthermore, it is the youngest citizens of these countries that will be the most affected (commission on social determinants of health, 2008). our treatment of the planet has created a life-threatening situation in which generations to come will suffer more than the present population, and children in the world’s least developed countries will suffer most of all. childhood is a vulnerable stage of human development, placing children at a higher risk of negative impacts from climate change in a number of ways. malnutrition is already one of the greatest contributors to the mortality of children under the age of five worldwide (unicef, n.d.), and climate change is likely to increase food shortages resulting from amplified natural events such as heat, cold, drought, rain, and flooding (whitmee et al., 2015). since children tend to be curious and often play outdoors, they are at a higher risk of being exposed to environmental health hazards, such as radiation or accumulated contaminants. due to the relative fragility of children’s bodies, they are generally at a disadvantage when faced with floods, storms, and other severe weather conditions, and endure the heaviest losses from natural disasters (gibbons, 2014; martin, 2010). climate change is contributing to a sharp increase in the number of children affected by natural disasters, estimated to reach up to 175 million per year by the year 2020; the vast majority of these children live in developing countries (martin, 2010). young children are also especially susceptible to acute respiratory infections, diarrhea, malaria, and other vector-borne diseases, which are leading causes of death for children under the age of five worldwide (unicef, 2009). these diseases are highly sensitive to climatic conditions and are likely to become more widespread, moving into higher altitudes and latitudes, as the planet warms (unicef, 2009). in addition to negatively impacting the natural environment, climate change is expected to contribute to civil unrest as it intersects with the social, economic, and political realities of nations (smith & vivekananda, 2007). for children, this means an increased risk of injury or death in violent conflicts, and the threat of recruitment into armed forces and/or forced displacement and migration, which may result in separation from their families and psychological, emotional, and social trauma. climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights… 107 lastly, children who are displaced and without adult protection become easy targets for exploitation, sexual abuse, and trafficking (maala m’jid, 2013). the children of today and tomorrow will be the most affected by climate change, though they bear no responsibility for causing it; yet, world leaders are not adequately allowing them to represent themselves and future generations when considering solutions to the problems created by climate change. denying children their rights to participate in decisions that affect their future has the potential to further compound their suffering. children who have already been born have a right to be included in climate change conversations so that they can advocate for themselves; it may be argued that they are also in the best position to represent and advocate for future generations. those yet to come will be greatly affected by climate change and need to be included in our thinking about solutions. the existence of climate change already threatens the right to life and survival (crc article 6) delineated by the crc; the manner in which global authorities are responding to climate change is further violating rights such as children’s rights to express their opinions (article 13), to be heard, and to participate (article 12), among many others. global leaders, for the most part, recognize the need for swift action concerning climate change. this action needs to be taken collectively and involve everyone who is and will be affected by the situation. the un office of the high commissioner for human rights has demanded climate justice, declaring: climate justice requires that climate action is consistent with existing human rights agreements, obligations, standards and principles. those [children] who have contributed the least to climate change unjustly and disproportionately suffer its harms. they must be meaningful participants in and primary beneficiaries of climate action (office of the high commissioner for human rights, 2015, p. 2). despite this declaration, children’s participation in attempts to mitigate climate change continues to face many challenges. children are often the forgotten parties in global discussions and agreements on climate change. in 1992, the un held the first conference on environment and development, also known as the rio summit or earth summit. among the legally binding agreements resulting from this summit was the united nations framework convention on climate change (unfccc), which was opened for the signature of un member states. though the unfccc calls for preserving the global climate for present and future generations, it contains no mention of children. furthermore, the unfccc guidelines for national communications (the document which guides reporting on implementation of the terms of the unfccc by its signatories) contains no reference to reporting on developments that disproportionately affect children. this is just one example of the ways in which children are excluded from climate change conversations at a global level. when efforts have been made to include children in global conversations on climate change, the efforts are often tokenistic and inadequately supported. in 2008, the un joint framework initiative on children, youth and climate change was developed as a joint effort between the secretariat of the climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights… 108 unfccc and various youth organizations. despite the fact that one of the central reasons for establishing this entity was to empower children and youth to take action on climate change, young people have consistently failed to influence the conference of parties (cop)2, which is the conference of the governing body of the unfccc. at the cop 19 held in warsaw in 2013, youth delegates organized three side events to highlight children’s vulnerability and to draw attention to their agency in effectively adapting to climate change, but none of these efforts or the core ideas communicated in them were reflected in the final declarations of the conference.3 unfortunately, this trend has continued at every subsequent cop, with final agreements and declarations failing to mention children, youth, or the next generation. major barriers to child participation in government decision making include a lack of funding and staffing for child participation programs (davey, lea, shaw, & burke, 2010). in decisions related to climate change, this lack of participatory set-up stems from a lack of recognition of children as stakeholders who are able to contribute anything valuable. conceptions of who children are and of what they are capable are influenced by culture, history, and politics, leading to differing views on the value of children’s participation in decision making (kirchschlaeger, 2012). however, the crc frames children as individual self-agents with independent minds and ideas; they are subjects, not objects, of rights (kirchschlaeger, 2012). in light of this, the fact that children’s voices remain absent from the formal outcomes of global climate conversations, despite their physical presence at these gatherings, warrants a great deal of concern. the lundy model of child engagement and participation stipulates that, in order to fully implement article 12 of the crc, four conditions must be met (lundy, 2007): • space: children must be given the opportunity to express a view • voice: children must be facilitated to express their views • audience: the view must be listened to • influence: the view must be acted upon, as appropriate tokenistic inclusion of a few youth in adult-dominated forums does not qualify as proper child participation and certainly does not allow world leaders to tap into the amazing powerhouse of insight and creativity that young people hold. unicef field research conducted in five east asian and pacific island countries suggests that youth have the ability to be strong advocates and play central roles in helping their families, schools and communities adapt to climate change, and find solutions for different aspects of climate change (lawler & patel, 2012). when children and youth are given real opportunities to participate, they are empowered; they gain social and personal competencies while exercising their inherent rights and fulfilling their civic responsibilities (checkoway, 2011). involving young people in global climate change discussions has the potential to create an engaged, well-informed 2the conference of parties is comprised of all states parties that have ratified the unfccc. 3see youth portal cop 19 for discussion of the un joint framework initiative on children, youth and climate change, and various activities of un agencies. available at http://unfccc.int/cc_inet/cc_inet/youth_portal/items/6519.php http://unfccc.int/cc_inet/cc_inet/youth_portal/items/6519.php climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights… 109 youth population that is more resilient to the socioeconomic and psychological impacts of climate change (lawler & patel, 2012). the crc, international frameworks on climate change, and the un’s sustainable development goals all support child and youth participation and education as part of the global response to climate change. agenda 21, a un sustainable development action plan,4 identifies young people as a major stakeholder group with the right to participate in sustainable development (united nations division for sustainable development, 1992). including children recognizes that allowing them to participate has multilateral benefits: not only does it promote children’s social, emotional, and cognitive development and encourage them to actively engage in civic life, but it also allows the global community to benefit from the abundance of insight, creativity, and enthusiasm that children have to contribute to discussions on climate change. in efforts to include young people in meaningful ways in conversations about climate change, it is important that their participation be a sustainable part of ongoing government processes and in every aspect of government functioning, with the views of children given due weight in accordance with their age and maturity (caballero, 2012; kirchschlaeger, 2012; ponet, jabre, hanmer, & karkara, 2011). a successful example of this model can be found in children’s parliaments and youth councils, which have been gaining attention in recent years. these forums can provide good opportunities for children to exercise their rights to participation under the crc, but only if there are follow-up mechanisms in place to implement the outcomes of the consultations with children, clear channels for the decisions of child parliaments and councils to influence the proceedings of parliamentary bodies, and feedback to inform the children of the impact of their participation (lundy, 2007; ponet et al., 2011). in countries where child parliaments are allowed to interact with the national parliament, and the views and opinions of child parliamentarians are respected, children can have a real impact on decisions made by their governments. for example, in bolivia, members of the national congress of children and young people developed 147 law proposals between 2010 and 2013, 72 of which were adopted by the bolivian congress (world vision, 2015). child participation can have a significant impact on local levels as well. in the municipality of san francisco in the philippines, when children were allowed to vote in a community-wide referendum on whether to relocate schools in areas vulnerable to landslides, they were able to overcome opposition to relocation from parents and other adult community members and work with provincial authorities to move their schools to safer locations (stone, 2012). the key to achieving the goal of recognizing the rights of children as stakeholders in climate change decisions lies in investment in integrated child-centered approaches to educating children about climate change and human rights (goodmann, 2012; kirchschlaeger, 2012). education, a right in itself (crc articles 28 and 29), is also the foundation of children’s ability to participate in climate 4 agenda 21 is a product of the 1992 un conference on environment and development. it is an action agenda for the un as well as for other multilateral organizations and national and local governments. climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights… 110 change conversations and to claim their own rights (kirchschlaeger, 2012). additionally, well-educated children are better equipped to recognize threats, more capable of adapting to changing climate conditions, and more effective communicators to their families and wider communities (caballero, 2012; stone, 2012). for example, education was the main reason that, during the 2011 fukushima earthquake and tsunami, many japanese children played key roles in moving their peers out of harm’s way (stone, 2012). climate change is already negatively impacting the lives of children and youth of today, and will certainly continue to do so for generations to come, if it is not tackled in an inclusive manner. by taking action today we may be able to mitigate some of the challenges to human life that the future holds. in these inclusive actions, we must listen to and act upon the voices, ideas, and opinions of all affected parties, including children and youth. young people have the right to be heard, and this right should be upheld when decisions are made about how to address climate change. now, more than ever, we need to advocate for these rights so we can collaboratively advance intergenerational climate justice. let us listen to the voice of our children and youth who need our support to exercise their rights. let us act upon on their visions and plans, as reflected in a summary of comments and letters from young people all over the world at unicef-sponsored conferences: we would like to move forward with a multigenerational, multidisciplinary vision: working together, leaders and youth can redesign how society operates. together we can lobby for a holistic education and climate-change curriculum so that today’s youth are not only climate-change literate but are equipped with the tools to act. we are willing to make a difference (unicef, 2007, p. 3). the exclusion and/or merely tokenistic inclusion of children in global conversations on climate change undermines the global community’s accountability to children and the legally binding obligations under the crc and rule of law. the crc, with its unprecedented ratification rate, holds a great deal of political will and power. we must leverage this power to advance intergenerational climate justice (gibbons, 2014). acknowledgement the author would like to acknowledge funding from the canadian institutes of health research (cihr) and the michael smith foundation for health research (msfhr) that facilitated the development of this manuscript. the author would also like to acknowledge dr. trevor hancock for reviewing and providing some guidance for the manuscript. lastly, my appreciation is extended to ms. homa movahedi and julia nelson for their kind assistance with the literature search and editing. dr. ziba vaghri is an assistant professor and the director of the cihr-funded globalchild program in the school of public health and social policy at the university of victoria in victoria, british columbia. her work focuses on creating linkages between children’s development and their rights as articulated by the crc. https://onlineacademiccommunity.uvic.ca/globalchild/ climate change, an unwelcome legacy: the need to support children’s rights… 111 she has led the global initiatives ecri and globalchild, conducted under the auspices of the uncrc committee. references caballero, s. s. 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statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. review: how to grow a playspace: development and design 191 how to grow a playspace: development and design katherine masiulanis and elizabeth cummins, editors (2017) oxford (uk) and new york (usa): routledge, 348 pages £36.99 (paperback); isbn: 978-1-138-90706-5 how to grow a playspace: development and design is edited by two landscape architects and brings together chapter contributions from authors with many years of experience from a diversity of fields including the history of childhood, child development, psychology, play, education, children’s advocacy, children’s rights, primary schools, forest schools, playwork, various expressions of art, urban planning and landscape architecture. the richness of these experiences and knowledge are brought together in a well-ordered and structured book with six sections each with a title related to growing of plants: ground, sowing, seedlings, sprouts, saplings and the potting shed. the first section is a brief introduction that reaffirms the child’s right to play under the un convention on the rights of the child, and posits the questions: what makes a great playspace? how do you go about designing a great playspace? the following sections and the 43 brief chapters address these questions, but they also provide challenges to the concept of what a playspace is and whether they are needed at all in some contexts. section 2 starts with a brief history of playspaces before moving on to discuss perceptions of play, and the importance of play for cognitive development touching on exploration, challenge and social interaction. the design of spaces for the affordances they support in children’s play are then explored in a specific pre-school setting, which leads to suggested elements within settings that support specific activities. some differences between how adults and children perceive and use spaces leads to sections about play being facilitated, or not, in contrasting cities in contexts of a rooftop, a gated community and streets. this section concludes with two chapters about designing inclusive playspaces, the first providing insights into some of the impairments children might experience and the second suggesting how playspaces can support the play of disabled children. the next three sections each begin with a short introduction to child development from birth to age 5, ages 5-9, and ages 9-14, with the caveat that development is not only a factor of age but can be influenced by other factors, setting the stage for the ways in which play environments can also influence children’s development. section three moves on to a discussion about the natural environment and the benefits this can have for children, and the ways in which natural elements can be a focus for play spaces. planting, water and rocks are discussed for the affordances they support, and the importance of sensory experiences is also touched upon. examples are given of these natural elements in specific settings for early years, forest schools, children’s gardens and a large public play space. book review: how to grow a playspace: development and design 192 section four’s introduction to the development of 5-9-year-olds leads to four chapters explicitly focused on creativity, including colors, materials, art represented in different forms, and child-led creativity, which are discussed by drawing upon inspirational examples at different scales from entire parks to ground-level details. the second part of this section is entitled “schools,” although this does not accurately reflect the content of all four chapters. the first provides a little discussion about some of the play and activities that can often be seen in school playgrounds, and the third chapter focuses on one school where history, ambition and ethos supported the development of a ground-breaking approach to a school playground. however, the second chapter, which provides a theoretical and stimulating discussion about the use of slides, is not related to the specific space of school playgrounds. the fourth and last chapter of this section is set in the context of a refugee camp where protected space can be important for children’s safety but also provides an environment for learning and dealing with some of the differences and difficult experiences the children may have been through. section five opens with a discourse about the physical, emotional and social development of 9-14-year-olds together with a chapter about those older than 14, and immediately acknowledges that youth in this age group are often ignored in the external environment. a very brief chapter about technology is followed by a more detailed explanation of the development of a raised platform that never became a train route but did become an exciting, colorful and contextually relevant linear play route. next comes a chapter that explores good and bad risks, injury and serious injury in play, and touches on the sometimes-inappropriate context of standards— which is somewhat strangely placed in the order of the book. the final two chapters of this section focus on playstreets and an adventure playground and discuss not only the fun these provide for children but also the ways in which adults can allow, or not allow, these activities to take place. the last section, “the potting shed,” consists of 11 chapters, some of which are so short that they add very little in content to the book. in fact, this section is something of an anti-climax to the rest of the book because it does not need so many brief chapters: i question the need for them or whether they should have been condensed into two or three chapters. overall, the 43 chapters of this book provide many useful insights and experiences with many informative color illustrations, though the number of chapters has resulted in a lack of depth in the text of some. the book can both be read in it is entirety and dipped into for reference. if the reader wants to learn a little about child development at different ages then the first part of the three relevant sections should be read together. however, a variety of other threads are also woven through the many chapters and these provide rich stimulation for the reader and include the way that adults can help or hinder good play environments; some of the issues relating to providing outdoor play environments for disabled children; specific settings such as schools, cities and challenging urban and refugee contexts; the use of natural materials and art; and a wide range of settings from large urban spaces to school playgrounds and small interventions. there are examples of working with communities and the difficulties and delights this can bring, together book review: how to grow a playspace: development and design 193 with how inspired adults can influence and train others and involve many other family and community members to change their attitudes and become involved in providing playspaces whether as long-term spaces or as time-limited interventions. another richness is the international flavor of the variety in the book, which includes examples in australia and new zealand, europe, and the u.s., as well as locations in india and on the african continent, which are possibly less-known by many who will read this book. reading this has reminded me of a short article i wrote for park managers, probably more than ten years ago, in which i stated that children grow and so should play spaces. i thus welcome the way that this book elaborates on this philosophy. it is to be recommended to many adults from different walks of life including parents, teachers, landscape architects, play equipment companies, play workers, developers and funding bodies. review by helen woolley helen woolley received her degrees in agricultural and environmental science and postgraduate degree in landscape design from the university of newcastle upon tyne, uk. she is a chartered landscape architect and reader in landscape architecture and society and has researched and taught about green and open spaces together with children’s outdoor environments for more than 20 years. she frequently works with non-academic partners in order to put her research and thinking in to practice. her recent research interests include outdoor spaces for children in post-crisis contexts and high-density cities in china. she is currently an investigator on an epsrc-funded research project entitled playing the archive bringing together aspects of history of play, ar and vr, contemporary play experiences and mixed-reality play opportunities in the outdoor environment. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: the youngest citizens: children’s rights in latin america 183 the youngest citizens: children’s rights in latin america amy risley (2020) new york & abingdon, oxon, u.k.: routledge, 138 pages $160.00 usd (hardcover), $46.95 usd (softcover), isbn 9781138745438 in this excellent book, amy risley provides a comprehensive analysis of the state of children’s rights in latin america. in nine well-referenced chapters, the author casts a contrasting spotlight on the strategies employed by child rights activists to augment the safety, protection, and empowerment of children and the array of ongoing ideological and structural barriers that remain to be overcome. in the first chapter she offers a synopsis of significant advances in children’s rights that have occurred throughout latin america, largely the result of the combined impact of an influential global regime on childhood and the advent of strong domestic child rights movements and alliances. this has led to a “tectonic shift” in discourse away from the idea of children as passive “minors” wholly dependent on family or other forms of institutional authority to that of children as “young citizens” capable of articulating their own interests and exercising agency both independently and collectively. the author admits to “cautious optimism,” however, by acknowledging that changes in discourse, and the policy reforms and enactment of progressive legislation that have ensued, are nonetheless confronted with deep-seated structural constraints. in so doing she lays out the book’s central argument concerning the integral connection between the struggle for children’s rights and the challenges that must be overcome for the long-term wellbeing and stability of societies as a whole. the author begins the second chapter by examining the historiography of childhood and the incremental manner in which theories of human rights gradually vanquished the unfounded assumptions concerning childhood as a natural state of unformed development necessitating close adult oversight and direction. in the wake of the industrial revolution in europe and north america, advocacy for children as rights holders slowly emerged and progressed through three “waves,” beginning in the 19th century with an emphasis on saving children from abuse and exploitation, followed throughout much of the 20th century by concerns for child protection, and into the contemporary era with heightened attention directed towards children’s empowerment. this latter wave has been stimulated by a flurry of studies that came to be known as the “new sociology of childhood” and by wideranging advocacy and negotiations by governmental and nongovernmental actors alike that culminated in the adoption and near-universal ratification of the un convention on the rights of the child (crc). as risley points out as she concludes the chapter, the crc represented a “giant step forward” that has been particularly influential in the promotion of children’s rights throughout latin america. in the third and fourth chapters, risley offers a detailed analysis of successful strategies of child rights advocacy, focusing specifically on the examples of ngo-led mobilization in argentina and uruguay. in both countries advocacy included the promotion of international child rights principles as encapsulated in the crc, but in book review: the youngest citizens: children’s rights in latin america 184 ways that resonated with the specific historical, economic, and socio-cultural realities of each country. rather than accentuating international trends that might suggest that foreign ideas and norms were being foisted on latin american countries by external forces, ngo campaigns have commonly “framed” children’s rights as being aligned with national priorities and values. in argentina, for example, emulating the strategies of previous argentinian social movements that addressed serious human rights violations of the past, child rights organizations have formed alliances with other national social advocacy groups, and with argentinian researchers, journalists, and supportive legislators. accordingly, they have been able to bring high-profile attention to the gaps that exist between internationally accepted principles of children’s wellbeing and the realities of argentina’s unmet social obligations for destitute children. this dual approach of framing children’s rights as an argentinian cause around which national alliances can be developed has helped to reduce misguided perceptions concerning poor children as a social menace living in “irregular situations,” and has thereby generated landmark reforms designed to strengthen children’s rights. in other countries as well, notably brazil, alliances connecting the private sector, labor unions, ngos, universities, mass media, and government departments have proven to be effective in adopting a shared “master frame” for the advancement of children’s rights. nevertheless, as risley observes, alliance building is often painstaking and fraught with the need for compromises that may result in less than optimum outcomes. in uruguay, with its longer history of liberal democracy and social welfare policies, ngos were able to advocate for policy reforms and collaborate with the central government in promulgating a new code of childhood and adolescence in 2004. yet the new code was less rigorous in its stipulated reforms than had originally been proposed by leading child rights advocates. in addition, while discursive framing and alliance building can be highly effective in augmenting shared understanding of children’s rights and in stimulating the formulation of corresponding policy reforms, the focus on framing and alliances tends to be much less effective in redressing the structural underpinnings of socioeconomic inequality and injustice that effectively impede the advancement of children’s rights. this cautionary note serves as a segue to the fifth and sixth chapters, which focus, respectively, on child labor and poverty, and on the pernicious phenomena of child soldiery and sexploitation. these are malignant issues that are rooted in pervasive socio-economic inequality and skewed power structures that have been sustained by neoliberal policies and the globalization of capital markets. for these very reasons they are also issues that are complex and require multiple strategies if they are to be overcome. in contexts of endemic poverty, a distinction frequently has to be made between exploitative child labor and income-generating work that is done by children through their own volition, often as a means to support their impoverished households. for child rights advocates and child workers themselves the goal is often not to eliminate child labor altogether, but rather to ensure that conditions be in place that guarantee the right to work in safety and for fair wages, to unionize and lobby for fair working practices, and to have access to education and health services. in bolivia, such stipulations led to reforms in the country’s book review: the youngest citizens: children’s rights in latin america 185 code of childhood and adolescence, notably in assuring provisions for minimum wages, yet the reforms fell short of clarifying the distinction between exploitative work and legitimate labor. this underscores two points of contention that often arise. while accepting the virtue of children’s rights and paying lip service to international agreements, governments too often pass legislation that lacks clear terminology, or incorporates ambiguous statements that are open to different interpretations, thereby weakening prospects of implementation and enforcement. consequently, while child rights advocacy is critical, ngos must also continually monitor state actions and hold governments officials and the services they administer to account. in contrast to child labor, there is no ambiguity about the exploitative severity of sex trafficking and the recruitment of children as armed combatants for political insurgencies and gang-related turf wars. as risley argues, while international attention is commonly centered on the victims of systemic child-centered violence, governments and the public at large often pay less attention to underlying structural factors such as acute poverty, gender inequity, domestic violence, and government corruption that constitute fertile ground for these forms of child exploitation. for many young children and youth growing up in hazardous and impoverished conditions, these highly organized forms of child abuse may initially appear to be less dangerous and potentially more beneficial than languishing in impoverished and abusive homes and communities. this underscores the urgency for states to undertake significant steps towards reducing the stark socio-economic disparities that are commonplace throughout latin america. in the seventh chapter, risley shifts the focus away from latin america onto a critical assessment of u.s. immigration policy which, she argues, has exacerbated the plight of latin american children who flee north to escape toxic environments in their home countries. rather than providing young people with necessary refuge, u.s. law and immigration policy has too often treated them as illegal aliens, either exiling those identified as erstwhile gang members back to their countries of origin or turning away children, some unaccompanied by family members, at the border. these actions serve to reinforce the longstanding detrimental impact that u.s. policies have had in fostering instability and insecurity in the northern triangle states of central america. to a very real extent, impoverished children are hapless victims of the geopolitical machinations of the u.s. and its southern neighbors. in her closing chapter, risley states that although the global regime on childhood has helped to spur alliances and strategies that have led to the passage of rightsbased policies and legislation in latin america, these must be regarded as “works in progress.” in too many countries the rule of law is tenuous, perceptions of poor children as potentially disruptive remain ingrained, and inequalities and injustices that are embedded in society are too often exacerbated by the global economic system. the gap between what risley refers to as “parchment” rights and the actual protection of rights and empowerment of children is still wide. nevertheless, ending on what this reviewer regards as perhaps an overly optimistic view of children’s resilience and capacity to mobilize as “young citizens,” risley concludes that the struggle for child rights in latin america has made significant gains in book review: the youngest citizens: children’s rights in latin america 186 terms of heightened collective awareness and movement on policy and legislative fronts. what remains essential, however, are continually widening alliances, close ngo and international monitoring of successful or promising initiatives to ensure their sustainability, and strong political leadership to undertake major structural changes that directly address the blights of poverty, corruption, and underinvestment in social services for children and youth. in pointing out these directions, this highly readable and informative book is a valuable addition to the literature on children’s rights in latin america. review by richard maclure faculty of education, university of ottawa login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about desirable and undesirable elements in their neighborhoods bahar manouchehri la trobe university edgar a. burns university of waikato julie rudner la trobe university sina davoudi tarbiat modares university citation: manouchehri, b., burns, e. a., & rudner, j. (2021). creating a childfriendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about desirable and undesirable elements in their neighborhoods. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 74-97. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract iranian children live in city neighborhoods often rated poorly in terms of childfriendly indicators. children’s voices expressing priorities, needs, and desires for improving their neighborhoods are given little attention by urban planners. this research investigated schoolchildren’s views of favorable and unfavorable attributes of their neighborhood environments. the top three desirable neighborhood features children identified were: participation, access to green areas and the natural environment; and quality of built environments and public urban spaces. these results can broaden planners’ perspectives for creating child-friendly local environments. considering children’s ideas like this would help to mainstream better urban policies in iran. keywords: child-friendly neighborhood, children’s views, children’s participation, iranian cities, urban planning about:blank creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 75 introduction population forecasts show that by 2025, 60% of children globally will inhabit urban areas (krishnamurthy, 2019). yet, young citizens have little presence in the decision-making scene. with no role in political or economic development, such as voting or paying taxes, children are commonly overlooked in urban policymaking (brown et al., 2019). adults ignore their capacity to participate and influence urban planning and implementation processes (affandi et al., 2019). without participatory perspectives, older-generation assumptions have led to the formation of urban spaces which are not child-responsive, especially at the neighborhood level. nonetheless, even within prevailing top-down urban planning, some decisionmakers have adopted more participatory approaches that recognize children’s expertise about their own needs in their lived environment. instead of studying children in the city, it is preferable to understand the urban environment with children (burke, 2005; mcallister, 2011). through unicef’s child-friendly city (cfc) framework, which operationalizes the 1989 united nation’s convention on the rights of the child (uncrc), a movement emerged that focused serious attention on the extent to which urban environments supported children’s growth and development. research in north and south america, africa, australasia, asia and europe show that most features of cfcs have relevance across all countries. these include children’s rights to access basic health and education services, facilitating areas for play (kingston et al., 2007), and more recently also include attention to clean energy, smart data and ict networks (unicef, 2018). however, implementation of the cfc framework and its features is still influenced by countries’ political contexts (nan, 2020), and cultural norms governing gender, sexuality, and ability. interestingly, the religious characteristics of nations or children’s relationship with religion are rarely mentioned in the cfc context. this poses additional tensions for scholars and practitioners wanting to support children’s participation in planning processes in theocratic nations. in iran, many traditional cultural and religious rules regulate children’s lives—clothing, speaking, mixing, places they are allowed, boys/girls schooling—and children’s needs for play, leisure and learning are subordinated to top-down decisions by adults with little awareness of what interests children or what children value in their environment. children’s ideas are not generally considered of value in planning or designing urban locations, nor are children deemed to have the competence to be involved. children’s participation is often considered inherently subversive of existing formal systems even in wealthy democratic countries. furthermore, children’s views may conflict with existing social and cultural norms. neighborhoods have different spatial, social, and cultural characteristics (joye et al., 2016), and children use their living environments differently than adults (monaghan, 2019). it is thus important for local professionals to refine generic models of cfc and children’s engagement in planning processes in their local context to create their own child-friendly features in neighborhood development. creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 76 the sophistication of children’s perspectives about favorable and unfavorable attributes of their neighborhoods can assist urban planners to design more childfriendly neighborhoods. indeed, awareness of children’s priorities, needs, and desires in their neighborhoods has a significant impact on children themselves: being asked to express their ideas about city matters in childhood and exposed to democratic processes prepares them to participate as responsible and mature adult citizens (oestreich, 2012). understanding children’s perceptions and concerns in urban settings is also significant in raising children as active citizens and enhancing their position within the adult community (cele & van der burgt, 2015). children’s interaction with adults who are part of society’s power structures brings valuable effects for these professionals since dialogue between children and adults involves consideration of children’s views, taking into account their age and maturity (unicef, 2017). professionals are capable of jointly planning neighborhoods with children based on children’s current and future needs (rakhimova, 2011). indeed, in wealthier countries over recent years, increasing attention has focused on working with children to design their neighborhoods to improve physical and social settings for children’s benefit and well-being (carpiano, 2009; christensen & o’brien, 2003; loebach, 2013). unfortunately, the pace of change is uneven in different areas due to the socio-cultural contexts of children’s living environments. children in many developing countries such as iran have fewer opportunities to contribute to planning and development processes. today iranian children are involved in some local projects and urban research (behnia et al., 2020; ghalandarian & younesi, 2020; irna, 2019). examples of children’s involvement in projects in iran include: the bam child-friendly city (unicef, 2005), the city of children in zarand (sedayezarand news agency, 2017), the project of “developing a common vision in the yousef-abad neighborhood in tehran” (barakpour & sharafi, 2017), children’s expectations from the city of tehran in the competition of “the city i like” (irna, 2019), fostering social inclusion of migrant children in the yazd community, creating a framework for the implementation of meaningful child participation in the kouhsangi complex in the city of mashhad, and children’s participation in the process of urban planning for local parks in tabriz (unicef, 2019). while children’s contribution to these efforts is valuable, for their engagement to be genuine, children’s insights must be incorporated into planning processes and affect urban decisions and plans’ outcomes (carroll et al., 2019; clark & percy-smith, 2006). to better understand children’s viewpoints about their neighborhood in iranian cities, we invited 10-12-year-old children to share their understanding of their local environment. the study aimed to elucidate which factors and elements of the neighborhood attract or repel a child in their neighborhood, and whether they consider their neighborhood to be child-friendly or not. the present article begins with the relevant literature around child-friendly settings and the integration of children in creating urban spaces. to better understand the concept of cfc and the situation of urban children in the study area, the next section reviews the idea of the child-friendly city in iran. the process of inviting participants to reveal insights about their neighborhoods through semi-structured interviews and analysis of children’s perspectives are then elaborated in the method and result sections. the creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 77 last parts of the article discuss the findings and draw out the main implications of the study. child-friendly urban environments the aim of creating a child-friendly environment is to improve children’s lives, now and in the future. a child-friendly city is a sustainable city that supports the rights of children. one of the important aspects of sustainability is including a broad range of voices, including those of children, which is one of the characteristics of a cfc (unicef, 2005). through children’s participation in the planning and implementation of urban projects and policy at the local level, children can play a significant role in addressing the challenges of sustainability (malone, 2016). cfcs are child-oriented in substance, not just in rhetoric, with child-responsive settings that meet children’s needs. creating public spaces for play and leisure and parks emphasizes children’s right to participate in public space and discourse (affandi et al., 2019; pitsikali et al., 2020; whitzman et al., 2010). within a spatial and social planning context, the uncrc enshrines the rights of every young citizen to: have effective governance (articles 3, 4, 6); express their ideas (articles 12-14); participate socially with their peers and engage with their communities (article 15); have access to nature and a healthy, unpolluted environment (article 24); enjoy freedom of movement (article 12); have access to information (article 17); and be protected from exploitation (articles 19, 32-36) and discrimination (article 2, 8, 23) (unicef innocenti research centre, 2004). as malone (2001, p. 11) argues, “a child-friendly city is a people-friendly city” since all citizens benefit from urban interventions that improve children’s lives. cities commit to recognizing and upholding children’s human rights (riggio, 2002) by implementing the uncrc because this transforms mechanisms of urban governance, the physical fabric of cities, and the very structure of societies. since cities have extensive control over political and economic resources, they play an important role in children’s lives. unfortunately, many children live in areas with poor housing, transportation and other physical infrastructure; inadequate waste and sanitation services; limited access to health and education services; and polluted environments. the child-friendly city movement emerged in response to these issues, compounded by globalization and rapid urbanization as rural immigrants flowed into towns and cities. one of the main principles of the cfc framework is children’s participation (unicef innocenti research centre, 2004) which guides adults and decision-makers to encourage children’s participation in decision-making processes and listen to their ideas to ensure that they are reflected in decisions affecting children’s lives (davey et al., 2010; lansdown, 2001; carroll et al., 2019). specifically, article 12 of the uncrc states that children have the right to “express an opinion and to have that opinion taken into account in any matter or procedure affecting the child” (united nations, 1989). in addition, the cfc framework identifies eight other building blocks (united nations convention on the rights of the child, 2009, p. 9): a child-friendly legal framework; a city-wide children’s rights strategy; a children’s rights unit or coordinating mechanism; a child impact assessment creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 78 and evaluation; a children’s budget; a regular state of the city’s children report; dissemination of children’s rights and independent advocacy for children. for each building block, researchers and planners have roles in providing advocacy for children and contributing to strategies, impact assessment, budgeting and reporting. to do so effectively they need to consult with children about their lives. children are capable of understanding their surrounding environments and they are familiar with the influence of their local environment on their own lives, so it is highly desirable they should participate in community development processes (driskell, 2002). when children are asked about what makes a good city, they are knowledgeable and expressive (woolley et al., 1999; morrow, 1998; driskell, 2002; alderson, 2000). within the local setting, one of the goals of child-friendly environments is that children of different ages are able to explore, experience, play and socialize with peers in their neighborhoods, with or without the presence of parents or caregivers (gill, 2019; hashim et al., 2019). the environmental quality of the neighborhood affects children’s identity and sense of belonging and their physical and mental development (monaghan, 2019). the neighborhood is the gateway to the larger city context; thus, before facing the complexities of the city, children gain experience in the local environment, learn to understand and accept differences, and learn to be patient and responsible citizens (freeman & tranter, 2011; hashim et al., 2019). child-friendly neighborhoods can promote children’s mental health and well-being and allow them to feel safe in independent and unrestricted movement. the main characteristics and elements of a child-friendly neighborhood are similar to those of a child-friendly city, including child participation and access to green, play and safe spaces (zerlina & sulaiman, 2020). the results of some studies have identified other characteristics and elements as enhancing the child-friendliness of neighborhoods. zerlina and sulaiman (2020) include playgrounds, access to public parks, green areas, safety, independent mobility, cycle routes, pedestrian connectivity, housing, and children’s participation as features that make a neighborhood child friendly. martin and wood (2014) divide the characteristics of a child-friendly neighborhood into two realms: the physical realm and the psychosocial realm. the physical realm includes characteristics such as walkability, aesthetics, nature and green spaces, “places to go,” and being able to “do things” within the local neighborhood. such a neighborhood environment is a place not only for smaller children but for adolescents as well. in the realm of psychosocial safety of the neighborhood, martin and wood (2014) include feeling valued and not excluded, as well as a sense of community. remarkably, children’s views show consistent themes over time and across countries. research about children’s independent mobility is one example seen in the following series of studies: poland, mexico and argentina in the 1970s (lynch, 1977), australia in the 1990s (malone, 1999), and denmark (christensen & mikkelsen, 2013), new zealand (witten et al., 2017) turkey (çubukçu et al., 2018), malaysia (yatiman et al., 2012) and south africa (benwell, 2009) in the creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 79 2000s. findings across this research show children value nature and visiting friends, but concerns about traffic cause them to restrict their movements if they feel the environment is not safe. a positive common aspect of studies about children’s rights and creating child-friendly cities has been researchers’ respect for children’s views about their environments, and the desire to help children influence policy and planning decisions. children’s participation in child-friendly cities one of the main principles of the cfc framework is children’s participation (unicef innocenti research centre, 2004), which guides adults and decision-makers to encourage children’s involvement in decision-making processes and to listen to children’s ideas to ensure that they are reflected in decisions affecting their lives (davey et al., 2010; lansdown, 2001; carroll et al., 2019). specifically, article 12 of the uncrc states that children have the right to “express an opinion and to have that opinion taken into account in any matter or procedure affecting the child” (united nations, 1989). in addition, the cfc framework identifies eight other building blocks to ensure child-friendliness in urban environments (children & family justice center et al., 2009, p. 9): a child-friendly legal framework; a city-wide children’s rights strategy; a children’s rights unit or coordinating mechanism; a child impact assessment and evaluation; a children’s budget; a regular state of the city’s children report; dissemination of children’s rights; and independent advocacy for children. for each building block, researchers and planners have roles in providing advocacy for children and contributing to strategies, impact assessment, budgeting and reporting. to do so effectively, these professionals need to consult with children about their lives. children are capable of understanding their surrounding environments and the influence of their local environment on their own lives, so it is highly desirable that they should participate in community development processes (driskell, 2002). an extensive body of research has demonstrated that when children are asked about what makes a good city, they are knowledgeable and expressive (woolley et al., 1999; morrow, 1998; driskell, 2002; alderson, 2000). the present research builds on this work by adding iranian children’s views about their neighborhoods. child-friendly urban settings in iran the concept of designing a child-friendly environment does not have a long record in iran (kalantari et al., 2013; kiani & esmailzadeh kavaki, 2012). the number of discussions about children’s transport is increasing (ahmadi & taniguchi, 2007; davoudi et al., 2018; shokoohi et al., 2011), and the same is true of articles about children’s urban context in iranian journals (marouf et al., 2015; ramezani & said, 2013; shahrizadeh & moayedfar, 2017b). there is still, however, a paucity of data about children’s views that constrains the ability to influence decision-makers. the absence of policies and processes that include children in planning their neighborhoods is also influenced by iranian history. in 1979, the islamic and creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 80 republican revolution in iran transformed the political system from a kingdom to a theocratic islamic republic. iran underwent massive social changes that have influenced family size and urbanization. along with progressive effects reducing birthrate, greater restrictions were placed on people’s mobility, especially that of girls and women, and religious study increased in schools. in the post-revolutionary period, the country experienced war with neighboring iraq for nearly a decade. although iran ratified the uncrc, iranian children face many problems including poverty, child labor, and homelessness, along with distinctly urban issues of access to the outdoor environment, traffic, and places for children to play. these problems point to the planning and policy gap in addressing the well-being of children in iranian cities (marouf et al., 2015). various factors have contributed to restricting iranian children’s active presence in the urban public spaces of their neighborhoods. modernization has led to changes in the structure of iranian cities that have significantly restricted children’s movements in and between high-rise apartments and home spaces. cities formed around arterial roadways to make traffic flow easier, however in most cases this form denies the physical and psychological needs of children, compromises their safety, and frustrates their experience of open space in city neighborhoods (mansouri & ghare bigloo, 2012). these problems have increased parents’ concerns and consequently reduced the presence of children in urban environments and isolated them in private spaces. in a study of the relationship between neighborhood physical environments and the leisure activities of 10to 12-year-old children in tehran, hedayati (2018) indicated that children’s activities were more inside the home than outside. in poorer socio-economic areas some children can still be found playing in neighborhood public spaces. another reason for children’s absence in public spaces is lack of access to the appropriate urban services required to address their needs. a study in yazd city about per capita funding in urban development plans found that allocations were insufficient to meet the needs of children under 18 years. this resulted, for example, in a lack of play equipment (shahrizadeh & moayedfar, 2017a). research in ardabil city examined primary school children’s ideas about their ideal city and also found that city facilities were not adequate for children; except for a few playgrounds and parks, no other spaces were dedicated to children. here, too, this lack of urban play spaces limited children’s activities mainly to home and school (imani et al., 2017). overall, the contemporary urban form in iran has minimized urban spaces and does not properly facilitate children’s presence and activity. methods we conducted semi-structured interviews with 30 children aged 10-12 years to identify how they feel and think about where they live. “qualitative research experts argue there is no straightforward answer to sample size” (vasileiou et al., 2018, p. 2), but the imperative is to provide new data and identify common patterns. this cohort of children provided a range of opinions but was not too large to analyze for the practical purpose of identifying themes relevant to the investigation. environmental research has shown that school-age children are the most engaged users of outdoor landscapes, especially around home and local creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 81 surroundings (chatterjee, 2006). at the age of 10-12-years children are able to express their understanding of their environment. we conducted this research in the city of mashhad, located in northeastern iran. mashhad is iran’s second-largest city by population, area, and number of construction projects (akhavan tabassi & abu bakar, 2009). in the context of iranian single-gendered schools, we selected equal numbers of children from a girls’ school and from a boys’ school to participate. both selected schools are located in middle-income neighborhoods in mashhad, thus eliciting the experiences of children who form the socio-economic majority in iran, rather than wealthy or extremely poor children. the lead author conducted the interviews with children individually. two aspects of the interview method in this study are notable. first, semi-structured interview techniques are supported by feminist scholars for studying women and other marginalized groups, including children (chatterjee, 2006). since these groups often have no opportunity to tell their stories, methods such as face-to-face interviews allow them to do so. second, interviews took the form of informal conversations, so children could be more relaxed when participating in what was for them a new type of interaction. complicated words were avoided, as well as overly simple words and notions, as both can restrict children to trivial answers (alderson, 2000; fargas-malet et al., 2010). children were asked which aspects of urban spaces they liked and did not like in their neighborhoods, and whether they considered their neighborhoods child-friendly spaces or not. further questions sought more detailed information. the interviews were recorded and transcribed. several children took the interview conversations to a second level, expressing curiosity about why the researcher was asking about their ideas regarding their local settings. they wanted to know who would use their data and for what purpose—these are positive examples of research participants “speaking back” to the research process/project itself (jacobs-huey, 2002). sometimes during interviews children stopped and thought about the questions or the conversations, some remaining engaged, while others ended their interview. the interviewer would wait and give space for this variety of responses, following the precept that “listening to children is also about respecting their silences” (clark, 2001, p. 335). we applied thematic content analysis to the qualitative interview data (gentile, 2016). in addition to the identification of themes relevant to planning, we identified emergent themes during coding and the analysis of interview transcripts in a joint deductive-inductive process via nvivo that is common in such research (lobe et al., 2008). this research had university human research ethics approval. findings: child-friendly neighborhood indicators from children’s perspectives children’s perceptions about desirable and undesirable elements and aspects of their living environments included both physical and social characteristics, and reflected matters addressed by the uncrc. our analyses led to the generation of themes presented in table 1 showing desirable characteristics children identified for creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 82 their neighborhoods. children talked about participation in activities that affect their lives, access to nature, the quality of the urban built form and public spaces, access to recreation and play spaces, level of street and neighborhood hygiene, and sociocultural issues such as safety and social networks. participants also mentioned the importance of religious spaces, reflective of their political and socio-cultural context. table 1. children’s views of characteristics of a favorable neighborhood theme category sub-category participation participation of children • listening to children’s voice • participation of children in schools • participation of children in neighborhoods’ decisions green spaces and natural environment parks • more neighborhood parks other green elements • planting more trees • planting more flowers • more lawn protection of green spaces and natural environment • protecting plants during playing • watering trees in the neighborhoods’ parks • not walking on the grass in the parks • more protection in neighborhood parks quality of built environments and public urban spaces public urban spaces • more urban furniture • more open spaces • more paved streets • squares in neighborhoods buildings • renovating old buildings shopping centers • more and well-designed shopping centers recreational and play spaces streets as playing areas • biking in the streets • playing football • meeting friends other play spaces • more football fields • more game clubs • public hall gender specific play area • more sports fields for girls hygiene • cleaner neighborhood • not throwing rubbish in the streets • more trash bins • cleaner parks • cleaner playgrounds • cleaner public toilets • no dusty and muddy areas creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 83 people and friends people presence of people friends socializing with friends playing with friends and peers neighbors kind neighbors positive feelings towards neighbors safety and security safety in the built environments and public urban spaces less dead-end streets less old buildings less narrow streets safety in green spaces safe parks with no offenders safety elements guard in the neighborhoods guard in the parks more police officers access and proximity access to school access to parks less distance between schools and houses less distance between parks and houses religious spaces holy shrine mosques religious schools children referred to their emotions and memories from specific places and times they had spent in their neighborhoods. urban characteristics, available activities, and constraints in their neighborhoods influenced their experiences—for instance, play equipment or its absence; bike, walking and running spaces; areas for ball play; trees and other natural components. however, children’s comments were not always based on their own experiences; they sometimes relied on what they learned from others about judging urban spaces. thus, children’s responses can be seen to represent their unique personality, socialization with their families, religious and other educational training, and also their individual socio-cultural and religious backgrounds. participation children talked about their willingness to take part in decisions, including decisions made at schools and also decisions about their neighborhoods. they believed that children like themselves should be engaged in creating spaces and places in their local areas. typical responses from children included: children must be asked about their neighborhood parks because adults do not know what happened in our hearts (10-year old boy). in addition to children’s desire to participate in the study and share their views about their neighborhoods, the discussions often revealed that children were insightful and knowledgeable about the physical, social, leisure and ecological aspects of their neighborhoods. importantly, some of the children could link different experiences and observations to abstract concepts; for example, one 10year-old girl linked the night-time activity of shops with her sense of security, “i creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 84 like shops in my neighborhood because they are open until night, so my neighborhood is safe.” green spaces and natural environment children’s ability to think at multiple levels was evident when discussing access to nature and the quality of parks. children identified the planted areas of their neighborhoods and their local parks as desirable places to be. these were areas that gave them a sense of well-being. as one 12-year-old boy exclaimed, “i like the green area in my neighborhood because it makes me feel good.” in addition to their emotional response to nature, children had pragmatic suggestions for improving the natural elements in their neighborhoods. examples of these actions included “planting more trees and flowers,” “building more parks,” “more lawns,” “more green spaces” and “improving the quality of parks.” indeed, children mentioned improvements to parks and natural areas in their neighborhoods more frequently than other aspects of their urban environments, demonstrating how important the natural environment is in their lives. children could also think strategically into the future, as illustrated by their views about the need for the protection of green spaces. for example: parks must be kept! (10-year-old girl) the nature of [our] neighborhood should be preserved (11-year-old girl). these girls seemed to be concerned they might lose nature in their neighborhood, so many of their comments focused on how to preserve the environment. they mentioned: “protecting plants during playing,” “watering trees in the neighborhood’s parks” and “not walking on the grass in the parks.” quality of built environments and public urban spaces children’s appreciation of nature was not restricted to parks and vegetation. some children talked about other spaces in their neighborhoods, such as squares, which also allow children to interact with nature. “i like the neighborhood’s square because it is big, has a fountain and has green parts around it,” mentioned an 11year-old boy. children liked those public urban spaces in their neighborhoods where they can enjoy nature, beauty and good design. children discussed the general quality of the built environments in the things they noted as positive or negative in their experience, as well as identifying more specific attributes of shops and streets. their conversations revealed the plurality of their aspirations, interests and needs for the city in which they live. while some children wanted to see the city “building bigger and more buildings,” others supported the “renovation of old buildings.” a few children liked the design of hotels in their neighborhoods. in neighborhoods that had hotels, children expressed interest in the hotels’ physical design and their function in bringing diverse groups of people and activities to their locality. some indicated a need for “more kindergartens.” importantly, children were articulate when explaining why they liked environmental features, and the implications for their neighborhood. one 10year-old girl stated, “[the] streets where i live are good because they are clean.” creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 85 recreational and play spaces in addition to mentioning the attributes of the built environment, children also identified the functional benefits of physical spaces in their neighborhood. iran segregates schools by gender in both primary and secondary education, as well as outdoor play. boys have much greater freedom in neighborhood mobility and are allowed to play sports and engage in physical activities. girls, by contrast, face cultural and religious protocols constraining their activities to a much greater extent. many of the boys said that they liked the streets of their neighborhoods because they can play there. they also talked about the benefits of sports fields and public halls in their neighborhoods, which allowed them to socialize, play, and take part in outdoor physical activities, sports as well as more sedentary activities. comments from a 12-year-old boy demonstrated awareness of spatial relationships due to their experiences and observations, “i do not like the parking lot in front of our neighborhood’s park which is an obstacle to playing football.” the following quotations illustrate themes regarding facilities and boys’ enjoyment of sporting activities: i like the football field in my neighborhood (12-year-old boy). the game club of the neighborhood is one of the good places (12-year-old boy). i like biking in the neighborhood (10-year-old boy). i like those parts of the neighborhood where i can play with my friends (11year-old boy). children had ideas for changing and modifying the playing areas in their neighborhoods. they expressed their wishes about “building amusement parks,” obtaining “equipment for playing football, volleyball and basketball,” “building playfields.” as boys have more freedom in playing outdoors, as noted above, some girls suggested “building sports fields for girls,” so they could also be more active. the desire for girls to have their own sports fields suggest they want to have similar opportunities to boys, even though religious and cultural norms limit the location, time and type of activities that girls are permitted. the remarkable thing about what both boys and girls said about modifying their neighborhoods’ playing areas is the practical competence they demonstrated. on the one hand, they were able to imaginatively assess limitations in their physical environment, while on the other hand they could propose appropriate solutions that are congruent with children’s activity needs and sensible planning actions that had not been enacted. hygiene features of living areas relating to hygiene and keeping neighborhoods clean were important indicators for children that spaces are child-friendly. children discussed the need for “cleaner parks” and “cleaner playgrounds.” some of them expressed their desires for more waste facilities and services, as one 10-year-old girl said, “[m]ore trash bins in my neighborhood are required; maybe it helps make cleaner creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 86 streets.” some children recognized the behavioral elements that create dirty neighborhoods, for instance, one 12-year-old girl wanted action so that local people would “not throw away rubbish,” understanding that better waste facilities would help change behavior. other children could see the benefits of proactively maintaining the tidiness and hygienic qualities of the neighborhood in statements such as this by a 10-year-old boy who proposed, “gathering the rubbish from neighborhoods.” people and friends the presence and connection between people make children feel safe and secure, a key element in creating livable spaces for them. as a 10-year-old girl shared, “the crowding of people in our neighborhoods is important for me because it makes me feel safe.” many children reported they liked their neighborhoods because they have friends and neighbors nearby. some children also expressed positive feelings about their neighbors who are known to them: “we have kind and friendly neighbors in our neighborhood. they help us when we need them” (12-year-old girl). safety and security ensuring that spaces in the neighborhoods promoted safety was another common idea expressed by children. recommendations for improving safety included: “guards for protecting neighborhood,” “guards for protecting parks,” and “guards in the narrow streets.” children’s suggestions centered on formal types of policing instead of community-based or physical design responses, so it seems that children made distinctions between a general social safety net provided by the broader community and professional protection from criminal or other serious activity. access and proximity access to children’s desired locations such as parks and schools was an important issue for children. some children expressed the need for “building parks closer so we can walk to parks,” and others explained that developers should be “building schools near houses,” all of which are ideas that align with desirable planning practice. some children considered their neighborhoods to be pleasant because they have good, easy access to places and services. a 10-year-old girl said, “the best feature of our neighborhood is its proximity to my school.” religious spaces one significant item children mentioned during interviews was access to religious areas such as mosques in their neighborhoods. faith-based sites are favorite places for some children. a boy aged 12, for instance, mentioned that “we live in a good neighborhood because we have access to the holy shrine.” a 10-year-old boy noted, “i like a religious school (seminary) in our neighborhood.” a combination of factors makes this worth noting for urban designers. some children find visiting their local mosque pleasurable with family members and relatives. this develops their cultural sense of tradition in a secure and calm environment. in the increasingly restricted urban milieu, the promise of physical space in religious settings also offers the embedded aesthetics that are built into the location, in contrast to utilitarian home environments or less structured, unsafe or unavailable creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 87 places elsewhere in the neighborhood. safe and easy access across roads to religious places is one example of the need for conscious adaptation of urban design. some children found being able to go to the mosque with grandparents or other relatives to be pleasant and companionable, moving through an environment imbued with a sense of faith tradition and history. child-friendly neighborhoods children were asked whether they considered their neighborhood to be child friendly or not. out of 30 participants, six children believed that their neighborhood was not suitable for children, but 24 considered their neighborhood to be child friendly. those who thought their neighborhood was unfriendly mentioned religion, size, safety and ordinariness, as illustrated by the following quotations: “our neighborhood is a “religious place,” “our neighborhood is poky,” “our neighborhood had nothing special,” and “it is not safe outside at night.” while many children liked their neighborhood’s religious spaces such as mosques and their surrounds, a few of the children referred to religious characteristics of neighborhoods as a lessfriendly feature. for these children, if observant practices had the effect of restricting available space and opportunities for playing activities, they perceived this as reducing the livability of their neighborhood. most of children had a sense of belonging to their neighborhoods. the statements below show that both boys and girls agreed on aspects that make a child-friendly neighborhood: it is child-friendly because it is near to shops and parks (12-year-old girl). it is friendly for children because of its park (12-year-old boy). it is good for children since it has some places for playing (10-year-old boy). it is a good place because i can play with my friends there and visit my relatives (11-year-old girl). it is appropriate for children because it is near the holy shrine (10-year-old boy). it is suitable for children because it has policemen (11-year-old boy). children did not mention many unfavorable areas in their neighborhood. many of them answered that everything is pleasant. however, the most frequently mentioned answers about undesirable features of their neighborhoods included old buildings in some neighborhoods, the presence of some shops and how some shops were operated, the attributes of some local parks, lack of safety in some neighborhoods, and the general character of the neighborhood in some instances. typical responses were: some local shops are expensive, and their products are not up to standard. there is no date of expiration on some goods (12-year-old boy). i do not like the park of neighborhood since a robbery took place (10-yearold girl). some shops are crowded and men and women are close to each other (11year-old boy). creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 88 again, intrusion of high-priced shops are perceived as extractive rather than part of locally based shopping. community safety, too, is highlighted above even the desirability of room and space for enjoyable activities. further, while a child in the united states would not even think to refer to men and women being in close proximity, in iran, the juxtaposition of men and women is commonly understood in religious and gender hierarchy terms. in the preceding quote from an iranian child, it is clear that crowded neighborhood spaces are perceived as undesirable not simply due to physical discomfort, but because of the breach of religious-political gender expectations. each of these is part of the difficulty building local resilience without attention to these urban children’s needs. discussion this research aimed to discover what children in mashhad city, iran, thought about their neighborhoods, and the elements that they considered to be child-friendly. this article has presented children’s interview responses to demonstrate that children’s points of view are valuable and that they can be active partners in planning. the findings indicate that children like many aspects of their neighborhoods, such as the natural aspects of parks and aesthetically pleasing buildings that reflect tradition, religious values and architectural design. they think greater attention needs to be focused on improving the quality of some of their neighborhoods’ features such as access to green spaces and cleanliness. while many aspects of these iranian children’s views including safety, quality of the environment, and access to play and green spaces were similar to the ideas of children in other contexts such as australia (horsley neighborhood in the town of dapto; malone, 2011), finland (the neighborhood of pihlajamäki in helsinki; haikkola et al., 2007), and sweden (three neighborhoods in stockholm and the town of gällivare; nordström, 2010), there were also differences due to contextspecific matters. the present research suggests that aspects of the uncrc and the cfc framework can and are being effectively applied in iran, but indicators assessing the child-friendliness of neighborhoods should continue to be developed locally. cities and countries have unique social, economic and cultural backgrounds. historically in iran, children have been, and continue to be, ignored during decisionmaking processes, although there are some signs that this is changing. traditional patriarchal systems in iran did not let children express their opinions freely either in the family nor in society, and this is still a problem today. in the present study, for example, differences between girls’ and boys’ ability to play freely outdoors were indicated by the lack of girls’ voices about playing in the street and their expressed desire for a girls’ sports field. in theocratic societies, children are strongly aware of and engaged with religion and the influence of associated cultural norms, but this is not strongly represented in contemporary research nor the development of cfc indicators. religious spaces can have an important role in shaping children’s ideas about their neighborhoods. in the present study, some children talked about mosques in their neighborhoods, which is not surprising, as the majority of neighborhoods in iran have a mosque and a primary school as the neighborhood center. visiting the local mosque with creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 89 grandparents and moving within the wide spaces offered there provides positive feelings for many in this 10-12-year old cohort of schoolchildren. the use of conversational, semi-structured style interviews as a research tool allowed children’s ideas about their neighborhoods to be elicited gradually and dialogically. it gave the children the chance to convey their thoughts and feelings in words in more open and independent ways. what participants said about their neighborhoods’ features demonstrates that children living in the context of this research reflected similar preferences to what children have expressed in other contexts, including children’s desires to access green spaces and play with friends in a hygienic and safe neighborhood. conclusion this research has reported the views of children living in the city of mashhad in iran about their neighborhoods and what would make their local settings ideal. participants had valuable perspectives and suggestions for making their neighborhoods better, showing a high level of competency and demonstrating that they are capable of working with professionals to design urban strategies. facilitating more interaction between planners and local children can provide the missing link for better planning in iran. this can include considering children’s engagement in neighborhood planning, integrating children’s insights into local programs’ outcomes, institutionalizing the concepts and methods of participation in educational environments through programs such as student councils, and establishing institutions such as child and youth councils in local governments. fortunately, there are existing educational structures that facilitate children’s participation in civic activities, and children in this study were eager to contribute to research and planning processes. their comments indicated that many of their human rights are being partially addressed within their neighborhoods, such as access to parks, space enabling outdoor play, places to socialize, and experiencing a sense of safety. children also raised important issues with regard to the quality of parks and services as well as public cleanliness and disposal of rubbish. the information that the children provided was informative and relevant to decision-makers and planners. this sort of information can readily be incorporated into city-wide children’s strategies and state-of-the-city’s-children report updates. thematic and local issues and topics need not undercut other planning assessments or proposals, but rather add value. significantly, children’s contributions can provide professionals with salient information for spatial and social planning. this enables planners to advocate on the behalf of children, and to help children influence the development of child-friendly spaces and places. the challenges for children and professional planners in iran are layered, building upon the theocratic patriarchal system of governance, the planning system itself, and the willingness of planners to work with children as partners in planning activities for better urban environments. creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 90 bahar manouchehri worked as an urban planner for many years in iran. she recently completed her ph.d. in community planning and development in melbourne, australia, researching the position of children within the iranian planning system from the perspectives of both children and planners. she has experiences in child-friendly cities research, collaborative planning, and citizens’ engagement, particularly how to integrate marginalized groups in planning debate. edgar burns works as an environmental sociologist, examining social and personal factors motivating land owners and communities to adopt sustainable water and land practices. his previous research has studied professions and professionalism. he writes on tertiary teaching and communication and recently published theorizing professions with palgrave macmillan. julie rudner teaches planning. she explores interactions between policy, place and people, focusing on how children, young people and people from different ethno-cultural and religious backgrounds use, view and experience their environments. she is interested in how we create “public knowing” of risk, safety and belonging that encourages or limits people’s freedom to use 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(2019). widening the bandwidth of child-friendly urban planning in cities. cities & health, 3(1-2), 59-67. https://doi.org/10.1080/23748834.2019.1660126 about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 93 haikkola, l., pacilli, m. g., horelli, l., & prezza, m. (2007). interpretations of urban child-friendliness: a comparative study of two neighborhoods in helsinki and rome. children youth and environments, 17(4), 319-351. hashim, h., hashim, s. f., & shuib, k. b. (2019). child friendly urban neighborhood in putrajaya, malaysia. people: international journal of social sciences, 5(3), 531-551. https://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2019.52.531551 hedayati, f. (2018). children’s needs and urban spaces. http://www.iribnews.ir/fa/news/2061113/ شهری-فضاهای -و-کودکان -نیازهای . imani, b., yarmohammadi, k. & yarmohammadi, k. 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(2012). planning the child-friendly city (cfc) from children’s perspective (case study: quchan). bagh nazar journal, 9(20), 51-62. kingston, b., wridt, p., chawla, l., van vliet--, w., & brink, l. (2007). creating child-friendly cities: the case of denver, usa. municipal engineer, 160(2), 97-102. https://doi.org/10.1680/muen.2007.160.2.97 krishnamurthy, s. (2019). reclaiming spaces: child inclusive urban design. cities & health, 3(1-2), 86-98. lansdown, g. (2001). promoting children’s participation in democratic decisionmaking (pp. 1-48). innocenti insights, no. 6. florence, italy. https://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/290-promoting-childrensparticipation-in-democratic-decision-making.html lobe, b., livingstone, s., olafsson, k., & alberto simões, j. (2008). best practice research guide: how to research children and online technologies in about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 94 comparative perspective. london school of economics. http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/21658/1/ loebach, j. e. (2013). children’s neighborhood geographies: examining children’s perception and use of their neighborhood environments for healthy activity. (doctoral dissertation). university of western ontario, london, ontario. lynch, k. (1977). growing up in cities: studies of spatial environment of adolescence in cracow, melbourne, mexico city, salta, toluca, and warszawa. paris: unesco, mit. malone, k. (1999). growing up in cities as a model of participatory planning and “place-making” with young people. youth studies australia, 18(2), 17-23. malone, k. (2001). children, youth and sustainable cities. local environment: the international journal of justice & sustainability, 6(1), 5-12. https://doi.org/10.1080/13549830120024215 malone, k. (2011). dreaming and designing a child-friendly neighbourhood for brooks reach, dapto. university of western sydney. https://www.westernsydney.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/745533/5_ malone_k._designing_and_dreaming_dapto.pdf malone, k. (2016). reconsidering children’s encounters with nature and place using posthumanism. australian journal of environmental education, 32(1), 42-56. http://doi.org/10.1017/aee.2015.48 mansouri, s. a., & ghare bigloo, m. (2012). the quality of urban open space in interaction with children. journal of studies on iranian-islamic city, 2(6), 6372. marouf, n., che-ani, a. r., tawil, n. m., johar, s., & tahir, m. m. (2015). development of designing criteria in children’s urban play space in iran: review of literature. journal of sustainable development, 8(2), 113-121. https://doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v8n2p113 martin, k. e. & wood, l. j. (2014). “we live here too…” what makes a child‐friendly neighborhood? wellbeing: a complete reference guide, vol. 2., pp. 1-38. 10.1002/9781118539415.wbwell061 mcallister, c. a. (2011). where have all the children gone? community, nature and the child friendly city. (doctoral dissertation). university of waterloo, ontario. monaghan, j. (2019). engagement of children in developing healthy and childfriendly places in belfast. cities & health, 3(1-2), 29-39. https://doi.org/10.1080/23748834.2018.1527175 about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about… 95 morrow, v. 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(2020). the public value of child-friendly space. archnet-ijar: international journal of architectural research, 14(2), 149-165. https://doi.org/10.1108/arch-07-2019-0164 rakhimova, n. (2011). child-friendly cities and neighborhoods: an evaluation framework for planners. (master’s thesis). arizona state university, phoenix, arizona. ramezani, s., & said, i. (2013). children’s nomination of friendly places in an urban neighborhood in shiraz, iran. children’s geographies, 11(1), 7-27. https://doi.org/10.1080/14733285.2012.742699 riggio, e. (2002). child friendly cities: good governance in the best interests of the child. environment & urbanization, 14(45), 45-58. https://doi.org/10.1177/095624780201400204 sedayezarand news agency (2017). the event of children’s week in zarand: a new town for children’s dreams. www.sedayezarabd.ir63042/ shahrizadeh, s., & moayedfar, s. (2017a). child-friendly strategic planning with emphasis children’s creativity (case study: yazd city). research & urban planning, 8(28), 171-186. shahrizadeh, s., & moayedfar, s. (2017b). evaluating and analyzing child friendly city for enhancing creativity in children (case study: yazd city). international journal of applied arts studies, 1(1), 62-78. shokoohi, r., hanif, n. r., & dali, m. m. 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(2020). towards the innovative planning for childfriendly neighbourhood in jakarta. iop conference series: earth and environmental science, 592(1), 1-17. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges and the quest for an optimum play environment john h. mckendrick glasgow school for business and society, glasgow caledonian university glasgow, scotland janet loebach centre for addiction and mental health london, canada theresa casey international play association: promoting the child’s right to play edinburgh, scotland citation: mckendrick, j. h., loebach, j., & casey, t. (2018). realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges and the quest for optimum play environment. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 1-11. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi global and local frames of reference in children’s play although we should recognize that play thrives in adulthood (dobson & mckendrick, 2018) and there are moments and situations when children are deprived of play (brown & webb, 2005; hughes, 2013), it is widely understood that children’s lives are infused with play and that play is of central importance in our understanding of childhood (lester & russell, 2010). such everyday understandings have been bolstered in recent years with the articulation of global statements on children’s right to play, most notably in article 31 of the un convention on the rights of the child (uncrc; unicef, 1989), the un committee on the rights of the child’s general comment no. 17 on article 31 of the uncrc (2013), and the international play association’s declarations on the child’s right to play (1977) and the importance of play (2014). global frames of reference for children’s play are also evident through the work of organizations such as the international play association: promoting the child’s right to play1, child in the city2 and right to play international3, and the impetus to global scholarship afforded by learned publications such as children, youth and environments4, the international journal of play5 and the international journal of play therapy6. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 2 supporting this global endeavor are many organizations and institutions serving world regions (e.g., european play work association7; playright children’s play association, hong kong8), nations (e.g., american journal of play9, play africa10, play australia11) and localities (e.g., beyond association in lebanon12; play highland13 in scotland). through their work, they might be considered to be pursuing what roland robertson (1995) understood as glocalization, the fusion of universalizing and particularizing tendencies in the continual creation of new realities grounded in place. the local adaption of the global principles that have been developed to assert the child’s right to play is explored in this collection of papers; specifically, in relation to overcoming challenges to attain what might be considered an optimum play environment. general comment no. 17 the play sector welcomed the uncrc and article 31 has been widely cited and used to promote play in children’s lives (davey & lundy, 2010). however, fresh impetus to strengthen the play imperative in children’s lives has since emerged with growing concerns that children’s right to play is not being realized by government, there is a lack of access to safe and engaging play environments, and there are what might be understood as threats to the volume and nature of play (such as urbanization, commercialization of play provision, persistence of child labor, growth of crisis situations, and increasing pre-occupation with educational outcomes) (ipa, 2013). in response, the committee on the rights of the child produced general comment no. 17 (2013) on the right of the child to rest, leisure, play, recreational activities, cultural life and the arts (art. 31) to (i) enhance understanding of the importance of article 31; (ii) promote respect for the rights articulated under article 31; and (iii) outline the obligations of agents (including governments) under the uncrc. general comment no. 17 comprises six substantive sections (following an introduction and specification of objectives and preceding comment on dissemination), which include: articulating the significance of article 31 in children’s lives, outlining the legal basis of article 31, situating article 31 in the broader context of the uncrc, identifying groups requiring particular attention, and outlining state parties’ obligations. our collection of papers for children, youth and environments is primarily concerned with section six of general comment no. 17, i.e., creating the context for the realization of article 31, which in turn addresses the factors for an optimum environment and challenges to be addressed in the realization of article 31. it is recognized that children will seek play whether the environment is favorable or not. however, the committee on the rights of the child also considers that their right to play will not be realized to the optimum extent until certain conditions are met. thirteen such conditions are identified in general comment no. 1714, covering social context (e.g., freedom from social exclusion), environmental conditions, time and space to access play, opportunities to partake of specified play experiences (e.g., play in natural environments), and wider societal recognition of the value of play. many of these conditions are premised on an understanding that, while realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 3 supported by adults, children should be afforded opportunities for play which is initiated, controlled and structured by children themselves. the committee also identifies 11 challenges that must be overcome if the optimum play environment is to be attained15. although the threats posed may not be universal—for example, concerns over the marketing and commercialization of play are more pressing in advanced economies—collectively, these challenges constitute the main global threats to play. introduction to this collection: four themes and a vision statement the 20th ipa triennial world conference held in calgary (canada) in 201716 was attended by more than 700 delegates representing close to 50 countries and more than 400 presentations were delivered across four days. following the conference, it became apparent that there was a need to revisit the existing body of knowledge on play in the physical environment—across a wide range of geographic and sociocultural contexts—to advance contemporary understanding of the key issues that were constraining children’s opportunities to play. drawing inspiration from section six of general comment no. 17, this special issue of children, youth and environments addresses four themes, two of which are core to general comment no. 17 and two of which are interwoven through it. we selected the papers in this collection from presentations delivered by play researchers, advocates, designers, educators, and practitioners at the ipa world conference. blueprints for progress there is a rich tradition of research and practice that seeks to specify the necessary conditions for play that are part of a child-friendly environment. this has led to the creation of plans of what constitutes a child-friendly neighborhood (cunningham & jones, 1994), taxonomies of the extent to which neighborhoods make a positive difference to children’s lives (mckendrick, 2014), and international child-friendly places movements (malone, 2006). here, we consider four ways in which “optimum environments” can be created to support play for diverse child and youth populations. although the uncrc (unicef, 1989) and the un convention on the rights of persons with disabilities (uncrpd; 2006) provide the imperative for play (and inclusion in play is reinforced in the uncrpd), policy can fulfill a key role in shaping how these aspirations are to be realized. lynch, moore and prellwitz, in “from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play” provide an overview of national play policies in europe, finding more absence of policy than presence, despite widespread european ratification of the uncrc (and its article 31 commitments). with a view to informing the development of inclusive play policies, these authors also demonstrate how each of the seven principles of universal design relate to play principles. the challenge of providing more inclusive playgrounds is also considered in the field report authored by yuen. in “championing and implementing the first inclusive play space in hong kong,” he describes how an initial concern for raising public awareness on inclusive play developed over four years and several stages to realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 4 culminate in a design guide, redevelopment of a public playground, and public acknowledgement that local playgrounds in hong kong fared less favorably than those in the wider region. these outcomes were achieved through the efforts of playright17, a non-profit organization that exists to promote children’s right to play in hong kong, engaging a wide range of stakeholders and interest groups. the driving force behind designing better play space is not always a professional interest group. in “the community-based revitalization of the ridgecrest accessible neighborhood playground in greater sudbury, canada,” yantzi, landryaltmann, and camirand-peterson describe the work of one neighborhood association to redevelop a community play space in support of inclusive play. as yuen shows for playright in hong kong, ridgecrest’s is a long-term commitment, in this instance spanning ten years and four phases. blueprints do not always result from executing well-formed plans. here, yantzi and colleagues show how serendipity molded a desire to revitalize an impoverished neighborhood resource in a manner that was grounded in inclusive design; the availability of federal funds allowed these visions to be developed into realities. equally, blueprints for play are not only about creating designated play spaces; as shimamura shows in “street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities: playborhood street tokyo,” progress can also involve changing spaces to facilitate play. inspired by work in the u.s., they are supporting a range of local neighborhoods to provide time-limited opportunities to transform urban streets into play spaces. the ambitions of the playborhood project extend beyond play. play is used as a vehicle to promote intergenerational interaction, recovering the lost connections between generations through play. the final paper in this theme is almon and keeler’s field report on “the rise of adventure play provision in north america.” here, the recent growth of adventure play in canada and the u.s. is charted. acknowledging the inspiration from europe and the support of the north american adventure play association18, the article shows how a wide range of grassroots developments are—in their different forms and different ways—promoting adventure play. the tenor is upbeat, sensing a shift toward more favorable attitudes toward play in general, and risky play in particular. the section concludes with a review of arup’s cities alive: designing for urban childhoods. adrian voce, director of playful planet and president of the european network for child friendly cities, welcomes what he describes as a short guide for supporting children’s play in urban settings and notes its success as measured in terms of free downloads. on the other hand, he is concerned that there is a suggestion that improved well-being and safeguarding of rights can simply be attained through good urban design. he stresses that the role of central government should not be ignored. blending nature in the everyday lack of access to nature is one of the challenges specified in general comment no. 17, with an increasingly urbanized and privatized world identified as restricting children’s access to natural areas and the wide-ranging benefits these afford (also realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 5 see louv, 2008). access to nature is also specified as one of the necessary conditions to attain an “optimum environment for play.” profice and tiriba introduce the reader to the ways in which play in nature is an integral part of everyday schooling and everyday life for some indigenous children in northeast brazil in “living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children.” drawing on multi-method research with 91 children across 10 indigenous schools, they explore the ways in which biophilia, attachment to place, and affordances are evident in local children’s everyday engagement with nature and play. as part of an education in which outdoor play is integrated into the school day, the report shows how children have a strong attachment to their natural environment and routinely incorporate nature in their outdoor play. schlembach, kochanowski, brown and carr explore how outdoor play is incorporated in early educators’ daily routines on a natural playscape in the setting of a north american university campus in “early educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape.” although the end result is equivalent to that outlined by profice and tiriba, schlembach et al.’s study is on a bespoke environment that was created to facilitate play with nature, and their focus is on the perspectives of early educators working with pre-school children. based on a cross-seasonal study and drawing largely on their work with 13 early educators, they report highly positive perceptions and recollections of the impact on children of regularly accessing this natural play space in terms of skill development and behavior. how to grow a playspace: development and design by masiulanis and cummins, reviewed by helen woolley (university of sheffield), asks what makes a great play space and explores the many dimensions of designing them. woolley points out that the publication also provides challenges to the concept of what a play space is and whether they are needed at all in some contexts—issues pertinent to the discussions in this collection. the toolkit produced by the international play association, under the same sky: children’s rights and the environment, provides some practical guidance and project examples in which children have been supported to articulate their views and concerns about their local environment. michelle templeton (centre for children’s rights, queens university, belfast) welcomes the resource and opines that it has considerable potential to be applied globally in a wide range of contexts. if fault with this resource is to be found, it perhaps rests beyond the publication; she poses the question of whether children’s concerns will in fact be acted upon by adults and key decision-makers in their community. extending the reach of play by implication, creating the conditions necessary for an “optimum environment for play” and addressing the challenges that restrict children’s play would result in more expansive opportunities for play. extending the reach of play is explored through four very different case studies, highlighting that the conditions that need realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 6 to be addressed, and the populations who might benefit, vary markedly across place. teenagers are a group that is often understood to be disinterested in play or is discouraged from playful behaviors in preference for education and more “purposeful” leisure. however, as owens demonstrates in “‘we just want to play’: adolescents speak about their access to public parks,” teenagers in a case study neighborhood in west sacramento, california lament the lack of opportunities and the disabling environment that curtails their play in public space. owens describes a participatory action research project that afforded these young people the opportunity to share their aspirations for play with others in their community. terada, ermilova, and kinoshita share the experiences of developing opportunities for adventurous play in “why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas? the revitalization project of ishikawa, fukushima, japan.” in the context of rural depopulation in japan, they explain how opportunities for play have diminished for children. the nature and scale of changes in rural children’s play is evidenced through a three-generational survey. they then developed an action research project, supported by regeneration funds, bringing together adults and children to better understand the needs for adventurous play and to design a play environment adjacent to a school, which meets their needs. in “children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis,” chatterjee explains how the international play association’s access to play in situations of crisis project sought to increase knowledge and understanding of children’s play needs and how practical applications can realize the right to play. chatterjee presents findings in a paper that draws from the experience of over 500 children in 13 unique sites, with examples discussed from japan and nepal (postearthquake) and india and thailand (everyday hazards). observations, interviews and other child-friendly participative methods are used to uncover the adaptive capacity of children to eke out play amidst crisis conditions and to explore the value of such play as a coping mechanism and as a means to build resilience. our final examples of extending the reach of play are also drawn from the international play association’s access to play in crisis project, i.e. wirunrapan, boranmool, chaiarkhom and kathawong’s field report on “the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand” and mary ann rintoul’s review of the toolkit associated with the project. the root of the vulnerabilities experienced by these migrant worker families rests with their precarious political and economic status. noting that play is not among the priorities of their parents or employers, wirunrapan and colleagues explore play among 97 children from three very different migrant communities in thailand, focusing on the coping mechanisms the children deploy to access play. although the children are adept at accessing play despite unfavorable conditions, it is concluded that there is a need for adults to support children’s everyday play. reviewing play: rights and practice. a tool kit for staff, managers and policy makers, rintoul (university of alberta) notes playwork’s valuable role in interventions for children realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 7 experiencing the effects of crisis and the powerful healing factor gained by children through playing together. technology is (not) the enemy general comment no. 17 not only acknowledges the various ways that electronic media presents in children’s lives but describes these media as a central dimension. although recognizing the “huge educational, social and cultural benefits” that accrue, concern is also expressed over the imbalance of time spent engaging electronic media (as opposed to outdoor play, for example) and the particular risks and harms that these present. many contributors to this collection also premise their work on the need to check the drift toward excess use of electronic media. on the other hand, the collection inadvertently identifies some positive benefits of technology for children’s play. technology is to the fore in “state of play: methodologies for investigating children's outdoor play and independent mobility” by han, mâsse, wilson, janssen, schuurman, and brussoni. grounded in ecological systems theory and a construction of gender framework, the authors task themselves with defining the playability of three neighborhood outdoor environments in the vancouver region, and exploring the determinants of outdoor play and independent mobility for 105 children in middle childhood. the deploy a multi-method design of interlinked activities, at the heart of which are technology-based data collection tools, such as gps loggers and accelerometers. cox, loebach and little in “understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate children's activities in outdoor play spaces” present an introduction to the potential and use of behavior mapping to understand the environmental influences on children’s outdoor play behavior and to explore the reciprocity between the environment and behavior. having introduced the tenets of behavior mapping—including the role of gis—they go on to describe a case study application in an outdoor natural play area adjacent to a museum in santa barbara, california, based on observations of children and observations of adults over a oneweek period. in conclusion, we return to general comment no. 17 to consider the significance of what we have learned about meeting the challenges that have been identified in order to achieve optimum play environments. endnotes 1. visit: http://ipaworld.org/ 2. visit: https://www.childinthecity.org/ 3. visit: http://www.righttoplay.com/ 4. visit: http://cyenetwork.org/journal/ 5. visit: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rijp20 6. visit: http://www.apa.org/pubs/journals/pla/ 7. visit: http://www.go-epa.org/en/node/30 8. visit: http://www.playright.org.hk/ 9. visit: http://www.journalofplay.org/ http://ipaworld.org/ https://www.childinthecity.org/ http://www.righttoplay.com/ http://cyenetwork.org/journal/ https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rijp20 http://www.apa.org/pubs/journals/pla/ http://www.go-epa.org/en/node/30 http://www.playright.org.hk/ http://www.journalofplay.org/ realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 8 10. visit: https://playafrica.org.za/ 11. visit: https://www.playaustralia.org.au/ 12. visit: https://www.facebook.com/beyondassociation/ 13. visit: https://playhighland.co.uk/ 14. according to paragraph 32 of un general comment no. 17, the conditions necessary for an optimum environment for children’s play are: (i) freedom from stress; (ii) freedom from social exclusion, prejudice or discrimination; (iii) an environment secure from social harm or violence; (iv) an environment sufficiently free from waste, pollution, traffic and other physical hazards to allow them to circulate freely and safely within their local neighborhood; (v) availability of rest appropriate to their age and development; (vi) availability of leisure time, free from other demands; (vii) accessible space and time for play, free from adult control and management; (viii) space and opportunities to play outdoors unaccompanied in a diverse and challenging physical environment, with easy access to supportive adults, when necessary; (ix) opportunities to experience, interact with and play in natural environments and the animal world; (x) opportunities to invest in their own space and time so as to create and transform their world, using their imagination and languages; (xi) opportunities to explore and understand the cultural and artistic heritage of their community, participate in, create and shape it; (xii) opportunities to participate with other children in games, sports and other recreational activities, supported, where necessary, by trained facilitators or coaches; and (xiii) recognition by parents, teachers and society as a whole of the value and legitimacy of the rights provided for in article 31. 15. as articulated in paragraphs 33 through 47 of un general comment no. 17, 11 challenges are summarized, i.e. (i) lack of recognition of the importance of play and recreation; (ii) unsafe and hazardous environments; (iii) resistance to children’s use of public spaces; (iv) balancing risk and safety; (v) lack of access to nature; (vi) pressure for educational achievement; (vii) overly structured and programmed schedules; (viii) neglect of article 31 in development programs; (ix) lack of investment in cultural and artistic opportunities for children; (x) growing role of electronic media; and (xi) marketing and commercialization of play. 16. visit: http://canada2017.ipaworld.org/ 17. visit: http://www.playright.org.hk/en/ 18. visit: https://www.facebook.com/groups/americanadventureplaygrounds/about/ john mckendrick is professor & co-director of the scottish poverty and inequality research unit in the glasgow school for business and society at glasgow caledonian university in glasgow, scotland. john’s research interests span the studies of the provision of environments for children, children’s use of space, children’s play, and child poverty. he was on the board of directors of play scotland from 2007-2017, writing several research reports including school grounds in scotland (2005), local authority play provision in scotland (2007), developing play in scotland (2008) and the scottish national play barometer (2013). his earliest work in the field of play was the business of children’s play, an examination of the commercial provision of play space for young children in the uk (funded by the economic and social research council). he has delivered keynote addresses to conferences convened by playboard northern ireland, play scotland, skillsactive, yorkshire play, children’s play council, european cities for children, generation youth, european child in the city and play education. he has experience with presenting research findings to a wide range of user groups and is committed to applied research. in 2018, he co-edited a collection of papers on “the playway to https://playafrica.org.za/ https://www.playaustralia.org.au/ https://www.facebook.com/beyondassociation/ https://playhighland.co.uk/ http://canada2017.ipaworld.org/ http://www.playright.org.hk/en/ https://www.facebook.com/groups/americanadventureplaygrounds/about/ realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 9 the entrepreneurial city” for the journal of entrepreneurship and innovation. he has edited two collections of papers examining the impact of austerity on playwork (journal of playwork practice, 2014) and playspace provision (international journal of play, 2015) and an earlier collection of papers on “children's playgrounds in the built environment,” a 1999 special edition of built environment. more importantly, he is dad to lauren (29), corrie (24) and morven (9) and granddad to finn (2). dr. janet loebach, ph.d., p.eng, is an environmental design researcher and consultant based in ontario, canada, and the principal consultant for thrive design consulting. she is also a post-doctoral fellow at the center for addiction and mental health institute for mental health policy research. her research and practice focus on children’s perception and use of their everyday environments, including home, school and neighborhood, and the socio-environmental factors that influence children’s behavior and well-being. her areas of expertise include assessment and design of natural and built play and learning environments for children, as well as residential, healthcare and care facilities. she also has extensive experience with participatory, child-led and community-based planning processes. dr. loebach currently serves as vice president of the board of directors of the international play association (canada) and as co-chair of the children & youth environments network of the environmental design research association (edra). theresa casey served as president of the international play association: promoting the child’s right to play (ipa) from 2008-2017. with the ipa board and council, she coordinated the initiatives leading to the publication of general comment no. 17 on the right of the child to rest, leisure, play, recreational activities, cultural life and the arts (article 31 of the un convention on the rights of the child). in her final term as president (2014-17), theresa led ipa’s thematic work on access to play in crisis, and children’s rights and the environment linking to the uncrc day of discussion 2016. in 2013, she drafted the scottish government’s play strategy action plan and took up the role of vice-chair of the implementation group. she has an honors degree in painting and a post-graduate certificate in playwork. her playwork practice began in an adventure playground in scotland and led to play development in thailand where she worked for three years. theresa is a freelance consultant and writer on play, inclusion and children’s rights and frequent presenter at conferences in scotland and internationally. her recent publications include free to play: a guide to creating accessible and inclusive public play spaces (inspiring scotland, 2018); play types: bringing more play into the school day (play scotland, 2017), inclusive play space guide: championing better and more inclusive play spaces in hong kong (playright child’s play association & unicef, 2016); loose parts play (2016, inspiring scotland). references brown, f., & webb, s. (2005). children without play. journal of education, 35(1), 139-158. realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 10 cunningham, c., & jones, m. (1994). child-friendly neighborhoods? a critique of the australian suburb as an environment for growing up. loisir et société/society and leisure, 17(1), 83-106. davey, c., & lundy, l. (2011). towards greater recognition of the right to play: an analysis of article 31 of the uncrc. children & society, 25(1), 3-14. dobson, s., & mckendrick, j. h. (2018). intrapreneurial spaces to entrepreneurial cities: making sense of play and playfulness. the international journal of entrepreneurship and innovation, 19(2), 75-80. hughes, b. (2013). evolutionary playwork and reflective analytic practice. london: routledge. international play association (ipa) (1977). ipa declaration of the child’s right to play. available from http://ipaworld.org/childs-right-to-play/the-childs-rightto-play/ international play association (ipa) (2013). summary: united nations general comment no. 17 on the rights of the child to rest, leisure, play, recreational activities, cultural life and the arts (article 31). available from http://ipaworld.org/childs-right-to-play/article-31/general-comment-17/ international play association (ipa) (2014). declaration on the importance of play. available from http://ipaworld.org/ipa-declaration-on-the-importance-ofplay/ lester, s., & russell, w. (2010). children's right to play: an examination of the importance of play in the lives of children worldwide. working papers in early childhood development, no. 57. the hague, the netherlands: bernard van leer foundation. louv, r. (2008). last child in the woods: saving our children from nature-deficit disorder. new york: algonquin books. malone, k. (2006). united nations: a key player in a global movement for child friendly cities. in gleeson, b. and sipe, n. (eds.), creating child friendly cities (pp. 25-44). london: routledge. mckendrick, j. h. (2014). geographies of children’s well-being: in, of, and for place. in qvortup, j., corsaro, w. a. and honig, m-s (eds.), handbook of child well-being (pp. 279-300). dordrecht: springer. robertson, r. (1995). glocalization: time-space and homogeneity-heterogeneity. global modernities, 2, 25-45. unicef (1989). convention on the rights of the child. available from https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/crc.aspx http://ipaworld.org/childs-right-to-play/the-childs-right-to-play/ http://ipaworld.org/childs-right-to-play/the-childs-right-to-play/ http://ipaworld.org/childs-right-to-play/article-31/general-comment-17/ http://ipaworld.org/ipa-declaration-on-the-importance-of-play/ http://ipaworld.org/ipa-declaration-on-the-importance-of-play/ https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/crc.aspx realizing article 31 through general comment no. 17: overcoming challenges… 11 united nations committee on the rights of persons with disabilities (uncrpd) (2006). convention on the rights of persons with disabilities. available from https://www.ohchr.org/en/hrbodies/crpd/pages/conventionrightspersons withdisabilities.aspx united nations committee on the rights of the child (2013). general comment no. 17 on the right of the child to rest, leisure, play, recreational activities, cultural life and the arts (art. 31). retrieved from https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/treatybodyexternal/tbsearch.aspx?lan g=en&treatyid=5&doctypeid=11 https://www.ohchr.org/en/hrbodies/crpd/pages/conventionrightspersonswithdisabilities.aspx https://www.ohchr.org/en/hrbodies/crpd/pages/conventionrightspersonswithdisabilities.aspx https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/treatybodyexternal/tbsearch.aspx?lang=en&treatyid=5&doctypeid=11 https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/treatybodyexternal/tbsearch.aspx?lang=en&treatyid=5&doctypeid=11 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. review: access to play for children in situations of crisis… 187 access to play for children in situations of crisis play: rights and practice—a tool kit for staff, managers and policy makers martin king-sheard and marianne mannello, edited by theresa casey (2017) international play association: promoting the child’s right to play, 80 pages available from http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/ipa-a4-accessto-play-in-situations-of-crisis-toolkit-lr.pdf the main objective of the access to play in crisis (apc) tool kit is to provide a practical document for those who work with children in challenging circumstances or situations of crisis (humanitarian, natural and man-made disasters) to support children’s opportunities for play. the premise for the tool kit is based on the child’s right to play (article 31 of the un convention on the rights of the child), which bookends the document (introduction and final page) and clearly underpins the content throughout. the tool kit has a total of 26 tools (13 for staff, nine for managers and four for policy makers). this document has the potential to be an effective tool and comprehensive guideline across cultures for adults who have a presence in the lives of children and to further understand adults’ role in supporting every child’s right to play, regardless of the circumstance. the authors outline a compelling rationale at the outset to underscore the fundamental importance of play in children’s lives with suggestions on how to use the tool kit and indicators for adults’ roles and responsibilities. this is an effective way to introduce the resource as it informs the reader immediately of the nature of the tool kit and its variety in application. after the introduction, section 1 begins logically with information for all those working in crisis situations and then provides more specific information in sections written for staff, managers, and policy makers, respectively. section 1 highlights play as every child’s right, its importance within the context of crisis, the optimum environments in which children should be afforded quality play experiences, specific challenges to playing, and the play rights of children with disabilities. the inclusion of the note on terminology with regards to “disabled children” (the uk social model focusing on social forces rather than individual traits) is a pertinent point to highlight. the apc tool kit is intended for an international audience, and this note is a pro-active acknowledgement that this terminology has the potential to be problematic depending on the reader’s location. for further information on the “person-first language” commonly used in north america and australia, see peers, spencer-cavaliere and eales (2014). the authors provide an extensive section 2 specifically for staff working with children in crisis, which could be entirely relevant for staff facilitating play in noncrisis situations as well. the authors should be commended for this informative section highlighting many valuable playwork practices empowering practitioners to do the important work of play, while supporting a child-centered focus rather than an adult-imposed agenda. the tool kit appropriately outlines much of the background needed to realize the value of play in situations of crisis as children will often process the events in their current circumstance through playing. in my work http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/ipa-a4-access-to-play-in-situations-of-crisis-toolkit-lr.pdf http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/ipa-a4-access-to-play-in-situations-of-crisis-toolkit-lr.pdf book review: access to play for children in situations of crisis… 188 supervising undergraduate students during play facilitation service-learning experiences in various parts of the world, we have been witness to the tremendous healing effects of play for children in challenging situations. even here at home in canada at a local playday designed to facilitate opportunities for children undergoing displacement from their community ravaged by wildfires in alberta, we saw children playing feverishly, building cardboard homes and cities, with labels such as, “my new home.” parents stood by, supported one another and observed as their children processed the cruel reality of losing their homes and the uncertainty of never returning to their city, or life as they knew it. this apc tool kit has realworld practical advice that would have been directly relevant to the play leaders during this disaster, and thereby affirming their actions as they facilitated a meaningful and rich play environment, assisting in the children’s healing process. as sturrock and else (1998) suggest, “it is the act of playing that has the healing inherent in it” (p. 9). staff tool 2, “the role of adults in supporting play in situations of crisis,” offers precise ways that leaders can support play while being mindful of the level of intervention, which is a key concept in play facilitation. it is crucial that leaders not only recognize how inappropriate intervention can adulterate children’s play, but how the “low intervention, high response” approach (npfa, the children’s play council, and playlink, 2000, p. 16) reminds leaders to support rather than direct children, which results in richer, more authentic play potential. children are the experts in their play and we must resist the urge to teach, coach, change or take over when children play. it was perceptive of the authors to recognize in staff tool 3, “responding to children’s play: play cues and responses,” that responses to play cues can be, and most often are, received from other children in addition to adults. it may be of particular interest to the potential audiences using the tool kit to acknowledge the critical idea that the nature of play is cyclical, and that play cues, responses, and the play frame are situated within the larger play cycle. the motivation to play, the play drive or metalude (sturrock & else, 1998; kilvington & wood, 2011), set up the play cycle in which cues and returns are housed, which may be useful for the play leader know. staff tool 4, “types of play,” briefly mentions that there are 16 types of play (as defined by hughes, 2002; 2006) and while the tool kit uses hughes’ play taxonomy and describes 10 of these types, it could provide a more complete picture of play types used in playwork and give information for play leaders to further explore. the other tools in this section provide an extremely valuable resource for front-line staff to use as they reflect on their own practice and spend time daily supporting children who play in crisis situations. with practical guidance and theoretical backing, the next main sections for managers and policy makers are invaluable toward providing support and ensuring the implementation of services for children in situations of crisis. it is an encouraging step toward making rich play opportunities a reality for so many communities experiencing challenges to actualize article 31 of the uncrc, protecting and providing for every child’s right to play. the use of case study examples in the policy-makers section conveyed a particularly vivid snapshot of book review: access to play for children in situations of crisis… 189 actual scenarios around the world to illustrate successful models of provision. this is extremely helpful, and hopeful. it has long been established that playwork is a valuable intervention for children experiencing the effects of crisis in their lives. as demonstrated by the classic study and playwork intervention with abandoned romanian children beginning in 1999 and continuing today (brown, 2014), children in extreme situations of neglect benefited from therapeutic play intervention, and in fact experienced the most powerful healing factor by playing with each other. the apc tool kit provides an essential guideline for all those who work with children in crisis, at all levels, and offers a “life line” to those committed to the ideals of quality play in children’s lives. as a child advocate and post-secondary teacher of an experiential learning play program, i appreciate the depth and relevance of this resource and observe so many relatable uses in my current work. i am sure other readers of this tool kit will find it helpful and applicable in their own situations. a practical tool kit such as this is much needed in order to apply knowledge and research and realize the results of our shared goal: every child’s right to play. review by mary ann rintoul mary ann rintoul, ma teaches in the area of children's physical activity and play leadership in the faculty of kinesiology, sport, and recreation at the university of alberta, canada. she is dedicated to the ideals of holistic child development and to ensuring children have the skills and opportunities to live active, healthy lives. she is the director of play around the world, an academic cross-cultural service learning opportunity where students facilitate play and recreation for children of all abilities in cambodia, thailand, peru and northern canada. mary ann is a passionate advocate for the child's right to play (uncrc article 31) and serves on the international play association (ipa) canada board. references brown, f. (2014). the healing power of play: therapeutic work with chronically neglected and abused children. children, 1(3), 474-488. doi:10.3390/children1030474 hughes, b. (2002). a playworker’s taxonomy of play types, 2nd ed. london: playlink hughes, b. (2006). play types: speculations and possibilities. london: the london centre for playwork education and training. kilvington, j. & wood, a. (2011). reflective playwork: for all who work with children. london: continuum international publishing group. book review: access to play for children in situations of crisis… 190 peers d., spencer-cavaliere, n. & eales, l. (2014). say what you mean: rethinking disability language in adapted physical activity quarterly. adapted physical activity quarterly, 31(3), 265-282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/apaq.20130091 sturrock, g. & else, p. (1998, june). the playground as therapeutic space: playwork as healing. paper presented at the ipa/usa triennial national conference—play in a changing society: research, design, application. longmont, colorado, usa. the national playing fields association (npfa), the children’s play council, and playlink (2000). best play: what play provision should do for children. london: national playing fields association. available from http://www.freeplaynetwork.org.uk/pubs/bestplay.pdf http://www.freeplaynetwork.org.uk/pubs/bestplay.pdf book review: practice-based research in children’s play 164 practice-based research in children’s play wendy russell, stuart lester, and hilary smith, editors (2017) bristol, uk/chicago, il: policy press, 272 pages $115.00 (hardcover); isbn: 978-1-4473-3003-5 this book is a compilation of 12 research studies that examine children’s play, the places where they play and adults’ relationship to children’s play. the editors are researchers whose work focuses on children’s right to play, the value of play, policy related to play and the places where play can occur, and play’s relation to health and wellbeing. the contributing authors of the 12 studies come from a variety of backgrounds. most, but not all, are not traditional (i.e., academic) researchers. they are play workers, managers of child-related organizations (i.e., zoo, museums, adventure playgrounds), and staff in local government organizations. all but two of the authors are from the uk; the remaining two are from the u.s. given the book title and the background of the chapter authors, the book’s primary audience is those who work directly with children outside of formal educational institutions and those who are interested in policy related to children’s play. some traditional academics may also find the work helpful if they are interested in nontraditional and alternative approaches to research related to children and children’s play. the editors are clear that the studies do not follow the traditional europeanamerican empirical research tradition. in the introduction and the final chapter, the editors state that they believe this is not the only way to create new knowledge. the scientific method, anchored in theory, begins with a question to be answered in order to ultimately arrive at some cause and effect or truth. the research questions are driven by the interests of the researcher with little or no input from the “subjects” of the research. whether quantitative or qualitative, the editors assert that research in this tradition relies on interpretation of the data from the perspective of the researcher’s worldview. this, they maintain, is in spite of the claim of objectivity. the intention of this book is to present research, all of which is qualitative and uses small sample sizes, that does not necessarily produce universal truths but rather concentrates on singular findings from a variety of play situations. the editors’ goals are to highlight practice-based research and to thereby encourage it. the book is divided into three sections: historical perspectives, spatial and creative perspectives, and playfulness and wellbeing. the three chapters in the first section explore adults’ memories and perspectives of play in their childhoods. the section includes a study that explored adults’ memories of their east london childhood during world war two (becky willans) and a study of a uk playworker’s 40-year relationship with adventure playgrounds (tom williams). the studies used semistructured interviews, oral histories, auto ethnography, and performative and narrative methods. the information collected from the participants is analyzed through the lens of loose parts, affordances, risk and nostalgia. all of these studies were conducted in the uk. book review: practice-based research in children’s play 165 the second section has six chapters that examine the current spaces and places where children play including a children’s museum and a zoo in the u.s. as well as an urban public square, an after-school program, and two adventure playgrounds in the uk. these studies make use of many non-traditional qualitative research methods. for example, the author (hattie coppard) of the urban public space study uses observation of children’s play, but the observers were a dancer, a writer and a painter. the argument here is that instead of a goal of objectivity on the part of the observer, individuals from different perspectives will see different things as observers. the information gleaned from each observer will provide a more holistic and perhaps nuanced understanding of children’s play and how they use this particular space. another interesting aspect of this section is the exploration of the tension between adults’ intentions for children’s play and children’s own goals or needs. this tension is related to the definition of play in the playwork principles, a framework developed in the uk for professional and ethical principles to be used by playworkers. play is sometimes seen by adults as a vehicle for children to develop skills that they will use as adults, and therefore adults should guide the play in order for it to be most productive. the playwork principles espouse play as something freely chosen by children without any particular goal or outcome. playworkers are therefore obliged to make sure all children have the opportunity, resources, and spaces for play. the authors of the zoo study (linda kinney) and the after-school club (rebekah jackson) illustrate using interviews, observations, mind maps and questionnaires to determine how adults influence the play space and play opportunities through their habits, routines, and learning goals. these studies encourage playworkers to be aware of the ways in which they affect the play experiences of children in their care. the third section contains three studies that look at how play and playfulness is related to wellbeing. two of the studies are concerned with therapeutic play (claire hawkes) and enabling play for children with profound and multiple learning disabilities (stephen smith). play for these populations is a challenge because of the playwork priniciples’ requirement that play be freely chosen and self-directed by children. using interviews, observations, and ethnography, the authors of these chapters illustrate how adults who work with these populations can fulfill the spirit of the playwork principles. while the editors want to see research represented in this book influence policy on opportunities for children’s play, a more likely outcome will be the use of this book as a stimulus and guide for those who want to evaluate the play spaces and play opportunities for children. policy makers generally want to see large-scale studies that offer a level of comfort concerning outcomes given the investment of public funds. a clear value of this book is to encourage playworkers and managers of places for children’s play to be purposeful about conducting practice-based research. conducting practice-based research with non-traditional and traditional qualitative research methodologies and methods in multiple situations and settings can, in time, result in a body of work that plays a role in informing public policy. review by lorraine e. maxwell book review: practice-based research in children’s play 166 lorraine e. maxwell is an environmental psychologist and an associate professor in the department of design and environmental analysis at cornell university. she received her ph.d. in psychology from the graduate center of the city university of new york and holds a master’s degree in city and regional planning from rutgers university. her research interests are children’s environments including schools, childcare facilities, playgrounds, museums, and the home. she investigates attributes of the physical environment related to children’s and adolescents’ development of self-efficacy and competency. editors’ response the editors thank lorraine maxwell for her careful and thoughtful review of our book. she has succinctly captured the spirit of the collection in terms of its desire to offer an alternative perspective on researching children’s play. we wanted to show the value of the small-scale, the example—not to deny the value of larger-scale studies, but to work with what universal headlines might obscure. lorraine is correct in saying that policy makers currently are interested in “what works,” wanting to find linear cause-and-effect between inputs (the allocation of scarce resources) and outcomes. these are powerful narratives that are themselves performative; they produce and continually reproduce particular understandings of what children lack and therefore need from professional adults. many of the chapters in the book highlight children’s capabilities as children, and it is this that often gets lost in moral panics about contemporary childhood. the chapters in section two of the book explore not only environments where play takes place, but also the importance of bringing a spatial perspective, of interest to readers of this journal. rather than seeing space as a neutral container for action and play as something that resides in the minds (and sometimes bodies) of children, as much psychological research assumes, these studies consider space as a relational achievement. from this perspective, play emerges from the entanglements of desires, bodies, material objects, histories, habits and so on— assemblages of whatever is to hand. this makes playing a matter of spatial justice for children. the collection is indeed, as lorraine says, intended to encourage more practicebased research, melting the binary distinctions between neat theory and messy practice, producing more and more examples that can then hopefully work with the growing dissatisfaction with contemporary policy narratives and new public management techniques of measuring everything. accountability for children’s right to play is much more than mere counting, and play is much more than a discrete timeand space-bound activity. we hope others take this message from this volume also. the book is now available in more affordable paperback. the new edition carries a dedication to our friend and colleague, dr. stuart lester, who sadly passed away suddenly in may 2017. his work was a great inspiration for many of the studies in the book, and he is sorely missed. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. circle of life rediscovery uk programme of activities spring and summer 2008: an empirical report © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(2), 2019 assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental program joe hinds department of psychology, social work and counselling university of greenwich, united kingdom sarah o’malley institute of technology tralee, ireland citation: hinds, j. & o’malley, s. (2019). assessing nature connection and wellbeing during an experiential environmental program. children, youth and environments, 29(2), 92-107. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this paper presents the findings of an outdoor experiential residential program for a group of 96 children (aged 10-11) using self-report questionnaires to investigate the effects of the program for both well-being and nature connection. three separate schools participated in the program for a week at a time during october 2015. results from a one-month follow up (n = 50) indicated longitudinal positive effects on competence, hope, and nature connection. the results are discussed in relation to the extant literature on outdoor experiential education and the role that related programs may have in eliciting both psychological well-being and greater sense of connection to the environment among participants. keywords: experiential environmental education, nature connection, hope, competence http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental… 93 introduction there is some evidence that people have a preference for, and a predisposition to respond positively to, natural stimuli (falk & balling, 2010; white et al., 2010), and that that natural stimuli affords people the opportunity to recover from depleted cognitive capacities (grahn & stigsdotter, 2010; van den berg, hartig, & staats, 2007), as well as preventing emotional states such as stress and anxiety (e.g., maller, townsend, pryor, brown, & st. leger, 2005). in addition, theoretical perspectives, supported by empirical work, suggest that there may be a similar range of psychological benefits for participating in nature-based programs, activities and interventions (e.g., fletcher & hinkle, 2002). moreover, the development of positive perceptions of natural environments through exposure to them has been shown to contribute to pro-environmental attitudes (berto, 2005; hartig, kaiser, & strumse, 2007). however, the research cited above has in the main been oriented around adult populations, albeit with some exceptions. for instance, research using retrospective methods has suggested that engagement in play and exploration in nature during school environmental education and wilderness experience programs may be strongly associated with later adult pro-environmental behavior (see chawla & derr, 2012 for a review). further, evidence is growing around the impact of green school playgrounds on children’s cognitive restoration (bagot, allen, & toukhsati, 2015; kelz, evans, & röderer, 2015). in recent decades, western children’s ability to informally experience and understand the natural environment through unstructured and experiential outdoor play have arguably been diminishing (corcoran, gray, & peillon, 2009; louv, 2010; malone, 2007; o’malley, 2015). while many children’s environmental outdoor programs are designed to reconnect children with nature in its many forms to improve a range of environmental perceptions, behaviors and attitudes (gerstenberger, kelly, & cross, 2004; powers, 2004; smith-sebasto & cavern, 2006), there are also other important social, emotional and psychological benefits of nature (natural england, 2011). there has also been a developing realization that cognitive (learning) aspects of programs need to be embedded within an affective framework to enable positive outcomes (littledyke, 2007; ojala, 2017; pooley & o'connor, 2000). moreover, the affective and experiential qualities of these programs also seem to contribute towards psychological mental recovery (bagot, 2004), personal development (schreuder et al., 2014), and quality of life (hassink, elings, zweekhorst, van den nieuwenhuizen, & smit, 2010). specific evidence to support this thesis suggest, for instance, that exposure to green areas in childhood may help alleviate the symptoms of attention deficit disorder (faber taylor & kuo, 2011), buffer against later adult depression (snell et al., 2016) and aid individuals’ ability to recover from natural disasters (fakharzadeh, 2015). essentially, there seems to be a dual-process model at work here whereby children’s participation in nature may positively impact both their environmental attitudes (e.g., collado, staats, & corraliza, 2013) and their psychological and assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental… 94 emotional well-being (e.g., hinds, 2011a), including pro-social (community) behaviors (dopko, capaldi, & zelenski, 2019; hart, 1997). with that in mind, specific literature regarding both environmental attitudes and well-being pertinent to the present research will now be examined. nature connection it has been suggested that interactive outdoor activities for children (wilhelm & schneider, 2005) can promote personal and affective engagement with the environment (chawla, 1999; cook, 2008) and catalyze environmental knowledge into a stronger motivating force and thus bridge the attitude-action divide (collado et al., 2013; duerden & witt, 2010). in particular, connectedness to nature has been demonstrated to consistently predict pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors (mayer & frantz, 2004; nisbet, zelenski, & murphy, 2009; tam, 2013). moreover, exposure to natural environments, such as via experiential environmental programs, has been shown to elicit a sense of nature relatedness (mayer, frantz, bruehlman-senecal, & dolliver, 2008; nisbet & zelenski, 2011). the present research was particularly concerned with understanding the effects of an outdoor program for middle-childhood-aged children on self-reported nature connectedness as an important proxy for environmental behaviors (richardson et al., 2019; zelenski, dopko, & capaldi, 2015). while there are various terms and measures associated with the concept of nature connectedness (e.g., nature relatedness / affiliation / connection), these are largely synonymous; moreover, these terms arguably capture more cognitive nature-related attitudes and are, in the main, adult-focused (perrin & benassi, 2009; sparks, hinds, curnock, & pavey, 2014). despite research supporting the link between nature exposure and the development of nature connectedness in children (see chawla, 2015 for a review), few empirical measures have been designed for either children or with an explicit affective focus; a few notable exceptions include cheng and monroe (2012) and richardson et al. (2019). the present study defines nature connectedness as an affective or emotional attitude towards nature consisting of a sense of responsibility and empathy for, and unity with, nature (cheng & monroe, 2012). well-being alongside the importance of developing pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors through outdoor experiential programs, the outdoors is also important for impacting psychological well-being. one particularly prevalent approach to introducing people, typically adolescents, to the outdoors for a range of benefits has been outward bound, adventure and wilderness-style programs. these cover an array of activities designed to build, for instance, confidence, self-esteem, social skills, and selfefficacy (see hans, 2000 for a review). there is also a healthy corpus of qualitative research to support the idea that children benefit from exposure to nature in some form or another in middle childhood through, for instance, development of self through unstructured play and exploration (e.g., sobel, 1990; stanley, 2011). moreover, a number of initiatives that have specifically focused on children and more organic exposure to “nearby nature” have catalogued a number of health benefits, both physical and psychological (see chawla, 2015 for a review). assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental… 95 the basic psychological needs theory (bpn; e.g., deci et al., 2001) attempts to capture a comprehensive set of basic human needs required for well-being, and includes relatedness, competency and autonomy. relatedness may be defined as the striving for close relationships to achieve a sense of communion and belongingness or simply “a sense of mutual respect, caring, and reliance with others” (deci et al., 2001, p. 931). importantly, peer group social interactions take up more time in the life of an average person during adolescence than during earlier childhood or adulthood (brown, 1990) providing a major source of values, directives, feedback and social comparison (harter, 1990); therefore, measures of social relatedness for early adolescents may be seen as an indicator of well-being and social adjustment (ryan & deci, 2000). there has been some promising research that seems to indicate that exposure to nature, via school field trips, can improve children’s (aged 10-11) pro-sociability, among other psychological benefits such as positive emotions (dopko et al., 2019). competency, or the degree to which one feels a sense of self-efficacy, is also related to psychological well-being, particularly to intrinsic motivation (vansteenkiste, lens, & deci, 2006). in other words, competency and sociability are “innate psychological nutriments that are essential for ongoing psychological growth and well-being” (deci & ryan, 2000, p. 229). paralleling the bpn theory in part, some qualitative research with middle childhood children involved in natural school yard environments (such as woodland, deciduous forest and creek), have found that play experiences in these environs provide opportunities to encourage competence, social support and stress relief (chawla, keena, pevec & stanley, 2014). in addition, it has been shown that wooded areas within school playgrounds may provide a creative space that enables both an environmental (place) connection and various competencies (stanley, 2011). moreover, important relationships between competencies for sustainable development, such as pro-environmental engagement behaviors, and hope have been found (ojala, 2012). while the concept of hope is varied, and in some forms may even lead to inaction (e.g., wishful thinking), the characteristics of the context in which hope manifests—such as the availability of active social support, personal engagement, and emotional awareness—seem to be important factors that affect the ability of hope to be constructive and motivational (ojala, 2017). there has also been emerging research and interest in the notion of psychological resilience in children (e.g., condly, 2006; goldstein & brookes, 2012). childhood resilience has been defined as resulting from interpersonal processes and selfdiscovery mechanisms that mitigate the impact of biological, psychological and social factors that threaten a child’s health (ungar, dumond, & mcdonald, 2005). although resiliency has been a topic of interest for outdoor education program research (ewert & yoshino, 2011; neill & dias, 2001; overholt & ewert, 2015), there is far less quantitative research on resiliency in middle childhood. moreover, the allied concept of hope, although studied in children (e.g., snyder, lopez, shorey, rand, & feldman, 2003), has not been extensively quantitatively investigated within outdoor environmental educational settings. assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental… 96 in summary, how experiential encounters with the natural environment may simultaneously positively impact well-being and pro-environmental attitudes (nature connectedness) in children has not yet received the degree of quantitative empirical research that the importance of the subject warrants, albeit with a few notable exceptions (dopko et al., 2019; hinds, 2015). therefore, the present study was conceived to further the knowledge of this potential dual-process model within an outdoor educational setting for children. the present research, therefore, proposes the following four working hypotheses based on the above literature review. there will be significant and positive effects of an outdoor experiential program on children’s sense of: (1) nature connection, (2) hope, (3) competence, and (4) relatedness. present study three primary schools (two inner-city and one rural) participated in a week-long (monday friday) residential program at different times at an outdoor education site (figure 1) in the southeast of the united kingdom (kent). the study collected data from three separate school groups during the weeks of october 5, 12 and 19, 2015. the program of activities and catering requirements were organized in advance between the class teacher and site tutor. the tutor delivered the program with schoolteachers providing additional support. the activities were delivered during both the day and evening to enable activities such as the campfire. other key program activities included nature awareness games, basic bush and wood craft, rock pool fishing, shelter building, hiking, exploration, free play, field work skills, storytelling, food preparation (bread making, gardening activities) and teamwork challenges. activities were conducted in small groups and supervised by an experienced adult. outside of program activities, the school staff supervised the children and organized games using resources available at the residential site. the children shared dormitories for the week and the center provided appropriate outdoor gear if the weather was changeable. figure 1. outdoor education site assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental… 97 method participants a group of 96 children participated in the program, and a total of 50 included within the study. those included in the analysis were aged between 10 and 11 years (56 percent female) and from varied geographic residential locations (58 percent urban, 4 percent suburban, and 38 percent rural). the children were drawn from three participating schools that have high proportions of children in care, those from military service families, and children eligible for free school meals (thus representing a more deprived cohort than the national average). procedure researchers provided children with both verbal and written instructions to complete anonymous questionnaires at three time points: approximately one week prior to the residential program (time 1), midway during the program, and approximately one month after the program (time 3). while 96 children took part in the program, only 52 percent—50 children—returned completed and usable data for both time 1 and time 3. because of incomplete time 2 data, only the longitudinal data (i.e., time 1 and time 3) will be presented here. measures all responses were on seven-point, fully anchored, likert-like scales (disagree strongly [1] to agree strongly [7]). reverse coding of variables was carried out where appropriate. the mean score for the items representing each of the variables was used to form a composite measure of each variable (see table 2 for inter-item reliability). the researchers established the variables to be tested from a range of literature and previous research. from the basic need satisfaction scale (www.psych.rochester.edu; see also ryan & deci, 2000), the researchers adapted three key constructs to suit the cohort in line with previous research (e.g., gillison, standage & skevington, 2008): competence, relatedness, and autonomy. competence was measured with six items, for example, “i have been able to learn interesting new skills recently” and “most days i feel a sense of accomplishment.” relatedness was measured with seven items, for example, “i really like the people i hang around with” and “i get on with most people i meet.” autonomy was measured with seven items, for example, “i usually feel free to express my ideas and opinions” and “i feel like i can be myself in most daily situations.” this variable was not included in the analysis due to a poor inter-item reliability for both time points (t1  = .22; t3  = .42). from the children’s hope scale (snyder et al., 2003, hope was measured with six items, for example, “when i have a problem, i can come up with lots of ways to solve it” and “even when others want to quit, i know that i can find ways to solve the problem.” nature connection (cheng & monroe, 2012 was measured with 16 items, for example, “being outdoors makes me happy” and “my actions will make the natural world different.” http://www.psych.rochester.edu/ assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental… 98 results the researchers screened each variable at both time points for normality and reliability and found them to be generally acceptable given the sample size and field nature of the research. the pattern of inter-correlations at both time points indicated no overly high relationships between variables (see table 2). a test of differences between time 1 and time 3 was carried out for each of the included outcome variables using paired-samples t-tests (see table 1). results indicate that for the overall sample there were significant differences for nature connection, hope, and competence. in other words, after their experience, children generally reported feeling a stronger nature connection, having greater hope, and perceiving greater personal competence. there were no effects for relatedness. table 1. means, standard deviations and time differences for the research variables (n = 50) variables mean (sd) time 1 time 3 df t-test statistic p value level of significance nature connection 5.92 (0.75) 6.08 (0.73) 49 2.43 .01 ** hope 5.74 (0.85) 6.06 (0.65) 48 -2.61 .01 ** competence 4.68 (0.79) 5.00 (0.87) 49 -2.71 .01 ** relatedness 5.58 (0.65) 5.52 (0.69) 49 0.60 .55 ns *p < .05; ** p < .01 table 2. inter-correlations and reliability for the research variables: time 1 appears above the diagonal and time 3 below (n = 50) variables 1 2 3 4 5 6 t1 α t3 α 1. gender -.15 -.03 .25* .05 .21 2. geographic location -.15 -.29* -.22 .06 .11 3. nature connection .03 -.38** .31* .26* .11 .83 .86 4. hope .15 -.11 .20 .44*** .27* .60 .74 5. competence -.02 .10 -.26* .10 .40** .45 .51 6. relatedness .10 .19 -.15 .11 .37** .49 .58 *p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001 assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental… 99 discussion the present findings provide some promising support for the impact of an experiential residential program on children’s well-being and nature connectedness. in particular, there is evidence here to suggest that perceived competence and hope may be positively affected through this experiential residential program, which supports other research with similar psychological findings (chawla, 2015). moreover, the current results for nature connectedness alongside other related research (e.g., hinds, 2011b) further support the benefits of an outdoor education for impacting emotional environmental attitudes as a proxy for environmental behavior. given the acknowledged importance of affective engagement with nature for a range of pro-environmental behaviors (chawla, 1999; collado et al., 2013; perrin & benassi, 2009; richardson et al., 2019), the inclusion of this measure would seem to be particularly pertinent for children. these positive and significant differences in the research variables were present after approximately one month after the completion of the program, which stands in contrast to similar research, such as stern, powell and ardoin (2008) who found significant gains in environmental stewardship and awareness but not for environmental connectedness after a three-month follow-up. indeed, while the overall longitudinal effects of the present study are promising, we cannot be sure the effects found for nature connectedness would still be present with a longer follow-up period. therefore, an extended period of follow-up would enable more robust claims to be made for the effectiveness of this and other similar programs. while on the whole these findings may be accepted at face value, the variable of competence, alongside relatedness, had relatively poor inter-item reliability and therefore some caution must be applied to the interpretation of this particular result. indeed, further work to target potential issues of age-related comprehension of the wording of this and other measures, the provision of additional verbal instructions, and the additional testing of this and other measures for specific groups of children, including age considerations, would be of benefit. that these measures had poor inter-item reliability may be indicative of children having different conceptual understandings than previous, and typically older, cohorts. however, previous research with correspondingly aged children has used similarly adapted measures with more favorable inter-item results (gillison et al., 2008). given the qualitative research indicating that there may be opportunities to build competence and social support (akin to relatedness) as well as allowing stress relief in natural settings for children (chawla et al., 2014), this ambiguity does seem to warrant further elucidation. in addition, a brief discussion is warranted in regard to the non-significant effects of relatedness in the present study. while past research has indicated that social support is a key element of well-being (ojala, 2017; harter, 1990), despite positive changes in other aspects of measured well-being here, there was no similar change in social interactions (i.e., relatedness). within her review of the benefits of nature for children (chawla, 2015) and others (e.g., hart, 1997) there is qualitative evidence for children developing an affiliation with other people and the natural world, albeit not explicitly simultaneously. similarly, while there have been assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental… 100 suggestions from past quantitative research that there may be a link between a developing nature connection and relatedness in the form of pro-sociability via nature exposure (dopko et al., 2019), the present research was not able to substantiate this. this may be due to the program having an individualistic, competency-based focus—although activities were often group-based with a collective goal (e.g., shelter construction). alternatively, a fine tuning of the items designed to measure social relatedness may be needed in order to detect change; the existing measures of relatedness may in fact be too broad. there is the added issue of a relatively poor reliability for this variable at both time points suggesting the items were not perceived as being associated by the children. therefore, future research, perhaps of a mixed methodology, may be harnessed to determine if there are simultaneous developments of both environmental and social connectedness. however, some previous research has also failed to detect changes in sociability (e.g., hinds, 2011b) suggesting that this may not be a relevant or salient issue for participants of this age; their social bonds may already be at an optimum level or children are relating in ways that are not related to the substantiated measures used. a final observation here is that it may require longer exposure times to a new social group to affect change in social relatedness. therefore, while there may be qualitative support for the theory of a simultaneous development of both social and nature connectedness for this and other age groups (chawla, 2015), we have yet to see this substantiated in quantitative research presented here. as this seems to sit in opposition to a number of qualitative investigations, we suggest that this be a focus for future research. the validity of future findings will be given extra weight with the incorporation of a control group. the purpose of comparing an outdoor experiential sample with a matched-pairs sample, would help to determine whether or not changes that have been detected are in fact the result of these experiences and not through chance or more global occurrences. however, there is some evidence to suggest that the inclusion of a comparison group can substantiate the effects of an experiential environmental educational program for both nature connection and positive emotions (see dopko et al.’s study of a forest nature school, 2019). by utilizing a variety of comparative groups with a diversity of activities there would be the opportunity to substantiate both the current research findings and that of other similar research (e.g., dopko et al., 2019) and further develop and advance research into young people’s understandings of and connections with the natural environment. what would be of particular interest here would be a more extensive longitudinal study of participants’ experiences including critical analysis of the effectiveness of early environmental experiential programs on later secondaryand tertiary-level formal education achievements through improvement of the cognitive functions of attention and focus (chawla et al., 2014; lugg, 2007). given the importance of enhancing psychological well-being and the increasing need to raise awareness of nature concerns and promote greater pro-environmental behaviors, the present study gives some added empirical support for the ability of experiential nature programs to enhance both. in particular, the potential for the presented program to benefit children in terms of their skill acquisition (competency), specific well-being indicators (hope), and garnering more positive assessing nature connection and well-being during an experiential environmental… 101 environmental relationships (nature connection) holds particular promise. future research of similar programs may be able to provide robust substantiation for the current findings, thus lending important support for alternative education for children to benefit their psychological well-being and the environment that sustains them. dr. joe hinds is a senior lecturer in counselling at the university of greenwich, uk and a practicing integrative psychotherapist. he has published a number of papers related to the relationship between the natural environment and psychological well-being including a recent co-edited volume (ecotherapy) that examines the diverse psychotherapeutic ways of encountering nature. he has a passion for the outdoors and spends time in nature as a therapist and for relaxation as often as he can. dr. sarah o’malley is a postdoctoral researcher, unesco chair in inclusive physical education, sport, recreation and fitness, in the institute of technology tralee, ireland. her research areas include the impact of environmental education on environmental connectedness and well-being. she has published on these subjects and convenes an outdoor learning research practice hub in the uk which is supported by the university of cumbria, institute of outdoor learning, natural england and the council for learning outside the classroom. references bagot, k. l. 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(2015). cooperation is in our nature: nature exposure may promote cooperative and environmentally sustainable behaviour. journal of environmental psychology 42, 24-31. © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(2), 2020 “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through children's photography mark shakespear university of british columbia jeji varghese department of sociology and anthropology, university of guelph rosanne morris focus on nature citation: shakespear, m., varghese, j., & morris, r. (2020). “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through children’s photography. children, youth and environments, 30(2), 1-29. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract in an increasingly technological age, photography provides a medium for exploring and engaging with nature. this study examines children’s conceptualizations and avenues of engagement using children’s nature photographs and comments as documented through the school-based focus on nature program in ontario, canada. we find that children can view nature literally (i.e., as consisting of living, non-living, dead, or human-made things), symbolically (i.e., representing other things or prior experiences), and as a dynamic and static entity. avenues of connection to nature through photography extend the cognitive-behavioral-sensoryaffective model of experience via imagination to include artistic connections such as symbolism, photo-editing, and perspective-taking. keywords: photography, children’s perspectives, nature connection, elementary students, children’s conceptualization of nature http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 2 photography gives children new ways of appreciating nature and opens up new windows of possibility in their lives (simon bell, executive director of focus on nature, personal communication). introduction many urban children have limited opportunities to connect with nature (hand et al., 2016). a growing body of observations (louv, 2008; sampson, 2015; taylor, 2017; pacini-ketchabaw & khattar, 2018) suggests there is a divide between children and nature. soga and gaston (2016) suggest that this divide results from a loss of opportunities for children to be directly exposed and oriented to nature. the literature identifies numerous factors that make it difficult to foster child-nature connections, including fear, space, technology, time (soga, yamanoi, tsuchiya, koyanagi, & kanai, 2018), and structural influences. soga and gaston (2016) note that most of these factors result in a lack of direct exposure of children to nature (i.e., a loss of opportunity), whereas other factors are related to a loss of natureorientation. fear-based barriers, or biophobia, a fear of or an aversion to nature (shaw, anderson, & barcelona, 2015) by children, parents (hand et al., 2018), and/or teachers can result in children spending decreased time outdoors. fear of allergies or harsh weather can also impact the amount of time children spend outdoors. fears can also be result from accessibility issues or safety concerns (cronin-de-chavez, islam, & mceachan, 2019). further, children who live in environments or communities that are perceived as unsafe due to elevated levels of crime or violence may be less willing or able to spend time in natural areas (adams, savahl, & fattore, 2017). spatial barriers limit access to (aziz & said, 2017) and reduce the quality of green spaces (carson, kuhle, spence, & veugelers, 2010), resulting in a loss of opportunity to experience nature. these factors are often not isolated from each other. for example, when parents have a good perception of the quality of their local sidewalks and parks, their children have been shown to decrease their screen time (carson et al., 2010). time barriers may relate to the overscheduling of time or perceived lack of time; technology may also play a role, as when indoor screen time competes with time outdoors (larson et al., 2018). structural barriers between children and nature can include the absence of or cost of programming or equipment. another common structural barrier is a lack of teacher knowledge or skill with nature-based pedagogies, such as indigenous land pedagogy (e.g., maceachren, 2018; styres, 2017), place-based (e.g., christiansen, hannan, anderson, coxon, & fargher, 2018; lloyd, truong, & gray, 2018), forest schools (e.g., waite & goodenough, 2018), wild pedagogy (e.g., jickling, blenkinsop, morse, & jensen, 2018), and the like. this child-nature divide is problematic from two perspectives. first, it prohibits children from accessing the immediate and life-long health benefits that can be derived from a nature connection. current research indicates that children benefit in many ways by spending time outdoors in a natural environment: better mental and physical health (sampson, 2015; tillmann, tobin, avison, & gilliland, 2018); lower myopia (yang et al., 2018); lower obesity (louv, 2011); increased ability to deal with the challenges of adhd (taylor & kuo, 2009); and better indoor classroom learning (kuo, browning, & penner, 2018). nature experiences also “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 3 inspire problem-solving while building confidence (walmsley & westall, 2018). some doctors today are prescribing “vitamin n,” a term coined by louv (2016), meaning a regular dose of nature, as part of their treatment plan for both adults and children seeking health and vitality (maller, townsend, pryor, brown, & st leger, 2006; miller, 2009; nisbet & lem, 2015; coffey & gauderer, 2016; louv, 2016). “nature deficit disorder,” a term also coined by louv (2008, p. 10), describes how children's health is affected negatively by remaining indoors rather than spending time outdoors. second, the divide has implications for ecological/environmental and societal sustainability for future generations of society and the environment upon which that society depends. society benefits from nature-child connections through children’s increased ecological literacy (pitman, daniels, & sutton, 2018) and likelihood of adopting ecologically sound practices (cumbo, paay, kjeldskov, & jacobs, 2014). given the importance of children’s connection with nature, it is vital to understand how they form that connection, and how they conceptualize nature. this study investigates the potential for photography to inspire children to connect with nature, as well as how research on the photographs children take can give us insight into their conceptualization of nature. specifically, an ontario child-based photography program, focus on nature, provides a vantage point from which to explore these questions: 1. how do children connect to nature through photography? 2. what do children construct as “nature” in their photography? to help set the context for this paper, the following literature review presents a range of models of the processes through which children may connect to nature, as well as the ways they may conceptualize nature. next, we highlight research demonstrating the role that photography may play in fostering children’s connection to nature. finally, we discuss the potential for photography-based research methodologies to provide insight into children’s conceptualization of nature. literature review how children connect to nature literature regarding modes of connection to nature is scarce, even more so that which examines how children connect to nature. schultz (2002) proposes a psychological model for human inclusion with nature, consisting of cognitive, affective, and behavioral components. here, the cognitive aspect denotes the degree of acknowledgement or awareness that one is a part of or connected to nature; the affective component is the degree to which one cares about nature; and the behavioral piece reflects the degree to which people are committed to acting in a way that benefits nature. schultz states the cognitive element is required for the affective and the affective for the behavioral component. using what they term a multidimensional model for understanding children’s experiences with nature, linzmayer, halpenny and walker (2014) found children’s “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 4 connections with nature to consist of cognitive (thoughts), affective/emotional (emotional evaluation of or reaction to stimuli), behavioral (actions), and sensory (information received through the senses) components.1 their study is based upon interviews with five children aged 6-10 years regarding how they experienced nature in a botanical garden setting throughout five days at a camp in alberta. the researchers conducted the interviews primarily in the garden itself—eliciting responses using photographs, drawings, clay sculptures and sand tray pictures that the children had made just prior—as well as before and after the camp, without prompts. children were asked broadly about their experiences conducting those activities, how the activities made them feel, and what their creations expressed about what was important about their nature experience that day. children reported that the affective and sensory avenues of nature connection were more significant than the cognitive and behavioral. linzmayer and colleagues (2014) note that the senses are what bridge a child’s affective experience to the external environment, but that both the child’s previous cognitive schema and their affective evaluation of stimuli as good, bad, or neutral, influence behavior in response to a stimulus. cognition was related to meanings constructed from experiences and the influence of socio-cultural factors, and behavior was used to regulate levels of stimulation, though behavior alone was not found to be significant. emphasis on the affective dimension was also found by bonnett and williams (1998). conducted in the east anglia region of the uk, this study employed two parallel group interviews with four and six grade 5-6 students, using verbal and written activities and photographs as prompts. here, appreciation of natural places was said by children to vary according to mood. children also reported that nature can be important for relaxation, escape, sanctuary, or for a place to play, depending partially upon the features of the environment itself. children’s connections to nature may also be facilitated through social relationships. in a survey of 56 environmental leaders, most attributed their commitment to the environment to a combination of two sources in childhood or adolescence: many hours spent outdoors in wild or semi-wild places, and a mentoring adult who taught respect for nature, thereby orienting children’s nature connections (chawla, 2006). how children conceptualize nature literature examining children’s conceptualizations of nature highlight differing understandings of what is natural and what natural means. children often see living things as part of nature (bonnett & williams, 1998; payne, 2014; white, 2015), though some differentiate between living things in these conceptions: some suggest that plants are the only natural living things, though animals may be included (bonnett & williams, 1998), as well as humans (bonnett & williams, 1998; gebhard, nevers, & billmann-mahecha, 2003; payne, 2014). bonnett and williams (1998) found some children offered reasoning for why they incorporated humans in their definition of nature, such as the ideas that people are animals, people have similar needs to animals, or that people and animals are mutually dependent. further, some children suggested that things possess “degrees of naturalness,” 1 for visual representations of the model, see pages 483 and 485 of linzmayer et al. (2014) “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 5 where things grown by themselves are more natural than those cultivated by humans, which in turn are more natural than human-made, non-living things (bonnett & williams 1998, p. 163). however, payne (2014) found that some children see human-made things as part of nature. payne’s study drew upon participants’ in-class and after-class verbal, written, and illustrated reflections throughout a weekly, five-month series of society-and-nature-based philosophy classes with 28 grade 6 students. here, one child discussed that human-made things can co-exist with living things throughout their use or return to nature after their use. further, some children were found to conceive of nature as an ecosystem, which is more than the sum of its parts. thus, some children appear to conceive of nature in an abstract as well a literal sense. additionally, the literature reflects children’s conceptions of nature as either a dynamic or static entity. some children view nature more as an unchanging entity, expressing that it is something that has always been there and will continue to exist in the future—referring sometimes to their local environments and sometimes to nature in general. however, some children acknowledge growth and change in nature, referring specifically to changing states of life and death (payne, 2014). similarly, white (2015) found that children can view dead things as part of nature. in her study, a home-educator employed individual stimulated-recall interviews with four children of ages 3-4, using photographs taken by each child during outings that were integrated with a maori outdoor educational program (kimi haere) in which the children were already participating. white discusses the interest that many children had in observing a decomposing rat throughout various visits to a farm, highlighting comments by a child who expressed that seeing this rat helped them understand death more fully. this child related their experience with the rat to seeing an earthquake on television. white describes this child’s experience as exemplifying a symbolic connection to nature, alongside other participants’ experiences with natural objects, which the children saw as symbolizing past experiences, or as resembling other objects based on similar colors or shapes. harwood, whitty, elliot, and rose (2020) also explore children’s conceptualizations of death and life in nature. these authors discuss children’s experiences and reflections throughout three nature-based education programs in british columbia, new brunswick, and ontario. educators documented these experiences by taking photographs and recording children’s comments. encounters with a dead racoon, a dead owl, and a living weasel were highlighted—the latter believed by the children to have killed a family of squirrels they had visited previously. guided through these encounters by the educators, the children discussed and reflected upon death as part of the natural cycle of life. harwood and colleagues (2020) note that such practices are contrary to common avoidance in western cultures of reflecting on death. they state that reflecting on these encounters was especially pertinent in fostering understandings and relationships with and between the children and nonhuman beings, as they brought notions of mutual vulnerability and entanglement to the fore. harwood’s research utilizes a “common worlds” approach: a post-human framework, drawing upon localized (including indigenous) knowledges, which “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 6 emphasizes being and learning with nature. importantly, harwood’s research and the common worlds framework serve to bridge the two research questions in this study, wherein we examine how children conceptualize and connect to nature. according to harwood and collier (2017, p. 338), a “common worlds approach encompasses theories that help us think about the indivisible worlds that humans, materials, places and non-human species share....” thus, connecting with and conceptualizing—or being and learning-with—nature can be contingent practices. and, importantly, both are vital means of fostering healthy relationships in and with the natural world, as well as specifically with other humans. elliot and krusekopf (2017) offer reflections in a similar vein, discussing their creation and study of a nature kindergarten program (one of the three programs examined in harwood et al. (2020)), in sooke, british columbia. the program draws upon the local traditional knowledge of the coast salish peoples who are indigenous to the territory on which sooke is located. coast salish first nations elders and educators helped create the program and acted as guides for the children during weekly outings. the authors suggest that the program creates an opportunity “to articulate a pedagogy of place that embraces complexity and uncertainty” (p. 387). they attribute this in part to the variety of spontaneous and on-going experiences that natural settings offer, which can foster healthy and meaningful relationships with people, places, and non-human beings. this comes via processes of learning, doing, and being-with, where learning one’s limits and fostering a sense of responsibility for oneself and others is a key aspect of the program. gebhard and colleagues (2003) offer a further bridge between our research questions. these researchers found that elementary school children (i.e., 6-12-year olds) can attribute mental and emotional qualities (such as being able to think or feel pain) or project anthropomorphism onto trees. these responses were elicited during separate small-group discussions between approximately five participants of ages 6-8, 10-12, and 14-16 years—with a total sample of 285. the discussions were prompted by the researchers telling a story that expressed a conflict of interest between a child or adolescent (depending on the participant age group) and a plant, animal, or ecosystem. the aforementioned tendencies were found less as students grew older, and not at all among the adolescents. these researchers found that some participants conceived of ecosystems as machines, as a way around the participants’ perceived immorality of not conserving/protecting nature. moreover, they found that children can switch back and forth between anthropomorphic and more scientific conceptions of nature. the researchers suggest that anthropomorphic conceptualizations of nature reflect an affective connection with nature. we note that the difference in results between age groups in gebhard and colleagues’ (2003) work suggests that it is pertinent to foster affective connections with and anthropomorphic conceptions of nature at an early age. this is affirmed by payne (2014), who found that some children expressed contradictory conceptions “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 7 of nature throughout the course of his research with grade 6 students, and suggests that this may be due to conceptions of nature/environment not being fully formed at that time in their lives. fostering child-nature connection via photography louv (2016) suggests that today’s “wired generation” of children need connections to nature in a way that is unprecedented. many parents and educators experience the dilemma of children resisting the invitation to play outdoors, particularly children who are deeply connected to their phones and video games (sampson, 2015). for focus on nature, introducing children to digital nature photography was intended to intentionally connect these children more deeply with nature. when tech-savvy children are invited to learn about digital photography they may engage with nature in new and exciting ways (spencer, 2012). the camera helps children fine-tune their vision (slemon et al., 2018) and allows children to “memorialize moments” of nature experiences they find meaningful (fitzsimmons, 2012). recent studies explore the relationship between digital nature photography and children’s connectedness to nature (e.g. linzmayer et al., 2014; spencer, 2012). qualitative and anecdotal data suggest that children’s use of digital cameras can enhance their connectedness to nature (spencer, 2012). in fact, previous research on the focus on nature program suggests that children are inspired to make personal connections with nature through photography-based programming (shakespear & varghese, 2018) and that children learn more about nature due to their relationship with the trained adult volunteer mentors (slemon et al., 2018). researching child-nature connection and conceptualization through photography our study examines photographs taken by children participating in focus on nature (fon), a school-based photography program based in guelph, ontario.2 fon uses the implicit draw of technology to spark connections between children and nature by teaching nature photography. the key goals of fon are to nurture an appreciation of nature through photography, to foster creativity, and to inspire young people to get outside and explore the outdoors as photographers. analyzing children’s fon photographs to better understand children’s conceptualizations and connections with nature seemed a logical concurrent study to a broader evaluation of the fon program (i.e., slemon et al., 2018). photography is an increasingly popular tool of academic research, and the interpretation of photos taken by children offers researchers the opportunity to explore their intended meaning (barker & smith, 2012). langmann and pick (2018, p. 21) note “both participant and researcher-generated images mainly serve as a channel for interview or other data, and seldom stand as data themselves.” in our study, the participant-generated photographs are the primary source of data. authenticity of the photos in our design comes from the fact that the photos were taken as part of the fon programming, rather than specifically for this study. as the focus of the programming was on nature photography, we had an opportunity to 2 refer to the fon website for more information: www.focusonnature.ca http://www.focusonnature.ca/ “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 8 get a glimpse of how the children connected with and conceptualized nature within and through their photography. gaps in literature examining children and nature via photography previous studies have employed photo elicitation during interviews with children to inquire about their understandings of nature and the relationship between nature and sociocultural/human worlds. application of this method ranges from simply using photographs of nature during group interviews with children (e.g., bonnett & williams, 1998), to eliciting responses in one-on-one interviews by using photos taken by children during their participation in an outdoor program (e.g., white, 2015). photo-elicitation research that examines avenues through which children connect to nature is more limited. like those of linzmayer et al. (2014) and white (2015), our study analyzes children’s comments on their photographs, although in our study the photographs are the primary source of data. moreover, we gathered data from children’s comments in a manner that was integral to the program in which the children were participating, rather than requiring children to spend extra time to take part in our study and to avoid disrupting the flow of the program. we use this data to gain a deeper understanding of what the photographs express about children’s conceptions of and avenues of connection to nature. similar to our study, other research (e.g., elliot & krusekopf, 2017; harwood et al., 2020) examines both children’s conceptualizations of and connections to nature. however, these studies use photographs taken by children during outdoor programs primarily to document experiences, rather than as a substantive aspect of analysis. other than linzmayer et al. (2014), literature that explores photography as a mode of connecting children to nature is scarce. our research aims to fill this gap, using linzmayer et al.’s multi-dimensional model of experience as a starting point to understand the diverse ways in which children can connect to nature via photography, while also examining the range of children’s conceptualizations of nature via their photographic depictions and their brief commentary on those photographs. methods photo elicitation (e.g., harper, 2002), photo-narrative (rose, 2012), photovoice (wang & redwood-jones, 2001), and snapshot (langmann & pick, 2018) are some approaches in which photography has been used within research. this study draws on the snapshot approach and centers around children’s photographs of nature. photography has been increasingly employed for studies with children. depending on how the photography is used, it can enable task-oriented data collection, serve as an icebreaker, help children communicate abstract ideas, center children’s perspectives and shift power to children, etc. (epstein, stevens, mckeever & baruchel, 2006; böök & mykkänen, 2014; white 2015). some limitations/ challenges of children’s photography noted in the literature include recognizing that what is not visible can be as meaningful as what is visible, that images are selective representations of social reality, and that relying solely on researcher’s “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 9 interpretation can mis-capture what children were trying to convey (rose, 2012; böök & mykkänen, 2014). this visual sociology3 study is based on photographs taken by children during the fon photography program in june 2017. fon workshops4 intentionally link to ontario curriculum guidelines, and were designed to provide specialized photography instruction and positive nature experiences for young people. to ensure equitable access and maximum participation, schools are the locus of program delivery. during each one-day program, children are partnered in small groups with trained adult mentors who possess significant qualities: affection for children, an appreciation of nature, a facility with digital photography (although not required), and a dedication to the overall mission of fon. every workshop is led by an experienced lead instructor and a team of program assistants who bring all equipment and materials needed to make a fon workshop a rich learning experience. recognizing the limits of school budgets, fon program costs are covered by government grants, corporate sponsorships, and fundraising. as a result, fon operates as an incorporated non-profit, charitable organization. fon workshops have been well-received in classes from grades 3 to 11, including high school specialty arts programs. from inception in 2008 to now, fon has delivered over 900 workshops in four regions in southwestern ontario, reaching over 23,000 children in over 175 schools, with 65 volunteers and four full-time staff. a fon workshop is a full-day experience delivered in a dynamic, interactive format. students are given the opportunity to practice what they learn in nearby parks in small, adult-led groups. included in the workshop program are interactive talks/slideshows covering the elements of design, composition ideas, and the basics of using a digital camera; a morning adventure walk to a nearby natural area, including a hunt for the seven elements of design in nature; nature awareness and sensory activities such as building a nature sculpture and a photo scavenger hunt; and photo editing. workshops then conclude with slide shows comprised of each student’s top shots and a discussion of their favorite image. ideas of activities for continuing children’s nature connections are provided to the classroom teacher after each workshop. children often engage more deeply as nature photographers and share their work with the larger community long after the workshop has ended. as a community-engaged research project, we were cognizant of the need to limit the study’s intrusion into the programming being evaluated as part of a broader study, so in addition to observation, we intentionally drew on existing aspects of the programming (photography and the slideshow) as our sources of data. essentially, the slideshow comments could be framed as an “oral” version of the captioning of photos (barker & smith, 2012) and helped to ensure that within data analysis the children’s interpretations were included along with the researchers’. hence, the study draws on a participant snapshot approach with oral captioning. 3 harper (2012) identifies two broad approaches to using visual sociology to study culture and social life: researchers creating visuals or researchers analyzing visuals created by others. 4 refer to the fon website for more information: www.focusonnature.ca http://www.focusonnature.ca/ “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 10 the research dataset consisted of 86 photos and 61 comments. each photo was taken by a different child between grades 3 and 6 at one of four guelph fon workshops between june 12th and 20th, 2017. during the collective slideshow, each child presented five photographs that they had taken5 and edited earlier in the day, then provided comments on the photo that they selected as their favorite. upon being prompted by fon volunteers during the slideshow presentation, each child decided whether they would comment on the elements of design they could identify within it, why they took it, or what they liked about it. however, not all child participants commented on their favorite photo during the presentation. hence, there are fewer comments than photos in the dataset. in this study, we analyzed each child’s favorite photo and any accompanying comments the child provided. during the workshops, the first author observed the slideshows, viewed the pictures, and recorded the comments of participating children.6 we addressed the research questions by analyzing and categorizing both the visual content of the pictures and the comments made by participants. photos and their corresponding comments were linked and coded within nvivo 11. we drew on two visual methodological approaches to analyze the photos produced by the children: content analysis and interpretive analysis. content analysis was used primarily to capture what was found in the images—focusing on the beings, objects, and things they depicted—though also to sort comments regarding why children took or liked their photograph, or what self-described symbols in the photographs represented to the child. this content analysis of photographs and comments began as open, inductive coding, capturing what each contained. we then deductively developed broader categories, based in part upon children’s conceptualizations of nature as found in the literature review (e.g. living things, non-living things, humans, nonhumans, human-made things, etc.). interpretive analysis involved looking at the image as a whole and interpreting what themes or messages about nature were found in the image and what symbols might be found in it. again, this consisted of both inductive and deductive coding. based on the child’s comments, we inductively coded pictures that the child described as symbolic representations of other objects. deductive coding was used by the researchers to interpret thematic meaning in the photographs, based on findings in the literature review. table 1 provides a summary of the coding of children’s comments regarding their rationale for why they each selected the photo as their favorite. of the 61 participants who provided comments during the slideshow, 49 participants noted one reason for selecting the photo as their favorite, ten participants noted two reasons and two participants noted three reasons. 5 with permission, as part of the program, fon uploads photographs taken by participating children to flickr as a way of capturing and acknowledging the children’s artistic contributions. 6 photos and comments were omitted from the study where parental consent or child assent was not given. this study was reviewed by the university of guelph research ethics board for compliance with federal guidelines for research involving human participants (reb17-05036). “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 11 table 1. summary of rationale for children’s photo selection why photo selected as favorite: relative frequency evoked an emotional reaction 1-4 participants liked how picture resembled a different place or time noted symbolism in the picture liked the edited effects identified the perspective of the picture liked the overall image 5-10 participants noted presence of a specific object or non-living thing noted presence of a certain animal plant or living being 11-20 participants liked elements of design in the picture in considering how much information beyond the image itself was needed (rose, 2007), within the research design, we included records of what the child said during the slideshow about their favorite image. these comments made by the participants provided insights into the child’s thoughts and feelings related to the photograph itself and the subject matter captured within the child’s photograph. this enabled us to link images with participants’ thoughts about the images and enabled compositional interpretation to include the children’s voice and not only the researchers’. such methods are necessary as a form of triangulation beyond simply using photographs as a single unit of analysis, since aesthetic interpretations can vary between individuals. this can be even more important when analyzing children’s photographs, since differences in interpretation between adults and children can be larger than between adults (richards, 2009; white, 2015). findings our findings affirm what is found in the literature in that children both conceptualize and connect to nature in a variety of ways. we also found that these can occur while children are engaging in nature photography. as demonstrated in the first subsection below, children can use photography to connect to nature through symbolism, artistic practice, emotions, and through perspective-taking. as demonstrated in the second subsection below, through photography children can view nature literally (as consisting of living, non-living, dead, or human-made things), symbolically (i.e., representing other things or prior experiences), and as a dynamic and static entity. how children connect with nature through photography nature photography provided an opportunity for the participating children to engage with nature in multiple ways. through their photography, participants demonstrated connections with nature symbolically, artistically, and emotionally, as well as by taking the perspective of other living beings. it is apparent that seeing certain symbols or representations in natural environments provides an avenue for connecting to those environments. conversely, natural environments can be seen as providing a way of connecting to fictional stories in movies, as is the case with the child who photographed a water “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 12 droplet on a leaf (figure 1) because it reminded them of a scene from the movie a bug’s life. figure 1. photograph of a water droplet on a leaf by participant 59. “i like it because it reminds me of a movie where people got caught in a droplet while trying to escape.” artistic connections with nature were found to exist via the act of photographing natural environments and their constituents, and by utilizing elements of design in these photographs and editing them using computer software. though not all children were asked by the fon slideshow coordinator why they took their photograph or why it was their favorite, when this question was posed, the most common answer was because the child liked the elements of design in it. though this is perhaps not surprising since the elements of design are one of the learning outcomes associated with fon, it shows that connections between children and nature can be fostered through artistic means. as well, some children mentioned that they liked their picture because of the edited effects they added to it (refer to figure 2). “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 13 figure 2. edited photograph of a flower by participant 8 an emotional connection with nature was demonstrated by a child who commented during a slideshow, “[my picture] makes me happy because there is a bunny in it” (participant 57; figure 3). this was the only case in which a connection with nature was attributed to a specific emotional reaction. however, many children discussed that they liked their picture because of one or multiple specific living or non-living things that it depicted. in fact, when asked why they took their picture, the secondmost common response of participants was because it depicted a specific living being. although in these cases, the children discuss these connections with nature without explicitly mentioning their emotional reaction, the fact that these children chose their favorite pictures because they depicted a specific living or non-living being implies that these children affiliate a positive emotion to these connections.7 7 if participants were asked how these elements made them feel or to attribute a specific emotion to these living or non-living things, it is highly likely that a positive emotion would have been mentioned in each case. in future studies, examining this in more detail would require that a question regarding children’s emotional reactions to their photographs or the elements in them be asked every time. “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 14 figure 3. photograph of a bunny by participant 57 lastly, children were found to connect with nature by depicting the perspective of living beings through their photographs. during the slideshow, this was captured by children in the following two cases: one of whom “took [their] picture from a bird's eye view” (participant 64; figure 4a), and the other, “from an ant's view” (participant 56; figure 4b). “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 15 figure 4a (left). photograph of a flower from a bird’s eye view by participant 64. “i took the picture in a bird's eye view; i like flowers; it has all seven elements of design.” figure 4b (right). photograph of a flower “from an ant’s view” by participant 56 how children conceptualize nature through photography children’s conceptions of nature as expressed through photography were based around three main themes: 1) what nature consists of, 2) understandings of nature as either literal or symbolic, 3) seeing nature as either a dynamic or static entity. table 2 summarizes the relative frequencies with which children expressed these conceptions within their photograph. table 2. relative frequency of how children conceptualized nature through their photographs children’s conceptions of nature (theme): relative frequency nature includes dead things (what nature consists of) 1-9 photographs nature includes humans (what nature consists of) nature includes human-made things (what nature consists of) understandings of nature as symbolic (understandings of nature) nature as dynamic entity (type of nature entity) 10-19 photographs nature includes non-living things (what nature consists of) 20-29 photographs nature includes living beings (what nature consists of) 71-85 photographs understandings of nature as literal (understandings of nature) nature as static entity (type of nature entity) children photographed living beings (figure 5a), dead things (figure 5b), non-living things (figure 5c) and human-made things (figure 5d). the living beings captured in children's photographs included plants, fungi, animals, insects, and—notably— humans. one participant commented, in response to why their picture, which “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 16 depicted some classmates in a natural area, was their favorite of the day: “it's my favorite because it has people in it. we are nature” (participant 33). in contrast, another child noted that while editing their nature photography: “i took it and had to cut out two people” (participant 12). this seems to imply that some children do not conceptualize humans as part of nature. children took photographs of dead things as well, such as fallen leaves and branches, and tree stumps. non-living things contained within participant photographs included dirt, water, rocks, clouds, the sky, and the sun. human-made objects captured in photographs included chopped wood, train tracks, benches, fences, and buildings. figure 5a (left). photograph of a snail by participant 81 figure 5b (right). photograph of a decaying leaf by participant 65. “i just like the way the leaf looks, and the way light comes through the leaf.” figure 5c (left). photograph of a rock by participant 43. “i like it because it looks like it was taken in the dark.” figure 5d (right). photograph of train tracks by participant 28. “i like how the color changes in the train tracks.” “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 17 children’s perceptions of nature were either literal or symbolic. literal conceptions were expressed in many instances through participant photographs of nature and comments regarding the subjects of their pictures, which in many cases referred to a specific living being. symbolic conceptions of nature were found in three instances and were communicated by participants in their comments on their pictures. however, cases where children may have been viewing nature symbolically and expressing this through their photographs, though not discussing their picture as such, may have gone undetected by the researchers. symbolic conceptions consisted of a view of natural beings as resembling an object or shape (such as a snail looking like a hat (figure 6a), a group of daisies looking like a heart (figure 6b), or the notion that a natural scene resembled a scene from a movie (see figure 1, above). figure 6a (left). photograph of snail by participant 31. “it's my favorite because the snail looks like a little hat.” figure 6b (right). photograph of daisies by participant 41 “[i] like it because the daisies are shaped like a heart.” most of the children’s photographs seemed to depict nature as a static, nonchanging entity. however, some depicted nature as a dynamic or moving entity (figure 7). this was expressed in several ways. first, photographs that explicitly focused on dead things, including a tree stump and a fallen leaf, express a view that nature consists of cycles of life and death. second, some pictures focused on water droplets on leaves, invoking recognition that they were taken just after it had rained, thus prompting one to reflect on the water cycle.8 third, movement was 8 these aspects of our analysis are not entirely thorough, since no quotes were provided by the children for these photographs. as such, we were not able to triangulate these interpretations. another way in which evidence might have been provided regarding the dynamism of nature in terms of either life and death or the water cycle would have been to examine the series of five photographs taken by each child that were presented during the end-of-day slideshow. however, we decided to only include in our analysis the photograph that each child indicated to be their favorite given the children had an opportunity to comment on their favorite photo. “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 18 captured in photographs directly through depictions of plants blowing in the wind or ripples on water, and indirectly via utilization of the rule-of-thirds photography technique,9 which enabled the children, for example, to use static images of swimming ducks to communicate that they were moving in a specific direction. figure 7. photograph of grasses blowing in the wind by participant 80. “i like the way the wind is blowing it.” discussion for our purposes, the model proposed by schultz (2002) regarding modes of connection to nature is limited in its ability to capture the cognitive, affective, and behavioral components of connection to nature. for example, cognitive does not need to involve knowledge of one’s connection to nature, it could involve one’s knowledge of nature; affective connections to nature could involve negative, neutral, or ambivalent emotional reactions to natural elements, rather than just positive ones or caring; and behavioral connections to nature do not have to necessarily benefit it. although nature photography is in part a behavioral means of connecting to nature, taking photos of nature does not directly benefit it, though arguably it does indirectly by increasing love of or connection to nature (schultz and tabinaco (2007) suggest that increased love of or connectedness to nature leads to more desire to conserve or protect it). a further incompatibility of schultz’ (2002) model with our analysis appears to lie in its use of examining modes of connection to nature for predicting positive environmental attitudes or concern for nature. in contrast, linzmayer et al.’s multidimensional model of child-nature connections does not attach specific value orientations to connections to nature, and thus can 9 fon teaches the rule-of-thirds technique at the beginning of the workshop day. “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 19 encompass positive or negative conceptions, in addition to incorporating the sensory component. our study affirms and expands upon the model posited by linzmayer et al. (2014), alongside their finding that affective and sensory childnature connections are the strongest avenues. as mentioned, the first and second most common reasons that children liked their pictures were because the child liked the element(s) of design or the living-being depicted, respectively. thus, the affective and sensory dimensions are found to be of particular significance to children. avenues of child-nature connection via art, symbolism, and perspective-taking expand upon the cognitive-affective-sensory-behavioral model posited by linzmayer and colleagues (2014). in the present study, nature photography is seen as a method to combine these avenues by capturing natural sensory information in creative ways, through the use of elements of design, meaning-making, and emotional or cognitive connections. when conceived in terms of linzmayer et al.’s model, the former three avenues are exercised through the behavioral medium of nature photography and the editing and presentation of photos. however, we argue that the artistic aspect of (nature) photography (and artistry in general) is not fully encapsulated within linzmayer et al.’s model, since the latter does not adequately conceptualize the influence of imagination over behavior. linzmayer and colleagues describe an interplay between affective-emotional evaluations and cognitive schema based on previous experience and memory as the central way in which meaning is attached to sensory information and behavior. we align with this insofar as the act of creation in art is comprised of a behavioral element, while the resources with which an artist gives meaning to the act of creation and artistic creations themselves can be sensory, affective, and cognitive. however, we go beyond linzmayer et al.’s model when considering that imagination, a fundamental aspect of artistry, does not necessarily draw upon past experience or memory. in some instances, imagination is simply a reflection of experience/memory, but in others, it comprises more than prior experience and does not necessarily reflect sensory inputs from the environment. in other words, behavior in general and artistry in particular may not respond exclusively to sensory information from the external environment as interpreted via affect and cognition. whether this second type of imagination should be considered to be made-up of a complex of sensory, affective, and cognitive interactions, or as an internal reality which provides sensory inputs similar to external sensory information is beyond the scope of this study and would require deeper psychological analysis. but for the purpose of understanding child-nature connections via art, our findings can be understood more clearly by drawing upon linzmayer’ et al.’s model alongside our distinction between these two types of imagination. here, artistic avenues of connection to nature can consist of either or both of these two aspects of imagination. seeing symbols in nature (such as a group of flowers that look like the shape of a heart, a snail that looks like a hat, or a water droplet on a leaf that reminds a child from a scene from a movie) and depicting these with photographs requires the first type of imagination, as it draws upon past experiences. using the elements of design to compose photographs of nature would also fall under this first type of imagination, as it requires recall of “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 20 what the elements of design are, then finding those elements in nature and combining them in the act of taking the photograph. this first type of imagination and artistic creation can be understood wholly using linzmayer et al.’s model. meanwhile, taking the perspective of another being, such as an ant or a bird, requires a level of imagination that to some extent goes beyond lived experiences. we argue that a child’s sensory information, cognitive schemas, and affective evaluation regarding an ant or bird could not alone contribute a photographic depiction of an ant or bird’s perspective. the second type of imagination is required in this mode of creation. the act of editing photographs could fall under either or both of these types of imagination, since edits could be simple ones, such as cropping, that do not change much about the way nature is depicted. or edits could be more complex, such as changing tone, contrast, texture, or colors, so that the resulting picture does not much resemble the original depiction of nature. the completed picture could result simply by chance based on how the photographer played with the edited effects, or the edited effects could be more thought out from the beginning and resemble either past sensory inputs the photographer has experienced, or the edited picture could be based entirely upon the second aspect of imagination and have no connection to prior experience in the world. accordingly, we argue that artistry consists of an avenue of child-nature connection, or of experience in general, that builds upon, yet goes beyond, linzmayer et al.’s model. thus, photography simultaneously provides both an opportunity to connect with and orient within nature in multiple ways. our findings affirm the literature regarding children’s conceptualizations of nature, in that photographs depicted living things (including humans), non-living, and dead things. however, as in payne’s (2014) study, some children conceptualized humans as part of nature, while others saw them as separate. further, the pictures depicted both static and dynamic scenes in nature, reminiscent of payne’s findings that some children see nature as a changing entity, while others see it as staying relatively the same. here, we found both movement—as in ripples on water, or plants blowing in the wind—and more holistic dynamism—as suggested by water droplets on a leaf that indicate there has been a recent rainfall. our findings add to the literature in that children also depicted human-made objects in their nature photographs. notably, no mention was made of any of these objects when the children gave the slideshow presentations of their pictures. in contrast, natural things were the source of many affective reactions, symbolic interpretations, and of perspective-taking—affirming arguments about nature being more conducive to affect and imagination than human-made environments (e.g., see vasko, 2015). moreover, our findings indicate conceptions of society and nature akin to the hybrid theory of latour (1993), which sees no clear distinction between humans, society, technology, and nature. this is shown via children’s use of symbolism, where natural objects (i.e., a snail or water droplet) are used to represent human-made things (i.e., a hat, or a scene from a movie). thus, hybrid conceptualizations of nature were found to be avenues of connection to nature through symbolism. the act of using photography and computer editing software as an avenue of connection to nature is a further example of this. “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 21 expressions of flows in nature were also depicted in the children’s photographs—as in movement, weather changes, and conceptions of life and death. with this, and children’s perspective-taking of living beings, and their conceptions of humans and human-made objects as part of nature, we see children being and learning with nature and living things. these findings lend credence to the “common worlds” approach, which emphasizes and examines the interconnectedness between human/social and natural worlds. it is significant that the same conceptualizations of and modes of connection to nature found in the literature were also found in this study to take place via photography. hence, engaging with nature through photography does not appear to diminish the multitude of ways in which children connect with and conceptualize nature. in fact, we find that photography can incorporate elements of artistic engagement with and symbolic conceptualizations of nature in ways that were not found to exist in the literature in the absence of the use of photography. indeed, slemon et al. (2018) found that, after participating in the fon program, the majority of children viewed nature differently and noticed more details in nature. of note is the ability for photography to capture symbolic representations of and artistic modes of engagement with nature, as found in pictures that represent the perspective of other living beings, and in the process of editing nature photos. this perspective-taking of other living beings via photography is a novel finding and something that could be explored further as a mode of engaging children and people in general with nature. it would be pertinent to do so, since imagining the perspective of other beings increases empathy, environmental concern, and perhaps perceived interconnectedness with nature (schultz, 2000). though the mode of inquiry employed in our study does not utilize models that predict correlations between certain avenues of connection to or conceptualizations of nature, it appears that our findings could have applications in that area. conclusion in this study, photography was utilized as the primary method through which children expressed their understandings of nature. the core element of fon is nature photography, and by drawing on visual sociology methods we analyzed what children depicted in their photographs of nature. fon sees photography as a way of bringing children back into engagement with natural settings, in a time where technology often obstructs connections between children (and people of all ages) and nature. the widespread fixation upon technology is utilized by fon as a bridge between children and nature via the art of photography. photography can therefore be used as both a mode of connection to nature (by increasing opportunity and orientation) and a way to express conceptualizations of nature. notably, photography was found to facilitate much of the same range of engagements with and conceptualizations of nature as other activities in nature, and in fact provides ways to foster imagination as a mode of connection to nature in ways that other activities may not. this study leads to a number of conclusions regarding children’s modes of connection to and conceptualizations of nature, and photography as a mode of “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 22 connection to nature. first, our findings affirm linzmayer et al.’s (2014) multidimensional model of experience as encompassing a broad range of ways in which children connect with nature. to a limited extent, art as a mode of connection is encapsulated by this model, as art engages all four of its dimensions. however, art also moves beyond this model as it requires imagination, which can but does not necessarily draw upon prior experiences. in this study, we found taking the perspective of non-humans (e.g., a bird or an ant) as an example of the latter aspect of imagination, and some image edits can demonstrate this as well. though not examined in our analysis of fon, the program also utilizes activities such as nature sculptures. such avenues of connection offer even further ways to connect to nature artistically and could perhaps encompass either or both aspects of imagination. next, children’s conceptualizations of nature were found to encapsulate living, dead, and non-living things, animals, plants, and humans—as found in the literature. in addition, however, human-made objects were included in children’s nature photographs in our study. this perhaps indicates that children hold conceptions of nature and society as hybrids: as containing elements of one another, with divisions between these two categories neither strict nor easy to define. in relation, children saw nature symbolically, as depicting a scene from a movie or as resembling shapes or objects and these symbolic representations cross between human, natural, and technological worlds. further, seeing and representing nature symbolically requires some level of imagination and artistic engagement. as such, broadening avenues of connection to nature to include art also facilitates expansion of the ways in which children can conceptualize and connect with nature and other beings. as in payne’s (2014) study, children in this study were found to understand nature both in static and dynamic terms. though many pictures were taken that represent nature as unmoving or unchanging, some photographs expressed movement—as in ripples in water, or plants blowing in the wind—while others expressed cycles and change—including expressions of life and death, and of the water cycle. such conceptions and expressions of the entwined and dynamic nature of human and natural worlds are vital to fostering healthy experiences and relationships, both within and between such worlds. photography was found in this study to act as a way to facilitate such conceptions, experiences and connections—perhaps even opening additional avenues via its affordance of art and imagination. though other activities, such as fon’s nature sculptures, could perhaps act similarly, photography is notable here since it bridges the technological and the natural, acting to address the divide between humans and nature to which technology typically contributes. future research could examine in more detail the ability for photography to foster and express connections with and conceptualizations of nature for both children and adults, and, more broadly, the ability for other artistic mediums to do so. moreover, researchers could examine the role of imagination in facilitating engagement with and perhaps conceptualizations of nature, in relation to, or apart from, the multidimensional model employed here (linzmayer et al., 2014). in this vein, research could explore photography as a way to engage with nature via taking the “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through… 23 perspective of other beings, as an end in itself, or as a way of fostering proenvironmental sentiments and behaviors. acknowledgements we respectfully acknowledge our presence and work on indigenous lands and our commitments to continuously working towards respectful relationships. we would like to offer our appreciation to simon bell (executive director of fon) and bob fanning (past president of fon) for reviewing earlier drafts of the manuscript and to the three anonymous reviewers and editor for their insightful comments and resources that helped strengthen the manuscript. we are also grateful for the support provided by the university of guelph undergraduate research assistantship and the community-engaged scholarship institute (cesi), including the community engaged learning fund. mark shakespear is a doctoral student in the department of sociology at the university of british columbia. he specializes in environmental sociology, focusing on the political ecology and economy of climate change, ecological crisis, and energy transitions. during his m.a. at the university of victoria, he began research with the corporate mapping project, which investigates the power and influence of canada’s fossil fuel sector. he began research on child-nature connections as an undergraduate research assistant at the university of guelph. with dr. varghese, he is presently working on another study which arose out of this assistantship, entailing analysis of household sustainability using social practice theories. jeji varghese received her ph.d. in rural sociology from the university of alberta in 2005. in 2007, she began a faculty position in the department of sociology and anthropology at the university of guelph. she has served as a faculty affiliate with the community engaged scholarship institute (cesi) since 2013. as a community engaged scholar and environmental/natural resource sociologist, her focus is on knowledge systems engagement in natural resource governance/conservation, socio-ecological sustainability/justice and the scholarship of community-engaged learning. rosanne morris earned a master of education in curriculum design at oise, university of toronto in 1988. a former principal from toronto, rosanne serves as president of the focus on nature board in guelph, ontario, an organization whose mission is “to inspire kids to connect with nature through photography.” this mission resonates deeply with rosanne’s current practice as an artist. references adams, s., savahl, s., & fattore, t. 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(2018). myopia prevalence in canadian school children: a pilot study. eye (london), 32(6), 1042–1047. doi.org/10.1038/s41433-018-0015-5. doi:10.1007/s42322-017-0005-2 doi:10.1177/109019810102800504 doi:10.1007/s13158-014-0118-5 file:///c:/users/jenny/downloads/doi.org/10.1038/s41433-018-0015-5 © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(1), 2020 protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison of the united states, aotearoa new zealand, and japan timothy p. fadgen university of auckland shuei kozu department of social work, southern connecticut state university dana e. prescott simmons university citation: fadgen, t. p., kozu, s., & prescott, d. e. (2020). protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison of the united states, aotearoa new zealand, and japan. children, youth and environments, 30(1), 1-24. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract while all children are vulnerable in a natural disaster, children who are in foster care because of maltreatment are particularly vulnerable. in the immediate aftermath of a disaster, governments that do not specifically plan for these children may be unable to account for their welfare or location, and foster parents may not have access to government resources. this paper provides a comparative analysis of international law and policy approaches in the united states, aotearoa new zealand, and japan as a means of improving foster children’s safety and welfare after a natural disaster. the aim of this article is to draw attention to the gap in comparative scholarly research in the area of disaster planning for children in foster care and to propose possible directions for future research. keywords: disaster planning, foster care, convention on the rights of the child, convention on individuals with disabilities, sendai framework for disaster risk reduction http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 2 introduction the emotional, psychological, and economic impact of natural disasters on children and their physical environments has received substantially more study in the global community since events like hurricane katrina in the united states in 2005, the christchurch earthquake in aotearoa new zealand in 2011, and the tohoku earthquake and tsunami in japan in 2011 (fergusson, horwood, boden, & mulder, 2014; masten, 2014; mutch & gawith, 2014; osofsky, osofsky, & harris, 2007; usami et al., 2012).1 this concern is even more pressing as the world prepares to enter a post-covid-19 world and faces the unique challenges pandemics pose, especially to vulnerable children (lippi & plebani, 2020). exposure to a natural disaster or pandemic and the consequent disruption to the physical, built, bureaucratic, and commercial environments may exacerbate pre-existing risk and deplete children’s acquired internal and external resources (culver, rochat & cookson, 2017). while children from intact and stable families may suffer immediate and long-term effects from disasters, the security of their family system and resources support the children’s resilience, epigenetics, and capacity to manage loss and trauma, which often mitigates poor outcomes over time (bonanno, galea, bucciarelli, & vlahov, 2007; la greca, lai, joormann, auslander, & short, 2013; mcdermott, cobham, berry, & stallman, 2010). these mitigating factors are often absent for children with accumulated histories of trauma within their familial environment, such as those in foster care, leaving them at acute risk (bamba, 2010; ungar, 2004). foster care placement entails a temporary transfer of a child’s physical residence by a government entity to another caregiver, while legal custody (authority and power) remains with the state. while some include placement settings such as group homes, residential care facilities, emergency shelters, and supervised independent living in foster care, in this article, foster care is defined as a “temporary service provided by states for children who cannot live with their families. children in foster care may live with relatives or with unrelated foster parents” (child welfare information gateway, 2016, para 1). in these circumstances, the state retains supervisory and decision-making authority for the mental health, academic, and medical treatment of the child while in placement. unlike a completed adoption, in which the rights of biological parents are permanently terminated and legal and physical authority vested with adoptive parents, foster parents are dependent on the availability of the state agency and the courts for authority to act on behalf of a child. although the legal standards for child removal vary across countries, most have a dedicated judicial or administrative processes for removal of children from their families and placement with foster families (gilbert et al., 2012; myers, 2008; o’donnell, scott, & stanley, 2008; suzuki & tomoda, 2015). in practice, this 1 in this article we do not address the impact of terrorism or terrorist acts in comparison with natural disasters, because the variables related to natural disasters and outcomes for foster care children, as well as policies, may be different. research related specifically to the impact of terrorism on children is ongoing and robust (cohen, chazan, lerner, & maimon, 2010). protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 3 means that there is often significant agency oversight and judicial review of reunification and permanency planning before and after placement (becker, jordan, & larsen, 2007; fernandez & barth, 2010; omori, 2016; tilbury & osmond, 2006). furthermore, foster care placement can result in dividing siblings, and a significant number of children in foster care may be placed in multiple homes throughout their years in the system (benbenishty et al., 2015; estin, 2010). such complexities can make circumstances more challenging following a natural disaster. children in state custody or foster care are among those most vulnerable in a natural disaster. when disasters disrupt the lines of communication between foster parents and the state, foster parents may find themselves with no means to contact state agencies or courts to act in loco parentis. there might be perfectly legitimate reasons that government resources are placed on hold, diverted to other priorities, or simply unavailable during a natural disaster, but the status of foster care complicates an already challenging situation. there has been insufficient attention paid to the design and implementation of policies meant to address foster children’s vulnerability in natural disasters despite an international context that recognizes the special vulnerability of children and state responsibility in mitigating that vulnerability. in recent decades the international community has begun to address disaster planning for children in foster care. international organizations and networks meant to protect child rights, particularly those children with acute vulnerabilities, including disability, have emerged and there has been increased international attention paid to effective disaster planning, response and recovery. international agreements lend some guidance to government best practices for disaster planning for children in state custody: the united nations convention on the rights of the child (opened for signature 20 november 1989, 1577 unts 3, entered into force 2 september 1990), the united nations convention on the rights of persons with disabilities (opened for signature 30 march 2007, 1577 unts 3, entered into force 3 may 2008), and the sendai framework for disaster risk reduction, 2015-2030 (unisdr, 2015). this article will explore and compare current practices in the united states, aotearoa new zealand, and japan for managing natural disasters and the needs of vulnerable children in foster care placement. first, we will consider the particular risks to children during and after natural disasters. second, the article will outline the international law context that might serve as a useful foundation for securing the rights of children in state custody as a result of jeopardy and a child protection order entered by a court. the article will conclude with a discussion of the national contexts within each of the selected countries as well as possible policy reforms for protecting children and providing resources for agencies and foster parents to respond to temporary disruptions in oversight and services for these children. the aim of this article is to draw attention to the gap in comparative scholarly research in the area of disaster planning for children in foster care children and to propose possible directions for future research. protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 4 risks to children in natural disasters following a large-scale natural disaster, children in foster care are at the greater risk of family and community disruptions and displacement because of the death or displacement of a foster parent, loss of a foster home, and financial and economic predicaments of the foster parents. if a foster parent must relocate to another state after the disaster, the child may have to be placed with another foster parent or risk homelessness. even if the relocation is within the state, distance and damage to infrastructure like roads and public transportation could lead to missed visitation with biological parents. loss of school stability, and the loss of primary caregivers, housing, clothes, and food, are just a few examples of many losses these children might have to experience. in the aftermath of hurricane katrina in 2005, for example, the state officials of louisiana acknowledged that they were not aware of the whereabouts of all their children in foster care for many weeks and months (daughtery & blome, 2009). such a situation may enhance risks of children, especially girls, being trafficked, or becoming homeless and susceptible to violence or abuse after running away from a relocation site (davis & miller, 2014; gibbs, henninger, tueller, & kluckman, 2018; seager, 2014). children subjected to a natural disaster may face increased risk of adverse physical health outcomes from exposure to hazards such as carcinogens and radiation. such exposure can damage dna and increase lifetime cancer risk and related health problems (choi, costes, & abergel, 2015; committee on environmental health, 2003; disaster preparedness advisory council, committee on pediatric emergency medicine, 2015). in addition, children might not understand the nature of the disaster nor flee on their own, and likely have no control over where they would be evacuating. these circumstances can lead to mental health issues, such as stress, fear, anxiety, an inability to cope, and exaggerated responses that can manifest as developmental regression, withdrawal, clinginess, tantrums, enuresis, or somatic complaints (masten & barnes, 2018; peek, 2008; rath et al., 2007). infants and young children who cannot care for themselves and require age-appropriate foods, including human milk, as well as assistance in feeding, toileting, and clothing, may be at even higher risk (dogan-ates, 2010; mcdermott & cobham, 2012; tedeschi & billick, 2017). in new zealand and the united states, for example, research has shown that multiple placements and disruptions in foster care can further disrupt already vulnerable systems (kelly, 2015; samuels, 2009). some literature suggests that certain age, gender, and income factors may, among other mitigating factors, offer protective effects associated with better outcomes for short or long-term exposure to disaster (heckenberg & johnston, 2012; standing, parker, & bista, 2016; child welfare information gateway, 2016; masten & osofsky, 2010). findings generally suggest that, as the level of extreme adversity exposure rises or accumulates, “there is an increase in symptoms of trauma, behavior problems, mental anguish, and many other kinds of problems observed in children as well as in adults” (masten & osofsky, 2010, p. 1032). researchers have consistently shown that when adult caregivers, including both biological and foster parents, function well and remain mentally and physically stable, children’s symptoms and outcomes, over time, may improve (overstreet, salloum, buch & west, 2011; la greca & prinstein, 2012). protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 5 case selection we selected the united states, aotearoa new zealand, and japan for comparison for several reasons. first, all three countries rank above the mean by the organization for economic cooperation and development (oecd) for gross domestic product per capita with relatively high general standards of living (oecd, 2019). second, all three share geographic vulnerabilities to a range of natural disasters and have, as discussed below, each experienced a significant natural disaster including a hurricane (united states), an earthquake (aotearoa new zealand), and a tsunami (japan) within the past 10 years that has impacted its respective child welfare systems. as one authority wrote following disasters in the united states that impacted thousands of children in foster care, “disasters can leave child welfare agencies and other service agencies scrambling to continue operations, which can be difficult to nearly impossible without ample planning and preparation” (child welfare information gateway, 2016, p. 2). at the same time, the differences between these three cases present an interesting cross-section of responses to disaster risk planning and mitigation. these countries vary significantly in population size, from aotearoa new zealand (approximately 5 million) to japan (approximately 127 million) to the united states (approximately 327 million). due to their diverse cultures, all three of these countries have had different approaches to child welfare, including the imperatives of child welfare policy within a bicultural country with a substantial indigenous population, as is the case in aotearoa new zealand. finally, a commonality between the selected cases is that each are active participants in the relevant international multilateral agreements. first, all three nations signed the united nations convention on the rights of the child (uncrc), although the united states has not ratified it. similarly, all three nations signed on to the convention on the rights of people with disabilities (crpd); aotearoa new zealand and japan have both ratified the crpd while the united states has not. lastly, while the sendai framework for disaster risk reduction is not a legally binding instrument, all three countries have been engaged in its development and implementation within their government institutions and programs. the international context the international agreements cited above serve as both implicit and explicit guidance for governments that are addressing disaster relief for children in state custody. those include the un convention on the rights of the child, the un convention on the rights of persons with disabilities (cantwell & holzscheiter, 2007; fluke et al., 2012), and the sendai framework for disaster risk reduction, 2015-2030 (unisdr, 2015). this section briefly reviews each of these documents in order to essentialize the core principles that might best serve as a foundation for disaster planning for children in foster care. these are summarized in table 1, below. convention on the rights of the child the united nations convention on the rights of the child (uncrc) was adopted in 1989 and sets forth broad, universal principles for children under international law protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 6 (fadgen & prescott, 2015). generally, the uncrc provides for such things as children’s right to life, survival, and development, and obliges nation-states to have due regard for the best interests of children in all decision making that pertains to children. while the uncrc contains no explicit language regarding disasters or emergencies, . state parties to the uncrc recognize that a child has an “inherent right to life” (article 6(1)) and that states have an affirmative duty to ensure the “survival and development” of the child (article 6(2)). further, signatories have an affirmative duty to protect children in their custody (article 19). moreover, in recognition of the particular and unique vulnerability of children in state custody or subject to removal proceedings, the uncrc entitles these children to the state’s special protection when removed from his or her family (article 20). convention on the rights of persons with disabilities the convention on the rights of persons with disabilities (uncrpd; 2006) was crafted to “promote, protect and ensure the full and equal enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms by all persons with disabilities, and to promote respect for their inherent dignity” (uncrpd, article 1). the uncrpd extends these protections to individuals with a wide range of disabilities including “physical, mental, intellectual or sensory impairments.” the uncrpd obliges signatories to undertake a range of affirmative acts to further these objectives. among these are 1) adopting all necessary laws to further the aims of the uncrpd (article 4(1)(a), (1)(b)), 2) promoting the training of people who work with individuals with disabilities, 3) spending “available resources” to further the objectives of the convention (article 4(2)), and 4) consulting and actively engaging with individuals with disabilities in crafting legislative or policy responses to barriers to full participation in society (article 4(3)). of particular relevance is uncrpd’s article 11, which requires nation-states to “take all necessary measures to ensure the protection and safety of persons with disabilities in situations of risk, including situations of armed conflict, humanitarian emergencies and the occurrence of natural disasters.” sendai framework for disaster risk reduction, 2015-2030 the most recent pronouncement of the international community’s emphasis on disaster planning is the sendai framework for disaster risk reduction, executed in 2015 (cutter, 2017; de la poterie & baudoin, 2015). the framework was designed to guide nation-states in developing disaster response and mitigation strategies for their populations. in particular, the drafters of the sendai framework went to great pains to emphasize the particular impact of disasters on children and families in poverty. reiterated in the document is the explicit appeal that children and impoverished communities be consulted in the process of formulating policies and planning. this policy includes protections that encourage and support family resiliencies for vulnerable populations (amri, haynes, bird, & ronan, 2018; ronan et al., 2016). protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 7 table 1. principles for children in state custody outlined by international instruments international instrument principles for children in state custody united nations convention on the rights of the child (uncrc) • children have a right to life • states have a duty to protect children, particularly those who have been removed from their family united nations convention on the rights of persons with disabilities (uncrpd) • requires that state parties ensure the protection and safety of persons with disabilities in situations of risk, including situations of humanitarian and natural disasters sendai framework for disaster risk reduction • children and impoverished communities should be consulted in the process of formulating policies and planning • includes protections that encourage and support family resilience for disabled and vulnerable populations read together, these instruments provide domestic policymakers with significant guidance for disaster planning for vulnerable populations within their jurisdiction, including for children in foster care. the uncrc and uncrpd provide a foundation of rights-based principles to ensure that vulnerable children are prioritized in state planning generally. further, we argue these documents create significant burdens of responsibility for competent state agencies to ensure adequate planning is done for children in foster care, given their acute susceptibility to increased risk in disasters. moreover, the sendai framework takes this a step further by not merely recognizing these important state responsibilities but by operationalizing them into an accessible disaster planning framework to guide policymakers in fulfilling their duty to protect. the guidance provided in the sendai framework also supports the call for disaster planning to involve indigenous populations, such as in the case of aotearoa new zealand, and the imperative of not only consulting this population but fully integrating them into the policy development and implementation process. such inclusion ensures proper alignment between policy goals and outcomes as well as better implementation. discussion united states when hurricane katrina hit the united states gulf coast as a category 3 or above hurricane in august 2005, children were already vulnerable from poverty and resource disparities such as the ability to seek protection or to move away from the storm (godwin, foster, & keefe, 2013; zoraster, 2010). more than 5,000 children were subsequently reported as missing after the storm and that data may be an undercount (davis & miller, 2014). for children in foster care placements, the risk factors related to dislocation and the immediate and sustained lack of government resources and oversight were even greater (davis & miller, 2014). these disparities posed even more risk to children in foster care who had no adult or family system that was able to respond quickly and effectively to the disaster protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 8 with stable housing and medical or mental health care, for example (davis & miller, 2014; godwin, foster, & keefe, 2013). the disparities in foster care and risks for children with disabilities may be even more serious. the vast majority of foster children come from disadvantaged backgrounds at the time of placement and therefore are at much greater risk for emotional and health problems. one-third of these children had some form of clinically defined disability (buckles, 2013). in october 2006, president bush signed into law the post-katrina emergency management reform act of 2006, modifying the organizational structure of the federal emergency management agency (fema). subsequently, the kids in disasters well-being, safety, and health act of 2007 established the national commission on children and disasters in december 2007. the commission was charged with conducting a comprehensive study to identify gaps in the nation’s disaster planning, preparedness, response, and recovery for children. their interim report, prepared in collaboration with fema as well as other partners and ngos, was delivered the president and congress in october 2009, with the final report issued in october 2010 (jackman, beruvides, & nestler, 2017; lucie, 2016). in its report, the commission recommended that the executive branch, congress, and non-federal partners reconsider laws and policies, such as the 2006 pandemic and all-hazards preparedness act, “group children into broad ‘at-risk’ population categories” so that their unique needs may be anticipated and disaster management agencies could place a specific and sustained focus on children in their daily and disaster response activities (national commission on children and disasters, 2010, p. 21). for several decades now, millions of children in the united states are subject to child protection investigations annually and nearly half a million children each year are subject to court-ordered foster care placements (usdhhs, 2017). following katrina and related disasters, the commission found that “courts and agencies struggled to locate children and foster and biological families, provide critical services and supports, and ensure appropriate oversight of cases” (national commission on children and disasters, 2010, p. 109). in the united states, the federal government has oversight and provides funding for foster care and child protection as a share of the cost incurred by states in providing foster care, adoption assistance, or kinship guardianship assistance to eligible children. the “federal share of that cost was estimated at $7.5 billion in fy2016 and, as of the july 2017 mid-session budget review, was expected to be $7.8 billion in fy2017” (stoltzfus, 2017, n.p.). however, this does not mean that the federal government has current or robust data nor the on-the-ground/real-time resources to protect children in foster care in natural disasters. all 50 states have a unique role in the development and implementation of their foster care systems and can deviate (within certain ranges) to meet state needs as determined by policy makers. therefore, what smith, sabbag, and rohmer (2018) wisely suggested applies here: states must build an interand intra-state capacity to respond in loco parentis on behalf of its foster care children pre-emptively and collaboratively with other government and nongovernment agencies to create a more sustainable environment for these children. this makes knowledge of likely disasters, coupled with commitment to what is called an all-hazards plan, more essential. yet such coordinated action is rendered all the more complex when protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 9 children might be moved between states, and cultural, language, racial, and poverty dynamics can impair pre-emptive and effective policy design and delivery. from the federal legislation related to disasters, the child and family services improvement act of 2006 (p.l. 109-288) mandates that state child-welfare agencies develop disaster plans that: a) identify, locate, and continue services for children under state care or supervision adversely affected by disasters; b) respond to new child welfare cases in areas adversely affected by a disaster, and provide services; c) remain in communication with caseworkers and essential child-welfare personnel who are also displaced; and d) preserve essential program records (conway & hutson, 2007). this act protects the mental and physical safety of children and families and encourages states to pre-plan reactions, policies, and resources (melton & sianko, 2010). in response, state governments have initiated such plans as an effort toward the safety and protection of this particularly vulnerable population (child welfare information gateway, 2016; forum on medical and public health preparedness for catastrophic events, 2014), proactively planning for the welfare of children in state custody in the event of a disaster. for example, in 2009 north dakota established a system to gather information on foster families and foster-to-adopt families in the event they become unexpectedly displaced. the plan requires all foster parents and foster-to-adopt parents to “outline disaster evacuation plans” that consider primary and secondary planning, with a copy of each family’s plan maintained at the regional office and a central database at the north dakota state capitol (north dakota child and family services, 2018). in another example, nebraska requires foster parents to develop and display a family emergency plan. the plan must include where the foster family and children in foster care would go in an evacuation; a list of personal telephone numbers and contact information; a list of critical items to take when evacuating with children, including their identification and medical necessities; and emergency contact for the nebraska department of health and human services (nebraska department of health and human services, 2019). the policies that have evolved in some states seem to follow, with good intentions, the suggestions proffered by davis and miller (2014) for standardized planning: the use of cloud storage to maintain critical records about children and family’s data; maintaining communication and contacts between families and children; designing service contracts that could be activated by various social service agencies when children in foster care are caught in disasters; and following recommendations developed by the child welfare league of america as a means for relocating children without losing track of them. children in foster care are already subject to profound racial and economic disparities, which creates a host of social, familial, medical, academic, and legal problems throughout their lives. given these additional challenges, the need for comprehensive policies to support foster children in the face of natural disasters is particularly acute (wildeman & waldfogel, 2014). it is the duty of federal and state governments to generate and implement planning that is concrete, feasible, and protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 10 sustainable for children and youth. given the complexity of the overlapping legal systems in the united states, it is worth considering how foster children are managed in smaller nation-states that face similar natural disaster risk profile and complex social context. aotearoa new zealand aotearoa new zealand is a small island nation, located in the southern pacific ocean consisting of two main islands known locally as north and south islands. the country has a population of 4.8 million people (stats nz 2020). the country is vulnerable to several disaster risks, including flooding, earthquakes, and tsunamis. the most recent major national disaster struck in 2011 when a 6.3 magnitude earthquake occurred near the south island city of christchurch. the earthquake resulted in several buildings collapsing and 185 deaths. government responsibility for disaster planning and response rests with several agencies, including the ministry of civil defence and emergency management, the ministry of education, and the ministry of health, which, among other groups and agencies, have policies and strategies related to disaster response. aotearoa new zealand’s foster care policy context is one marked by an oftencontentious relationship between the state and māori, aotearoa new zealand’s indigenous population. in 1988, a monumental report into inadequacies within the child protection space formed part of a larger government report called puao-teata-tu (day break) ministerial advisory committee on a māori perspective for the department of social welfare (smith, moore, cumming, & boulton, 2019). the report noted the centrality of the family (called whānau in te reo māori) to successful socio-economic outcomes for māori. the report and recommendations emphasized aotearoa new zealand’s prevailing monocultural (european) system that served as a barrier by preventing māori uptake of state social services. the findings, which were slow to be fully implemented for reasons beyond the scope of this article, eventually resulted in the whānau ora policy in 2010. following from the insights of the day break report, this policy emphasized the centrality of the whānau in state family policy considerations. the policy promoted an integrated service paradigm and sought better coordination across government agencies to preserve the family as the primary social unit of society—both māori and non-māori alike. responsibility for children in state custody is demarcated in the vulnerable children act 2014. the act vested responsibility in five agencies: the ministries of health, education, justice, and social development, the new zealand police, and a special, child-focused agency created in 2017 called oranga tamariki (ministry for children), which has primary responsibility for children in state custody. measurement and planning are focused on mitigating risk to children in care due to human factors and not environmental risks. an important recent policy initiative undertaken by jacinda ardern’s labour-led coalition government would require communities to develop disaster risk response plans as part of the country’s national climate-change strategy and carbon emission reduction scheme. while this proposal is still in the embryonic phase, this marks the beginning of a critical protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 11 discussion around planning and community preparedness of which at-risk children should be made a part. while these policy innovations have been heralded as far more reflective of māori policy goals and worldview, they have had mixed results for children in foster care. overall numbers of children within the jurisdiction of oranga tamariki has continued to rise from just 5,020 in 2011 to 6,169 at the end of 2019 (oranga tamariki, 2020). this figure is the highest since 2008 and the dislocation caused by the global financial crisis. the total number of these at-risk children who eventually became subject to a placement order in 2019 stood at 1,300 (oranga tamariki, 2020). the share of children in placement remains overwhelmingly ethnically māori and pasifika at 71 percent of all entries to care (oranga tamariki, 2020). moreover, children referred to state care tend to be male (52 percent) (oranga tamariki, 2020). the prevalence of disability amongst māori male children is 19 percent— considerably higher than other ethnic groups (oranga tamariki evidence centre, 2019). given the large share of māori male children with some form of disability amongst this population, the uncrpd becomes a relevant concern for proper disaster planning. the manner in which some of these children have been removed (referred to locally as “up-lift”) has also called into question the agencies’ sometimes aggressive tactics (nielson, 2020). at the same time, there has been an increase in family-based placements and fewer children overall placed in non-family or residential settings (oranga tamriki, 2020). therefore, in the months leading up to the disruption presented by covid-19 in early 2020, children placed with a family had been experiencing greater stability. pockets of instability persist, however; even without considering the deleterious impacts of the 2011 christchurch earthquake, some estimates suggest that as many as 40 percent of children placed into foster care around auckland, the nation’s largest city, are moved from home to home multiple times (keogh, 2018). this issue spiked following the christchurch earthquake as scores of homes around the city were deemed uninhabitable due to a condition known as liquefication, which led to soil instability. in short, the national stock of viable foster care homes was far lower than necessary to absorb the increased demand created by this natural disaster, which, while certainly unexpected, was within the range of possible, if not probable natural events for which aotearoa new zealand planners would have envisaged. while the long-term impacts of the christchurch earthquake remain under study, preliminary research suggests that those with higher baselines of vulnerability to conditions such as anxiety and depression as well as “increased aftershock anxiety and family tension” were at increased risk for longer post-event recovery periods and more acute post-trauma stress (jones et al., 2019, p. 213). yet, researchers have also found that investing in “family cohesion or social support” post-crisis can offset the long-term costs of these events (jones et al., 2019, p. 213). moreover, new zealand’s recently enacted national care standards (oranga tamariki–ministry for children, 2019) do not explicitly require disaster planning for children in state care. these findings highlight the importance of ensuring a sound and supportive policy context for planning for vulnerable children in disasters. protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 12 in sum, with its small size, unique bicultural social context and particular vulnerabilities to certain natural disasters (earthquakes, cyclones) in close proximity to its main living centers (auckland, wellington and christchurch), as well as the large share of children with disabilities likely implicated within the state care system, aotearoa new zealand poses a challenging context for foster care emergency planning. however, as the relatively recent christchurch earthquake reveals, culturally centered planning for such emergencies is an important aspect of aotearoa new zealand’s foster care policy context. the particular impacts of this lack of capacity and poor disaster planning has yet to be adequately explored but given the likelihood of increasingly frequent and severe environmental events due to climate change, an emphasis on appropriate disaster planning that is consistent with international best practice as understood within aotearoa new zealand’s particular bi-cultural context is necessary. this leaves yet another possible case to consider: a small state with a large homogenous population and a highly developed child support system that faces a similar natural disaster risk profile. for this, we will next consider japan and the aftermath of the 2011 earthquake and tsunami. japan like aotearoa new zealand, japan is a small island nation, but with a substantially larger population of approximately 126.8 million. throughout the long history of the country, community or social needs have been prioritized over individual rights. the rights of children have been treated, legally and culturally, as secondary to fealty, parents, and community (ikeda & yabana, 2002; shimonishi, 2005). following the second world war, japan created institutions to care for orphans and children in need of protection, called “baby homes” and “children’s homes,” rather than integrating the children into communities through foster care or adoption (kadonaga & fraser, 2015). the first child maltreatment prevention act was passed in 1933. however, it had little impact in protecting children (kadonaga & fraser, 2015). in 1948, the child welfare act was passed, with the creation of offices such as child guidance centers (also known more recently as child consultation centers), welfare offices, and public health centers. while there were some forms of a foster care system in japan for many centuries, the modern foster care program started in 1948 with the passage of the child welfare act (kumasaka & aiba, 1968). the child welfare act of 1948 has been amended more than 80 times since its passage (kadonaga & fraser, 2015). in 2000, the japan ministry of health, labor and welfare enacted the child abuse prevention law. since 2000, however, the number of reported child maltreatment cases has significantly increased, from 17,725 in 2000 to 59,862 in 2011 (kadonaga & fraser, 2015). while the cause for the substantial increase is unclear, changes in family dynamics, such as mothers returning to work after the birth of a child, an increased divorce rate, having stepparents, and parental stress regarding work–life balance have been considered (kadonaga & fraser, 2015). a growing awareness of child maltreatment, greater ease in contacting the authorities, and changes in the understanding of child maltreatment as a social problem (i.e., not merely a private family matter) are also possible causes (shibuya, 2007; tanaka, 2011). protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 13 the significant increase in child maltreatment in japan has caused challenges in placing these children after they have been removed from their caretakers. a substantial number of these children have been placed in institutional care instead of foster care and adoption. in northern european countries, as well as the united states, canada, and australia, more than 70 percent of children who are in state custody are placed in foster settings, and these countries have robust adoption programs (browne, hamilton-giachritsis, johnson, & ostergren, 2006; cited in goldfarb, 2015). by contrast, more than 90 percent of children in state care in japan continue to be placed in baby homes or children’s homes (ministry of health, labor and welfare, 2014). because neuroscience research indicates that institutionalized care can cause potential developmental harms, japan’s ministry of health, labor and welfare has acknowledged the need to increase the number of foster care settings for maltreated children (goldfarb, 2015). children with disabilities are at a higher risk of being abused and neglected (ichise, 2010), and isolating them in institutional care, instead of keeping them in their communities, can cause additional stress on these vulnerable children. development of a foster care placement system with investigators and courts in japan is a fairly recent historical development and the resiliency of this system has been tested by recent natural disasters. the march 2011 earthquake and tsunami that devastated much of the coastal area in northeastern japan killed almost 19,000 people and left 241 children orphaned (kotani et al., 2014). because of the sudden and large number of children in need of care, there were not nearly enough existing foster homes to take them in. subsequently, all but two of these children were placed with their relatives, a kinship placement—a term that was unfamiliar to many child protection service workers. due to this phenomenon, a modification was added to the existing law to consider and expand the kinship placement system in japan in the fall of 2011. while there are plans or strategies to increase foster homes for children who are removed from their parents’ care, there is no literature or document that describes the effort to include children in disaster planning. given the consistent, significant increase in child maltreatment cases, it appears that the japanese government has been failing to protect children’s rights to life and protection. it is important to educate, train, and empower japanese child protection service workers who are overwhelmed by the substantial increase in reported child maltreatment, so they can provide appropriate attention to children and families in their care, regardless of their settings. conclusion though countries cannot control the possibility of natural disaster or completely prevent the introduction of infectious disease, they can help vulnerable populations prepare for such disasters. conceptualizing these disasters in conjunction with public health and medical emergencies has received critical analysis by some national governments (defense support of civil authorities, 2015; lister, 2011). this merged concept also applies to children impacted by natural disasters, particularly those in foster care. in the united states, for example, even with the lessons of hurricane katrina still fresh to many policymakers, many child welfare agencies are still dangerously protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 14 underprepared for large-scale catastrophes. smith, sabbag, and rohmer (2018) pointed to a u.s. government accounting office report urging the importance of state reform of disaster recovery plans and the subsequent passage of the postkatrina emergency management reform act of 2006. the goal, not yet fulfilled, of this act and related legislation and policy is to build on the responsibility of relevant agencies as experts at interdicting and intervening in disaster relief and to protect children during emergencies. the federal government has mandated each state to be prepared for public health emergency or the state might lose federal funding. disaster drills have been practiced, often at a large scale, with the support of state governments. however, a majority of these efforts involve health care facilities, but not social services such as child and family departments. it is imperative for the u.s. to do everything possible to prepare to align the emergency responses of federal governments, states, international agencies, and ngos with relatively little notice and with complex political and policy agendas and resources (gajewski, bell, lein, & angel, 2011; sadiq, tharp, & graham, 2016). it would be hoped that agencies could harness their expertise to offer protection to vulnerable children and families. in aotearoa new zealand, government agencies are well-positioned to take up the issue of disaster planning for children in state custody, given the government’s recent proposal about climate change that would, for one thing, require communities to develop disaster risk reduction and mitigation plans. oranga tamariki, as the responsible agency for child welfare, should further expand its risk assessment and planning as part of its “measurement of harm” analysis for children in care. moreover, the six core agencies responsible for children in care under the vulnerable children act 2014 should adapt the sendai framework’s call for a crosscommunity consultation approach that puts children at the center of disaster and emergency planning. these measures will require more cooperation among key stakeholders in developing a viable policy that will ensure the best interests of children in state custody are protected as part of the national, holistic disaster response planning initiative. after the great hanshin earthquake in kobe in 1995, japan developed an extensive network of disaster medical action teams that provide medical assistance to the victims and survivors of a disaster throughout the nation. the team members, however, are not trained in mental health, and the mental health response was not well coordinated during the great east japan earthquakes in 2011. japanese government agencies, at the national, prefectural, and municipal levels, must develop a more systematic response to address the mental health needs of disaster victims, as well as specific plans for children under the care of the state. these should include early identification of children’s whereabouts, whether there are or will be changes in their caregiving environment, the availabilities of mental health professionals in the area, and re-establishing contact with birth parents and siblings, if appropriate. local child guidance centers may be the agency responsible for implementing these plans, but a national policy needs to be developed to allocate resources to disaster areas to create a more sustainable environment for children in foster care following a natural disaster. protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 15 during the last few decades, efforts have been made in each of the three countries reviewed here to be better prepared for large-scale natural disasters. unfortunately, “the increase in need for child welfare services during a disaster was not recognized by disaster professionals” (daughtery & blome, 2009, p. 483). including children in decision-making processes and disaster planning has a number of benefits, such as empowering children and enhancing their resilience, building relationships with adults in the community, and promoting children’s development (pfefferbaum, pfefferbaum, & van horn, 2018). realistically, of course, there may never be enough resources allocated to child welfare agencies for disaster planning. following on the key policy principles found in the uncrc, unrpd and sendai framework, particularly the special responsibility of the state to protect the health and safety of children generally and children with disabilities in particular, and to recognize the rights of children to participate in these processes, this article makes several recommendations. in order to more effectively plan for children in disaster, states must ensure that they secure reception, tracking, and care of children both before and after disasters; identify injured and unaccompanied children in disasters; provide information and other support to parents or legal guardians to expedite reunification processes; support child protective services case workers (who may be victims of the disasters themselves); use all available personnel to meet children’s needs; track children’s movement from arrival to safe discharge; and establish partnerships with related services. by embracing these international principles, states will ensure that their systems are most effective when children, including those with disabilities, are brought into the planning process. in sum, this article suggests the need for further comparative research to identify best practices in disaster planning for this acutely vulnerable population and provides a comparative framework grounded in the international policy context as a possible way forward. context matters in each of the cases presented above and no one solution will apply across jurisdictions. these national cases differ in terms of land and population size, as well as their unique policy contexts—the united states’ complex federal policy landscape, aotearoa new zealand’s policy imperatives to ensure bicultural service delivery systems, and the need to account for the intersection of state services and complex kinship networks in japan. yet, there are commonalities across these cases: the international policy foundation constructed from instruments such as the convention on the rights of the child and convention on the rights of persons with disabilities, and functional documents such as the sendai framework and their affirmative responsibility for the state to support child flourishing. perhaps the most important cross-cutting element is of course the children and families themselves, who are looking to the state to provide the security and support necessary to promote this flourishing even under the most challenging circumstances. dr. timothy p. fadgen, jd, ph.d. is a lecturer in public policy analysis and new zealand government at the university of auckland. he is the associate director (postgraduate programmes) of the public policy institute. his research interests protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison… 16 include policy transfer and immigration, refugees and international development. he has managed international development programs throughout east africa. dr. shuei kozu, msw, mha, ph.d. is an assistant professor at southern connecticut state university, school of social work. dr. kozu is a clinical social worker with more than 20 years of practice experience, primarily with children and families. dr. kozu is an expert in disaster mental health, as a responder, researcher and trainer. she has responded to local disasters as well as large-scale disasters, including hurricane katrina, the boston marathon bombing, and the great east japan earthquakes. dr. dana e. prescott, jd, msw, ph.d. 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(2010). vulnerable populations: hurricane katrina as a case study. prehospital and disaster medicine, 25(1), 74-78. doi: 10.1017/s1049023x00007718 https://doi.org/10.1080/03124070600833055 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1545-5300.2004.04301004.x https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1545-5300.2004.04301004.x http://www.wcdrr.org/uploads/sendai_framework_for_disaster_risk_reduction_2015-2030.pdf http://www.wcdrr.org/uploads/sendai_framework_for_disaster_risk_reduction_2015-2030.pdf https://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b38f0.html https://www.refworld.org/docid/45f973632.html https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-071913-043358 https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-071913-043358 https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00007718 book review: slow cities: conquering our speed addiction for health… 202 slow cities: conquering our speed addiction for health and sustainability paul tranter and rodney tolley (2020) amsterdam: elsevier, 422 pages $106.25 (paperback), isbn 9780128153161 children and young people are attracted to speed. toddlers run, pre-schoolers love trikes and scooters, school-aged children enjoy bikes and go-carts. but, as rushed parents know, children also love to stop, chat, and observe the world. both human-powered speed and social lingering are incompatible with cars. in the regional australian town of bendigo, “50 children aged between 4 and 8 years old were given cameras and asked to take photographs during a week of their lives to illustrate places they went and activities they engaged in. of the 50 children, at least half included a picture of driving in the back seat of the car” (malone, 2007, p. 315). rather than enjoying being in a “speedy” car, the children were trapped in one place. this paradox is one of the many explored in this excellent book, the sum of two lives’ work. paul tranter is an emeritus associate professor in geography at the university of new south wales in canberra, where his research has focused on children’s wellbeing and transport planning. rodney tolley has researched and written on active transport for over 40 years, including acting as the conference director for walk21, an annual conference for practioners and academics. the book itself is well balanced between research and practice, with a good emphasis on strategic action. although most of the case studies are based in the global north, there is an illustrative set of examples from latin america, asia, and africa. the book focuses on planning, but includes literature from psychology, public health, geography, history and engineering. it is syncretic and easy to read. slow cities is organized under three main themes: the paradox of speed, the impacts of speed on health, and strategies to slow speed. while the book does not focus on children and youth, there is a great deal of excellent material for researchers and planners interested in that population group. as part of the cultural shift from pedestrian-powered to car-dominated streets in the early 20th century, subsidized by the nascent automobile and gasoline industries, boy scouts were encouraged to hand out tickets to “jaywalkers,” a new term connoting a hick who didn’t understand “the rules.” but at the same time, there was a 94% increase in child pedestrian fatalities in the u.s. from 1913-17 to 1918-22. the shift in blame from car drivers to pedestrians, including children playing on the street, is one of the many ironies explored in the first third of the book. similarly, in the section on health, there is a focus not only on the physical health costs of child obesity and inactivity, but the stress associated with “parents book review: slow cities: conquering our speed addiction for health… 203 rush[ing] their children from one stimulating extra-curricular activity to another, to give their own child a competitive edge in a consumerist world” (tranter & tolley, 2020, p. 117). nearly two thirds of australian parents spend more than eight hours a week driving their children to school and other activities (ibid, p. 43), in turn endangering other children who are making their own way to school. road engineers personally value safety over speed but design otherwise (ibid, pp. 9091). perhaps the most basic paradox explored in this book is that despite trillions of dollars spent on highways, overpasses, parking lots, and cars and trucks, traffic speeds in central cities from toronto to delhi have not increased in the past century (ibid, p. 98). tranter’s previous work on effective speed has shown that walking, cycling or taking transit to most destinations is faster than driving, particularly if you take into account the time spent paying for the mode (tranter, 2010). of course, a true cost benefit analysis of speed would include pollution, road crashes and climate breakdown. part three, focusing on strategies, will be of most immediate use to practitioners. tranter and tolley summarize the arguments for 30 km/hour speed limits, which are not only about decreasing the kinetic force of cars in case of a collision, but also about expanding the field of vision. lowering the speed limit must be accompanied by enforcement and traffic-calming measures. the authors reinforce research that shows that introducing uncertainty for cars through, for instance, removing barriers to crossing the street, naturally slows drivers down. they also provide case studies of the impacts of play streets (closed to motorized traffic for limited hours to provide a space for children to play) and school streets (closed to motorized traffic during morning drop-off and afternoon pick-up periods). but even more important is re-opening streets to be spaces of play for all ages. a final paradox: the true joys of speed can only be experienced in cities where cars have been tamed. review by carolyn whitzman carolyn whitzman is an honorary professor at the university of melbourne, an adjunct professor at the university of ottawa, and a housing and social policy consultant. references malone, k. (2007). the bubble‐wrap generation: children growing up in walled gardens. environmental education research, 13(4), 513-527. tranter, p. j. (2010). speed kills: the complex links between transport, lack of time and urban health. journal of urban health, 87(2), 155-166. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: latin american transnational children and youth: experiences… 157 latin american transnational children and youth: experiences of nature and place, culture and care across the americas victoria derr and yolanda corona, editors (2021) oxford and new york: routledge, 262 pages $160.00 hardback, $48.95 ebook; isbn: 9780367463885 latin american transnational children and youth: experiences of nature and place, culture and care across the americas illustrates how children and youth perceive, learn about, and care for nature. with scholarship from latin america and the united states in each section, the text offers stories from migrant and immigrant children and youth. broadly, the book suggests experiences of childhood are changing over time along with the places with which children have contact. the chapters emphasize the role of family and community in creating a sense of place and identity. part 1: perspectives on place illuminates how children and youth experience, recognize, and understand their experiences with nature. the concept of querencia, articulated by derr in chapter one, provides a particularly powerful framing for this section as it calls attention to the ways children connect and disconnect from places through emotional attachments or lack thereof. this section gathers diverse cases including rural children in tepoztlán, mexico (by corona, perez, and montoya, chapter 2), urban children in mexico city (by gulgonen, chapter 3), and latinx immigrant children in milwaukee, wisconsin (by cuevas, fritzen-pedicini, and beyer, chapter 4). while querencia is a strong theme throughout the book, it particularly resonates through chapter 4 on migrant children who use their sense of connection to land as a way to create a sense of belonging in new places. part 2: homeland, belonging, and transnational identity shows how youths’ relationships to their homeland shapes their transnational identities. this section includes chapters on amuzgo and kuchumatán indigenous groups (by trinidad and otani, chapter 7), migrant youth who live in insecure infantile migration (by sánchez, chapter 8), and “1.5 generation” immigrants (by domínguez, chapter 9). a notable theme in this section is that transnational identity is shaped by experiences with territory, land, and nature. the concept of “geographic habitus” presented by schmalzbauer in chapter 6 is particularly powerful for understanding how place and environment can be part of transnational identity-making and sense of belonging. chapter 10 by derr et al. describes how latina college students’ environmental identities are shaped by cultural ways of being and belonging in nature. part 3: learning and expressing care features work on emotional attachments and acts of care toward nature. a strong theme in this final section is decolonial and non-hierarchical forms of education and relationships. this section includes chapters with zapatista children and intergenerational cultural education (by montoya, chapter 12), the chilean mapuche community program “listening to elders” (by ibarra et al., chapter 13), and early significant life experiences for book review: latin american transnational children and youth: experiences… 158 environmental professionals (by de la hoz, chapter 16). these works highlight the role of intergenerational relationships in teaching and learning care for nature. another theme in this section is that youth participation can be unconventional and necessitates adults' commitment to supporting children's agency. the section includes chapters on science curricula that support indigenous and afro-descendent ways of knowing (by herrera, chapter 14) and indigenous youth participation in climate justice and advocacy (by corona and alvarez, chapter 17). these three sections review different areas of children and youths’ experiences with their environments to advance research in a number of ways. some of the most prominent areas are research on children and nature from a transnational perspective, the role of family and culture in environmental experiences, environmental and intergenerational education, and children and youths’ participation. these areas of research have impacts for policy on children’s rights, indigenous rights, and education. the book offers an overview of children’s participation, providing a transnational perspective and including several chapters with indigenous groups. its greatest strength is its broad collection of work. latin american transnational children and youth includes an array of work from diverse disciplines including anthropology, urban planning, public health, and geography. the chapters include methodologies ranging from statistical analysis to drawings and community-engaged projects, and the studies’ participants range from children to adults, in latin america and the united states. this text has multiple chapters that would be suitable for learning about children’s participation, latin american and transnational children, and geography. because of this variety, the text is well-suited for courses on childhood and environment or anyone looking for a survey of literature on the overlap between these two fields. the chapters have strong discussion sections and are not overly methodological in nature, making them a good fit for undergraduate or introductory graduate audiences. review by karina ruiz karina ruiz is a doctoral student in latin american and latino studies at the university of california santa cruz. she is currently working on a dissertation project on children’s emotional labor and care work in mixed-status families. her interests include immigrant families, children’s labor, care work and reproductive labor. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2022 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 32(3), 2022 changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19 pandemic: fathers’ perspectives dina izenstark san josé state university iryna sharaievska clemson university citation: izenstark, d. & sharaievska, i. (2022). changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19 pandemic: fathers’ perspectives. children, youth and environments, 32(3), 82-99. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract using the family-based nature activities framework, we examined fathers’ perceptions of how their children’s outdoor recreation changed during covid-19, and differences between rural and urban participants’ outdoor experiences. fathers of children ages 5-12 (n = 26) participated in semi-structured interviews. results showed that due to sweeping lifestyle changes, fathers reported increased time spent outdoors and the development of new outdoor family routines as a way to promote children’s health, fulfill caretaking responsibilities, and promote family relationships. urban fathers reported more outdoor restrictions due to local policies whereas rural fathers reported engaging in a larger variety of nearby outdoor activities. keywords: outdoor recreation, covid-19 pandemic, rural, urban, children 5-12 changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 83 the coronavirus pandemic (covid-19) negatively disrupted the experiences and everyday routines of most families with children (gassman-pines et al., 2020; patrick et al., 2020). parents reported increased financial and employment concerns (recto & lesser, 2020), exacerbated feelings of stress due to the merging of personal and professional spaces and overlapping responsibilities of employment and caretaking (burk et al., 2020), and more negative mental health outcomes than nonparents (elder & greene, 2021). scholars found that parents’ and children’s psychological health was negatively impacted due to fear related to covid-19 and the indirect effects of the pandemic impacted daily routines (e.g., quarantine, school closures) (chawla et al., 2021; cusinato, 2020). furthermore, gassman-pines et al. (2020) discovered that parents’ psychological health was strongly associated with the number of crisis-related hardships, including job loss, caregiving burdens, and illness. parents who reported a decline in psychological health were also more likely to experience a decline in their children’s behavioral health, loss of childcare, and increased food insecurity (patrick et al., 2020). children’s psychological health was also negatively affected during the covid-19 pandemic (gassman-pines et al., 2020; patrick et al., 2020). children experienced increased anxiety associated with changes to their everyday routines (e.g., reduced physical activity, increased technology usage) (chawla et al., 2021). children also felt disconnected from peers and social support systems outside of the family (singh et al., 2020). moreover, families who struggled to address their children’s most basic needs (e.g., food, healthcare, safety) were particularly vulnerable to increased psychological strain due to sudden disconnect from services ensuring children’s everyday care and well-being (patrick et al., 2020; phelps & sperry, 2020; wong et al., 2020). scholars recommend engagement in regular health-promoting activities to reduce the negative impact of the covid-19 pandemic on psychological health (chawla et al., 2021; wong et al., 2020). getting adequate physical activity and sleep as well as reducing internet use were among some recommendations to improve psychological health (chawla et al., 2021). one effective, pandemic-friendly yet often overlooked way to promote health and family interactions is engagement in family-based nature activities (izenstark & ebata, 2017; 2019). family-based nature activities include participating in outdoor recreation (e.g., hiking, biking), using outdoor spaces (e.g., parks), and/or taking family trips to natural areas (izenstark & ebata, 2016). research highlights how engagement in outdoor recreation can provide opportunities to promote physical and psychological health (chawla, 2015; ewert et al., 2014), foster social cohesion (hartig et al., 2014) and positively influence family relationships (izenstark & ebata, 2016; 2017). during the pandemic, researchers found that children’s participation in outdoor recreation was associated with bolstered resilience to stressors (jackson et al., 2021), selfefficacy, positive youth development (reed et al., 2022), and increased participation in physical activity (rossi et al., 2021). given the benefits of participation in family-based nature activities, we wanted to better understand fathers’ outdoor experiences with their children and how they changed during the covid-19 pandemic. changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 84 we specifically interviewed fathers for several reasons. fathers enact a vital role in their children’s leisure experiences (bauer & giles, 2018; creighton et al., 2015; fletcher, 2020; jenkins, 2009). these experiences not only provide a means for building relationships, life skills, and shared time together, but may influence men’s understanding of their own identity as a father (creighton et al., 2015). while societal expectations towards fathers have changed in the last several decades (taylor et al., 2013), many fathers engage less with their children than mothers, and often view themselves as less competent caretakers than mothers (doucet, 2018). however, when it comes to participation in leisure and recreation, fathers often feel empowered to bond, communicate and build meaningful relationships with their children (fletcher, 2020; jenkins, 2009; sharaievska & hodge, 2018). moreover, past research shows that fathers’ active involvement plays a vital role in their children’s lives (buswell et al., 2012; doucet, 2018). knoester and randolph (2019) found that fathers of nine-year-old children who reported participating in outdoor activities or sports with their child at least once per week experienced improved father-child closeness and self-reported health. despite existing research on the importance of fathers’ engagement in children’s lives, the literature on how nature affects children and their caregivers together is rather limited (chawla, 2015). for example, hodge et al. (2015) conducted an integrative review of the family leisure literature published between 1990 and 2012 and found that mothers/caregivers/decision-makers were the focus of more than three times the number of articles than fathers. past research provides important insights on the role of fathers’ involvement with their children in outdoor adventure programs (overholt, 2022), outdoor risky play behavior (bauer & giles, 2019), sports (fletcher, 2020) and active play (creighton et al., 2015). however, one context that is missing from the literature is how fathers and children engage in outdoor activities together close to home—an environment in which children spent increased time during covid-19 restrictions (nathan et al., 2021). simultaneously, many communities temporarily closed schools, playgrounds, recreational facilities and other outdoor environments, and thus neighborhood outdoor spaces became increasingly important places for children’s leisure and physical activity (mitra et al., 2020). due to stay-at-home restrictions and closures of leisure locations throughout the pandemic, families were encouraged to recreate outdoors and close to home (perry et al., 2021). however, families’ outdoor recreation opportunities differed based on neighborhood environment and local policy responses to the covid-19 pandemic (de lannoy et al., 2020; mitra et al., 2020). for example, de lannoy et al. (2020) discussed differences in covid-19-related restrictions implemented in outdoor spaces in canadian provinces and found a correlation between severity of restrictions and decreased children’s outdoor experiences. similarly, mitra et al. (2020) found that living in a house (versus apartment), a low dwelling density neighborhood, and access to parks was correlated with increased outdoor activities among children. research on participation in family-based nature activities among rural versus urban participants is needed (izenstark et al., 2016), especially during the pandemic, to better understand how local policy restrictions and access to changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 85 outdoor spaces influenced children’s outdoor experiences in both types of locations. theoretical framework we utilize the family-based nature activities (fbna) framework to provide insights into how participation in outdoor family leisure may uniquely benefit children and families (izenstark & ebata, 2016). within this larger term, family leisure in nature is characterized as an outdoor setting with high levels of greenness (e.g., trees) and low levels of builtness (e.g., buildings, concrete). the fbna framework integrates attention restoration theory (art) and routines and rituals theory to highlight why the context of nature and continued participation in outdoor family leisure can enhance family functioning (izenstark & ebata, 2016). for example, art highlights why natural environments are unique settings for fostering improved attention (kaplan, 1995), given that these spaces provide four unique qualities: being away, fascination, extent, and compatibility (kaplan & kaplan, 1989). when individuals’ attention is restored, they are less irritable, can pick up on social cues more easily, and have more self-control (kaplan, 1995), all characteristics that izenstark and ebata (2016) posited would contribute to getting along better with other family members. simultaneously, the routines and rituals theory highlights how continued and repeated engagement in outdoor family rituals can contribute to improved family outcomes. examples of family rituals include daily patterned interactions (i.e., leisure activities, bedtimes), traditions (i.e., family gatherings), or celebrations (i.e., holidays) and can arise in any area of family life (bossard & boll, 1950). it is difficult to provide a specific operational definition of a family ritual because they are unique to each family (fiese, 2006; fiese et al., 2002). however, family rituals are often characterized by three dimensions: communication (e.g., reflecting a meaningful and symbolic message), commitment (e.g., participation in the activity over time), and continuity (e.g., a desire to pass on the ritual) (fiese, 2006). several research studies have utilized the fbna framework to study the benefits of outdoor family leisure, highlighting numerous individual and family benefits including improved attention and greater dyadic cohesion (izenstark & ebata, 2017), less negativity during and after an outdoor walk (izenstark et al., 2021), and improved family communication (izenstark & ebata, 2022). given the important role fathers play in children’s leisure experiences (bauer & giles, 2018; creighton et al., 2015; fletcher, 2020), and due to a greater change in childrearing responsibilities among fathers during the pandemic (craig & churchill, 2020), we wanted to better understand the role fathers play in their children’s outdoor family rituals and how families adapted their daily routines. taken together, the fbna framework will provide a lens to interpret the data and better understand specific phenomena related to family leisure in the outdoors. current study the purpose of this study was to explore how children’s outdoor experiences changed in both rural and urban environments during the covid-19 pandemic. specifically, the objectives were to explore: 1) general changes in shared outdoor experiences among fathers and children during daily life; and 2) the differences in rural compared to urban children’s outdoor experiences. changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 86 method recruitment and participants fathers living in the united states who had at least one child between the ages of 5-12 years old were recruited to participate in the study. participants were recruited through electronic flyers shared through parenting list-serves, social media sites (e.g., facebook neighborhood groups, parks and recreation sites), and word-ofmouth. all participants in the study met the following eligibility criteria: 1) was the child’s biological or adopted father; 2) had at least one child between the ages of 512; 3) lived in the same household with the child the majority of the time; 4) participated in outdoor recreation with their child at least once per month; and 5) could complete the interview in english. we specifically selected fathers of schoolaged children because the amount of time these children spend outside is strongly influenced by the amount of time their parents spend outdoors (larson et al., 2011). school-aged children also experienced many changes in their everyday routines during the pandemic (i.e., quarantine and the transition to online learning) (phelps & sperry, 2020). for the purposes of this study, “daily activities” refers to the activities and experiences that make-up their everyday, normal life. twenty-six fathers from both urban (n=13) and rural areas (n=13) participated in the study. all of the urban fathers lived on the west coast of the u.s., whereas the rural fathers lived in the southeast region of the country. we utilized the united states department of agriculture’s (usda) urban influence codes (uic) to classify rural and urban counties based on population size and adjacency to a metropolitan area (economic research service, 2013). all of the urban residents in our study lived within a county defined by having a uic of 1 or higher (e.g., at least 1 million residents or more). all of the rural residents lived within a county with a uic of 2. while the usda defines a uic of 2 as fewer than 1 million residents, it is important to note that population size ranged from 2,557 to 15,500 in the towns in which the rural participants resided. overall, the two groups were similar in age (urban m=43.6; 37-50; rural m=40.6; 35-46), primarily identified as middle class (urban n=10; rural n=13), and were married (24 out of 26). participants’ education levels included “some college” (urban n=3; rural n=1), earning a “bachelor’s degree” (urban n=4), or earning a “master’s degree or higher” (urban n=6; rural n=12). while both the urban and rural fathers primarily identified as caucasian (92% rural; 84% urban), more urban fathers reported that their child was multiracial (46% urban; 0% rural). on average rural fathers reported more total children (range of 2-6; m=3) than urban fathers (range of 1-3; m=2). data collection the institutional review boards of the authors’ respective institutions approved this study. data for this study was collected from in-depth, semi-structured interviews that took place over the phone or zoom between may and august of 2020 at a convenient time for the participants. trained interviewers with extensive experience collecting qualitative data conducted the interviews, which lasted 45-65 minutes. following the attainment of informed verbal consent, the interviewers began the changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 87 formal interview process. fathers received a $25 gift card after completing the interview. analytic strategy thematic analysis (braun & clarke, 2006) in combination with grounded theory techniques (glaser & strauss, 1967; strauss & corbin, 1990) were used to identify themes and patterns in the data. we practiced reflexivity throughout the study through writing memos and peer discussions on our own positions (e.g., geographical location, professional work, gender, and parenting status) and how these may influence the research process. for example, we reflected and challenged assumptions based on where we currently live and how the outdoor opportunities available in our geographic area during the pandemic might influence the conclusions drawn (braun & clarke, 2013). prior to data analysis, all of the interviews were audio recorded, transcribed verbatim, and checked for accuracy. participants’ names were replaced with pseudonyms and all transcripts were deidentified to maintain anonymity. we followed braun and clarke’s (2006) six steps to conducting thematic analysis, which began with familiarizing ourselves with the data (e.g., reading transcripts, listening to interviews, and memoing coding ideas and observations). we then started the process of generating initial open codes by sorting the data by research question and coding segments of the larger interview transcript in which the participant mentioned the covid-19 pandemic. during this process, we worked with a research assistant, who had no competing interest in the project, to help generate initial codes. in the third phase of data analysis, we began to search for themes and moved from open coding to focused coding by analyzing the patterns and trends of the most significant and frequent codes evident. as we began to generate more themes and subthemes, we utilized strauss and corbin’s (1990) axial coding paradigm to put the data back together in new ways to better understand the relationships between codes. the axial coding process helped us relate our categories to subcategories by identifying our main phenomenon (e.g., changes to outdoor recreation), and how it was impacted by causal conditions (e.g., switching to remote living), action/interaction strategies (e.g., spending more time outside), and intervening conditions (e.g., living in rural vs. urban areas). in this phase, we also utilized glaser and strauss’s (1967) constant comparative methods to analyze similarities and differences across the urban and rural participants’ interviews. from here we developed new focused codes to help us move toward developing major themes and subthemes. code and meaning saturation was reached with the 26 fathers interviewed during this phase as no new concrete or conceptual codes were evident (hennink et al., 2017). this iterative process helped us move into phase four of reviewing and refining the themes. throughout phase four and the entire analysis process, we maintained trustworthiness by checking the findings of the study against the coded extracts and full data set to ensure quality and accuracy (braun & clarke, 2006) while maintaining a detailed audit trail (see guba & lincoln, 1985). the authors and changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 88 research assistant met regularly to conceptualize the data, debrief, check interpretations, discuss agreements, and negotiate disagreements. finally, we moved into phases five and six and continued to further refine the themes in writing up the results section. it is important to note that we do not report the percentage of participants who reported each theme. braun and clarke (2013) argue that frequency of responses in qualitative research should be interpreted with caution given that they do not determine value and the absence of a response does not mean the participant did not experience a specific theme, only that the theme was not mentioned on its own. results our analysis showed that the covid-19 pandemic forced sweeping lifestyle modifications (e.g., remote learning and work, stay-at-home orders, reduced contact with friends/family), cancellation of children’s leisure programs (e.g., sports, extracurricular activities, summer camps), and local policy changes to parks/recreation activities. this in turn created changes in our participants’ outdoor recreation participation patterns. we also identified differences in how local policies impacted rural versus urban children’s outdoor recreation. changes in outdoor recreation during the covid-19 pandemic we identified two main themes that captured how both urban and rural participants’ outdoor recreation behaviors changed. spending more time outdoors almost every participant in the study reported that they spent more time outdoors with their children indicating that during the pandemic they made “a more concerted effort to get outside together,” “we get outside as a family more than we did before” and that outdoor activities together “have gone up substantially.” on average, rural and urban fathers reported spending six days per week outdoors with their children during the pandemic—multiple times per day in some cases. fathers reported having more time to spend with their children due to pandemic induced stay-at-home orders, which necessitated many changes to family schedules with online school, remote work, and cancellation of extracurricular activities. rural father (rf) 6 shared how his family had more availability to spend time outside (three or four times as much) since “i don't have to be at the office eight or nine hours a day.” similarly, several other fathers shared that finding time was the greatest barrier to outdoor family recreation prior to covid-19, but during the pandemic, they had more flexibility to create their own schedules/ timelines. for example, urban father (uf) 12 provided a description of his family’s schedule before and during the pandemic: it [opportunity to participate in outdoor activities] maybe has increased actually… we have more free time. we would always go outside on the weekends pre-covid, but it's more during the week now. it's just become like an extended weekend to us in essence. we get out there more often in the middle of the day. changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 89 developing new outdoor family routines many fathers shared how they not only spent more time outdoors but also intentionally integrated new outdoor family routines into their daily schedules. the most commonly reported outdoor routine was regular and predictable family walks among both rural and urban participants. as one father shared, “we try to do about a walk every day in some way, shape, or form” (uf 5). within this larger theme, we identified three subthemes regarding why fathers felt it was important to get their children outside every day to: 1) promote health and well-being, 2) fulfill increased caretaking responsibilities, and 3) encourage positive family relationships. first, children’s health and well-being was promoted through time spent outside as it allowed them to “keep their energy and fitness levels up,” “get out of the house,” and be “away from technology.” fathers described how getting their children outdoors was “essential to their well-being,” helped them feel a sense of normalcy, and be “healthy in their development as a whole person [physically, cognitively, emotionally].” uf 12 summarized why he made it a priority to take his children outside: i love the outdoors. i think it's really important for kids to be outdoors, getting exercise, fresh air, understanding nature and how important it is to us. and, i just think it's overall good for your health. so i want to influence that on them and have them be outside as much as possible. fathers also recognized that their children were more dependent on technology as it became the primary way they participated in distance learning and connected with friends and extended family. it also served as a form of family leisure (e.g., watching movies, playing video games) and a babysitter (when parents needed to complete their own job responsibilities). rf 5 discussed how his family started taking more neighborhood walks to get away from technology: rather than sitting in front of electronics or the tv, we would go out for a lunch walk or an evening walk or both sometimes. so, it’s definitely improved [minimized the amount of technology time]… and promotes just being outside and being kids and enjoying everything outdoors has to offer. second, fathers developed new outdoor family routines because they felt a greater caretaking responsibility to ensure their children got outside every day. fathers reported the need to intentionally organize outdoor opportunities for their children to make up for the absence of outdoor time at school, in extracurricular activities and playing with friends. for example, uf 8 shared: during the school time, i rely more on the school. like they have their outside time at school, they have recess and i know that they're outside and they're running around, so i don't worry about it. but [now] i stress about it… like i grew up outdoors. and so i really think that's important… but now during the lockdown, i have to make sure it happens. uf 13 described how one of the first things he did when the stay-at-home orders changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 90 began was go to a local store and “stocked up on all the backyard summer games” for his children. similarly, rf 10 described how he put together new backyard equipment (e.g., monkey bars, trampolines, a garden, and games) so that they would have everything they needed in their own backyard. other fathers shared how they felt a change in their role from father to playmate with the covid-19 restrictions since their children were discouraged from interacting with peers. rf 4 explained: …their interaction with their friends has dropped down to nearly zero. before covid, most days… it would have been out with friends. so my involvement has actually increased in the sense that when we're out, i'm their only playmate most of the time… i don't get to just sit by the nice creek. finally, fathers developed new outdoor family routines with their children as a way to encourage positive family relationships and spend more meaningful time together. this extra time allowed families to slow down and focus on one another. previously families were “rushing from task to task” and everything had “a feeling of urgency,” but now having “the time and availability to do things has improved everything.” uf 13 explained how his view of family time changed: covid time actually has been kind of strange because it has been kind of nice to just be a family unit and not have the go-go-go of everyday life, which was what we considered as normal. but when you look at what normal was, normal was never being home because we were always out being involved. whereas this has now turned it around and made us kind of like just slow things down and turn us into a family. several fathers shared how they would like to continue spending quality time with their family in these new outdoor family routines, even after covid-19 restrictions are lifted. comparisons of outdoor recreation in urban and rural areas changes in local policies while both rural and urban fathers reported general outdoor recreation changes, these significantly varied based on local policies in their community. fathers of school-aged children living in urban areas reported significantly more challenges, restrictions, and lack of access to outdoor spaces than rural fathers. urban fathers described drastic changes to the outdoor recreation opportunities available to their children due to the closure of public recreation facilities and spaces including swimming pools, parking lots to beaches, bathroom facilities at parks, and “no tennis courts, no basketball courts, no baseball fields, no playgrounds.” they shared how it has been “enormously challenging” and “a huge, huge barrier” as the pandemic “completely upended” their typical outdoor recreation behaviors. these restrictions caused many participants to adapt by participating in activities closer to home (e.g., in the backyard or local neighborhood). fathers shared how both the types of activities and places one could go outdoors changed due to local policies. participation in an outdoor activity away from one’s home was challenging due to changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 91 crowded spaces, physical distancing concerns, county travel limitations, stay-athome orders, and mask mandates. uf 3 explained “you have to find other types of activities to do at the park or outdoors when those other places are closed.” in his family, they have been bike riding instead of playing team sports. uf 5 similarly shared how the biggest change was “where we could go.” although some county and state parks remained opened, they became increasingly crowded. uf 1 described a cascade effect of more people using fewer outdoor spaces: you start closing one trail, everybody starts going to another trail, close that trail, and eventually it means that things get so packed that they close down. so it's been really interesting, like trying to keep up with what is actually open and where we can go and then not going if there are too many people. in comparison, rural participants also experienced local policy changes but reported fewer restrictions. for example, rural fathers commonly shared how they had to be more creative in finding places that were open and less crowded. rf 10 explained: so i think what changed mostly was finding the places we were allowed to go. so when the state parks opened we definitely went to the state parks. and then when they weren't, that's more when our outdoor activities were either going to the lake where my parents live or getting in the four-wheeler and going and finding some place off in the woods that there wasn't anybody. similarly, others described how they adapted their outdoor recreation when places further from home were closed (e.g., campgrounds, county/state parks) by finding new outdoor spaces close to home and in their community. rf 13 explained how school and store polices negatively affected them more than changes in local outdoor policies because they had access to many different neighborhood outdoor spaces, and could easily adapt if needed. for example, he described how they had access to a local park, creek, and trail system within their neighborhood, which was enough to keep their school-aged child engaged. conversely, rf 11 shared how their outdoor recreation was impacted by self-imposed restrictions more so than local policies. we didn't really even look into hiking [at the beginning of the outbreak]. i wasn't even really sure what the status of the forest and the parks were. i know at some point they were closed, but i didn't follow it closely because i kind of just assumed they were all pretty much shut down…. i think they were reopened for a while before we started going again, and it kind of occurred to me for the first time, like, okay, i guess you can pretty well socially distance out in the woods... so for a while, whether it was real policy or just my perceptions of what i thought policies were, we were not using those spaces and just confining to home, and later on we started to do it again. adaptations to outdoor recreation both rural and urban fathers described needing to make adaptations to their child’s changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 92 outdoor recreation, which often resulted in participating in outdoor activities closer to home. urban children participated primarily in walking and bike riding, whereas rural children engaged in a larger variety of outdoor activities close to home, including gardening, fishing, camping, swimming, and playing in larger yards. additionally, rural fathers discussed the closures of forests and lakes more, whereas urban fathers discussed the closure of beaches, parks, and specific theme/ amusement parks. fathers from both areas reported challenges associated with the cancellation of team sports. many described how “the things that changed drastically obviously were no more team sports” and “none of the teams can meet and practice and play because of regulations.” for example, rf 2 shared how his daughter was, “full swing into two softball teams when covid hit, and that's when everything shut down. so all of a sudden, you know, two or three days a week at the softball field turn into zero days a week.” several fathers from both rural and urban areas expressed concern about the negative impact the abrupt cancellation of sports during spring 2020 would have on their children. appreciation for outdoor spaces finally, urban and rural fathers also expressed an appreciation for when trails and parks began to re-open, sharing comments such as, “yeah, i think they actually made me appreciate those spaces a little bit more” (rf 9). others expressed how once outdoor recreational spaces re-opened, it “caused us to be even more happy” (uf 7). rf 10 shared, i think i just had to be more patient and understand that those local outdoor spaces are a privilege and not a right because when they're just open all of the time they start to feel like a right.… it did shift the perspective in my mind from a right to a privilege. discussion overall, the findings from this study complement and extend existing research by highlighting the importance of outdoor environments in reinforcing children’s health and family relationships, especially during the covid-19 pandemic when opportunities for organized recreation and social interaction were limited. our results showed that the covid-19 pandemic caused sweeping lifestyle modifications and changes in outdoor recreation as well as where children learn, play, and socialize. as a result of the pandemic, participants spent more time outdoors, adapted the types of activities in which they engaged, and developed new outdoor family routines. similar to jackson et al. (2021), we found outdoor recreation served as an important opportunity for promoting health and well-being. the results reconfirm the health and familial benefits of outdoor recreation participation. during a time when parents and children experienced increased stress and anxiety (gassman-pines et al., 2020; patrick et al., 2020), our findings showed that participants were able to utilize outdoor environments to exercise, get away from technology, relieve stress, and maintain some sense of normalcy. for many changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 93 families, outdoor spaces served as a refuge because they were one of the only leisure spaces available to them outside the home. additionally, the findings highlight the versatility of outdoor recreation, as participants were able to successfully adapt their outdoor activities and still derive numerous health benefits from participation. the findings suggest that increased father-child time together outdoors was an unanticipated benefit of the pandemic. prior to the pandemic, “time” was one of the greatest barriers to outdoor family recreation (reis et al., 2012). pre-pandemic research showed that fathers participated in outdoor activities with their child at least once per week (knoester & randolph, 2019), whereas our participants reported spending an average of six days per week outside with their child. fathers shared how this additional time together shifted the responsibility for getting their kids outside from other institutions to fathers themselves. fathers had to find a way to balance multiple roles during the pandemic as they took on greater caretaking roles, as well as the role of a friend. past research has shown that the amount and way fathers spend time with their children influences fathers’ identity (creighton et al., 2015; marsigilio et al., 2005). for example, creighton et al., (2015) explained how fathering is a socially constructed and consistently changing concept influenced by social, cultural, and institutional norms (butler, 1990; west & zimmerman, 1987). the findings in our study suggest that fathers’ identities were reshaped by their increased caretaking responsibilities. during the pandemic, fathers spent more time with their children outdoors, developed new outdoor family routines, sought out new outdoor spaces, and several even created new backyard opportunities to promote their child’s health and family relationships. the changes in everyday life brought on by the pandemic gave fathers flexibility, space, and time to reflect on their familial values and the opportunity to create, implement, and engage in valued outdoor activities with their children. our findings corroborate existing research that shows fathers bond with and build meaningful relationships with their children through participation in leisure and recreation (fletcher, 2020; jenkins, 2009; sharaievska & hodge, 2018). these findings can also be interpreted through the fbna framework (izenstark & ebata, 2016). while it is unknown whether families’ new outdoor routines have continued since covid-19 restrictions have been lifted, we hypothesize that many fathers will continue to promote them because they exemplified the three characteristics of a long-term ritual (communication, commitment, and continuity; fiese, 2006). for example, in the language used to describe why they developed new outdoor family routines fathers described how it was part of their identity (i.e., “i love the outdoors” or “i grew up outdoors”), which reflected symbolic communication. they also indicated that they spent time outdoors “regularly,” “with intention,” and that it was an important part of their daily schedule. along with these examples, fathers also reported reflecting on their lives (e.g., slowing down, focusing more on the family unit), and the desire to continue spending more quality family time in the future. furthermore, several fathers shared how they hoped the natural environment would be important to their children in the same way it was to them as a child—reflecting continuity across generations through the desire to pass changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 94 on this value. this application of the fbna framework complements past research on how childhood time spent in nature is associated with future participation in adulthood (asah et al., 2012; ward thompson et al., 2008). finally, the findings emphasize the importance of access to nature. while de lannoy et al.’s (2020) commentary discussed how neighborhood type and local policy responses to covid-19 influenced outdoor recreation opportunities available to children in canada, our findings complement this research by providing in-depth examples of these differences for families living in rural compared to urban areas in the u.s. for example, while public health officials were encouraging parents and children to go outside during the pandemic to promote mental and physical health, urban families experienced more restrictions and lack of access to outdoor public spaces than rural fathers. while fathers in this study only experienced temporary restrictions, it complements existing research that highlights how the neighborhood where a child lives may influence their outdoor experiences (mitra et al., 2020). limitations and future research there were several limitations to this study. first, data was collected between may and august 2020 at the peak of the covid-19 pandemic. restrictions in the u.s. were constantly changing throughout that time and thus fathers may have been impacted differently based on the time of data collection (may vs. august). to address this limitation, we asked fathers in later stages of data collection to reflect on the times when restrictions were most severe. although covid-19 restrictions have changed since the start of the study, the effects of the pandemic are ongoing and future studies should capture how families’ outdoor recreation patterns continue to change over time. additionally, collection of retrospective interview data assumes reliance on fathers’ recollection of past events and only provides a glimpse into a family’s experiences. observational research and interviews from the child’s perspective are also needed to provide a fuller picture of how families integrate outdoor routines into their daily lives. second, while a major strength of our study was capturing fathers’ perspectives, we acknowledge that experiences of fathers across the u.s. varied significantly during the pandemic. every father in our study worked from home during the pandemic and reported a medium to high socioeconomic status. the experiences of fathers who continued to work outside the home, became unemployed, or who did not live with their children during the pandemic may have been different, and thus should be studied. furthermore, the majority of fathers in this study were married in a heterosexual relationship. since past research shows that socioeconomic status, gender, and family structure discrepancies can affect fathers’ ability to engage in activities with their child (knoester & randolph, 2019; sharaievska & hodge, 2018), there is a strong need to better understand the experiences of fathers of diverse backgrounds, and single, stay-at-home, and gay fathers (bauer & giles, 2019; fletcher, 2020). conclusion in conclusion, this project demonstrated the important role outdoor spaces play in the lives of children and the entire family, especially in times of major disruptions in changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19… 95 everyday routines. this study contributes to existing research by providing additional information on how time spent outdoors may serve to promote child health and family relationships. these findings have policy implications and highlight the importance of communities’ funding and investing in free outdoor public recreation opportunities for families, especially in urban areas as these spaces played a critical role in helping families maintain their health and well-being. dina izenstark is an assistant professor in the child and adolescent development department at san josé state university. she earned her ph.d. in human development and family studies from the university of illinois urbanachampaign. she conducts applied, interdisciplinary research exploring the impact of time spent in nature on children and families, and how participation in familybased nature activities can promote strong family relationships. dina’s full list of publications can be found at https://www.sjsu.edu/people/dina.izenstark/publications/ iryna sharaievska, ph.d. is an assistant professor in the department of parks, recreation and tourism management at clemson university. her research areas include technology-based leisure in contemporary families, with specific focus on families of diverse backgrounds, use of new technologies in recreation and tourism management (e.g., the new media/social network sites, gaming, cell phones, navigational devices), as well as fathers and their leisure and recreation time with their children. iryna’s full list of publications can be found at https://scholar.google.com/citations?hl=en&user=m2fz3jwaaaaj references asah, s. t., bengston, d. n., & westphal, l. m. 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(2008). the childhood factor: adult visits to green places and the significance of childhood experience. environment and behavior, 40(1), 111-143. west, c., & zimmerman, d. h. (1987). doing gender. gender & society, 1(2), 125151. wong, c. a., ming, d., maslow, g., & gifford, e. j. (2020). mitigating the impacts of the covid-19 pandemic response on at-risk children. pediatrics, 146(1), e20200973. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2020-0973 https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182111440 http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2013/06/14/the-new-american-father/ https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2020-0973 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production… 139 disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production for a critical childhood studies spyros spyrou (2018) london: palgrave macmillan, 241 pages $99.99 (hardcover; isbn: 978-1137479037 disclosing childhoods by professor spyros spyrou from the european university of cyprus is published as part of the studies in childhood and youth series, which embraces global and multi-disciplinary scholarship on childhood and youth as social, historical, cultural and material phenomena. this important book offers a critical reflection on knowledge production in childhood studies and is extremely relevant to students and scholars across a range of disciplines, including childhood studies, anthropology, geography, sociology, psychology, politics, social work, and international development studies. the book is pertinently named disclosing childhoods, as spyrou describes the power of researchers to disclose particular childhoods through knowledge practices that reflect both the material and discursive conditions of their being. syprou calls for a more “critical childhood studies” encouraging researchers to be mindful and reflexive about the processes through which they produce knowledge, and to be ethically and politically committed to disclosing knowledge that matters, that is, knowledge with preferred material consequences on children’s lives. disclosing childhoods builds upon an analysis of the strengths and limitations of childhood studies, an interdisciplinary field of study, which has emerged and expanded in the past 30 years. spyrou draws upon seminal work such as james and prout (1990), qvortrup (1994), alanen (2001; 2009), and mayall (2002), as well as work from a wide range of other scholars. spyrou draws upon poststructuralist and posthumanist critiques, as well as feminist approaches, to inform his focus on relational ontologies and their potential for rethinking knowledge production in childhood studies. applying a relational ontological framework to knowledge production has crucial implications for epistemological, methodological, ethical, and political considerations. it necessitates increased transparency from researchers regarding their ontological positions, and how such positions influence their epistemological approach. it also encourages increased attention to broader socio-economic, political, historical, and institutional forces that shape both knowledge production and its application. spyrou suggests the “limited theoretical innovation in childhood studies may be partly attributed to the preoccupation and reproduction of foundational concepts and ideas such as those of social construction, agency, voice, and participation” (p. 27). spyrou develops his critique in separate chapters dedicated to voice, agency, and children’s participation in research. he draws upon empirical research and theoretical insights, both from his own research, and from other scholars. in doing book review: disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production… 140 so, spyrou offers theoretical, methodological and ethical directions to support more critical approaches to knowledge production, including application of critical reflexivity. applying a critical reflexive approach, spyrou questions unexamined assumptions about the authenticity of children’s voices and issues of representation. the relevance of attending to silences and non-verbal forms of communication are also explored. spyrou emphasizes the importance of analyzing “the interactional contexts in which children’s voices emerge, the institutional contexts in which they are embedded, and the discursive contexts which inform them” (p. 86). spyrou also critiques the way that childhood researchers tend to emphasize children's agency, without adequate attention to structural factors, contexts, and power relations that shape children’s lives and opportunities to exercise their agency. in many socio-cultural, economic, and political contexts, generational inequalities limit children's agency. drawing upon the work of other critical scholars (such as beauvais, forthcoming; bordonaro & payne, 2012; cook, 2011; leonard, 2016; mayall, 2002; mizen & ofosu-kusi, 2013; oswell, 2013; 2016; whyness, 2006; valentine, 2011), spyrou encourages more grounded and critical understandings of children's agency, exploring how agency is socially and relationally produced, rather than focusing on agency as a property of the self. recognizing that contextual and relational factors shape children's agency has implications for the way research knowledge is produced through children's participation in research. increased transparency is needed about the respective roles of adult and child researchers; about who has power to make decisions about research topics, methods, analysis; and what gets included in reports. acknowledging the heterogeneity of children's experiences means that questions concerning representation should be raised to determine which views are being heard, and which are being left out, even if the research is designed and carried out by children. as part of ongoing reflexive practice, spyrou encourages researchers to embrace and acknowledge mess, and to be transparent about how power relations manifest themselves during the research process. in this book, despite drawing upon feminist approaches, there is insufficient attention to gender and related power dynamics when adopting a relational ontological framework to childhood studies. furthermore, for students, it would have been helpful for spyrou to explain more about what he means by knowledge production at the outset of the book. yet, overall, the depth of analysis and the range of literature drawn upon is laudable. the literature from which spyrou draws, including research with working children and child soldiers, clearly illustrates how researchers’ knowledge practices disclose different childhoods, which have political and ethical implications, as well as material consequences on children’s lives. spyrou’s ability to step back from dominant constructivist theories in childhood studies and to reflect on the benefits of meta-analysis are strategically important for advancing childhood studies. moreover, the book’s greatest strength is its critical and forward-looking focus that book review: disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production… 141 will enable researchers to be more ethical in their production and use of knowledge. thus, this book should be encouraged as essential reading for students and scholars who are engaged in childhood studies research, as well as social change processes. references alanen, l. (2001). explorations in generational analysis. in l. alanen & b. mayall (eds.), conceptualizing adult-child relations (pp. 11-22). london: routledge falmer. alanen, l. (2009). generational order. in j. qvortrup, w. a. corsaro & m.-s. honig (eds.), the palgrave handbook in childhood studies (pp. 159-176). houndmills, basingstoke: palgrave macmillan. beauvais, c. (forthcoming). thinking the adult-child relationship with existentialism. in s. spyrou, r. rosen, & d. cook (eds.), re-imagining childhood studies. london: bloomsbury. bordonaro, l., & payne, r. (2012). ambiguous agency: critical perspectives on social interventions with children and youth in africa. children’s geographies, 10(4), 365–372. doi.org/10.1080/14733285.2012.726065 cook, d. (2011). editorial: a ghostly presence. childhood, 18(1), 3–6. james, a., & prout, a. (1990). constructing and reconstructing childhood: contemporary issues in the sociological study of childhood. basingstoke: falmer press. leonard, m. (2016). the sociology of children, childhood and generation. london: sage. mayall, b. (2002). towards a sociology of childhood: thinking from children’s lives. buckingham: open university press. mizen, p., & ofosu-kusi, y. (2013). agency as vulnerability: accounting for children’s movement to the streets of accra. the sociological review, 61, 363–382. doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.12021 oswell, d. (2013). the agency of children: from family to global human rights. cambridge: cambridge university press. doi:10.1017/cbo9781139033312 oswell, d. (2016). re-aligning children’s agency and re-socialising children in childhood studies. in f. esser, m. s. baader, t. betz, & b. hungerland (eds.), reconceptualising agency and childhood: new perspectives in childhood studies (pp. 19–33). new york: routledge. https://doi.org/10.1080/14733285.2012.726065 https://doi.org/10.1111%2f1467-954x.12021 book review: disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production… 142 qvortrup, j. (1994). childhood matters: an introduction. in j. qvortrup, m. bardy, g. b. sgritta, & h. wintersberger (eds.), childhood matters: social theory, practice, and politics (pp.1-23). aldershot: avebury. valentine, k. (2011). accounting for agency. children and society, 25(5), 347–358. doi.org/10.1111/j.1099-0860.2009.00279.x wyness, m. (2006). childhood and society: an introduction to the sociology of childhood. basingstoke: palgrave macmillan. review by claire o’kane claire o’kane is a child rights practitioner and researcher. she has a postgraduate diploma in social research and evaluation from the university of huddersfield, a masters in in applied social studies, and a diploma of social work from the university of wales swansea, uk. she has more than 24 years of international experience in child rights, participation, active citizenship, care and protection research and practice in development and humanitarian contexts. claire currently works as a freelance child rights consultant and is an associate at the centre for children and young people’s participation at the university of central lancashire, uk. author’s response i would like to thank claire o’kane for her thorough review of my book and for highlighting both its potential contributions to current debates in childhood studies as well as its limits and shortcomings. the book is in many ways a loud reflection on knowledge production in childhood studies. it critiques the reproductive tendencies of the field and seeks to encourage a more critical, reflexive, and politically and ethically responsible production of knowledge. to be critical about the knowledge one produces is, i argue in the book, to reflect on the very practices through which we produce knowledge and to make the choices that disclose those childhoods we deem significant and consequential for our times. o’ kane is right in pointing out that the book pays insufficient attention to gender and the accompanying power dynamics at work; i appreciate and take this point seriously. indeed, the gender question, despite the progress achieved in recent decades, remains a crucial challenge to our understanding of the everyday lives of children. as scholars, we need to keep reminding ourselves that tackling questions of gender and gender inequalities is central for knowledge production. childhood studies must fully integrate a gender perspective in its knowledge practices if it aspires to be truly critical. o’ kane is also right in pointing out that a more clear exposition of what knowledge production is could have come earlier on in the book. one of the key points i make in the book is that knowledge production is both a practice and a process and not just an outcome (e.g., a research report or a publication). what happens along the https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1099-0860.2009.00279.x book review: disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production… 143 way matters! the outcomes of our knowledge practices are of course important but knowledge production as process requires that we attend to what happens (and how it happens) both before and after these outcomes. how is knowledge crafted along the way through our choices (theoretical, methodological, political and ethical)? what happens once this knowledge moves outwards? what effects might it have? all these, and not just, need to be part of our ongoing efforts to be mindful and critical of this process: knowledge production is both complex and messy and it is important to reflect on it if we are to retain a critical perspective as a field. since the publication of disclosing childhoods, a book i co-edited with rachel rosen and dan cook titled reimagining childhood studies (2019, bloomsbury academic) was published. the book is in many ways a response to the challenge i pose in disclosing childhoods for rethinking and experimenting with the field’s foundational concepts, not simply as a means of deconstructing knowledge about children and childhood but also a means of reconstructing knowledge that is critical and relevant in children’s lives. the humble attempt of disclosing childhoods is to instigate a broader discussion in the field which is meant to re-energize it. responding to such an enormous and significant task is essential in order to contribute productively towards our understanding of childhood in ways that will ultimately benefit children themselves. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(2), 2021 children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs rachel konerman university of cincinnati sue elliott university of new england, new south wales, australia rosanne pugh university of newcastle ourimbah campus tisha luthy cincinnati nature center victoria carr university of cincinnati citation: konerman, r., elliott, s., pugh, r., luthy, t., & carr, v. (2021). children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs. children, youth and environments, 31(2), 139-150. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract integral to sustainability is the active role of citizens to promote and participate in sustainable practices. in this report from the field, we describe two projects that demonstrate how early childhood educators supported children’s development of ecologically sustainable practices by facilitating a shift from learning in and about environments to acting in ways that promote regeneration of the natural environment. two practitioner-researchers, each paired with a critical friend, used the project approach as a framework for facilitating children’s complex, authentic connections to, understandings of, and actions for their ecosystems, demonstrating the potential of the field of early childhood education for sustainability (ecefs). keywords: early childhood education for sustainability (ecefs), education for sustainability (efs), practitioner research, project approach, nature preschool http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 140 introduction as nature-based programs for young children have gained global popularity, examination of effective teaching practices in these environments has emerged. a characteristic of some nature programs is a full-day outdoor experience immersed in the natural world; other programs access natural environments in ways tangential to classroom settings. in both contexts, children learn about their local environments and develop deep relationships with them. although this is an inherent goal for environmental education and common in nature-based learning environments, education for sustainability (efs) advocates argue that children’s experiences should entail more than just developing a love of nature (elliott & young, 2015). specifically, integral to sustainability is the active role of citizens to promote and participate in sustainable practices. in this report from the field, we describe two projects that demonstrate how early childhood teachers supported children in making a shift from learning in and about their environments to acting for them. theoretical framework two nature-based preschool cohorts, one located in the u.s. and the other in australia, each engaged in a child-led project, with their teachers serving as practitioner-researchers, closely examining their own teaching practices and the children’s learning processes. throughout the two projects, teachers collaborated with a critical friend, a peer professional who provided provocations, resources, and feedback to help each teacher reflect upon and further the work they engaged in with the children (costa & kallick, 1993). the study was informed by constructivist and sociocultural constructivist theories (piaget, 1959; rogoff, 2003; vygotsky, 1978), which the teachers used to guide their teaching methods: viewing the children as active protagonists of their own learning, and building knowledge and understanding through experience and collaboration with peers and adults. additionally, an interpretive theoretical paradigm sheds light on the essence of the socially co-constructed learning and the meanings that the participants ascribed to the actions taken within the projects (mukherji & albon, 2015). a narrative inquiry methodology embodying both “the phenomenon under study and the research method” also guided this study (o’toole & beckett, 2013, p. 72). a narrative comprises a framework around a theme or phenomenon, a chronology of events, and a narrator—in this instance a practitioner-researcher embedded in the narrative creation (liamputtong & ezzy, 2005). methods narrative inquiry also aligns with the project approach as an evolving and responsive learning journey over time (katz, chard & kogan, 2014). the project approach was employed by the teachers in this study to plan and implement emergent investigations following the interests of the children in their respective classes. selected as a teaching and curriculum approach because of its alignment with the constructivist and sociocultural constructionist theories, a project is defined as “an in-depth investigation of a real-world topic” through which “children gain deep understanding and knowledge by seeking answers to their questions through rich sensory, firsthand investigations” (chard, kogan & castillo, 2017, p. 1). projects unfold over a series of three interwoven, interdependent phases (see children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 141 figure 1) and include multiple opportunities for children to represent their ideas, questions, and discoveries through a variety of media, including the creative arts, dialogue, play, writing, and the use of graphic organizers (katz, chard, & kogan, 2014). each phase has specific goals which provide structure to the project. phase one is dedicated to narrowing ideas to a focused topic, recording current understandings of the topic, and generating questions for further investigation. in phase two, participants research the topic of interest, using methods such as engaging in field visits, interviewing experts, observing phenomena related to the topic, and/or conducting literature or internet research. as the project progresses, artifacts, such as drawings, photographs, and transcripts, are collected and collaboratively reflected upon by teachers and children to further the project work. when interest wanes, or all questions have been explored, the third phase is undertaken to synthesize the learning and reflect upon the process of the project. a culminating experience, often an artifact or event, documents and celebrates the work. in addition, opportunities are sought to share the project outcomes with the children’s community. throughout the project, teachers serve as facilitators, documentors, and co-learners alongside the children while encouraging children to actively engage in the uncovering of new knowledge. figure 1. three phases of the project approach the project approach is adaptable to diverse settings and has potential for tangible outcomes (ji & stuhmcke, 2014). particularly, the importance placed upon documenting and elevating children’s learning to share new knowledge with the community beyond the classroom in the third phase of the project approach corresponds to the essential advocacy and activism orientations in efs (davis, 2014). to promote the goals of efs, in this study, practitioner-researchers were committed to the children's creation of culminating artifacts that would educate their local community about the natural flora and fauna within their respective children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 142 environments. in this way, children not only can become advocates for the natural environment, but their self-concept can expand to include viewing themselves as active citizens contributing to society. to best capture this journey, we implemented four data collection tools: a video diary of children’s nature excursions with teachers, audio recordings of children’s focus groups in which they reflected on their shared experiences, practitionerresearcher reflective journals, and the actual artifact(s) created by the children during the study. the intent was to create an in-depth story about the coconstructed learning journey during project approach implementation. following, each project is discussed in a narrative summary derived from reflection upon and analysis of this data, and common themes and a synthesis of the two projects are discussed in the final section of the report. children’s voices in the australian rainforest: balancing and belonging children attending the kindergarten union children’s services (ku) ourimbah preschool and children’s center regularly engaged with the natural surroundings of the newcastle university ourimbah campus, exploring the rich biodiversity offered by the rainforests, waterways, bushland and gardens. as spring emerged one year, so too did the curiosities of a group of preschoolers into the interactions of species, human and more-than-human, who visited and lived in the ponds on campus. interested in the children’s understandings of diversity within an ecosystem, the class’s practitioner-researcher, rosanne, brought the children to visit two ponds, one an example of a healthy ecosystem and one an example of an unhealthy ecosystem, to serve as a provocation for discussion and discovery. the children quickly noticed the differences between the ponds: one had clear water, with native tadpoles thriving, and the other was full of algae and home to a non-native fish species, the gambusia fish, introduced a century ago by humans to attempt to control the mosquito population in new south wales. through microscopic inspection and pondside observation, the children learned about the behavioral and physical characteristics of the fish and the tadpoles, becoming adept at differentiating between and identifying each species. this familiarity with the species led to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the species, including the realization that the gambusia fish were preying upon the tadpoles, and the role of humans in the disruption of the natural ecosystems. facing this reality, the children focused on ways to re-establish balance in the ecosystem, exploring solutions including the building of a wall between the ponds and sending the fish back where they came from. through discussions, drawings, play, and experimentation, children tried, revised, and discarded solutions. as they wrestled with the problem, at no time did they want harm to come to the invasive fish, now regarded as a toxic pest. they knew it belonged “somewhere, but not here,” with some expressing sympathy for the fish that had been moved far from their true homes in north america. children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 143 figure 2. children attending the ku ourimbah preschool and children’s center closely study a pond on their campus. rosanne took note of their theories and planned further provocations, including visits from experts to deepen the children’s thinking and hikes further into the center’s surroundings, widening the children’s lens of the ecosystem beyond the two ponds. in addition to the gambusia fish dilemma, the children discovered litter left by humans as another source of ecological disruption. the children continued to communicate their speculations, observations, and thoughts through a variety of media, adding more details and depth. of note, maps and illustrations began to depict the placement of litter, predators, and native plants and animals, and children used body language to convey their understanding of the “tipping point” in ecological balance, when interference leads to disruption, as they had observed in the two ponds and as a consequence of litter. in class discussions, the children expressed their desire to do something to help restore ecological balance, and were not intimidated by the scale of the problem. rosanne listened to their concerns and helped them plan a course of action: they cleaned up litter, designed trash receptacles that could protect birds from the garbage deposited inside, wrote and illustrated messages urging the community to consider the effects of their actions on the environment, and created a biotopic map (figure 3) of the location of native and non-native wildlife to educate those who visited the campus. children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 144 figure 3. the biotopic map created by children attending the ku ourimbah preschool and children’s center (elliott & pugh, 2020) throughout this project, the children deepened their relationship with the land they know and their understandings of the balance that must be maintained among species for optimal ecological health, which was captured through the video diary and reflected in the children’s work throughout the project. they also demonstrated empathy for the invasive species, understanding that it was faultless in its placement and expressing concern about its feelings about being far from home. in addition, the children understood their own roles in society as being agentic for societal change as they submitted their trash receptacle designs to management, their map was displayed in a prominent local library location, and their environmental video messages were played in local theaters as part of a council environmental initiative. rosanne summarized this understanding in her reflections, commenting that “the children were unperturbed about the enormity of the issues; rather they savored the opportunity to problem solve.” forest or pond? an investigation of the life cycle of the red spotted newt in the midwestern u.s. every year, the children of the nature preschool at the cincinnati nature center become intrigued by the vibrant red efts (immature or teenage newts) they find during their daily activities in the deciduous forest around their preschool. while most observe them and then accept them as part of the rich biodiversity of the children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 145 forest, one group of children became especially interested in observing the efts, sparking an investigation into the red spotted newt. the group’s teacher, tisha, observing their interest, listened in on children’s conversations, took notes, and facilitated a large group discussion during which she took dictation for the children and used a concept map to reflect back to them her understanding of their ideas. moving rather quickly through phase one of the project, she began planning for what she thought might be a project that focused on the mapping of newt sightings. she arranged for a local naturalist to meet the class at one of the ponds on the grounds to be interviewed by the children about the newt larvae they discovered. as they questioned the naturalist, they focused instead on the behavior of the “mommy newts,” particularly that young newts are left to fend for themselves. on the walk to the pond, the children had noticed a mature bird nesting with hatchlings. they used this observation to question the naturalist further, comparing the parenting strategies of the two different animals. later, as the group played in a clearing, their play schema included taking on various familial roles, and re-enacting being dropped off at school. as tisha discussed this with her critical friend, it became clear that the children were deeply considering a topic of high importance to them: the interdependence of members of a family (regardless of the species) necessary for survival, rather than the prospect of mapping the newt larvae. shifting the lens through which she viewed their work, tisha circled back to phase one to assist the children in gathering together their thoughts. the children again compared the newt parenting styles to other animals they had observed during their daily explorations, specifically turtles and frogs. over the next few days, they used direct observation, non-fiction books, and more knowledgeable peers and teachers to gather information about the life cycles of frogs and turtles. they began to see some similarities between what they knew about the life cycle of frogs in particular, with the limited knowledge they had begun gathering about the life cycle of the red spotted newt. using this comparison, they posed investigative questions and moved into phase two of their work. during their regular hikes, the children searched for red efts in the forest and larvae in the ponds. as they found both what they were looking for and other animals native to their environment, they compared and contrasted physical and behavioral attributes among the species, and documented their findings in individual field journals through drawings and dictated narrations. when visiting one pond, adult red spotted newts were discovered and observed eating frog eggs. this sparked a conversation among the children about the interdependence of species upon each other for survival: m: “look, it’s flying in the water!” f: “no, it’s swimming. it’s eating the frog eggs!” c: “if the frog mom was there, it couldn’t eat them.” m: “but she’s not. she left like the newt mommy.” c: “she should have stayed.” f: “but then this newt mom wouldn’t be able to eat. or make more eggs.” children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 146 figure 4. children at the cincinnati nature center preschool discuss their observations at a pond near their classroom another interview with a naturalist, an amphibians biologist, filled in more missing details of the life cycle for the children. she described the newt as having three distinct stages, baby (larvae), teenage (eft), and adult (newt), and explained the connection between the newt’s lung development and its habitat. the children began representing the three stages in their art, dramatic play scenarios, sensory table explorations, and block play. they also demonstrated their understanding of the distinction between each stage by constructing or drawing corresponding habitats. tisha documented their work with photographs and notes, and revisited their work with them during group meetings, serving as both a partner and a facilitator in their learning. after a couple weeks of active investigation and reflection, the class had found answers to nearly all their initial questions and demonstrated a strong working knowledge of the red spotted newt life cycle, changing habitats, physical attributes, and behavior. during a group meeting, tisha proposed that they move into the children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 147 third phase of the project, and posed a question to the group: what next? now that they had gathered an array of information, and created a body of work illustrating what they found, what did the children think should be done with this knowledge? through conversation, it was decided that the group would work together to create a book telling others the story of the newt life cycle. together with tisha, they spent their small group discussion times for the next week choosing photographs and text from the existing artifacts, as well as dictating new text, and constructed a first draft of the book. during a large group discussion evaluating their work, one child mentioned that a new library was being built in the community: “we should give them our book so everyone can read it!” the book was then produced using a photo editing company and copies distributed to the library, families of the authors, the nature center where the preschool was located, and other local early childhood centers. as tisha reflected with her critical friend at the culmination of the project, she emphasized the impact of using the project approach, coupled with the support of a colleague, on her teaching practice as well as the role it played in providing a framework for the children’s ecological advocacy. throughout the process, she interpreted the children’s play, artifacts, actions, and other evidence of their understanding to inform her teaching practice. especially memorable to her was realizing that the children were drawn to understanding the life cycle of the newt through a very personal angle, that of the role of parenting, to which they brought their own understanding, formed by separating from their families each day for school. based upon this empathy for the youth of another species, they formed a beginning understanding of the complex interdependence of a variety of species in an ecosystem. tisha also found that using the framework to guide her decision making, especially in phase three, helped her facilitate the children’s work, thus making it more visible to the rest of the community. synthesis both cohorts of children actively engaged in researching a topic of interest to them. the contexts of their preschools, one an australian rainforest and one a north american deciduous forest, were pivotal in inspiring and gathering information about the topic of interest. the environment provided the spark and the laboratory for data collection. in each project, the children’s interests were cultivated and followed by the practitioner-researcher, who also searched for the underlying threads of meaning beneath the children’s motivations to study their chosen topics. these deeper themes or concepts—belonging, balance, interdependence, and empathy—all underpin the ethical mindset foundational to efs (davis, 2014; davis & elliott, 2014). the abilities of these children aged three to five years to participate in deep thinking substantiates the importance of beginning efs in the earliest years, to build the foundations of interconnected ways of viewing the earth and its inhabitants, both human and more-than-human, now and into the future. further, both groups of children viewed themselves as capable of contributing knowledge to the larger community and acted upon this capacity through the creation of artifacts that promoted sustainable practices beyond the classroom walls. the teachers served as amplifiers of the children’s voices, using their societal roles to pave routes of entry for the children’s agency, again underscoring the importance of children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 148 promoting the goals of efs in early educational experiences. the teachers took the children’s work seriously and believed in the impact they could have, and the larger community responded positively, further reinforcing for the children that they can affect change. they will carry this experience forward into the rest of their development, possibly engaging in more acts of advocacy. in this way, by building advocacy skills through experiences, the field of early childhood education for sustainability, or ecefs, has the potential to empower generations of children to make changes critical to the regeneration of natural environments and to examine the importance of balancing power and resources over time to promote both intergenerational and interspecies equities. all people, including children, are participants within their respective cultural communities (rogoff, 2003). while considering children as active participants within their communities is not a ubiquitous practice within all early childhood education pedagogies, this view of children’s capabilities is critical to the ecefs field in order for its inherent potential to be fully understood (davis & elliott, 2014). providing opportunities for children’s work to be seen within their respective communities, as demonstrated in these two projects, emphasizes this view of children as community participants for all involved: the children, their educators, and the rest of the community. as rogoff (2003) explains, community members need to interpret their own actions in terms of their relevance to the community. the use of a framework like the project approach, when paired with collegial support, provides the regular points of reflection necessary for this interpretation, for both children and their educators. communities, with their values and expectations, change over time as do the individuals within communities. facilitating the types of authentic, complex connections to community demonstrated in the two projects discussed here can shape the future expectations for children and their education within communities, creating the pathways for lasting change essential to a more sustainable approach to living. rachel konerman, ma, early childhood education specialist at the university of cincinnati, teaches, researches and promotes research-based ece practices and serves as the studio teacher and professional development support at the university’s laboratory preschool, the arlitt center for education, research, and sustainability. sue elliott, ed.d., is a senior lecturer in early childhood education at the university of new england (une), new south wales, australia. she is an experienced practitioner, academic and author in early childhood education with a focus on education for sustainability, outdoor playspaces and nature play. her most recent edited publication is researching early childhood education for sustainability: challenging assumptions and orthodoxies. rosanne pugh is director at ku ourimbah preschool and children’s centre, university of newcastle-ourimbah campus. rosanne established the first forest school to be inspected and judged “outstanding” by her majesty’s inspectorate, children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 149 england. against a background in practice-based research and publications, rosanne continues to work in education for sustainability in australia. tisha luthy, ms, is the nature school director at the cincinnati nature center. as the founding director, she designed and implemented programming designed to foster preschool children’s deep connection to nature while engaging in naturebased inquiry. the preschool program has since grown to serve multiple classes of preschool children, as well as children through second grade. dr. victoria carr, professor of early childhood education/human development and executive director of the arlitt center for education, research, and sustainability at the university of cincinnati, conducts research related to play and learning environments, teacher pedagogies, and children’s experiences in nature. references chard, s., kogan, y., & castillo, c. (2017). picturing the project approach: creative explorations in early learning. gryphon house. costa, a. l. & kallick, b. (1993). through the lens of a critical friend. new roles, new relationships, 51(2), 49-51. davis, j. (ed.) (2014). young children and the environment: early education for sustainability (2nd ed.). cambridge university press. davis, j. & elliott, s. (eds.) (2014). research in early childhood education for sustainability: international perspectives and provocations. routledge. elliott, s. & pugh, r. (2020). children's voices about fish and tadpoles in an australian pond ecosystem: it's all about balancing and belonging. in s. elliott, e. arlemalm-hagser, & j. davis (eds.) researching early childhood education for sustainability: challenging assumptions and orthodoxies (vol. 2). (pp. 205-219). routledge. elliott, s. & young, t. (2015). nature by default in early childhood education for sustainability. australian journal of environmental education, 32(1), 57-64. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aee.2015.44 ji, o. & stuhmcke, s. (2014). the project approach for early childhood education for sustainability: exemplars from korea and australia. in j. davis and s. elliott (eds.), research in early childhood education for sustainability: international perspectives and provocations (pp. 158–79). routledge. katz, l., chard, s., & kogan, y. (2014). engaging children’s minds: the project approach (3rd ed.). praeger. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aee.2015.44 children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs 150 liamputtong, p. & ezzy, d. (2005). qualitative research methods (2nd ed.). oxford university press. mukherji, p. & albon, d. (2015). research methods in early childhood: an introductory guide. sage. o’toole, j. & beckett, d. (2013). educational research: creative thinking and doing (2nd ed.). oxford university press. piaget, j. (1959). the language and thought of the child (vol. 5). psychology press. rogoff, b. (2003). the cultural nature of human development. oxford university press. vygotsky, l. s. (1978). mind in society: the development of higher psychological processes. harvard university press. http://ouleft.org/wp-content/uploads/vygotsky-mind-in-society.pdf http://ouleft.org/wp-content/uploads/vygotsky-mind-in-society.pdf login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. film review: inventing tomorrow 151 inventing tomorrow a film directed by laura nix (2018) associate producers: elease lui stemp and ann rogers fishbowl films, 1 hour 45 minutes https://www.inventingtomorrowmovie.com increasingly, we see young climate activists highlighted in the news, and rightly so, for their actions are important and significant. this film is about some less-sung stories of six young heroes working in diverse countries to improve the environmental conditions of their cities through the application of science. across four countries—from a small indonesian island to the cities of hilo, hawaii; bangalore, india; and monterrey, mexico—we see not only the toxic world young people are inheriting, but also the resolve and dedication they bring to tackling these problems. in the words of sahithi pingali, a young scientist from bangalore: “you see the same issues repeated across the world. it’s inevitably our job as the next generation to tackle this. the people who are approaching this through the eye of science are the people who can fix it and are going to fix it.” this film will appeal to science, technology, engineering, and math (stem) and environmental educators in both secondary and higher education contexts. it will also appeal to faculty interested in environmental studies, critical sustainability studies, and the sociology of youth empowerment, youth activism, and youth agency. the film is accompanied by free educator guides and youth biographies accessible from the film’s website. working through separate vignettes in each of four countries, young people converge at the intel international science and engineering fair (isef), the “science fair of science fairs” in los angeles, california. youth come from a variety of circumstances—from monterrey youth who will be the first in their family to go to university and who must work long hours while in high school to support their families, to youth from the relative affluence of a suburb of bangalore who are raised with an acute awareness of the disproportionate effects a wealthy lifestyle can bring to the environment. the environmental issues youth address are also diverse. in indonesia, two young women devise a filtration system to mitigate the impacts of mining for tin, which is being harvested for cell phones and other technological devices and releases lead into the water. in hilo, a third-generation hawaiian investigates the spread of arsenic from a 28-year-old industrial containment pond that released its toxic waters after two tsunamis hit. in bangalore, a small team explores how technology can be used to monitor water quality in what is known as the “silicon valley of india,” where contaminated lakes catch fire and foamy detergent water that is released into lakes eventually makes its way across highways as bubbly clouds the size of small cars. in monterrey, three youth from one of the most industrialized cities of mexico, tackle issues of air pollution—an issue made more salient after one of their uncles died of respiratory disease—through toxin-absorbing photovoltaic paints. https://www.inventingtomorrowmovie.com/ film review: inventing tomorrow 152 this film’s primary story is about science as a tool for empowerment and action, with youth taking on the problems they see in their communities and receiving recognition and supports to advance their work. the film shows a sense of purpose as well as resolve in the face of some of the most grueling aspects of science, including when adult judges circulate during the isef fair, asking hard questions with poor language translators. other themes, more subtly presented, include differences in educational equity between the global north and global south, transnational experiences of education between los angelinos and monterrey youth, and many poignant moments that show the importance of cultural and intergenerational values in shaping young people’s approach to the application of science. inventing tomorrow shows the victories of science, with the young woman from bangalore winning awards at isef and pursing solutions at the university of michigan with graduate students and faculty in environmental engineering. i cannot help but also feel the disappointment for those who did not win at isef, from monterrey and indonesia, and to reflect on the extreme challenges youth face in advocating for change against nearly every barrier imaginable—ageism, capitalism, industrialism, and globalism, among others. as the film closes with nuha and inti on a boat, trying to encourage miners to test their filters, we feel the deep respect and deference these young indonesian women show to the miners, and we feel their deep love of the sea as they longingly look outward at what is still clean water, “very blue.” this scene resonates with bill mckibben’s (2019) recent response to u.s. senator dianne feinstein’s dismissal of young activists in the sunshine movement who visited her office to demand policy action on climate change. her response, primarily that youth do not have the experience or expertise to know what good policy looks like, mirrors what many youth advocates experience: adult disregard for youth knowledge, capacity, and agency. mckibben states that climate change is “an issue on which older people should listen to the young. because—to put it bluntly—older generations will be dead before the worst of it hits.” one cannot help but feel the same way while watching inventing tomorrow, that “youth carry the moral authority” because they are inheriting a world degraded by the systems and lifestyles older generations have set in place. the film reflects well this status of many youth today— aspirational, educated, dedicated, and striving against many odds to make a positive change not only for themselves, but for society at large. creation of a sustainable future requires “a deep understanding of the world around us and our symbiotic relationship with it, while becoming increasingly adept at identifying and taking effective action” (driskell & van vliet--, 2018, xxxi). inventing tomorrow shows us the inspiration and motivation that youth can bring to this challenge. references driskell, d., & van vliet--, w. (2018). forward. in v. derr, l. chawla, & m. mintzer (eds.), placemaking with children and youth: participatory practices for film review: inventing tomorrow 153 planning sustainable communities (pp. xxxv-xxxvi). new york: new village press. mckibben, b. (2019, february 23). the hard lessons of dianne feinstein’s encounter with the young green new deal activists. the new yorker. retrieved from https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-hardlessons-of-dianne-feinsteins-encounter-with-the-young-green-new-dealactivists-video. review by victoria derr victoria derr is assistant professor of environmental studies at california state university monterey bay, where her teaching and research focus on the intersections between sustainable communities, place-based environmental education, and social justice. for more than 20 years, victoria has engaged children, youth, and communities in participatory research in both rural and urban settings with tribal, spanish land grant, recent immigrant communities, and in international settings. she is the lead author of placemaking with children and youth: participatory practices for planning sustainable communities, with louise chawla and mara mintzer, published by new village press in 2018. she holds a masters and ph.d. from yale university. https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-hard-lessons-of-dianne-feinsteins-encounter-with-the-young-green-new-deal-activists-video https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-hard-lessons-of-dianne-feinsteins-encounter-with-the-young-green-new-deal-activists-video https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-hard-lessons-of-dianne-feinsteins-encounter-with-the-young-green-new-deal-activists-video login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production… 135 building kids’ citizenship through community engagement bob coulter (2018) new york: peter lang, 147 pages $51.00 (paperback); isbn: 978-1433135187 in building kids’ citizenship through community engagement, bob coulter creates space for educators of all stripes to explore approaches to place-based education and citizen science projects that cultivate young people’s co-constructive roles in classrooms, schools, and communities. his book draws on the well of john dewey’s works and offers a seminar on deweyian thought and its implications in contemporary educational settings. coulter reminds readers of a fundamental goal for education in the eyes of dewey: developing people’s capacities to meaningfully engage with and improve the communities in which they live. coulter directs the litzsinger road ecology center at the missouri botanical garden, a role he fills after decades of service as a math and science teacher in a variety of educational environments, including public and private elementary schools, and extracurricular programs. the wealth and diversity of his teaching experiences buttress the arguments and practical examples in his book. over the course of four chapters, coulter reviews the benefits and challenges of place-based education for both teachers and students. in the first chapter, he outlines the educational context common in american schools that he revisits throughout the text: educational institutions, practices, and technologies have diminished opportunities to cultivate students’ intrinsic motivation for self-formation and service to one’s community. coulter builds on pasi sahlberg’s (2012) critique of the global education reform movement (germ) and recommends the deweypromoted concept of bildung as a vaccination to protect current and future generations of teachers and learners from the viruses of corporate, profit-driven curriculum and standardized testing void of connection to local contexts and students’ needs. the goal of bildung, according to coulter, is to foster democratic engagement through self-formation in a manner that enables people to “serve both themselves and their community as they grow, develop new skills, and find ways to critique and improve their communities” (p. 80). in the second chapter, coulter addresses fundamental concepts in learning from dewey’s perspective, including experience and growth. here, coulter argues for creating educational experiences within students’ communities in order to bridge life at school with life at home. in this way, the activities are substantive and meaningful for young people’s personal growth, rather than singular and siloed within the classroom context. in the third chapter, coulter interrogates fundamental questions of when and how educators should incorporate digital technologies into curriculum. he argues for maintaining pedagogic judgement for when technology—broadly defined from calculators to geographic information systems computer software—serve more as a distraction than a tool servicing learning and community engagement. via commentary on the work of david gauntlett (2014) and others, coulter operationalizes a framework for assessing digital educational tools, such as a low entry level for skills, a tool that book review: disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production… 136 grows with the person, and a belief in the value of creative play. the fourth chapter briefly recounts key arguments and literature supportive of moving from the germ approach to the bildung approach. to conclude his book, coulter reviews scot osterweil’s (2007) four freedoms of play, such as freedom to fail, which he argues moves conceptualizations of young people as passive recipients of knowledge toward engaged actors in constructing knowledge and their own educational opportunities. in addition to drawing on the seminal works of dewey, coulter references recent empirical research from psychology, sociology, and other education-focused fields to support his claims about the fundamentals of learning and the state of education in the united states of america. rather than offer new theoretical pathways or empirical evidence, the merit of coulter’s book is in the inspirational and practical examples for how to cultivate place-based educational opportunities. the arguments for why these opportunities promote young people’s engagement with their community are well known in field of environmental education and found in range of relevant texts. of note is coulter’s reference to the work of roger hart (1997) and the ladder of children’s participation, which coulter draws on periodically to interrogate the power dynamics among children and adults in community-based projects. readers interested in coulter and hart’s texts may also find useful the work of colin ward and his book, streetwork: the exploding school, in which he and anthony fyson also lay out a theory and practice for embedding students’ educational experiences directly within the environments where they live (ward & fyson, 1973). a more contemporary relevant work is bronwyn hayward’s (2012) children, environment and citizenship: nurturing a democratic imagination in a changing world, where she connects the practices and goals of environmental movements to the social and economic equity movements in her home nation of new zealand and abroad. hayward provides an overarching framework she dubs the seeds model of ecological citizenship education—the acronym referring to social agency, environmental education, embedded justice, decentered deliberative democracy, self-transcendence. of concern to the works of hart, ward, and hayward, and what deserves further exploration in what coulter offers, are how the mechanisms of local governance— such as local planning authorities or political movements—interface with teachers and students in schools. this discussion is central to operationalizing childhood citizenship but is largely left untouched in coulter’s book, which is unexpected given its prominence of children’s citizenship in the title of his work. this limitation aside, coulter provides a wealth of examples for educators looking to provide more meaningful connections between young people’s educational experiences and their everyday lives. the book is inspirational and concise, which makes it an ideal text for advanced undergraduate and graduate coursework in teacher education programs. it may also serve a wider audience of readers interested in cultivating young people’s engagement in community planning through place-based education, including parents, new and veteran primary and secondary school teachers, as well as staff at parks, museums, and other cultural institutions with educational programs interfacing with the local environment. book review: disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production… 137 references gauntlett, d. (2014) the lego system as a tool for thinking, creativity, and change the work. in m. j. p. wolf (ed.), lego studies: examining the building blocks of a transmedial phenomenon (pp.189-205). new york: routledge. hart, r. (1997). children’s participation: the theory and practice of involving young citizens in community development and environmental care. london: earthscan. hayward, b. (2012). children, citizenship and environment: nurturing a democratic imagination in a changing world. new york: routledge. osterweil, s. (2007). the four freedoms of play. retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ujarysshnwy. sahlberg, p. (2012). how germ is infecting schools around the world. retrieved from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/answer-sheet/post/how-germis-infecting-schools-around-the-world/2012/06/29/gjqavelzaw_blog.html. ward, c. & fyson, a. (1973). streetwork: the exploding school. london: routledge & k. paul. review by bijan kimiagar bijan kimiagar the associate executive director for research at citizens’ committee for children of new york where he leads a team producing data resources, reports, and community-based participatory projects that inform the development of local and statewide policies relevant to children and their families. he received his doctorate in environmental psychology from the graduate center of the city university of new york where he is also a research affiliate with the children’s environments research group. his research examines the theory and practice of children’s meaningful participation in local governance structures, including how their participation relates to contemporary and changing views on children’s capacities as citizens. author’s response first, i would like to thank bijan for his careful reading. it is rare for an author to receive such detailed consideration. i'm very appreciative. at the broadest level, yes—the core argument of the book is that education should develop kids’ capacities to engage with the communities in which they live. this might include the classroom, the school, the neighborhood, or beyond. while this should be self-evident, it proves to be surprisingly difficult and countercultural. much of what i wrote focuses on individual creativity and resilience in response to https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ujarysshnwy https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/answer-sheet/post/how-germ-is-infecting-schools-around-the-world/2012/06/29/gjqavelzaw_blog.html https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/answer-sheet/post/how-germ-is-infecting-schools-around-the-world/2012/06/29/gjqavelzaw_blog.html book review: disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production… 138 school norms, but ideally the book would be more analytical concerning the systemic obstacles which make engagement so difficult. shortly after completing the manuscript i began work on a district-wide science education reform effort. if the book ever reaches a second edition, i now have a lot more to say! our efforts to build civic engagement through the science curriculum proved to be difficult when prescriptive schedules precluded going outside. with that, time was often not available for writing about community issues, since writing exercises were predetermined at the district level. in response, i've started to advocate for focusing on what we build in terms of young peoples' identities and capacities, rather than on what we cover in the curriculum. this focus on building, of course, invites revisiting (and revitalizing) constructivist and constructionist frames of learning, as well as consideration of insights emerging from neuroplasticity research. at the risk of over-simplifying, it’s becoming increasingly clear that our neural structures are shaped by our childhood experiences. while i agree with much of what bijan has noted, i do have a couple of clarifications. first, while there is a great deal of conceptual overlap between dewey's arguments for educative experiences and frames of bildung (roughly translated as self-development), i'm not aware of dewey specifically promoting bildung as a concept. more generally, i would like to clarify what i am after in promoting citizenship. while engagement in civic processes and politics can be valuable, much of what i argue for is grounded in a more foundational frame of citizenship. my focus is on being an active and contributing part of the spaces and networks we are part of, which may or may not broach the political realm. for example, projects we support include efforts to promote biodiversity through native plantings and other habitat improvements. here the focus is on helping kids see the world more clearly and deciding what we can do personally and collectively to make a difference. implicit in this is a mindset simply to engage constructively. perhaps we can consider this “citizenship in a low key.” while there are certainly instances where students have sought to change others’ practices and points of view, i’m not sure this is a requirement for early stages of democratic citizenship. for many teachers and schools, supporting this citizenship in a low key is where they are right now. we do, of course, support them as they grow toward more adventurous steps. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(2), 2021 dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children with and without disabilities nicholas r. leschofs keith m. christensen utah state university citation: leschofs, n. r. & christensen, k. m. (2021). dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children with and without disabilities. children, youth and environments, 31(2), 105-138. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract dramatic play is crucial to further children’s development, including children with disabilities. this study observed dramatic play behaviors among firstand secondgrade children with and without disabilities to determine which play settings encouraged children to engage in quality dramatic play. fifty-three 6-to-8-year-olds with and without disabilities were observed during lunch recess on an inclusive playground. results suggest that a well-designed inclusive playground reduces barriers for children with disabilities, creating an environment where children with disabilities can engage in similar play behaviors with their typically developing peers. keywords: dramatic play, inclusive playground, elementary school-age children's play, children with disabilities http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 106 introduction unstructured play is a major facilitator for healthy development in children (isenberg & quisenberry, 2002). dramatic play is a specific form of play where children accept and assign roles to pretend to be someone or something else through the transformation of objects, actions, or situations (petrakos & howe, 1996). it is their “ability to combine elements to produce a structure, to combine the old in new ways that is the basis of creativity” (vygotsky, 2004, p. 12). children’s creativity, the development of this creativity and its significance to the child’s development and maturation is one of the most important areas of child psychology and child development. these creative processes in children can be identified through their play episodes (vygotsky, 2004). children continue to learn and develop through dramatic play (barton & wolery, 2008), and playgrounds provide a setting for unstructured dramatic play where children can “flex their young muscles and try on new identities to see which one fits best” (vaira, 2009, p. 33). children with disabilities are no different than their peers in their need to engage in dramatic play, and the benefits of play are universal for all children (kranowitz, 2005; solish, perry, & minnes, 2010). dramatic play is an important predictor of social abilities in children with disabilities later in life (barton & wolery, 2008; sigman & ruskin, 1999). however, children with disabilities have fewer opportunities for and, therefore, typically engage in less dramatic play than children without disabilities (barton & wolery, 2008; charman & baron-cohen, 1997; ungerer & sigman, 1981). researchers have systematically examined children's play. these examinations were often motivated by the theoretical stances of piaget (1962) and vygotsky (1967), both of whom saw play as serving an important role in preschoolers' social development. as such, much of the subsequent research on children's play has been confined to the preschool years. therefore, research on the play of elementary school-aged children has been neglected (pellegrini & perlmutter, 1989). yet, the period of elementary school is a critical period in children’s development (fromberg & bergen, 2006). as the development and social needs of children with disabilities run parallel with other children, play at this time of life is also critical for elementary school-aged children with disabilities. dramatic play for children with disabilities is perhaps even more important at this age since they often lack opportunities for peer interactions (overton & rausch, 2002). therefore, the purpose of this study was to determine what playground design practices support increased congruent dramatic play behavior among firstand second-grade children with and without disabilities, and how the specific behavioral settings afforded dramatic play among the children with disabilities. dramatic play enhances children’s development children learn and develop through dramatic play. dramatic play is imaginative behavior involving a transformation of objects, actions, and self-identity (petrakos & howe, 1996). john dewey posited that when objects stand for other things during a child’s play episode, their play is transformed from a physical exuberance into an activity that involves a mental factor (dewey, 1910). dewey’s concept of dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 107 experience is founded in the interaction between people and the world (hohr, 2013). he was not an advocate for complete free play. instead, he argued that teachers should guide children’s play in socially positive ways (beatty, 2017), since often a child’s play is an echo of what he or she saw, heard, and experienced previously (vygotsky, 2004). he believed through teacher-guided play that children would learn the kind of voluntary self-control needed in a democratic society (beatty, 2017). however, a child’s play episodes are not just a reproduction of what that child had experienced. rather, the child will combine their experiences and use them to construct a new reality in their play episodes (vygotsky, 2004). dewey (1910) argued that play and work overlapped. he emphasized the importance of play and work as physical activities and pondered the relationship between playfulness and seriousness/work as a state of mind. dewey believed that “playfulness is a more important consideration than play” (p. 162), where playfulness is “an attitude of mind” (p. 162) and play is “a passing outward manifestation of this attitude” (p. 162). the type of playfulness to which dewey refers is dramatic play, where objects acquire meaning through becoming “vehicles of suggestion” (p. 162) and what is suggested overrides the original object. the classic example of this is where a “child plays horse with a broom and cars with chairs” (p. 162). dewey is aware of the suspicion that such activities are viewed as no more than child’s play when children lose themselves in “an imaginary world alongside the world of actual things” (p. 162). he provides an educational rationale for activities in which the child seems wholly reflected in their play—that work should be an attitude of the mind, an orientation towards activity. the psychological equivalent of characterizing these activities as work would be to characterize the attitude of work as seriousness. dewey suggests that the “harmony of mental playfulness and seriousness describes the artistic ideal” (p. 220). children’s play is itself a harmonization of seriousness and playfulness (dewey, 1910; skillbeck, 2017). dramatic play is crucial for children’s development as it provides children with the necessary skills to access their environment and engage with their peers (barton & wolery, 2008). the ability to use symbols to represent objects and events is considered a marker for children’s’ development (piaget, 1962; vygotsky, 1967). dramatic play provides children with a nonthreatening, child-centered environment where children teach, learn, and experience real-life roles (drucker, franklin & wilford, 1999, p. 11); learning without being directly taught. during dramatic play episodes, children begin to master functioning within conceptual constructs, which is beneficial as children are concurrently learning in school through abstract thinking rather than direct experience (smilansky, 1968). through their interactions with each other, they exercise and enhance their social understandings and skills of working with others and standing up for themselves (drucker et al., 1999). to engage in dramatic play within a group requires high levels of cognitive abilities to be able to develop and sustain the play episodes: communication, coordination, negotiation, planning, goal seeking, and problem solving (bergen, 2002; copple & bredekamp, 2009). children who engage in higher levels of dramatic play also tend to perform better on imagination and creativity tests, have better problem-solving skills, more positive social interactions, and better social skills (brown, sutterby, & dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 108 thornton, 2013). additionally, dramatic play strengthens and creates new synaptic connections as children combine cognitive, motor, emotional, and linguistic skills, and engage multiple areas of the brain furthering their development (bergen, 2002). influential theorists lev vygotsky and jean piaget also understood play to be a vital part of child development. vygotsky proposed that dramatic play was much more than a reflection of children’s current level of development, but was rather a “zone of proximal development,” or a mode of accelerating development through learning (bodrova, 2008; hakkarainen & bredikyte, 2019). vygotsky described how play scenarios create the child’s zone of proximal development: in play the child is always behaving beyond his age, above his usual everyday behavior; in play he is, as it were, a head above himself. play contains in a concentrated form, as in the focus of a magnifying glass, all developmental tendencies; it is as if the child tries to jump above his usual level. the relationship of play to development should be compared to the relationship between instruction and development. the relationship of play to development should be compared with that of teaching—learning to development. changes of needs and consciousness of a more general kind lie behind the play. play is the resource of development and it creates the zone of proximal development. action in the imaginary field, in the imagined situation, building of voluntary intention, the construction of life plan, motives of willing—all this emerges in play (vygotsky, 1980, pp. 74-75). piaget indicated that dramatic play helps children to practice their new skills acquired in non-play situations (rubin & coplan, 1998). he argued that changes during the dramatic play stage of children’s development follow an inverted bell curve (piaget, 1962). according to piaget, dramatic play begins to develop at age two, increasing over the next three or four years (fein, 1981) as children begin to mentally form representations of objects (rathus, 2013), and declining once a child reaches the age of seven (fein, 1981). scholars have since questioned whether dramatic play concludes at seven or if it depends on the child (oke & middle, 2016); others argue that dramatic play does not disappear but just takes place in a different context (scarlett, al-solaim, naudeau, salonius-pasternak, & ponte, 2005). dramatic play fully emerges during the preschool years and thus is often associated with this time period (scarlett et al., 2005), which has contributed to less study of dramatic play during elementary school years. playground features that afford dramatic play studies show specific playground features afford children the possibility to engage in dramatic play. dramatic play is influenced by facilitators such as loose moveable parts (drown & christensen, 2014; refshauge, stigsdotter, lamm, & thorleifsdottir, 2013; woolley, 2008), platforms/stages (drown & christensen, 2014; maxwell, mitchell, & evans, 2008; refshauge et al., 2013), and settings that are flexible and adaptable (mason, 1982). moveable parts (props) are materials that children can move and manipulate in the way they desire (wilson, 2007) and range from natural materials (refshauge et al., 2013; zahra & moore, 2013), to construction materials dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 109 (wilson, 2007), to manufactured materials (mcclintic & petty, 2015). props afford children opportunities to interact with the environment (refshauge et al., 2013), as well as offer educational benefits and creative stimulation for children (zahra & moore, 2013). moveable props encourage children’s imagination to transform (mcclintic & petty, 2015), alter, interact with, and better understand their environment (woolley & lowe, 2013; zahra & moore, 2013), and when strategically placed throughout the playground, afford the most dramatic play while still allowing children to move freely (wilson, 2007). dramatic play in children is more likely to occur outdoors than indoors (shim, herwig, shelley, 2001). playing outside on playgrounds provides children with greater freedom to run, shout, and manipulate the environment (white & stoecklin, 1998). nature is non-prescriptive, which can allow for dramatic play away from the predetermined themes of a structured playground (chancellor, 2007). natural environments also afford dramatic play by providing many small, quiet spaces away from large groups of children and equipment-based activities (groves & mcnish, 2011). refshauge and colleagues (2013) found that dramatic play occurred in partially enclosed structures and sand areas. these findings support those of other researchers who suggest that structures that form implied ceilings and walls are behavior settings that impact dramatic play (drown & christensen, 2014). moore & wong (1997) found that less-constructed structures that can be manipulated, such as a sandbox, also afforded dramatic play. mason (1982) argued that playground equipment should be manipulative, or flexible and adaptable. playground features that can be broken down and remodeled are effective in encouraging dramatic play in children (brett, moore, & provenzo; 1993, oke & middle, 2016). perhaps, to help facilitate dramatic play, both large-motor and small, quiet-space settings (moore, 2009), as well as structures that form implied ceilings and walls are needed (drown & christensen, 2014; moore & wong, 1997). play for children with disabilities disability (physical, cognitive, or sensory) will often pose some type of a barrier for children to engage in play (movahedazarhouligh, 2018), mainly due to a combination of social and physical/environmental barriers. children with disabilities will often demonstrate some type of social interaction difficulties or communication challenges in developing, maintaining, and understanding relationships with their peers (american psychiatric association, 2013). while children with disabilities are no different than their peers in their need for peer interaction (locke, shih, kretzmann, & kasari, 2016), “children with intellectual disability and specific language impairments participate in less conversation and social interactions with peers on the playground” (stantonchapman & schmidt, 2016, p. 91). children with disabilities also may have a limited range of interests, which are often considered abnormal by their typically developing peers (movahedazarhouligh, 2018). they play less often and demonstrate fewer varied pretend play behaviors than children with typical development (kasari, chang, & patterson, 2013). taub and greer (2000) found dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 110 that typically developing children assume that children with disabilities are not capable of engaging in play. because of this misconception, children with disabilities are usually given the role of spectator, rather than an active role in games. taub and greer (2000) noted, “instead of a child with a disability being viewed as just another child, the child’s disability can become the master status or salient social identity” (p. 396). children with disabilities will also engage in play episodes with their peers when grouped together with peers who demonstrate similar social skills (wong, 2013). but, creating opportunities to play with a more socially competent peer allows for more structured play opportunities, which can allow the children with disabilities to improve their social interaction skills (petursdottir, mccomas, mcmaster, & horner, 2007). the design and arrangement of behavior settings on the playground can have a positive impact on the play skills and facilitate interactions between children with and without disabilities (chandler et al., 1992; ginsburg, 2007). children with disabilities will commonly engage in play episodes with their peers when wellchosen props are available, and when the play area is relatively small (wong, 2013). yet, when given the same materials and settings, children with disabilities often engage in less complex behaviors than children without disabilities (barton, 2015). while all children do not need to access play spaces in the same way, they are all fundamentally entitled to the same play experiences (yantzi, young, & mckeever, 2010). kemp, kishida, carter, and sweller (2013) found that children with disabilities, in an inclusive childcare, were more engaged in free play when it was child-directed rather than adult-directed. however, wong & kasari (2012) found that children with disabilities may prefer to play alone without adult-facilitated play, thus isolating themselves from peers and social activities. perhaps some adult facilitation, depending on the situation, is needed to support dramatic play among children with disabilities. by grouping children with disabilities together, adult facilitators may be able to provide the children with the assistance they need to engage during play episodes (chandler, fowler, & lubeck, 1992). children with disabilities do not look for extra attention; they only desire the same opportunities as their typically developing peers, the ability to play with their peers and friends, feel the camaraderie of and connection of a group and community, experience the pride of physical and social achievements, and to reach their full potential (playcore, 2016). ensuring that children with disabilities are able to take advantage of and fully benefit from these opportunities remains a challenge and is not often considered when playgrounds are designed (stanton-chapman & schmidt, 2016). choosing appropriate play materials and locations, effective groupings of children, possible adult-facilitated play, and the use of small, quiet spaces are some examples of social and physical behavioral settings that could result in higher levels of dramatic play and social interaction between children with and without disabilities. it is thus plausible to intentionally design for higher levels of dramatic play and social interactions between children with and without disabilities. the purpose of this study was to determine what playground design practices support increased dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 111 congruent dramatic play behavior between firstand second-grade children with and without disabilities. a framework for the study of playgrounds to study the interaction between human behavior and designed playgrounds, we used two theories from environmental and ecological psychology: gibson’s (1977) theory of affordances and barker’s (1968) behavior settings. affordances are the physical opportunities and dangers that environments offer the user while the user is acting in a specific environment (gibson, 1977). providing affordances for certain behaviors in an environment does not guarantee they will be utilized. yet without designing the physical environment to support the desired behaviors, it will be unlikely for them to occur (lang, 1987). gibson’s theory of affordances allows for a closer examination of playgrounds by identifying clusters of elements that support desired play outcomes (fjørtoft, 2000), and can assist the playground designer in creating better spaces for children to play (moore & cosco, 2007). barker’s (1968) behavior settings are subsections of geographical areas where behavior and the physical environment are linked in time and space (barker, 1968). through directly observing and recording children’s activities, barker realized that some behavioral settings or activities have specific and identifiable features that afford certain behavioral actions. knowledge of behavior settings could be used as a basis for designing places that would better suit people’s behaviors (lynch & hack, 1984). in this study, behavior settings provide a medium for identifying the potential affordances of different types of areas within a playground (moore & cosco, 2007). linking setting, type, and peer interactions is essential for both understanding the impact of design on a child’s social inclusion on a playground and guiding design interventions (cosco & moore, 2009). understanding a playground according to its behavior settings and how the playground affords distinct behavioral possibilities for children’s play would help professionals design playgrounds that effectively include all children (drown & christensen, 2014). methods setting the setting for this research was the edith bowen laboratory school at utah state university in logan, utah. the edith bowen laboratory school (ebls) has been an exemplary model of elementary school “best practice” for over eight decades. their mission is to ensure high levels of learning for all elementary students, by providing a positive and engaging learning environment using effective evidence-based practice; to mentor pre-service teachers through instruction and classroom-based experiences; and to review, conduct, implement, and disseminate educational research. it is a k-5 public charter school committed to providing a learning environment that allows and encourages children to explore connections between their learning and the world around them. in 2018, ebls constructed a playground designed using playcore inc.’s seven principles of inclusive design (playcore, 2016), which are best practices for the design of outdoor playgrounds for children with disabilities (figures 1 and 2). the ebls playground serves as a national demonstration site for playcore, inc. one aspect of these design principles are dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 112 settings that afford inclusive opportunities for dramatic play. figure 1. edith bowen laboratory school playground looking east figure 2 is the masterplan of the playground with the settings designed specifically for dramatic play highlighted in green. these settings were designed for dramatic play, and this use was confirmed by this study. dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 113 figure 2. behavior settings map note. settings highlighted in green were settings designed specifically for dramatic play. behavior settings map key sensory play (s) functional play (f) 1 telescope 1 tilted whirlwind seat 2 sensory climber up & down 2 sensory wave seat 3 talk tube 3 zip slide 4 frog slide puzzle 4 spiral slide 5 kinetic spinner 5 stego climber 6 bongos 6 sprout climber 7 gizmo panel 7 ropes course 8 sensory wave panel 8 erratic climber 9 sun blossom double 9 arch bridge 10 thunder ring 10 straight crawl tube 11 sensory wave rock n raft 11 roller slide 12 sensory wave ramp 12 loop ladder 13 shadow play area 13 x-pod step 14 cantata chimes 14 gymnastics area 15 music area 15 hex pod step 16 music panel 16 spiral climber 17 rumble & roller zip slide 18 basketball court rest/activity areas (r) open areas (o) 1 decorated table and benches 1 open grassy hill 2 seat panel 2-4 play structure surface dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 114 dramatic play settings o1 open grassy hills o2 play structure surface o4 play structure surface p3 nature play area p4 nature play area s11 sensory wave rock n’ raft s3 talk tube f4 spiral slide f3 zip slide f10 straight crawl tube f11 roller slide participants this study included 53 children in the first and second grades, ranging in age from six to eight years, eight of whom had disabilities and 45 who did not have disabilities. the children with disabilities were each observed more than once, comprising a total of 50.2% of all observations. the identification of a child’s disability status was made in collaboration with the ebls’s special education program coordinator and was based on whether a child had an individualized educational plan (iep) and the disability designation category taken from the plan. children with three iep designations participated in this study: specific learning impairment (sli) (37% of observations), speech/language impairment (sld) (4.8%), and developmental delay (dd) (8.4%). working with the school, and with the consent of the parents, the observer obtained the class pictures of the children with disabilities to identify these children on the playground. these participants do not include all of the students with an iep, as not all parents of children with an iep gave consent for their child to participate in the study. the remaining 49.8% of observations were of 45 children who did not have a disability, which represented a random sample of the 81 children without disabilities enrolled in the first and second grades. please note that approximately 15% of the total student body of ebls have an iep. therefore, the researchers must assume that 5 of the 81 children presumed to not have disabilities in this study did indeed have an iep/disability of which the researchers were unaware and thus may have been included in the observed sample of children without disabilities. to ensure age consistency, we collected data for children aged six to eight years (first and second grades) during their specified lunch recess. the only personal data collected for each student observed was gender, grade level, and iep designation, if known. plantings (p) other 1 landscape divider n1 area west of the playground 2 tree planter n2 area south of the playground 3 nature play south n3 area east of the playground 4 nature play north n4 area north of the playground ard around the playground, multiple settings used dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 115 types of dramatic play we used a modification of the smilansky scale similar to that used by elias and berk (2002) to categorize children’s dramatic play. the scale uses five behaviors and persistence of a play episode to indicate the presence and maturity of dramatic play, listed below in increasing levels of social and cognitive skill development (drown & christensen, 2014; smilansky & shefatya, 1990). 1. imitative role-play. a child engages in self-referenced role-play using imitative vocalizations or actions; he/she becomes a character other than himself/herself in another context. 2. make-believe with objects. a child uses verbal declaration, movements, and/or a substitute object (not a replica of the actual object) to represent a real object in a play episode. 3. make-believe with actions and situations. a child uses verbal declarations to substitute for action or to describe a situation to further the play episode. 4. interaction. there are at least two children collaborating to develop or maintain a play scene. this is other-referenced role-play, in which a child commands, explains, offers play props, or gestures to peer(s) with the intent that the peer(s) will listen and use his/her suggestions to build the play episode. 5. verbal communication. there is verbal dialogue between play partners within a play scene. either a child speaks as a role-played character or speaks for an auxiliary character represented by an object. 6. persistence of play episode. a child remains in an imaginary framework to support continuance of a play episode. the child may undertake multiple roles but follows a definite theme. there is some elaboration or repetition. interruption may take place as long as the child returns to the original theme. observation procedures we observed three children each day during their lunch recess for eight weeks during the fall of 2019.1 to minimize the observer effect, an acclimation phase prior to the start of actual observations allowed the children to become accustomed to the presence of the observer. playground aides were also present during data collection to supervise the children. the children with disabilities whose parents gave consent for them to participate in the study were randomly assigned to the observers the week before observations. during each observation day, each observer observed two children with a disability and one without a disability, or two children without a disability and one with a disability. this procedure continued throughout the data collection period and was performed so that half (50.17%) of the observations were of children who had a disability. 1 all data collection was approved by utah state university’s institutional review board #9641. dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 116 three children were observed each day in a continuous, 20-second interval system during seven-minute sample periods. the seven-minute sample period was chosen to allow for the successive observation of three children per day during their 25minute lunch recess. individual data points reflect 20-second intervals during which the selected child’s behaviors were observed, followed by another 20-second interval during which the observations were recorded on a data collection sheet. the data collection sheet, which included a behavior settings map, was used to simultaneously record the location of the participants on the playground and the type of dramatic play that they exhibited, if applicable (figure 3). the observation process went as follows. at the beginning of the interval for child one, the researcher noted on the data collection sheet the child’s gender, the weather, the type of play, whether the play type was dramatic play, the specific type of dramatic play, the mode of play, the number of children with whom he/she interacted, and the corresponding location on the playground (behavior setting). this process continued until the seven-minute interval had ended or the child went inside. the process was then repeated, beginning again with another child. this procedure continued until the recess period concluded or three children had been observed. the results were recorded as they were observed on the playground, with each behavior being interpreted as defined above. data analysis was conducted using primarily descriptive and non-parametric tests to analyze categorical data (behavior settings) yielded through observations. each 20-second observation was used as the unit of analysis. the individual statistical tests are documented in the following results where applicable. interobserver reliability analysis three trained observers conducted the data collection for this study. a kruskalwallis statistical test was conducted to evaluate the differences among the three observers regarding the observed types of dramatic play, to assess interobserver reliability. the results of the interobserver reliability analysis showed that there were virtually no differences in dramatic play scores between observer 3 (mdn = 701.83), observer 2 (mdn = 738.45), and observer 1 (mdn = 699.56). no other interrater reliability statistics are available for this study as the observers did not collect data simultaneously for the same child during the study. dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 117 figure 3. data collection sheet dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 118 results the children were observed 1,437 times during the study. the distribution of the participants’ type of play across play settings when observed is shown in figure 4. the children without disabilities engaged in dramatic play in about one-third of play episodes observed; whereas the children with disabilities engaged in dramatic play in about one-quarter of all play episodes observed. type of dramatic play and setting we used a crosstabulation to display the distribution of the two variables, playground settings and dramatic play. a summary of the data for each type of dramatic play are presented below in tables 1 through 6. figure 5 illustrates the location of the type of dramatic play on the playground. images of common settings for dramatic play are found in figure 6. we used another crosstabulation to display the distribution of playground settings and specific type of dramatic play. make-believe with actions and situations was the most common form of dramatic play, accounting for 10.6% of all dramatic play. figure 4. distribution of dramatic play types across all settings 0.0% 2.0% 4.0% 6.0% 8.0% 10.0% 12.0% im it at iv e r o le p la y m ak eb el ie ve w it h o b je ct s m ak eb el ie ve w it h ac ti o n s an d s it u at io n s in te ra ct io n v er b al c o m m u n ic at io n p er si st en ce o f p la y ep is o d e p er ce n ta ge types of dramatic play dramatic play distribution dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 119 figure 5. location of dramatic play types across all settings dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 120 figure 6. images of the settings that afforded the most dramatic play zip slide sensory wave rock n’ raft spiral slide open grassy hill nature play area dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 121 table 1. specific settings with the most dramatic play setting code setting name percent of dramatic play p4 nature play north 20.2% p3 nature play south 17.0% o1 open area, grassy hill 13.6% s11 sensory wave rock n raft 10.2% ard around playground 5.7% s10 thunder ring 3.9% n1 area west of playground open grassy area, mound, and trees 3.2% n3 area east of playground concrete area, next to building, with tables and small planted areas 3.2% f7 ropes course 2.7% n2 area south of playground concrete area with four-square and concrete dividers, next to building 2.7% f3 zip slide 2.5% f4 spiral slide 2.5% n4 area north of playground concrete slab with statues and an open grassy area surrounding 2.0% all other settings 10.6% total 100.0% dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 122 table 2. specific settings that afforded the most imitative role-play table 3. specific settings that afforded the most make-believe with objects setting code setting name percent of makebelieve with objects p3 nature play south 22.0% o1 open area, grassy hill 17.6% p4 nature play north 16.5% s10 thunder ring 12.1% s11 sensory wave rock n raft 12.1% n3 area east of playground 8.8% n2 area south of playground 3.3% n4 area north of playground 3.3% f11 roller slide 1.1% n1 area west of playground 1.1% p1 landscape divider 1.1% s13 shadow play area 1.1% total 100.0% setting code setting name percent of imitative role-play p3 nature play south 31.8% f4 spiral slide 22.7% s11 sensory wave rock n raft 11.4% o1 open area, grassy hill 9.1% ard around playground 6.8% p4 naure play north 6.8% s15 music area 4.5% f16 spiral climber 2.3% n4 area north of playground 2.3% p1 landscape divider 2.3% total 100.0% dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 123 table 4. specific settings that afforded the most make-believe with actions and situations setting code setting name percent of make-believe with actions and situations p3 nature play south 15.7% o1 open area, grassy hill 13.7% p4 nature play north 13.1% ard around playground 9.2% s11 sensory wave rock n raft 7.2% f3 zip slide 6.5% f7 ropes course 6.5% n1 area west of playground 5.9% s10 straight crawl tube 3.3% n2 area south of playground 2.6% f18 basketball court 2.0% n3 area east of playground 2.0% all other settings 12.3% total 100% table 5. specific settings that afforded the most interaction setting code setting name percent of interaction p4 nature play north 31.3% p3 nature play south 15.7% s11 sensory wave rock n raft 13.3% o1 open area, grassy hill 12.0% n1 area west of playground 4.8% n3 area east of playground 3.6% ard around playground 2.4% f12 loop ladder 2.4% f17 rumble & roller zip slide 2.4% n2 area south of playground 2.4% n4 area north of playground 2.4% p2 tree planter 2.4% f18 basketball court 1.2% o2 play structure surface 1.2% s10 thunder ring 1.2% s12 sensory wave ramp 1.2% total 100.0% dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 124 table 6. specific settings that afforded the most verbal communication setting code setting name percent of verbal communication p4 nature play north 49.0% o1 open area, grassy hill 11.8% p3 nature play south 9.8% n2 area south of playground 5.9% f1 tilted whirlwind seat 3.9% f7 ropes course 3.9% f10 straight crawl tube 2.0% f11 roller slide 2.0% f3 zip slide 2.0% n4 area north of playground 2.0% p2 tree planter 2.0% s11 sensory wave rock n raft 2.0% s15 music area 2.0% s3 talk tube 2.0% total 100.0% playground setting and type of dramatic play we conducted a two-way chi-square analysis to evaluate whether play settings were correlated with dramatic play type. the two variables were type of dramatic of play, and the 49 play settings on the playground. type of dramatic play and play setting were found to be related: pearson χ2 = 250, 1437 = 595.899, p < .001. we conducted a follow-up examination of the results to identify the settings in which the observed types of dramatic play occurred at at least two times the rate we would expect if each type of dramatic play were equally likely in each play setting. as noted in table 2 above, the settings that afforded the most imitative role-play were the naturally planted beds, spiral slide, sensory wave rock n raft, and the open grassy hill, accounting for 75% of all imitative role-play. specifically, the chisquare analysis results indicate that imitative role-play was 9.09 times more likely to occur at the spiral slide (f4), 2.69 times more likely at the natural planted area (p3), 2.63 times more likely at the sensory wave rock n raft (s11), and 2.2 times more likely at the musical play area (s15). make-believe with objects was 6.87 times more likely to occur at the thunder ring (s10), 2.75 times more likely at the sensory wave rock n raft (s11), and 2.28 times more likely at the open concrete area with tables, east of the playground (n3). results indicate that make-believe with actions and situations was 5.5 times more likely to occur at the zip slide (f3), 2.57 times more likely at the open grass area with a mound and trees (n1), 2.54 times more likely at the ropes course (f7), 2.5 dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 125 times more likely at the loop ladder (f12) and the hex pod step (f15), and 2.1 times more likely at the sensory wave rock n raft (s11). interaction was 3.05 times more likely to occur at the sensory wave rock n raft (s11), and 2.76 times more likely at the natural planted area (p4). results indicate that verbal communication was 10 times more likely to occur at the talk tube (s3), and 4.31 times more likely at the natural planted area (p4). children with and without disabilites and types of dramatic play we performed a chi-square two-way test to determine whether there was a difference in dramatic play types among children with and without disabilites (figure 7). the two variables were children (with or without disabilities) and type of dramatic play. there was a difference between dramatic play types among children with and without disabilites: pearson χ2 (5,1418) = 36.005, p < .001. children without disabilites typically engaged in higher levels of dramatic play than children with disabilities. figure 7. type of dramatic play distribution among children with and without disabilities children with and without disabilites and dramatic play follow-up tests we conducted a 49 x 2 anova test to evaluate the effects of the settings and disabilities (the independent variables) on the types of dramatic play (the dependent variable). the results for the anova indicated a significant interaction. the main effect for setting and disability yielded an f ratio of f(18, 368) = 2.159, p < .001, indicating a significant difference between dramatic play types and whether or not the child had a disability. dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 126 we also conducted an anova test to evaluate the effects of disabilities on the types of dramatic play. results yielded an f ratio of f(1, 422) = 17.388, p < .001. another anova test was conducted to evaluate the effects of behavior settings on the types of dramatic play. results yielded an f ratio of f(34, 422) = 3.230, p < .001, indicating a difference between type of dramatic play for children with and without disabilities. figure 8. settings that children with disabilities are more likely to use, from left to right: sensory wave seat, erratic climber, stego climber we performed follow-up tests by comparing mean type of dramatic play, with 1 being the lowest level of dramatic play (imitative role-play) and 6 the highest level of dramatic play (persistence of play episode). the results indicate that the mean type of dramatic play for all children (with and without disabilities) was 3.01 (makebelieve with actions and situations). the mean type of dramatic play for children with disabilities was 2.765 (make-believe with objects), whereas the mean type of dramatic play for children without disabilites was 3.446 (make-believe with actions and situations). discussion this study compared the dramatic play affordances of behavior settings among children with and without disabilities in the first and second grades. our study confirms barton’s (2015) findings that when given the same materials and settings, children with disabilities often engage in less complex and fewer play behaviors than the children without disabilities. there were small differences in the amount, complexity, and types of dramatic play children with disabilities engaged compared to the children without disabilities. the children with disabilities engaged in slighty lower, less complex levels of dramatic play than their typically developing peers. the average type of dramatic play in which the children without disabilities enaged was make-belive with actions and situations (the third stage of development, statistically 3.01 out of 5 stages of development); the average type of dramatic play in which the children with disabilities engaged was make-believe with objects dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 127 (the second stage of devlopment, statistically 2.765 out of 5 stages of development). also, the children without disabilities engaged in dramatic play in about one-third of play episodes observed, whereas the children with disabilities engaged in dramatic play in about one-quarter of all play episodes observed. children engaged in dramatic play more frequently in settings that allowed them the opportunity to manipulate the materials in their environment as desired, similar to the findings of droege and howes (1991) and as cited in petrakos and howe (1996). children’s dramatic play tended to take place in settings where children had stage-like areas and open-ended/enclosed settings, similar to the findings of maxwell and colleagues (2008), which claimed that enclosed spaces, nodes and connector spaces, and stage-like places afforded dramatic play. children need a wide variety of equipment so they can choose how and where their play will occur. this study found that firstand second-grade children with and without disabilities primarily used the nature play areas, open grassy hill area, sensory wave rock n raft, and ropes course for several of their dramatic play episodes. these behavior settings were flexible in the behaviors afforded and allowed for the children to manipulate their environment. a flexible play environment adds more affordances for dramatic play than play equipment and settings. the ropes course, for example, was flexible and allowed children to be imaginative and manipulate it to a point. the ropes are connected but are also movable, which allowed the children to be creative. the nature play north and south areas are flexible and offer children several opportunities to promote their play through using leaves, rocks, flowers, and the like, as these are loose, movable props. children incorporated wood chips, gravel, sand, and plant material into their play to create enclosed spaces with loose “walls.” it appears that loose parts provide an opportunity for children to think, be creative, and further the exploration of their environment. the placement and design of these settings make an impact on dramatic play. enclosed settings a common aspect of the spaces where multiple children interacted and engaged in dramatic play was a sense of enclosure. enclosed settings, such as the sensory wave rock n raft, provided children with a space where they could play without being disrupted, thereby allowing them to engage in uninterrupted dramatic play. while the girls anecdotally preferred to play “house” and the boys preferred a version of pirates or cops and robbers, both used the sensory wave rock n raft as a scaffold to support their play—as a house for the girls or a boat for the boys. the sensory wave rock n raft functioned as an enclosed, inclusive motion playground feature that multiple children could use in a variety of play scenarios. the frequency of dramatic play in areas with enclosed settings corresponds with previous research in young children’s play behaviors (brown & burger, 1984; maxwell et al., 2008). when dramatic play occurred on the playground, it took place in specific settings: in places that were enclosed, stage-like places, node or connector places, and nature play areas. these areas seemed to allow for group interaction, which afforded dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 128 children the opportunity for dramatic play. it appears that children’s dramatic play benefits from play settings that are not strongly themed, in order to better allow for flexibility regarding the dramatic play opportunities. for example, the sensory wave rock n raft does not have a direct theme, so it can be used as a boat, a house, or anything else the children want it to be for their play episode. there were play settings, such as the two play structure platforms (o2 and o4), that were open areas that did not support dramatic play in this study. these open areas on the play structure were surrounded by other play settings that afforded play opportunities. though these settings were infrequently used, when they were used, it was often as a platform on which to observe other children playing (nonplay) or as a bridge to pass through during their play episode, such as in a game of tag. the children may have used these settings for dramatic play but only passing through them, not stopping there to conduct their play episode. it appears that open areas also afford children the opportunity to watch their peers or pass through to other settings in their play episodes. the first and second-grade children who were engaged in non-play on the play structure surfaces (open-ended areas) were children with disabilities. while children without disabilities may have assumed that the children with disabilities were not capable of engaging in the play scenarios, they were, in fact, merely observing. type of dramatic play related to settings this study determined that certain settings are more likely to facilitate higher levels of dramatic play. settings that offer children the opportunity to engage in social interactions with other children, facilitated by available materials, were the settings that afforded dramatic play. this indicates that the more socially developed the child is, the more he or she can engage with other children in groups. it is also an indication of verbal fluency and may indicate topics children are learning in the classroom. social interaction and dramatic play episodes are built on themes that shift according to the child’s interest and are facilitated through specific settings and materials provided by adults. such features of the play environment afford and facilitate play forms, roles, and interactions. during imitative role-play episodes, the child assumes a pretend role and signals the transformation with a verbal declaration. in this study, the settings that were more likely to afford imitative role-play were the spiral slide, the nature play north and south areas, the sensory wave rock n raft, and the musical play area, as these settings allowed the children to pretend to be something or someone else from their personal experiences. vygotsky (1998) states that children use settings in a way that is imitative of their personal lives. this reflects the child’s developing ability to separate sensory and motor functions, or episodes that are repetitive or driven by the physical form and function of play settings. in make-believe with objects play episodes, children are more concerned with the meaning associated with the object instead of its physical properties. when children engage in make-believe with objects, the object becomes the focus of the play episode, which allows the children to act in a form of abstract thought so they can separate the object from its original meaning. many children within the study dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 129 displayed a dependency on physical objects to stimulate their play. the nature play area and the open grassy hill were more likely to afford make-believe with objects because these settings had open spaces, loose and moveable objects, or objects that could be used in many different ways. make-believe with actions and situations is a more mature form of dramatic play. it requires that children have knowledge of how to creatively use a setting in their play episode. the nature play area and the open grassy hill afforded make-believe with actions and situations, as these settings were open-ended and could be physically or mentally manipulated. in this study, the children took on and sustained specific roles by consistently engaging in actions, speech, and interactions with peers and themes that were often similar to topics studied in the classroom or experiences in their personal lives. these settings offered children the ability to engage in actions and interactions with their peers. during group interactions, a child directs another child’s actions or words within the context of the play episode. the complexity of the play episodes was reflective of the children’s highly collaborative interactions during play episodes. the settings where children could plan and negotiate roles, events, and sequences were the settings that were more likely to inspire interaction. the nature play areas allowed the children to facilitate group interactions. during these interactions, the children often used the plants as facilitators in their play episode to direct their play. the setting that was more likely to afford verbal communication was the nature play area. children are more likely to engage in verbal communication in settings that allow children to freely communicate with one another. when it comes to verbal communication, children need to share knowledge of similar conceptual ideas and the situation being played. in this study, play episodes in which children took on roles and carried them out cooperatively indicated that the children’s skills were developing. the talk tube did not afford as much dramatic play as expected. this could have been because the talk tubes were on the back side of the playground, attached to poles (not moveable) and possibly hidden from view during the children’s play episodes. however, the talk tube was specifically designed as a dramatic play accessory that helps to build imagination and would provide children with a motivating, reciprocal, ground-level opportunity to promote interaction between users and dramatic play. by placing them on opposite sides of the playground, children were given the opportunity to use the talk tubes in their play episodes, but did not take advantage. play of children with and without disabilities there were small differences in the dramatic play types among children with and without disabilities, as expected. it was hypothsized that a well-designed inclusive playground would move outdoor play environments beyond minimum accessibility requirements, recognize everyone’s right to fully participate and contribute to meaningful play, and reap the lifelong developmental, physical, and social benefits of inclusion for children of all ages and abilities who engage in play. dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 130 the children with disabilities participated in all types of play on the playground, suggesting they are integrated into the environment, even if interactions are not at the exact same level as the children without disabilities. children with disabilities engaged in dramatic play but tended to use more direct and disruptive strategies to enter play scenarios, whereas children without disabilities used more indirect strategies. the dramatic play patterns of children with disabilities slightly differed from those children without disabilities, with children with disabilities engaging in dramatic play 24.6 percent of the time, compared to 30.7 percent of the time for children without disabilities, which is consistent with previous research. further, children with disabilities displayed less complex dramatic play than children without disabilities, a difference which may persist throughout their lives. the small differences between children with and without disabilties may have been larger in a non-inclusive playground, as the inclusive playground offered them additional opportunities to engage in dramatic play episodes with children without disabilties. this indication supports jarrold, boucher, and smith's (1996) findings. it is important to recognize that this study focused on an inclusively designed playground that allowed both children with and without disabilities to play. a welldesigned inclusive playground reduces barriers for children with disabilties, creating an enviroment where children with diabilities can engage in similar play behaviors with their typically developing peers. this playground afforded children of all abilities to play together more independently, and because of this, the children felt nurtured, encouraged, respected, and active during play, both physically and socially, thus creating a sense of community among all the children. as a result, the small differences observed between the play of children with and without disabilities may have been larger in an unsupportive environment. the mean type of dramatic play among children with disabilities was make-believe with objects; for children without disabilities the mean type of dramatic play was make-believe with actions and situations. again, this is a small difference, but one that suggests children with disabilities’ social competence may be slightly delayed, thus impairing their ability to generate ideas for dramatic play. the children without disabilities began engaging in dramatic play without discussing roles in advance, and they maintained the play scenario through short play dialogues. overall, the children with disabilities used similar settings as those children without disabilities. however, the children without disabilities were more likely to use the nature play areas (less structure), whereas the children with disabilities were more likely to use the spiral slide (more structure). creating settings with slightly more structure may reduce the barriers for better interaction between children with and without disabilites. perhaps a higher level of social and cognitive development and competency for children with disabilities and greater education and awareness of various challenges that children with disabilities face are needed for better interactions to occur (pellegrini, 1990). possibly grouping children with similar socials skills together on a playground with natural props, areas that are quiet but large enough to accommodate several children, and slightly themed settings would help faciltate dramatic play between children with and without disabilities. dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 131 implications future research future studies should compare inclusive playgrounds and typical playgrounds to determine if the differences between children with and without disabilities are indeed smaller on the inclusive playground. by reducing barriers for children with disabilties, a well-designed inclusive playground may create an enviroment where children with disabilities can engage in similar play behaviors with their typically developing peers. further study should also consider changes in children’s play types in the later stages of elementary school. for design this study suggests that specific playground behavior settings afford children the opportunity to engage in the most dramatic play. these settings include the natural play areas, open grassy area, sensory wave rock n raft, thunder ring, the ropes course, the zip slide, and the spirial slide. all of these settings are open-ended areas that can be used by children as they please. to create developmentally appropriate outdoor playground settings for dramatic play, play professionals should provide several options for children that will push their development forward, including comfortable, flexible settings that are or can be enclosed, have natural play props, include a stage-like area, and areas that are small and quiet but large enough for several children. conclusion this study demonstrated that an inclusive playground that incorporated diverse behavior settings and elements afforded a variety of dramatic play opportunities for all children. the play behaviors of children with and without disabilities in first and second grade were found to be consistent with previous research suggesting that children with disabilities play at lower cognitive and social levels than do children without disabilities. they do, however, use similar settings for play. slightly more structured or themed settings may reduce barriers and allow for better interaction between children with and without disabilites. this study shows that dramatic play is a significant component of first and second graders’ play. settings with characteristics of loose parts, stage-like areas, natural props, enclosed areas, small and quiet areas, slightly themed elements, and open-ended settings afford more dramatic play. a well-designed inclusive playground reduces barriers for children with disabilties, thereby creating an enviroment where children with diabilities can engage in similar play behaviors with their typically developing peers. play is every child’s right. providing all children with opportunities to participate in inclusive, equitable play experiences will enhance quality of life for the children, their families, and our greater society. nicholas r. leschofs earned a master’s degree in landscape architecture at utah state university. his research has focused on children’s play behaviors on inclusive playgrounds. dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children… 132 keith m. christensen is a scholar in both the department of landscape 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(2013). the cognitive play behavior affordances of natural and manufactured elements within outdoor preschool settings. landscape research, 1. http://thecela.org/wp-content/uploads/the-cognitive-playbehavior-affordances-of-natural-and-manufactured-elementswithin-outdoor-preschool-settings.pdf https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-012-1467-2 https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361312474723 https://doi.org/10.1080/01426397.2011.640432 https://doi.org/10.1080/14733281003650984 http://thecela.org/wp-content/uploads/the-cognitive-play-behavior-affordances-of-natural-and-manufactured-elements-within-outdoor-preschool-settings.pdf http://thecela.org/wp-content/uploads/the-cognitive-play-behavior-affordances-of-natural-and-manufactured-elements-within-outdoor-preschool-settings.pdf http://thecela.org/wp-content/uploads/the-cognitive-play-behavior-affordances-of-natural-and-manufactured-elements-within-outdoor-preschool-settings.pdf login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book and film reviews 146 film review território do brincar (territory of play) a film by estela renner, luana lobo and marcos nisti (producers) and david reeks and renata meirelles (directors). (2015). brazil: alana intitute. 90 minutes. project website: http://territoriodobrincar.com.br opening shot: a vast expanse of sand dunes in nova tatajuba, in the state of ceará, brazil. the wind is blowing, it is the only sound. the sun is low in the sky, the shadows are long, the shot is low. into frame, at some distance, silently, comes a boy with a board. he sits on the board and propels himself down an enormous, steep dune. another boy dune-surfs standing up—he is proficient. a smaller girl, close to the top of the dune and to the camera, rolls down, squealing, momentarily looking at the camera. cut to a different landscape: a torrential downpour, where small children revel in the wetness of it, at ground level, sitting and splashing in deep muddy puddles as the heavy rain washes over them. there is the sound of the rain, but no sound from the children. the territory of play (território do brincar) describes itself as a documentary that “weaves a tapestry out of the gestures seen in children’s play throughout brazil” (back cover copy of dvd box). it is this and more. it is a thing of beauty, a work of art: the striking photography, the thoughtful sequencing, the sensitive soundtrack of original music and the (often small) sounds of children at play, all combine to create a remarkable aesthetic. noticeably absent is any adult commentary; for me, this is one of the film’s great strengths. of course, adults have labored over hours of footage to select material that weaves this particular tapestry, but they have not succumbed to the adult tendency to interpret, to impose meaning and value. the film is one artifact from a much larger project “dedicated to listening, exchanging knowledge, documenting, and disseminating the culture of childhood” (project website). filmmakers renata meilleres and david reek build on their extensive research into children’s play, games and toys across diverse regions of brazil over the last 15 years, including rural, coastal, indigenous and urban communities. the project is one of sharing this knowledge with schools and the public to show the rich culture, creativity and capacities of brazilian children of all ages, from toddlers to teens. included in the dvd pack are some postcards, each with a different picture from the research project, and the message: you wouldn’t believe how many times we’ve heard someone say, ‘kids just don’t know how to play anymore.’ it drives us nuts… for two years, our project documented the way kids play all over brazil. we were so impressed with what we saw: the creativity, the grace, the vigor. http://territoriodobrincar.com.br/ book and film reviews 147 in additional material, the filmmakers talk of creating dialogue with the children, leaving them to decide what to show about their play cultures. the often closerange filming offers an insight into facial expressions, concentration, immersion, dexterity. there is a sense of awe at the knowledge and skills evident in this “territory” of play, a metaphor emphasizing how children’s cultures are “another country” for adults, and also how landscape and culture are deeply interwoven. consistent themes emerged from many hours filming across 19 communities and nine states, but these are fluid. for example, although there were often strict divisions between girls’ play (making houses, playing with dolls, skipping, chinese jump rope, five stones, etc.) and boys’ play (making wheeled toys, sailing boats, guns, playing at heroes, hunting animals, etc.), these are often entwined mingle both through “border-crossing” (occasionally showing boys building play houses or involved in “small world” forms of play, or girls involved in hunting animals or playing on rafts) and through intersections (building a fire to cook the electric eel, enacting a baptism or a wedding complete with a feast and live music, playing the scary masked chasing game of careta in acupe, bahia). children use whatever is to hand (natural resources, scrap the adult world has discarded, old broken toys) to play, build and create. they show great expertise in using tools such as machetes and hammers, needle and thread. they also show intimate knowledge of the landscape, of the movements and habits of birds and animals, and of the elements (much use is made of earth, air, fire and water). the mixing of ages shows how smaller children pick up this knowledge and expertise alongside older ones. it is easy to be drawn in by the children’s wisdom, skills and choreography, and by the sheer beauty of the images and sounds. the soundtrack, composed by artur andrés and performed by uakti and guests, complements the images perfectly. i was also struck, though, by how much of the children’s performances were imitations of adult “work,” and rather serious. this may be because of the way the dialogues were set up, perhaps encouraging a focus on activities. there were some wonderful moments of immersion and of exuberance at success, and of reveling in embodied engagement (such as the playing in the rainstorm at the beginning), but there was very little of the sheer nonsense of some forms of playfulness, the kinds of moments that erupt opportunistically. nor was there much evidence of the conflicts and power games that often emerge in groups playing together, or of darker forms of playing. it may well be that i am assuming such ludic phenomena to be universal when they may be culturally specific, but i suspect not. so, my very small criticism is that, in its laudable efforts to show children’s capacities and competence, it may be partial and potentially over-romanticize children’s play as inherently a good thing. overall, though, it was a joy to see professional adult artists (filmmakers, musicians, etc.) taking children’s cultures seriously and presenting them in such a beautiful way. the filmmakers’ primary target audience is educators, and they have worked with schools to create a dialogue about children’s play. additionally, the film would be of interest to all professionals working with children, to those teaching and studying childhood studies, and to ethnographers and anthropologists interested in crossbook and film reviews 148 cultural studies. the filmmakers are planning to extend their studies beyond brazil. this offers up opportunities to showcase children’s cultures in other countries where adults also think children have forgotten how to play. i wish them all the best for this project and await more such documentaries with eagerness. review by wendy russell dr. wendy russell is a senior lecturer in play and playwork/professional studies in children’s play at university of gloucestershire (uk) and a consultant on children’s play and playwork. she has worked in the play and playwork sector for over 40 years, initially on adventure playgrounds and then in development work, research, education and training. she has worked with local authorities, the private sector and local, national and international voluntary organizations. her research interests include children’s play, playwork, the politics of space, social policy and ethics. she is a member of editorial board for international journal of play. director’s response by renata meirelles at the 2017 calgary ipa conference, i was enchanted with wendy russell’s lecture about the work she had collaborated on with stuart lester (who had unfortunately passed away shortly before the conference). russell outlined a philosophical process their team is using to reinvigorate play. that desire to vibrantly experience play struck a significant chord with our work on the territory of play. through the door of phenomenology, and with a strong emphasis on the corporeality of spontaneous play, we too have strived to create materials that revitalize this phenomenon. we look to how children’s actions, often reoccurring across different cultures, can reveal collective memories, impulses, and archetypes—consequently affording us a window to all of humanity. to successfully portray a child’s delicacy, fluidity, and vigor in relation to materials, space, and other children is to invite our audiences into a realm beyond rationality, and, not coincidently, into the imaginative order of childhood. our project’s travel itinerary gave priority to brazil’s interior so that we could focus on communities that were both under-represented in the country’s national media and which were less influenced by the “distractions of modern-day life.” we quickly realized that children with urban and non-urban lifestyles reflect the noise environment in which they are embedded. we were in constant contact with a play quieter than that to which we’d become accustomed; so much that we allowed its gestures to drive our film’s narrative. our choice not to include interviews with play specialists was to reinforce the power of this silent expression. in the post-modern, western society in which we live, syntax communication saturates existence, and hasn’t spared childhood. brazilian childhood faces numerous problems, and many of our protagonists were directly affected. but, beyond the complications, we often recognized a potent life book and film reviews 149 force, and in children, play was its medium. determining to see through this filter of optimism was to re-establish dignity to their actions. according to allan kaplan and sue davidoff, “the way we see becomes vastly important with respect to the world that we create through such seeing” (kaplan & davidoff, 2014, p.12). in an eventual return to the field, we hope to portray the emotional processes lived through play with the same veracity we felt we were able to capture within gestures. we hope to film children from around the world set within a variety of geographic and cultural landscapes—another attempt to understand up to what point spontaneous play can be considered a universal language. currently, the territory of play has its productions available the videocamp platform. users can create an account and host free, public screenings through these sites: the territory of play (90 min.) http://www.videocamp.com/en/movies/territorio-do-brincar sacred play (52 min.) http://www.videocamp.com/en/movies/terreiros-do-brincar-2017 waapa (20 min.) http://www.videocamp.com/en/movies/waapa and there are several short films available on our youtube account: https://www.youtube.com/user/territoriodobrincar reference kaplan, a., and davidoff, s. (2014). delicate activism: a radical approach to change. capetown, south africa: proteus initiative. available at http://socialself.org/articles/adelicate.aspx. http://www.videocamp.com/en/movies/territorio-do-brincar http://www.videocamp.com/en/movies/terreiros-do-brincar-2017 http://www.videocamp.com/en/movies/waapa https://www.youtube.com/user/territoriodobrincar http://socialself.org/articles/adelicate.aspx login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(2), 2020 more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home and the interplay of home environment factors apoorva rathod jerry olsson university of gothenburg tim schwanen university of oxford citation: rathod, a., olsson, j., & schwanen, t. (2020). more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home and the interplay of home environment factors. children, youth and environments, 30(2), 72-96. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract children’s sedentary behavior (sb) is associated with various negative health outcomes. because the home is an important site of children’s sb, it is essential to study the correlations between different kinds of sbs in which children engage and home environment factors. this paper studies 7-12-year-old children’s home-based sb in a swedish municipality to understand the amount and correlates of different kinds of sbs, using logistic regression. results show that children engage in both non-screen and screen-based sbs, all with multiple yet different correlates. the amount of non-screen and screen-based sbs differed by age and gender. keywords: sedentary behavior, home environment, screen time http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 73 introduction concerns about children’s health and well-being, notably related to overweight and obesity, have brought attention to children’s activity behaviors. increasingly, it is understood that studying only physical activity is not enough; children’s sedentary behavior (sb) must also be taken into account (tremblay et al., 2011). sb is understood in this context as “any waking behavior characterized by an energy expenditure ≤ 1.5 metabolic equivalents (mets), while in a sitting, reclining, or lying posture” (sedentary behaviour research network, 2012, p. 540). across the planet, children are sedentary for an average of 8.6 hours per day (leblanc, katzmarzyk, et al., 2015), with most of this occurring at home (liao, intille, wolch, pentz, & dunton, 2014). most studies on children’s sb tend to focus on screen time— television (tv) watching, computer use, and using other forms of electronic media (anderson, economos, & must, 2008). screen time is, however, not an adequate marker of total sedentary time (hoffmann et al., 2019) since motorized travel, homework, hobbies, and socializing are also prominent sbs comprising sedentary time (biddle, gorely, marshall, & cameron, 2009; olds, maher, ridley, & kittel, 2010). moreover, marshall and colleagues (2004) investigated the relationship of body fatness with forms of screen time among children and youth in a meta-analysis, and concluded that “relationships between sedentary behavior and health are unlikely to be explained using single markers of inactivity such as tv viewing or video/computer game use” (p. 1244). the identification of strategies for reducing sb and increasing physical activity are high on the research agenda. it has been suggested that removing media devices from children’s bedrooms, increasing access to play equipment in the home and using devices for controlling and monitoring screen time can reduce sedentary time (tandon et al., 2012; todd et al., 2008). however, in a trial, epstein and colleagues (2005) found that the reduction of specific screen time behaviors had little effect on children’s physical activity, perhaps due to children choosing other sedentary pursuits instead. thus, the formulation of effective health-improving interventions demands a better understanding of multiple sbs, especially non-screen sbs (atkin, gorely, biddle, marshall, & cameron, 2008; leblanc, broyles, et al., 2015; olds et al., 2010). furthermore, the correlates of different sbs are shown to differ, which highlights the need to study multiple sbs along with their different correlates among children (leblanc, broyles, et al., 2015; pate, mitchell, byun, & dowda, 2011; salmon, tremblay, marshall, & hume, 2011; stierlin et al., 2015). informed by the socioecological model, this paper seeks to contribute to a more holistic understanding of children’s sb by studying the different sbs in which children engage at home along with the potential personal, familial and neighborhood correlates of these behaviors. this study uses data from a questionnaire about the sbs of children aged 7-12 in the swedish municipality of partille. the focus is on this age bracket since there are few studies on sb that explicitly consider pre-adolescent children, although research has demonstrated that sb tends to track from childhood to adolescence and beyond (janssen et al., 2016; olds et al., 2009; ortega et al., 2013). more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 74 studying children’s sedentary behavior at home correlates of sedentary behavior among children previous studies have shown that children’s sb has various correlates found at the personal, familial, and neighborhood levels (pate et al., 2011; salmon et al., 2011; stierlin et al., 2015). however, few studies have looked at these multiple levels of correlates comprehensively. it has also been suggested that these correlates differ according to sb type; for example, using accelerometer and questionnaire data, leblanc, broyles and colleagues (2015) demonstrated that correlates of total sedentary time and screen time differ. further, review papers have noted few common correlates between different forms of sbs (pate et al., 2011; salmon et al., 2011; stierlin et al., 2015). the socio-ecological model (sem; owen, leslie, salmon, & fotheringham, 2000) provides a suitable framework with which to understand children’s sb. this model posits that health behaviors have multiple levels of influence—ranging from personal factors such as age, gender and ethnicity, to environmental factors such as architectural features, socio-cultural milieu, neighborhood design and community planning—in successive, nested levels (sallis, owen, & fisher, 2008; stokols, 1992). the specific factors to be considered in the model depend upon the nature and scope of the study undertaken, and the flexibility of the model enables it to be applied to a wide range of health behaviors in various settings. the next section briefly considers the literature on children’s sb at home before moving onto a discussion of how the sem can be used to study children’s home-based sb. children’s sedentary behavior and the home environment studies about the physical context of children’s sb show that children are most sedentary at home, as compared to school, recreational facilities, outdoors, or someone else’s house (bürgi, tomatis, murer, & de, 2016; liao et al., 2014). this makes the home environment critical to understanding children’s sb (biddle, marshall, gorely, & cameron, 2009; liao et al., 2014; maitland, stratton, foster, braham, & rosenberg, 2014). significantly, the home environment is also considered amenable to change in order to modify children’s sb, such as by rearranging furniture to make space for active play or installing devices to limit tv viewing (maitland et al., 2013; 2014). the literature on children’s sb and the home environment has highlighted various significant correlates of sb, such as access to electronic media devices, parental concerns related to tv watching, as well as parenting styles, role-modelling and rules related to electronic media use (bjelland et al., 2015; granich, rosenberg, knuiman, & timperio, 2011; pearson, salmon, crawford, campbell, & timpiero, 2011; quarmby, dagkas, & bridge, 2011; ramirez et al., 2011; rey-lópez et al., 2010; sirard, laska, patnode, farbakhsh, & lytle, 2010). however, most of these studies have focused on screen behaviors, particularly tv watching, and there is little knowledge about the correlates of other non-screen sbs, such as homework or hobbies (arundell, fletcher, salmon, veitch, & hinkley, 2015; stierlin et al., 2015). more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 75 along with the presence of media devices and parental factors, exploratory studies by granich, rosenberg, knuiman, and timperio (2010) and maitland and colleagues (2014) have shown how the physical characteristics of the home environment such as type of dwelling, size, and design may have an effect on sb. while both of these studies used qualitative methods, there is a dearth of research with quantitative data on how the physical home environment is associated with sb among children. in addition to parental factors and the physical environment of the home, sb also varies according to personal and household factors, such as age, gender, family structure, household income and parental education (arundell et al., 2015; pate et al., 2011; quarmby et al., 2011; salmon et al., 2011). the factors of the home environment associated with children’s sb therefore need to be studied in terms of personal, familial, and physical environment factors along with their interactions (maitland et al., 2013; roemmich, epstein, raja, & yin, 2007). in order to investigate children’s sb at home using the sem, the study organized the various correlates of children’s sb into the three levels of personal factors (age, gender, participation in organized activities), social environment (household characteristics, parenting, access to media devices), and physical environment (dwelling characteristics) identified by the sem. methodology questionnaire development and distribution as the study’s aim was to determine both the amount and correlates of children’s sb at home, the researchers determined that a questionnaire to be answered by the parents was the most appropriate method, despite its limitations of recall and response bias (atkin et al., 2012; hardy et al., 2013). the questionnaire posed questions about children’s time spent on various screen and non-screen sbs, as well as different personal, familial and environmental characteristics. while the energy expenditure of different activities cannot be determined with questionnaires and hence their classification as sb might not be entirely accurate, the study adopted the approach used by olds and colleagues (2010) of including activities most commonly conducted while sitting. the non-screen sbs listed in the questionnaire were homework, reading, socializing, playing with board games or toys (indoor play), and playing musical instruments or doing artwork (hobbies). the non-screen activities were short-listed based on previous studies using ecological momentary assessment in order to include the widest range of activities possible (biddle, gorely, et al., 2009; olds et al., 2010). the screen-based activities listed were: watching tv/videos, using social media, searching on the internet, and playing computer games. the questions inquiring about the time children spent on different non-screen and screen activities were posed as “approximately how much time does your child spend on the following activities at home on a typical weekday,” with eight timeuse response categories: 0 minutes, 1-30 minutes, 30-60 minutes, 60-90 minutes, 90 minutes-2 hours, 2-3 hours, 3-4 hours, and ≥4 hours. more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 76 the variables considered at the personal level were the child’s age, gender and participation in organized activities; social-level variables included household characteristics, parental perceptions, and access to media devices; and physicallevel variables were the dwelling characteristics. to identify household characteristics, the questionnaire included questions on family type (singleor dualparent), language(s) spoken at home, presence of siblings, household income, number of cars at home, and education and employment status of parents. the study inquired about parental views about media, as well as their rules regarding use of media (sanders, feng, fahey, lonsdale, & astell-burt, 2015). additionally, parental rules concerning children’s outdoor play could potentially affect children’s behaviors, so were also included (roemmich et al., 2007). specifically, the parental opinion questions were posed as “please indicate your opinion regarding the following statements: digital media is an important educational tool for my child; my child’s time spent with digital media is strictly controlled; my child’s digital media content is strictly controlled; my child is allowed to go out alone and play freely in the neighborhood.” the parents were asked to indicate their responses on a 5-point likert scale ranging from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree.” finally, to gain insight about the children’s physical environment, the study posed questions about the physical features of the dwelling, namely typology, size, design (openplan or not), presence of backyard, and the presence of play area and activity equipment. the questionnaire was intended to be answered by the child’s parent or legal guardian, while the questions on time spent in different sbs were to be answered in consultation with the child. we made both a paper version and online version of the questionnaire available to the parents, and they could choose which to answer. because of limited resources, pilot-testing of the questionnaire had to be limited to four parents and took a qualitative approach, with in-depth one-to-one discussions focusing on the ease of understanding and answering questions from other studies that had been translated into swedish. this choice was deemed acceptable as questions on parental beliefs and the proxy-reporting of children’s media usage and presence of media devices in the home have provided acceptable reliability in previous studies (pearson et al., 2011; rosenberg et al., 2010). it became clear during the testing that many children used devices at home that had been given to them by their school, and that the parents had not included these when answering questions on the number of media devices at home. therefore, a question on the child’s personal access to media devices was added in the questionnaire. additionally, the parents found the questions about children’s time spent on specific screen-based activities difficult to answer, and instead suggested framing the question based on device usage. the questionnaire was thus modified to ask about children’s time spent using a mobile phone, tablet, tv, computer, laptop, and gaming console. while previous studies have asked questions about children’s sb on weekdays and weekends, the parents in the pilot study indicated that answering questions about weekdays was simpler as the children followed a more-or-less fixed schedule, and there was a great deal of variation between the weekends. therefore, the questionnaire referred to weekdays only. the revised questionnaires were more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 77 returned to the same parents and discussed again. the parents’ responses during this two-stage pilot testing did not raise concerns over the validity and reliability of the included questions. the questionnaire was intended to be distributed through schools to children living in different areas of the city of gothenburg, sweden with different income levels, family structures, and house typologies. all principals of the 25 schools in the stratified random sample of four areas (two high-income and two low-to-high income areas)1 were contacted through e-mail and letters to help distribute the surveys in their schools. six indicated their willingness to participate, however, none responded when followed up with attempts to arrange meetings and distribute the surveys to the school. the poor response may reflect that communication with principals was through e-mail and letters, intended to allow them to respond at the most convenient time for them. subsequently, we chose two schools in partille municipality (see below) and approached their principals again in person, because they were known to the researchers; these principals were willing to help personally with distribution of the surveys among parents. although introducing coverage error, this convenience sampling strategy was the most efficient and effective way of conducting the survey.2 at the two participating schools, an envelope containing an information letter, the survey, and a stamped reply envelope was distributed to all the children in grades 1-6 (aged 7-12 years) in october 2016. both the schools were public schools located in the same locality, approximately 1.2 kilometers from each other. school 1 had 466 students in grades 0-9 while school 2 had 181 students in grades 0-6 at the time of the survey. less than 10 percent of the students in both the schools had parents who were born outside of sweden. a total of 175 questionnaires out of 450 were returned between october 2016 and february 2017, yielding a response rate of 38.8 percent. study area3 the study was conducted in partille municipality, sweden. partille is a small municipality located less than 10 kilometers from the city of gothenburg, the second largest city in sweden. most of the people in partille commute to neighboring municipalities for work. the population of partille in 2017 was 37,880, with a density of 667 persons per square kilometer. there were 14,850 dwellings in the municipality, of which 44 percent were self-owned, 18 percent communityowned, and 30 percent rented. children under 18 formed 24 percent of the population; the corresponding figure for sweden was 21 percent. there are 12 primary schools located in partille. the average income for those living in the municipality was 340,200 swedish kronor (sek) in 2016, higher than the average of 300,000 sek in sweden (approximately $33,000 usd). the education level in 1 income, the share of rented apartment housing, and ethnic diversity are closely correlated in gothenburg. 2 the study was approved by the regional chapter of the national ethical review board (dnr 154-17). 3 all statistics derived from the official website of partille municipality (partille kommun, n.d.), unless otherwise stated. more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 78 partille is higher than average as well, with 32.3 percent of the population of partille in the age group of 25-64 university educated according to the 2016 statistics, compared to 19 percent in sweden. the unemployment rate was 3.9 percent, compared to 6.7 percent in sweden. these statistics show that partille is an area with high income and education and low unemployment as compared to the rest of sweden. sample characteristics the sample characteristics are summarized in tables 1a and 1b. while a total of 175 questionnaires were returned, only those with complete demographic information about the child were included in the analysis, for a total of 173 responses. the sample was evenly distributed in terms of gender (86 girls, 87 boys), but there were more children aged 7 and 8 in the sample than ages 9 through 12. most children in the sample (93.6 percent) had at least one sibling, while only-child families are the majority in partille. the majority (82.6 percent) of participating families spoke only swedish at home, although 16.8 percent of families spoke more than one language. there were only 11 single-parent families in the sample, which is very different from partille overall, which has almost 40 percent single-parent households. the sample was in line with partille being a high-income area. however, the sample itself was concentrated in one of several particularly highincome areas within partille, with most families (86 percent) earning more than 55,000 sek (gross) per month, and a majority (54 percent) earning more than 75,000 sek (gross) per month. both parents worked full-time in most families, while mothers worked part-time in 24.8 percent of the families and fathers worked part-time in 5.8 percent of the families. most parents were university educated— 74.5 percent of the mothers and 67.6 percent of the fathers, much higher than the average for partille. a large majority (71.7 percent) of participating families lived in villas, 18 percent in row houses and 10.4 percent in apartments, and the average dwelling size was 147.6 square meters, higher than the average of 97.7 square meters for partille. overall, the sample represents a specific group of families— ethnically homogenous, high-income and highly educated dual-parent households with more than one child. the specificity of the sample must be borne in mind while interpreting the results. nevertheless, the data from the sample is valuable for investigating the interplay of various factors occurring at the personal, social, and environmental levels of the sem and contributing towards our understanding of children’s sb at home. more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 79 table 1a. sample characteristics from survey of 173 households in partille municipality, sweden variable category sample partille municipality 1 (%) n % age of child 7 8 9 10 11 12 41 32 28 29 21 22 23.7 18.5 16.2 16.8 12.1 12.7 19.3 17.4 16.4 16.1 16.4 14.3 gender of child female male 86 87 49.7 50.3 47.5* 52.5* family type single-parent household dual parent household 11 162 6.4 93.6 38.8 54.2 language(s) spoken at home only swedish swedish + others 143 29 82.6 16.8 n/a n/a presence of siblings yes no 162 11 93.6 6.4 47.4* 52.6* monthly household gross income (in sek) 15 000-<25 000 25 000-<35 000 35 000-<45 000 45 000-<55 000 55 000-<65 000 65 000-<75 000 75 000-<85 000 85 000-<95 000 ≥95 000 1 1 12 10 24 26 27 24 43 0.6 0.6 6.9 5.8 13.9 15.0 15.6 13.9 24.9 median net monthly household income (sek ) 38 791 maternal education high/vocational school university 36 129 20.7 74.5 38.6¤ 47.6¤ paternal education high/vocational school university 46 117 26.6 67.6 44.3¤ 38.6¤ maternal employment status employed not employed 160 6 96.5 3.5 82.9 17.1 paternal employment status full time employed not employed 165 4 97.7 2.3 85.0 type of dwelling villa row house apartment 124 31 18 71.7 17.9 10.4 50.1 n/a 44.9 1 all statistics from kolada (2017) * statistics are for all children aged 0-18 in partille. ¤ statistics are for all adults aged 16+ in partille. more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 80 table 1b. selected characteristics of survey participants and population of partille municipality, sweden sample mean (sd) whole municipality mean child’s age 9.13 (1.7) number of people living in household 4.14 (0.68) 2.5 weekly participation in number of organized leisure activities outside school 2.59 (1.5) dwelling size (square meters) 147.56 (40.6) 97.7 data analysis4 the researchers undertook basic statistical analysis of the time spent on the five non-screen sbs and six screen-based sbs. we identified statistically significant correlates of the different sbs using ordinal regression analysis with each type of sb as the dependent variable (except homework where we used binary logistic regression). the dependent variables were re-categorized so that there were at least 15 observations in each category. we first grouped together the independent variables in blocks based on the sem—personal, social and physical environment variables. for the statistical analysis, we further sub-divided the social environment level into 3 blocks—household characteristics, parental beliefs, and access to media devices. the final blocks used in the statistical analysis were (i) personal, (ii) household characteristics, (iii) parental beliefs, (iv) access to electronic devices, and (v) physical features of the dwelling. we tested each of these independent variable blocks against the dependent variables. the independent variables that were yes or no responses (such as presence of playground in neighborhood) were coded as no=0 and yes=1. where needed, we collapsed the independent variables with more than two outcome categories so that there were at least 15 observations in each response category. monthly household income was thus re-categorized as <55,000 sek, 55,000-75,000 sek, 75,000-95,000 sek and ≥95,000 sek; both maternal and paternal education were re-categorized as those who had university education and “other.” we re-coded the parental belief responses into three categories, combining the categories “agree” and “strongly agree” into “agree,” and combining “disagree" and “strongly disagree” into “disagree.” in the case of parental belief regarding their child’s neighborhood play, we collapsed the option “not sure” into “agree” due to low response in the original “not sure” category. multicollinearity tests were performed for each of the blocks and where variables were highly correlated, one or more were dropped. the blocks with the remaining set of variables were then tested for significance using regression analysis. all the variables found significant at p ≤ 0.10 were included in a combined model, and the variables that remained significant at p ≤ 0.05 were listed in the final outcome. we 4 we carried out the analysis using ibm spss statistics 25. more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 81 also tested possible interactions between the independent variables. as very few children (less than 25) were spending more than 30 minutes on reading and use of computer and laptop, these three sbs were excluded from the regression analysis. wherever the assumption of proportional odds was not met, we performed separate binary logistic regression analyses (o’connell & mccoach, 2008), and as the estimated coefficients in the binary models were all of the same sign and similar magnitudes as those from the ordinal regression analysis, the results from the final model were retained. results children’s time spent on different non-screen sbs at home on weekdays is shown in figure 1. the most common sb was socializing, followed by indoor play, homework and hobbies, while very few children spent time reading. figure 1. 7 to 12-year-old children’s time spent on different non-screen sedentary behaviors at home on a weekday (percent) figure 2 shows the children’s time spent on screen-based sbs. tv watching was the most common, followed by tablet and mobile use. very few children spent time using the computer or laptop. 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% ≥3h 2-<3h 90m-<2h 60-<90 min 30-<60 min 1-<30 min 0 min 20% 10% 0% socializing indoor play homework hobbies reading more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 82 figure 2. 7 to 12-year-old children’s time spent on different screen-based sedentary behaviors at home on a weekday (percent) as seen in figures 1 and 2, except for socializing, indoor play, tablet use and watching tv, most children in the study did not spend more than 30 minutes on the other activities listed here. this is significant when it comes to concerns about children spending much of their time at home on media devices. in the case of nonscreen time, socializing and indoor play were the only activities on which most children spent time more than 30 minutes. most children spent less than 30 minutes on homework, hobbies, and reading. for the media devices themselves, children spent more time on more recent devices (tablet, mobile phone) than a personal computer or laptop. nonetheless, tv watching remained popular. correlates of non-screen sedentary behaviors the results from the final models of the regression analyses for non-screen sbs are shown in table 2. as the table shows, there were few common correlates for the different behaviors investigated. in the final model, the only variable with a statistically significant association for socializing was the presence of a common play area, with those who had a common play area more likely to spend more time socializing. children who were more likely to spend more time on indoor play were those who were younger, whose parents disagreed about allowing their child freedom of outdoor movement, or those who had a common play area in their neighborhood. the strongest association was found for the variable on parental beliefs, followed by the presence of an outdoor 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% ≥3h 2-<3h 90m-<2h 60-<90 min 30-<60 min 1-<30 min 0 min 20% 10% 0% tv tablet mobile console laptop computer more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 83 play area. children who were more likely to spend more time on homework were older children, those whose mothers were not university educated, who were in households with nil or one car, those whose parents agreed with the importance of media as an educational tool, or those who had a common play area in their neighborhood. in this case too, the most strongly associated variable was parental opinion. those who spent the largest amounts of time on hobbies were likely to be girls, children without their own gaming console, or those without a tv in their bedroom. the effect of parental belief about the importance of controlling media time is complex, suggesting that children whose parents who were not sure about this spent the lowest amount of time on hobbies. the variables most strongly associated with time spent on hobbies were parental beliefs about media time and the presence of a tv in the child’s bedroom. correlates of screen-based sedentary behaviors the results from the final models of the regression analyses for screen-based sbs are shown in table 3. for the screen behaviors also, very few common correlates were found. in the final model for tv watching, children who belonged to households where the income ranges were 55,000-75,000 sek and 75,000-95,000 sek/month were more likely to spend more time watching tv compared to those who belonged to households with income ≥95,000 sek/month, as were children who owned a mobile phone. the strongest association was found for household income in the range of 55,000-75,000 sek/month. children who were more likely to be high tablet users were those whose parents agreed with the importance of media as an educational tool, or who disagreed with controlling their child’s media time, or those children who had their own or shared a tablet with their sibling(s). the variable with the strongest statistical association was tablet ownership. the likelihood for being in higher categories of mobile phone use increased with the child’s age, those whose fathers had not studied at university, those whose parents disagreed or were not sure about controlling their child’s media time, those who owned a mobile phone, or those who did not have a trampoline at home. mobile phone ownership was most strongly associated with mobile phone use, followed by parental belief about controlling media time. more intensive game console use was associated with gender and console ownership; girls were less likely to be high console users than boys, while children with their own console or those sharing one with their sibling(s) were more likely to spend greater amounts of time on console use. console ownership was very strongly associated with console use. more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 84 table 2. results from final models of regression analyses for non-screen sbs socializing indoor play homework hobbies < 60m (19.8%) 60-90m (20.9%) -1.09 90m-2h (16.9%) -0.04 2-3h 22.7%) 0.66 ≥3h (19.8%) 1.79 0m (11.2%) 1-30m (26.6%) -7.01 30-60m (26.6%) -5.07 60-90m (17.2%) -3.65 ≥90m (18.3%) -2.62 < 30m (68.1%) ≥ 30m (31.9%) 0m (51.8%) 1-30m (32.5%) -0.65 ≥30m (15.7%)1.25 categories threshold values b 95% ci ll1 95% ci ul2 b 95% ci ll 95% ci ul b 95% ci ll 95% ci ul b 95% ci ll 95% ci ul child’s age -0.55** -0.70 -0.37 0.44** 0.21 0.66 gender m=0, f=1 1.09** 0.43 1.75 maternal education other=0, university=1 -1.05* -1.93 -0.17 number of cars at home no or 1 car=0 ≥ 2 car=1 -1.08* -1.92 -0.25 parents’ belief about digital media being an important educational tool disagree not sure agree -1.01 -1.81* 0 -2.15 -3.41 0.12 -0.21 parents’ belief about importance of controlling children’s media time disagree not sure agree -0.29 -1.18** 0 -1.03 -2.04 0.45 -0.33 parents’ belief about allowing free of outdoor movement disagree=1 agree/ not sure=0 0.86* 0 0.15 1.57 console ownership own console shared w/sibling no -0.76 -1.18** 0 -1.64 -1.96 0.13 -0.41 tv in child’s bedroom no=0; yes=1 -1.19* -2.22 -0.16 common outdoor play area no=0; yes=1 0.72** 0.18 1.26 0.68* 0.12 1.24 0.90 * 0.13 1.68 constant -3.83 n observations 172 169 163 166 -2 log likelihood null model3 final model 41.9 34.9 249.2 192.4 144.3 108.8 chi-square 7.0 56.8 43.1 35.4 mcfadden ρ2 0.013 0.108 0.211 0.107 1 95% confidence interval, lower limit; 2 95% confidence interval, upper limit 3 this model contains a constant for homework but none for socializing, indoor play and hobbies * p<0.05; ** p<0.01 more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 85 table 3. results from final models of regression analyses for screen based sbs tv tablet mobile phone gaming console <30m (40.4%) 30-60m (36.1%) 0.96 ≥60m (23.5%) 2.66 0m (21%) 1-30m (25.7%) 0.69 30-60m (30.5%) 0.76 ≥60m (22.8%) 2.36 0m (26.3%) 1-30m (32.5%) 2.35 30-60m (21.9%) 5.15 ≥60m (19.4%) 6.85 0m (60.7%) 1-30m (25.4%) 1.85 ≥30m (12.1%) 3.64 categories threshold values b 95% ci ll1 95% ci ul2 b 95% ci ll 95% ci ul b 95% ci ll 95% ci ul b 95% ci ll 95% ci ul child’s age 0.33** 0.09 0.56 gender m=0, f=1 -1.42** -2.12 -0.71 paternal education other=0, university=1 -1.37** -2.11 -0.62 household income per month < 55k sek 55k-75k sek 75k-95k sek ≥ 95k sek 0.33 1.12** 1.00* 0 -0.64 0.31 0.20 1.30 1.93 1.80 parents’ belief about digital media being an important educational tool disagree not sure agree -1.24** 0.69 0 -2.05 -0.16 -0.44 1.55 parents’ belief about importance of controlling children’s media time disagree not sure agree 0.74* -0.38 0 .062 -1.10 1.42 0.35 1.91** 1.68** 0 1.08 0.84 2.75 2.52 mobile ownership none=0 own=1 0.97** 0.31 1.62 2.79** 1.79 3.79 tablet ownership own tablet shared w/sibling no 1.42** 0.91* 0 0.68 0.15 2.17 1.66 console ownership own console shared w/sibling no 2.69** 2.37** 0 1.39 1.10 3.99 3.63 trampoline at home no=0; yes=1 -0.85* -1.53 -0.18 n observations 166 167 160 170 -2 log likelihood null model (final model) 76.2 59.6 198.1 155.1 352.9 222.0 90.3 40.1 chi-square 16.6 42.9 130.9 50.2 mcfadden ρ2 0.047 0.093 0.299 0.163 1 95% confidence interval, lower limit; 2 95% confidence interval, upper limit * p<0.05; ** p<0.01 discussion the purpose of the current study was to investigate the kinds of sbs in which children engage at home, and the correlates associated with these behaviors. the findings indicate that children engage in a variety of both non-screen and screenbased sbs at home, and these behaviors are correlated with multiple but mostly different indicators at the personal, social and physical environment levels. more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 86 amount of screenand non-screen-based sedentary behaviors the sbs that children undertook most commonly were socializing, followed by tv watching and indoor play. previous studies investigating both screen and nonscreen behaviors found that homework was a rather common non-screen sb (biddle, gorely, et al., 2009; olds et al., 2010), while this study found socializing to dominate. the difference could be due to the fact that both the other studies were with older children, or that they were conducted in scotland and australia, respectively, countries where students spent more time doing homework than sweden (oecd, 2013). there were also notable differences according to age and gender in the amounts of time dedicated to specific sbs. both homework and mobile phone use increased with age, while indoor play declined. correlation analysis further revealed that time spent on indoor play and mobile use had negative associations with each other (spearman’s rho =-.38, p =.009), suggesting that mobile phone use might be replacing indoor play among older children. a review of the correlates of after school sbs by arundell and colleagues (2015) found that overall after-school sb increased with age, although they could not conform the same finding for tv viewing. investigating different types of screen and non-screen sbs in the future could help us understand the nature of age-related differences in children’s sb and could help target specific activities among different age groups for reducing sb. the gender differences found in gaming in this study concur with earlier research (houghton et al., 2015; totland et al., 2013). moreover, this study also noted negative associations between time spent in hobbies and console use (spearman’s rho =-.20, p =.009), possibly due to girls and boys spending their time on different kinds of home-based sbs. as previous studies focused largely on screen time, the gender differences in hobbies and console use shown here is an important insight that could help explain the differences in sedentary time among boys and girls. interestingly, biddle and colleagues (2009) also noted gender differences in time spent socializing, while the current study did not. again, this could be due to agerelated differences in the samples. in terms of recommendations to reduce sb, the differences in which behavior(s) dominates are important since the energy requirements of different behaviors, as well as their “acceptability,” differ. the energy requirements of non-screen sbs such as indoor play are generally shown to be higher than those of screen sbs, depending on posture and way of performance (olds et al., 2010; ridley, ainsworth, & olds, 2008). however, more insight is needed into the extent to which children engage in screen vs. non-screen sbs, and how these may be associated with their physical activity and health. secondly, these behaviors are also viewed differently by parents, with many non-screen behaviors such as homework, reading and hobbies considered desirable (bentley, jago, & turner, 2015; carson, clark, berry, holt, & latimer-cheung, 2014). how other non-screen behaviors such as socializing and indoor play are viewed remains unclear and deserves further scrutiny. more knowledge about the extent, health associations, and place of nonscreen behaviors with regards to children’s overall sedentary time is therefore required. it should also be noted that the time spent on the different behaviors more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 87 investigated here implicitly assumes that children spend their time dedicated to one activity at a time, while it is more likely that children multi-task, especially when it comes to screen time (jago, sebire, gorely, cillero, & biddle, 2011). current methods of studying sb are limited in their ability to account for multi-tasking and future studies should therefore look at more novel methods of investigating how children undertake different activities. correlates of screenand non-screen-based sedentary behaviors the results from the regression analyses show few common correlates between screen and non-screen sbs, reasserting the findings from previous works (leblanc, broyles, et al., 2015; stierlin et al., 2015). in fact, there were few common correlates even within the various screen and non-screen sbs, again highlighting that each behavior is distinct and must be investigated separately. this is a crucial finding when it comes to designing interventions, suggesting that different sbs need to be targeted in different ways. olds and colleagues (2010) studied both screen and non-screen sbs among adolescents in australia and found that key socio-demographic factors such as sex, age, household income and parental education showed opposite directions of association with screen and non-screen behaviors. the results from the present study also show opposing patterns for the child’s age for mobile phone use and indoor play, and for gender in the case of hobbies and console use. opposing patterns were also found in this study in relation to parental beliefs about mediatime control with the child’s time spent on devices as compared to hobbies. these opposing patterns could be due to what olds and colleagues (2010) call compensatory effects, meaning that when allocating time for different activities, adolescents choose from within different sedentary activities. as mentioned in the introduction, others have also posited that children might not necessarily decrease their sedentary time if their screen time is limited, instead choosing other sedentary pursuits (epstein, roemmich, paluch, & raynor, 2005; maitland et al., 2013; roemmich et al., 2007). in this respect, investigating non-screen sbs and their correlates becomes crucial. the model fit statistics are low for most models, with the exception of those for mobile phone use (p2=0.299), gaming (p2=0.163) and homework (p2=0.211). this means that most of the variation in different sbs, and especially for socializing and tv watching, is not accounted for by variables considered in the modeling; future research should try to identify other correlates of different kinds of sbs. personal, social and physical environment correlates of non-screen-based sedentary behaviors with regard to the specific variables investigated for non-screen behaviors, parental beliefs and the presence of a common outdoor play area were each significant in three of the four behaviors investigated. also, the strength of associations found were strongest for parental beliefs, alluding to the importance of the social environment in shaping children’s non-screen behaviors, which has previously been found to be the case for screen activities (bjelland et al., 2015; pate et al., 2011). more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 88 notably, the correlation between parental opinions on control of media time and hobbies, and control of outdoor movement and indoor play suggest that children could be choosing non-screen, home-based sedentary activities due to parental beliefs, questioning the extent to which parental rules about media time can actually reduce overall sedentary time. furthermore, statistically significant results were found for beliefs regarding not only media time but also outdoor movement. both these points suggest that future work should look at parental beliefs on a variety of aspects that could influence both screen and non-screen time among children. further support for studying parental beliefs can be seen in the correlation found between homework and parental opinions about media as an educational tool, perhaps due to parental beliefs about education in general influencing their particular beliefs about media devices. curiously, the presence of a neighborhood playground was associated with more time spent on homework, socializing, and indoor play. one reason for this might be that sharing a neighborhood playground was not desired by children and instead resulted in more sb (stierlin et al., 2015). another possible reason could be that the children who did not have a neighborhood playground participated in more organized activities or were driven to play spaces further away from home, thus reducing the total time they spent at home. that said, this finding certainly merits further investigation, in terms of the actual use of the play area, its features and quality, distance from homes, and the presence of playmates. more reflection is also warranted in the case of homework, given that the amount of time spent on homework is seen to vary based on socio-economic status, type (public vs. private) and location (urban vs. rural) of school attended (oecd, 2014). while school-based differences in time spent on homework could not be explored in this study given that both schools were public schools located in the same municipality, the association of number of cars at home and maternal education levels with children’s homework time seem to suggest that children from more advantaged socioeconomic status spent less time on homework, a finding contradictory to previous surveys (oecd, 2014). more work is needed in the future to try and understand differences in time spent on homework among children, in terms of both familial and school-based factors. for the other variables investigated, the lack of associations as well as the model fit statistics for socializing suggest that the sem as operationalized in this study is not effective in capturing the variation in the amount of time children in the sampled households spent socializing. overall, non-screen sbs appear to be distinct behaviors and investigating variables associated with screen activities to try and explain non-screen behaviors is not adequate. personal, social and physical environment correlates of screen-based sedentary behaviors for screen-based sbs, access to devices and parental beliefs showed strong associations with the different types of media use, which is in line with previous studies (bjelland et al., 2015; dumuid, olds, lewis, & maher, 2016; ramirez et al., 2011; rey-lópez et al., 2010). for mobile phone, tablet and console use, device ownership was very strongly correlated with use. not surprisingly, this study too more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 89 found that possession of media devices is associated with their use. in fact, it was only in the case of tv watching that having a tv in the bedroom was not associated with more tv watching, a variable that has previously shown mixed results (cillero & jago, 2010). interestingly, mobile phone ownership was significantly associated with tv watching, while presence of tv in the bedroom was found to be significant for hobbies. future work should try to understand the reasons and situations under which such findings emerge. it is also noteworthy that none of the physical features of the dwelling were associated with any of the screen-based behaviors. while this could be due to the homogeneity of the sample as there was not much variation in the dwelling typology, there was considerable variation in dwelling size and design, and even these were not statistically significant (at p≤0.05) in the final model. during the modelling process it became clear that access to media devices and parental beliefs were more directly linked to time spent on screens than the physical features of the dwelling. therefore, by studying variables across multiple levels of the sem, it becomes clear that some domains may be more important for specific sbs than others (see also granich et al., 2010; maitland et al., 2014). as compared to the non-screen behaviors investigated, the models for screen behaviors performed better, most likely due to the strength of associations noted with the device ownership and parental belief variables. in the case of mobile phone and console ownership especially, these were both very strongly correlated with mobile phone use and console use, respectively, and generated the best fitted models. this could perhaps also explain why tv watching did not perform as well as the other models, as tv watching was not associated with access to one’s own tv. interestingly, both tv watching and socializing—the sbs that were most common among this sample—also showed the models with the lowest strengths, suggesting that more context-based, exploratory work is needed in the future to understand the correlates of different sbs. conclusions this paper has shown how children engage in a wide range of screen-based and non-screen-based sbs at home, of which socializing, indoor playing, tv watching and using a tablet are the most common. age and gender differences have also been observed in the time devoted to specific behaviors. there are, however, few common correlates for these behaviors. these findings stress an important point with regards to future studies—it is necessary to know children’s specific activities and their correlates in order to devise strategies to reduce children’s sbs. while studies noting children’s overall sedentary time are useful for highlighting the extent of sb among children, they are of little use when it comes to targeting children’s sb since they give no information about the actual activities in which children engage. as seen in this paper, while subjective methods can capture both children’s activities and their possible correlates, more exploratory studies are needed first to identify possible correlates of children’s sbs, especially non-screen behaviors. novel study approaches using mixed methods that can ascertain the more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home… 90 energy expenditure and time spent in different activities, along with identifying correlates of different sbs, can further our knowledge in this area. this study also shows that most of the strongly associated correlates of children’s sb at home lie at the social level of the sem. future work employing qualitative methods and in-depth studies is needed to understand how parental beliefs and rules are shaped and implemented at home, how they might intersect with media device acquisition and access, and how these different factors actually play out to shape both screen and non-screen behaviors. this is crucial especially for understanding the extent to which rules may be effective in reducing overall sedentary time. also, children’s social environment can be shaped by siblings, friends, as well as their own preferences and motivations. future work should look more closely at this domain in the study of children’s sb. some of the strengths of this research were the inclusion of non-screen activities, and newer devices, along with their correlates in the study of children’s sb. the paper also investigated these correlates at multiple levels using the sem. the limitations of the study were the use of self-reported data for measurement of sb, small sample size, overrepresentation of a high-education and high-income group, and the cross-sectional nature of the data. further, the investigation of correlates of non-screen sbs based on a priori associations with screen sbs possibly contributed to the limited findings in this area. as noted earlier, more mixed methods research on children’s sb can overcome some of these limitations and help deepen our knowledge about this research area. apoorva rathod is a ph.d. candidate at the unit for human geography, university of gothenburg, sweden. her ph.d. research investigates the role of the home environment in shaping children’s sedentary behaviors at home. jerry olsson is associate professor in human geography at the unit of human geography, university of gothenburg, sweden. he holds a ph.d. (2007) from university of gothenburg, and besides research also holds a position as senior lecturer at the university of gothenburg since 2012. tim schwanen is professor of transport studies and geography and director of the transport studies unit (tsu) at the school of geography and the environment, university of oxford. he is also fellow in geography at st anne’s college, oxford. he holds a ph.d. (2003, cum laude) from utrecht university, the netherlands and held various researcher and lecturer position before taking up the tsu directorship in 2015. references anderson, s. e., economos, c. d., & must, a. 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(2011). systematic review of sedentary behaviour and health indicators in schoolaged children and youth. international journal of behavioral nutrition and physical activity, 8(98), 1– 22. https://doi.org/10.1186/1479-5868-8-98 https://doi.org/10.1186/1479-%205868-7-82 https://doi.org/10.1186/s12966-015-0291-4 https://doi.org/10.1186/1479-5868-9-88 https://doi.org/10.1177/1367493508097404 https://doi.org/10.1186/1479-5868-10-89 https://doi.org/10.1186/1479-5868-8-98  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis sudeshna chatterjee action for children's environments new delhi, india citation: chatterjee, s. (2018). children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 119-145. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this paper discusses findings from an international, six-country research project that was undertaken by the international play association (ipa) to increase understanding of children’s play needs in situations of conflict including natural, humanitarian and man-made disasters and persistent everyday hazards. the findings of this research confirm the importance of space, time, permission and resources as conditions for access to play even in situations of crisis. the study further illustrates children’s adaptive capacity to manage risks in high-risk, unsafe environments through play, first as a coping mechanism and over time as a process of building resilience. keywords: right to play, access to play, situations of crisis, coping and adaptation, children’s resilience, natural disasters, everyday crisis http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 120 introduction play is an activity or behavior synonymous with childhood. play has also been accorded the status of a child’s human right as enshrined in article 31 of the united nations convention of the rights of the child (uncrc; united nations, 1989). in 2013, a global landmark for play was reached when the un committee on the rights of the child adopted general comment no. 17 on article 31 of the uncrc to deepen our understanding of play. it defines children’s play as: … any behavior, activity or process initiated, controlled and structured by children themselves; it takes place whenever and wherever opportunities arise…. the key characteristics of play are fun, uncertainty, challenge, flexibility and non-productivity… it is a fundamental and vital dimension of the pleasure of childhood, as well as an essential component of physical, social, cognitive, emotional and spiritual development (committee on the rights of the child, 2013, pp. 5-6). general comment no. 17 also highlights the challenges to be addressed in the realization of article 31 rights, including children requiring particular attention such as girls, children living in poverty, children with disabilities, children in institutions, children from indigenous and minority communities, and children in situations of conflict, humanitarian and natural disasters. the committee on the rights of the child was concerned that in situations of conflict or disaster, the child’s right to play is often given lower priority than the provision of food, shelter and medicines in spite of play being crucial to children’s well-being, development, health and survival in these circumstances. the international play association (ipa), which had spearheaded the process of writing general comment no. 17 on article 31 of the uncrc, shared this concern. in 2016, the ipa engaged in an international research project called access to play in situations of crisis in india, japan, lebanon, nepal, thailand and turkey to address the gaps in knowledge and programming for promoting children’s right to play in situations of crisis. situations of crisis globally, humanitarian crisis and disaster conditions are on the rise, impacting millions of people around the world. in 2016, 402 conflicts were ongoing, compared with 278 in 2006, with an unprecedented 65.6 million people forcibly displaced by violence and conflict; 204 million people were affected by natural disasters in 2016 as compared to 102 million in 2015 (unocha, 2017). the extent of the impact of these crisis situations is typically directly proportional to people’s vulnerability to hazards and people’s capacity to cope (wisner et al., 2014). in 2011, the united nations international strategy for disaster reduction (unisdr) called children and youth the largest group affected by disasters (unisdr, 2011). typology of crisis this research considers exposure to natural disasters, man-made emergencies, complex emergencies (humanitarian coalition, n.d.) and everyday hazards while living in poverty to be representative of situations of crisis. the table below outlines children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 121 the spectrum of risks for children and communities in different situations of crisis (see table 1). table 1. typology of crisis situations and risk spectrum nature of event large-scale natural and humanitarian disasters (e.g. tsunamis, earthquakes, typhoons, civil wars, genocide, international conflicts, drought) small-scale weather and non-weather-related disasters (e.g. seasonal flooding, storms, house fires, localized landslides, wildfire, epidemics) everyday hazards (e.g. unsafe, hazardous living environments; preventable disease, traffic) frequency infrequent though common to some parts of the world frequent (seasonal) everyday scale large or potentially large and lifethreatening medium, but could be large through a domino effect of quickly spreading damage and related secondary hazards in areas of high concentration of vulnerable populations medium in inadequate living environments impact on children can be catastrophic, violating basic rights of the child significant but underestimated contribution to children’s ill-health, injuries, loss of wellbeing significant and mostly ignored contributor to creating unfavorable living environments for children risks intensive risks1 extensive risks2 extensive risks in some places and times adapted from bull-kamanga, et al. (2003). notes: 1 intensive risks: the risk associated with the exposure of large concentrations of people and economic activities to intense hazard events, which can lead to potentially catastrophic disaster impacts involving high mortality and asset loss. see https://www.unisdr.org/we/inform/terminology 2 extensive risks: the widespread risk associated with the exposure of dispersed populations to repeated or persistent hazard conditions of low or moderate intensity, often of a highly localized nature, which can lead to debilitating cumulative disaster impacts. see https://www.unisdr.org/we/inform/terminology impact of disaster experiences on children experiencing difficult or disturbing events can significantly impact the social and emotional wellbeing of a child. exposure to disaster can result in the loss of a sense of place and familiar home and all the connected services and social networks, and deterioration in living conditions. these can all have immediate as well as long-term consequences for the development of children (action for the rights of children, https://www.unisdr.org/we/inform/terminology https://www.unisdr.org/we/inform/terminology children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 122 2009). the way in which children respond to situations of crisis is often acknowledged as depending on their own personality and resilience; support from family, school and community; the type of crisis; and the duration of the crisis (benard, 1991; 2004; coffman, 1998; sugar, 1989). these situations can have an impact on children’s lives both acutely and chronically over time and may result in children experiencing post-traumatic stress, as well as the consequences of any physical violence and injury that results from any of these crises. children’s resilience and coping in the face of crisis typically, children in situations of crisis are defined as vulnerable and in need of protection. in recent years, however, there has been an emphasis on children’s agency and demand for active participation in efforts to prevent, prepare for, and cope with crisis and adapt to the changing circumstances. resilience—typically understood as the capacity to minimize and absorb stress or destructive forces through resistance or adaptation—is generally seen as a broader concept than “capacity” because it goes beyond the specific behaviors, strategies and measures for risk reduction and management that are normally understood as capacities (twigg, 2007). the protective factors that contribute to children’s resilience range from children’s own inner resources and competencies (punamaki, 1987), to interpersonal relationships (supportive adults and peers), to safe infrastructure and strong institutions (yates, egeland, & sroufe, 2003). peer relationships such as friendships, particularly in middle childhood and adolescence, are considered significant in mitigating the negative effects of adversity and contributing to a child’s sense of self-esteem and triggering other protective factors, such as a sense of competence, sense of belonging, and empathy (boyden & mann, 2005). having friends to play with makes children feel strong and less alone (mann, 2003). evidence-based research suggests that through free play, particularly with peers, children develop an ability to make decisions, solve problems, exert self-control, and follow rules. play also allows children to learn to regulate their emotions and learn to get along with others as equals (gray, 2011). importance of place and space for children during crisis studies in child-environment research have reported that school-age children are the most prolific users of local outdoor spaces for play and recreational activities (hart, 1979; moore, 1986; chawla, 1992; kyttä, 2003; chatterjee, 2006). place research has shown the importance of “special spaces” (sobel, 2002) and “secret spaces” (goodenough, 2003; chatterjee, 2006) as places of escape or relief for children particularly when faced with a crisis or living with persistent everyday hazards. loss of familiar spaces and places especially affects older children and adolescents who experience heightened needs for privacy, secret places and emotion regulation outside the home base. many of these places to which children escape or with which they form special relationships are to be found in nature such as in woods, up in a tree or beside water (chawla, 2014). for instance, in an account of a refugee child of nepali origin who had to flee from bhutan, walking along a river in the morning and washing in the river provided her a space of solace and hope (hinton, 2000). in two examples of forced evictions from squatter settlements in johannesburg, south africa (swart-kruger, 2002) and delhi, india (chatterjee, 2007), adolescents yearned for the parks and green spaces in or near children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 123 their former informal neighborhoods that had special meaning for them as places of free action outside the gazes of adults. in the case of delhi, adolescents embarked on creating a green place in their barren resettlement neighborhood by securing plants and guarding the saplings from cattle and the harsh sun in order to recreate a place that they could make their own. these experiences of children in different situations of crisis suggest a strong affective relationship with place in which the place acts as a friend of the child and helps with emotion regulation. places have been empirically found to support children’s friendship in different ways, but most importantly they support children in their exploration (including seeking support for a specific play behavior or action), self-actualization of the affordances embedded in place, and in self-expression including making changes to the place through play (chatterjee, 2005). however, the literature on access to play in situations of crisis has significant gaps in understanding the nature and significance of play in socially, culturally and environmentally diverse crisis contexts and the role of play in coping, adapting and building children’s resilience in these situations of crisis. this paper will discuss the findings of the ipa’s international access to play in situations of crisis research project with a view to filling these gaps. research methods this empirical research used mostly qualitative methods for observing and understanding children’s play in crisis situations by directly working with children and other community members. to supplement the most important method— observing children at play in habitual places—six child-friendly tools were adapted from existing toolkits (education research center, 2014; save the children norway, 2008) that had been successfully used for engaging children in research in situations of crisis elsewhere. the child-friendly tools were as follows: 1. the body map: a participatory tool that helped to record diverse experiences of children by exploring how different senses and physical functioning were affected by the crisis. 2. risk mapping: a participatory tool that enabled children and youth to explore the risks they faced in their local communities, in this case the risks that threatened play. 3. group child-led tours: the researchers were given a tour of the local area by children and told about children’s own experiences of play in specific places. 4. child-led demonstrations of play experiences in a simulated environment: this tool was especially useful for describing and demonstrating play experiences in unsafe places that children frequented (with or without permission) and where it would have been too risky for the researchers to work with children. 5. conversational interviews with children using a prop: this method was particularly useful in engaging with younger children to recount their play experiences in a playful way. 6. the flower map: a simple visual tool that explored which people provided support to the play of children and youth in any given context. children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 124 the methods that worked the best for capturing and understanding the experience of play were individual and group child-led walks in the local environment, informal conversations, and systematic observations of children at play. a detailed observation checklist was developed by ipa and shared with the researchers to enable systematic observations of children’s play behaviors and play episodes in different physical settings and at different times. in addition, several key informant interviews were done by the field researchers in each site with parents, community leaders, program staff of community-based organizations working with children, youthand child-led organizations, and local government officials wherever possible. research contexts the research was conducted in six different countries spread across asia and the middle east in places with a diverse range of situations of crisis (see table 2). in each site, ipa partnered with local ngos and/or academic researchers for fieldwork. altogether the research engaged with children, communities, and organizations in 13 unique sites in six countries. the sampling strategy for this research was primarily convenience sampling—based on access and availability of children and informed consent from parents and children in each setting. girls and boys ages 6 to 18 participated in this research. typically, about 40 children participated in each of the 13 research sites or a total of about 500 children across the six research countries. given the large scope of this project, i will limit my discussion to the findings from the research contexts that represented two types of disasters: natural disasters and everyday crisis. children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 125 table 2. the four research sites discussed in this paper crisis natural disaster everyday crisis apc research context japan nepal india thailand great east japan earthquake on march 11, 2011, with a magnitude 9.0, followed by a tsunami that triggered a crisis at the fukushima daiichi nuclear plant. this was a unique triple disaster never experienced anywhere else in the world. the massive gorkha earthquake on april 25, 2015 in nepal with a magnitude 7.8 followed by landslides in the himalayas and aftershocks for days. slums are the de facto housing for the poor in indian cities; earlier migrants live in legally recognized settlements whereas the later migrants live in illegal squats in hazardous locations without any legal access to basic services or social security. thailand has become a destination country for economic migration from neighboring countries, particularly from myanmar, cambodia and laos. there are currently an estimated 3.25 million legal and illegal migrants living here. location of research sites ishinomaki city in miyagi prefecture bhumlutar village in kavre district and kunchowk village in sindupalchowk district nimtala ghat squatter settlement along a railway track in kolkata two urban sites near bangkok and one rural site near burma border housing burmese and cambodian migrants. impact of crisis generated 26.7 million tons of debris and claimed 19,533 lives. the study site, ishinomaki city in miyagi prefecture, was severely affected: 3,541 people died and 427 people are still missing. the earthquake triggered a tsunami that devastated the coastal areas. the sea wall to the fukushima nuclear power plant failed and many people were evacuated from the area. both the selected districts were severely impacted with massive loss of life (3438 in sindupalchowk and 318 in kavre) and property (113,818 houses fully damaged in both districts). in kavre, 548 government schools were damaged and 557 in sindupalchowk. as nepal is a small and poor country, the earthquake undid many developmental gains made over the years. every day is a crisis when living in poverty in an extremely hazardous living environment as an illegal resident. poverty is passed on to successive generations as a direct consequence of the lack of opportunities for education, skills and vocational training ensuring that the population engages in lowest paid unskilled and semiskilled work and kept in poverty. even though thai law protects migrant workers, foreign migrant workers are in fact not protected or treated equally. there is widespread ethnic/race discrimination and marginalization against migrant workers in thailand who work for longer hours and live in unhealthy and hazardous environments, often oppressed, threatened or reported to the police. many migrant children born in thailand are stateless as their births are not registered. findings it is widely acknowledged that access to play involves the provision of space, time, resources or materials, and permission either directly from parents and caregivers or indirectly from the community in any given space at any or specific times. for the purpose of this paper, i have categorized the research sites on the basis of how they fare on these four access-to-play variables: space, time, permission and children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 126 resources. i used a five-point likert scale to order the performance of the sites on the four variables (figure 1). figure 1. access to play variables in the research sites across the four countries discussed in this paper while discussing access to play, this paper focuses on the physical environments of the research sites and the roles of place and space in promoting play. i compare the findings from the sites in nepal and japan based on their high and low performances on the access variables for natural disasters. similarly, i also look at sites in thailand and india based on their performance of the access variables to explore the importance of place and experiences of play in cultural contexts where migrant children are growing up in similar poverty-ridden and hazardous urban environments. access to play after natural disasters in nepal and japan the research engaged with two mega natural disasters, the great east japan earthquake and the triple disaster that it precipitated, and the gorkha earthquake in nepal. japan is a high-income and predominantly urban country whereas nepal is a low-income and predominantly rural country. in our analysis, despite the affluence of japan and its greater resources for play, children in japan in the aftermath of the disaster had less space, time and permission to play than in the village of kunchowk in sindupalchowk district of nepal. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 ishinomaki city japan bhumlutar nepal kunchowk nepal nimtola ghat india rural burmese community thailand urban burmese community thailand urban cambodian community thailand fr e q u e n cy research sites across the four countries variables of access to play space time permission resources children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 127 barriers to play after the earthquakes japan is one of the most earthquake-prone countries in the world and also one of the best prepared for the disaster. immediately after the 9.0 great east japan earthquake and the tsunami on the coast of the tohuku area, people were evacuated to schools and large halls and many lived in these overcrowded evacuation centers for about six months. this was often followed by temporary housing, which was typically either a relative’s house where children had no friends around, or government-built temporary housing that typically had no places for play. in some cases, if their houses were safe or only slightly damaged, children returned to their original housing after the evacuation center, but they often found that their friends had moved away or were still staying in temporary housing somewhere else. there were many reasons why children could not play after the earthquake: 1. no permission to play: children were not given permission to play either at the evacuation centers where an atmosphere of sadness and shock prevailed or later in the temporary housing for fear of disturbing peace in the area. 2. trauma: children spontaneously refrained from playing indoors in the atmosphere of loss and despair prevalent in the evacuation centers. some of the girls (10-12 years) in this study, who had reportedly seen many dead bodies at the time of the tsunami, experienced post traumatic stress disorder. the social worker who had been supporting them through play work reported that only recently, six years after the disaster, were the girls able to talk about their experiences. 3. loss of play spaces: the disaster destroyed spaces where the children used to play. parks, playgrounds and schoolyards were lost to play because they were taken over for construction of temporary houses (figure 2). 4. no planning for play in temporary housing: the surroundings of the temporary houses were covered in tarmac and extensively occupied by parked cars in many locations. 5. loss of friends: friends were separated as families stayed in evacuation centers and temporary housing in different locations. thus, even if children wanted to go out and play, they had no friends around with whom to play. 6. reduced free time: as many areas were depopulated, schools were shut down and integrated resulting in children commuting long distances by bus to new schools. with long commutes and the demands of formal education and private after-school programs, time was increasingly a constraint on free play. children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 128 figure 2. earthquake-devastated landscapes in japan (photo: hitoshi shimamura) in contrast, nepal had very limited resources to even rebuild homes and install critical infrastructure after the gorkha earthquake. at the time of fieldwork in early 2017, most of the earthquake victims were still in the temporary shelters or in their old damaged houses. the recovery effort was delayed by political instability and money mismanagement. the rebuilding of homes was done by the affected people themselves with materials readily and cheaply available in the market. people also re-used the materials that they had salvaged while demolishing their homes. in nepal, immediately after the earthquake no children played due to the trauma of losing their homes, loss of their relatives and neighbors and disruption of their normal lifestyle. however, the younger children (6-10 years) seemed to enjoy living outdoors in makeshift shelters in close proximity to neighbors and friends. parents actively encouraged them to play with their friends but asked them to stay away from unsafe places such as heavily damaged buildings and steep slopes. the adults children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 129 along with their older children focused on rebuilding their homes or attending to livelihoods. as a result, adolescents did not have access to play, recreation or free time, particularly older boys who were actively involved in rebuilding homes and coordinating relief materials for their families. the fear of theft and trafficking engulfed families and aid workers alike in nepal and all child-centered disaster relief action was focused on survival and protection of children, particularly girls, rather than promoting the right to play. the nature of play in the aftermath of the crises in the evacuation shelters in japan, access to play was limited as discussed above. only when volunteers visited the evacuation shelters were children able to have different play experiences rather than playing video games all day. however, some of the children would go outside and forcefully hit debris with a stick to deal with stress, which, as poignantly expressed by one child, “allowed their stress to explode.” this post-traumatic play (ptp)i was perhaps the only tool available to children to deal with their raw emotions. in nepal, young children’s play unsurprisingly involved construction play as they were constantly exposed to rebuilding activities around them. children would make miniature houses and household objects from the plentiful loose parts strewn around. when the schools in nepal reopened after a month they became the primary places where children of all ages could play safely and engage in sports and other recreational activities. figure 3. boys playing table tennis at a makeshift school after the earthquake (photo: yuwalaya) children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 130 play-based coping and resilience after the disasters sneaking out to play emerged as the most-used coping mechanism by children in both the disaster contexts studied. in japan, while staying in the evacuation center, boys and girls tried to seek out secret places such as a space under a bridge that they had no parental license to explore. they enjoyed catching fish in the river from this spot and cherished it as a place to spend some time in contact with nature and away from the stressful environment of the emergency shelter. the findings of this research suggest that even in times of crisis, children’s drive for seeking out special or secret places and forming affective bonds (such as place friendship) with such places do not go away. if anything, these behaviors are heightened as coping mechanisms for dealing with the extraordinary stress after a disaster. one 12-yearold japanese girl routinely went out by herself to her secret place and had a rare supportive mother who did not stop her. the girl had this to say about why this was important to her: if adults rely on us to be ourselves, we can use our imagination to find a way to be, though we may sometimes be close to breaking when we challenge ourselves and do a dangerous thing, but it is better for us to have a chance to find a way by ourselves. what this young adolescent is suggesting is that adults need to trust children’s own inner resources and competencies to discover ways to cope with trauma while regulating their emotions. it also suggests a strong desire to own the process of recovery while moving forward. these thoughts are at the core of resilience thinking. in nepal, some boys admitted that their parents did not allow them to play outside fearing for their safety. they tried to convince their parents, failing which they sneaked out to play; because of lack of safe places to play they ended up playing in unsafe, vulnerable spots. adolescent girls’ coping strategies included stealthily playing games on mobile phones in the cracks of daily routines of household chores and studies. some girls from kunchowk village maintained a daily diary as encouraged by their school to vent their feelings and emotions. access to play in the context of everyday crisis in india and thailand the contexts of everyday crisis in this research deal with migrant laborers who have moved from rural to urban areas in india and thailand, within and across borders in search of a better life for themselves and their children. the two cases discussed below—nimtola ghat in kolkata, india and the burmese community in a peri-urban location south west of bangkok, thailand—were chosen because of the similarities of their riverside locations and their high level of access to play despite significant environmental risks. a community of burmese migrants live around the saphan pla fish dock and fish marketing areas along the chao phraya river in muang district in samut prakan province in thailand (figure 4). children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 131 figure 4. location map of saphan pla the migrant workers who mainly service the fish market live in isolated hazardous pockets in rows of old buildings away from the general thai community. the houses are on flood-prone land near the fish piers, and the area also has many abandoned buildings in bad condition. living conditions are very crowded and unsanitary (figure 5). there is only one way to access the community: through a dark swampy mangrove forest that is frequently under water. children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 132 figure 5. the housing area where the migrants live (photo: author) the nimtola ghat squatters are located on either side of a railway track of the circular railway that encircles the city of kolkata in india. to the east of the squatters is the river hooghly, a distributary of the river ganges before it enters the bay of bengal (see figure 6). this low-lying settlement is located in ward no. 20 of kolkata and is popularly known as nimtala ghat after the eponymous crematorium near the squatters, where around 80 dead bodies are cremated daily. the present population of squatters are the thirdor fourth-generation descendants of migrants who came to kolkata, the most important city in eastern india, in search of work from the neighboring states of bihar and jharkhand. due to a land shortage, these squatters, who have no basic services, are unlikely to be rehabilitated in secure housing by the local government. yet, people continue to stay mainly because living there is free and the areas of work are close by. about 26 trains pass on this single track in both directions between 8:00 am and 9:00 pm every day, often without a signal. the river is mighty and unpredictable particularly during a tidal bore when the sudden surge raises the water level with strong currents. there are 40 ghatsii along the river where daily bathing, washing, death rituals, idol immersion after hindu religious festivals, and many other activities take place. these activities further pollute a river already polluted from industrial waste upstream. the rituals generate a lot of flowers, fruits and other waste that are discarded in the river and actively collected by the children in the squatter community mainly as loose parts for free play. the riverbank and the river are possibly the only large open spaces available in which children can play, and in which the community can engage in daily living activities as well as in socio-cultural and religious practices (figure 7). children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 133 figure 6. location map of nimtola ghat children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 134 figure 7. the riverbank as an important play space (photo: jhalapala) the nature of play in unsafe places the children in thailand did recognize that many places in their local area were unsafe. however, they (especially boys 6-14 years) still played in these settings despite the risks as there were limited safe spaces for play. the community had two child-friendly safe spaces created by ngos, which were primarily used by young children and their caregivers. the unsafe places mentioned by most children in saphan pla and the type of play in them are as follows: a) the fish dock: crowded with fishing boats, and frequented by trucks, this place, despite being considered unsafe, is popular among children as they enjoy the pleasant breeze, which is a respite from their crowded homes. they hang out with friends and throw stones in the water, fish, and swim even though the area is especially unsafe for swimming. b) parking space at the pier: this large flat space is mostly empty in the afternoon though trucks move in and out frequently. children fully utilize children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 135 the affordances of the paved parking lot for biking, playing soccer, and running around. this space is also frequented by people from outside the community and sometimes fights break out here. c) platform at the fish dock: children come to this isolated area as they like climbing on a pile of loose, broken, wood planks. d) abandoned buildings: abandoned buildings are spread all over the community. some of the buildings are quite isolated with many stray dogs in them. children enjoy exploring these buildings, teasing the dogs, and playing hide-and-seek or imaginary games such as haunted house. children also love visiting a deserted salt factory to play hide-and-seek with friends despite lack of permission to play there. it is a lot of fun to play at the deserted salt factory. we chase one another and climb in and out of the salt bags. if adults approach, we would hide. when they leave, we will start doing it again (boy in saphan pla, age 7). children also frequently play in many other unsafe places in their environment such as the wastewater canal, the mangrove forest and the broken access bridge, which they love to cross back and forth (figure 8). they dig into the soil and look for earth worms, or set out to catch insects, birds or fish in the unkempt natural places around them. their drive for secret places lead them to explore deserted buildings, empty lands and hidden places that appear to hold some mystery and the possibility of thrilling experiences. growing up with few resources, these children make use of whatever is available in their environment for play. they refill plastic bottles with water, sand or pebbles and tie the mouth with a rope for pulling, and in that way improvise racing games where the bottles become racing cars or tow trucks. they make water bombs by filling plastic bags with water from the many puddles around them and toss them at unsuspecting friends. typically, boys make mud pellets for throwing at friends while girls play dolls with the filled plastic bags. children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 136 figure 8. the bridge through the mangroves, the main access to the migrant housing in saphan pla (photo: author) in nimtola ghat, there are four main places where children play in their everyday environment: the railway track, the road between the railway track and the river, the river banks and the river. all these places are extremely unsafe for play or for children’s independent mobility. however, as these children from squatter communities have no access to city parks and playgrounds because of their identity, these “un-child friendly” places are the only physical spaces they can claim for play. the railway track: usually younger children under 5 years and girls play on the tracks, as parents find it easier to supervise and keep an eye on them. boys play at balancing on the tracks, pull handmade carts or make houses on the track. the girls play with dolls or pretend cook with stones and leaves (figure 9). as they grow older, children move to the river bank to play away from adult supervision. children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 137 figure 9. young children playing on the tracks (photo: jhalapala) the road between the railway track and the river: games played by children, mainly boys, on the road are spinning tops; cycling; skipping; bagbandi (a twoplayer strategy board game involving a tiger hunt); and dragging, pushing and riding self-made wheeled toys. these games are well-suited for an even, flat surface and the children fully utilize the affordances of the flat metal road in playing them. the river bank: the many ghats on the riverbank are the most popular place for play for both boys and girls living in the squatter communities. boys play spin-thetop individually and in groups as a competition game. only a few types of play such as sculpting with mud, playing with pet animals, and bagbandi are played by both boys and girls. girls mostly engage in pretend play, imaginative and role play, like biye shadi (marriage game) and pujo pujo (hindu ritualistic worship game). these are typically played in the women’s bathing ghat, which is a secluded, gendered space. for these pretend games girls salvage materials from the river, such as flowers, garlands, fruits, and the like, and exactly enact marriage and worship rituals that commonly take place in the ghats. they also collect mud from the river and make henna-like tattoos on their hands. girls also commonly play cooking. there is little difference in the processes of pretend cooking and real cooking as the same utensils are used for both and same procedures followed—except in real cooking edible ingredients are used. the boundaries of work and play, real and imaginary worlds fluidly overlap. the nature of the girls’ play on the river bank suggest that play is an important tool for appropriating and transforming the symbolic cultures of young people’s worlds and of socialization into cultural belief systems (lester & russell, 2010). children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 138 the river: growing up next to a river, children appear to be preoccupied with fashioning objects that could float on it. floating on the river, in a handmade raft (called a “trawler” by children) is a game played by boys aged 7-14 years, sometimes joined by girls. this is by far the most ingenious and risky game the children play and one that requires much planning, resource mobilization and skillful execution. the children make the rafts themselves by stitching large pouches out of plastic mats collected from the crematorium. the dead bodies are laid on these mats before cremation and later the mats are discarded. children stuff the mat pouches with styrofoam pieces, which they collect a few times a week from two fish markets about a kilometer away. once made, they first take these rafts for a test run along the banks (figure 10) and upon satisfactory trial runs, they take the rafts to the middle of the wide river during daytime and sometimes after sunset. they do not use any safety gear, but they seem to be well aware of the tide timings when the river swells up. during the research, children shared that they only fear the river dolphins who sometimes overturn the rafts. figure 10. a handmade “trawler” in nimtala ghat (photo: earth care) managing risks in high-risk environments growing up in very high-risk environments with persistent everyday hazards in india and thailand, children’s and the community’s notion of safety was relational. in nimtola ghat, kolkata, children and families consider the train track a lesser hazard than the river. parents feel children are safer playing near home than beyond where parents cannot keep an eye on them. in fact, parents start acclimatizing their children to the harsh environment from a young age; infants are children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 139 laid down with their heads on the track to feel the vibration of train movements so that they know in their blood when to get out of harm’s way. yet the river is preferred by children as it affords contact with nature, openness and freedom. customary rules are devised to keep children safe such as not allowing the girls to go on the “trawler” with the boys to the middle of the river or across the river. boys have no parental license to go to the riverbank after dark as the riverfront gets taken over by adults and older boys for gambling, drinking and taking drugs. however, rules are often broken and boys do sometimes take their rafts out at night to the middle of the river to have a little celebration as they have seen many adults doing at night. discussion across the situations of crisis in the four countries discussed in this paper, children played despite lack of access to safe play spaces. the nature of play was to a large extent shaped by the age, gender and ability of the child, the affordances of the space for play, the cultural and social context of the community, the time available for play and the level of parental permission for playing in certain places and at certain times. the freest play was witnessed in children under 14 years in the burmese migrant communities in thailand, amongst the squatters beside the railway track in kolkata and the earthquake-hit villages of kunchowk in nepal. for children in japan, the long wait to return to a safe home was fraught with uncertainty and stress, especially since free play was forbidden. in the immediate aftermath of the earthquake, the nature of play was aggressive as children living in crowded emergency shelters used play as a tool for “spitting out” their stress and for regulating strong emotions linked to loss. later they sought out secret places to play, typically seeking out isolated natural areas, as play was still forbidden in temporary housing. play became a subversive act through which adult control was challenged, and play became an important expression of children’s agency and resilience in uncertain times and under adverse circumstances. in nepal, when parental permission for play was made available to pre-adolescent children, they constructed miniature versions of their homes and village using salvaged loose parts alongside the actual community-led reconstruction activity, perhaps as a means to speedily recreate their lost world. even in the context of devastating loss and destruction after major disasters, this research shows that free play was the most meaningful way by which children transacted with their environments. in saphan pla and nimtola ghat, children and youth live in contexts of limited regulations, time constraints and adult supervision, and with almost no access to formal play spaces or commercial games and toys. consequently, they were seen to be very active users of every conceivable and accessible public space even when children knew them to be unsafe—exploring, actualizing the affordances of these places and expressing themselves freely through play. the immense richness of poor migrant children’s free play, living in poverty in unsafe and inadequate environments, spanned across many play types and seem to suggest that these children, despite contrary dominant narratives, enjoy a form of childhood that is privileged with spontaneity, creativity, play, freedom of movement and emotional expressions. these are the very qualities that we seek to recover or reinstate when children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 140 we lament the loss of childhood in the modern consumerist society. what emerges from the myriad forms of culturally embedded, self-structured and self-organized deep play of children as witnessed in saphan pla and nimtola ghat is an image of children as resilient social actors whose spontaneous and creative activities outdoors expand the vision of risks and social possibilities of play itself. all four cases discussed in this paper show that children were able to transact with their environments and develop meaningful relationships with peers and places through play, whether after natural disasters or in the context of everyday crisis. factors that contributed to play included having numerous spaces with rich environmental affordances with varying degrees of risk, which children learned to manage, and having fewer restrictions on children’s time. we found that having supportive adults (or at least adults that did not prohibit play) also contributed to play, particularly for girls. however, this paper focused on children’s agency in relation to access to play, consciously refraining from emphasizing the role of adults in supporting play. under these conditions, play emerged as a living resource for children that allowed them to bond with places and create parallel worlds for escaping the harsh and scary real one. in almost all the contexts, when children were asked what play meant to them, the overwhelming theme appeared to be that play allowed them to have “fun, friendships and freedom.” the myriad forms of play witnessed in these different situations of crisis across the world speak to children’s capacity to overcome adversity, survive stress and rise above disadvantage (the very definition of resilient children by rutter (1979)) while partaking of the pleasure of childhood. however, as luthar and goldstein (2004, p. 503) noted, if children are faced with continuing and severe assaults from the external environment, then they simply cannot sustain resilience adaptation over time—regardless of how much they are helped to believe in themselves, how intelligent they are, or how well they learn to regulate their emotions. reducing risks in children’s lives and increasing protective factors while providing access to free play is a challenge. but it is a challenge that duty-bearers of children must accept to create the conditions for children’s optimum well-being and development. endnotes i. post-traumatic play (ptp) has been described as play with a driven, serious and morbid quality (gil, 1998; nadar & pynoos, 1991; terr, 1983; varkas, 1998) and characterized by repetitive unresolved themes, increased aggressiveness and/or withdrawal, fantasies linked with rescue or revenge, reduced symbolization and concrete thinking (cohen, chazan, lerner, & maimon, 2010). ii. ghat is a place at the edge of the river typically with a wide set of steps descending to the river to provide access to the water for bathing and rituals. children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 141 acknowledgements i would very much like to thank ipa for giving me the opportunity to lead this unique international research. however, this research would not have been possible but for the passionate contributions of the wonderful collaborators across many countries including incountry research partners: beyond association, lebanon; child friendly asia pacific network, japan; child and youth media foundation (cymf), thailand; dr. mine gol güven, boğaziçi university, turkey; earth care and jhalapala, india; and yuwalaya, nepal, and the thoughtful comments and guidance of the expert reviewers: theresa casey, louise chawla, claire o’kane and helen woolley. dr. sudeshna chatterjee works across the world on research, planning and development projects related to children and their environments, safe communities, participatory community development, environmental design and climate change adaptation of cities. trained as an architect and urban designer, sudeshna has a ph.d. in community and environmental design from north carolina state university, usa. sudeshna has led several research-based urban planning and design projects, the most notable of which is her leadership of the urban design of the new capital city of the indian state of chhattisgarh, naya raipur. sudeshna’s passion for making cities child-friendly led her to setting up the non-profit organization action for children’s environments (ace), which engages in research, advocacy, planning and design to improve the living environments of children. under her leadership, ace has worked globally with many organizations such as unicef, save the children, international institute for environment and development (iied), international play association (ipa), and bernard van leer foundation on many child-centered urban programming and climate change adaptation projects as well as on right to play. sudeshna currently serves on the global executive board of ipa in addition to being an editorial advisory board member of the international journal of e-planning research (ijepr) and the international journal of children, youth and environments (cye). she has published widely on topics related to children and urban environments. references action for the rights of children (arc) (2009). resource pack: foundation module 7—psychosocial support. swedish agency for international development cooperation and european commission humanitarian aid department. retrieved from 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(2010). children’s right to play: an examination of the importance of play in the lives of children worldwide. working paper no. 57. the hague, the netherlands: bernard van leer foundation luthar, s., & goldstein, a. (2004). children’s exposure to community violence: implications for understanding risk and resilience. journal of clinical child & adolescent psychology, 33(3), 499-505. mann, g. (2003). family matters: the care and protection of children affected by hiv/aids in malawi. stockholm: save the children sweden. moore, r. c. (1986). childhood's domain: play and place in child development. london; dover, n.h.: croom helm. nadar, k., & pynoos, r. (2017). play and drawing techniques as tools for interviewing traumatized children. in c. schaefer, k. kitlin, & a. sangrund (eds.), play diagnosis and assessment (pp. 375-389). new york: wiley. punamaki, r. l. 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(1989). children in a disaster: an overview. child psychiatry and human development, 19(3), 163-179. swart–kruger, j. (2002). children in a south african squatter camp gain and lose a voice. in l. chawla (ed.), growing up in an urbanising world (pp. 111-133). london: earthscan publications. terr, l. c. (1983). chowchilla revisited: the effects of psychic trauma four years after a school-bus kidnapping. american journal of psychiatry, 140(12), 1543-1550. twigg, j. (2007) characteristics of a disaster-resilient community: a guidance note. london: dfid disaster risk reduction interagency coordination group. united nations (1989). convention on the rights of the child. treaty series, 1577, 3. united nations international strategy for disaster reduction (unisdr) (2011). unisdr says the young are the largest group affected by disasters. retrieved from http://www.unisdr.org/archive/22742 united nations committee on the rights of the child (2013). general comment no. 17 (2013) on the right of the child to rest, leisure, play, recreational activities, cultural life and the arts (art. 31). united nations office for the coordination of humanitarian affairs (unocha) (2017). world humanitarian data and trends 2017. un office for the coordination of humanitarian affairs. retrieved from http://interactive.unocha.org/publication/datatrends2017/ varkas, t. (1998). childhood trauma and posttraumatic play. journal of analytic social work, 5(3), 29-50. wisner, b., cannon, t., david, i., & blakie, p. (2014). at risk: natural hazards, people’s vulnerability and disasters (2nd ed.). london: routledge. https://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/sites/default/files/documents/kit-of-tools_1.pdf https://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/sites/default/files/documents/kit-of-tools_1.pdf http://www.unisdr.org/archive/22742 http://interactive.unocha.org/publication/datatrends2017/ children’s coping, adaptation and resilience through play in situations of crisis 145 yates, t., egeland, b., & sroufe, a. (2003). rethinking resilience: a developmental process perspective. in s. s. luthar (ed.), resilience and vulnerability: adaptation in the context of childhood adversities (pp. 243–266). cambridge, uk: cambridge university press. a journal of research, policy and applications children, youth and environment network university of cincinnati volume number 2020 2 30 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati i editors: dr. victoria carr, dr. rhonda brown, and dr. vikas mehta, university of cincinnati managing editor: leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati assistant managing editor: ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book+media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and ozlemnur ataol, eindhoven university of technology copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial advisory board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; yolanda alicia corona-caraveo, universidad autónoma metropolitana xochimilco, mexico; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image from play, work, and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly public spaces in jakarta, indonesia by fitri arlinkasari, debra flanders cushing, and evonne miller children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii children, youth and environments vol. 30 no. 2 2020 issn 1546-2250 as this issue of children, youth and environments (cye) goes to press, much of the globe continues to be affected by the pandemic. although there are hopeful signs, with some regions of the world recovering from the pandemic, too many unknowns remain. as the pandemic has continued its community spread, the impact on children’s health, wellbeing, and development has been catastrophic. most of the world has had to improvise to create safety protocols and practices for working, learning, playing and living and our relationship with the environment has been restructured — the outdoors seem to provide a safer alternative for any remote interactions that are plausible. all of this has drastically affected children’s relationship with the environment and there is much to learn to guide future policy, planning, design and management. children themselves, along with researchers and practitioners that study, design and manage children’s environments have much to learn and share from these experiences. cye will publish a special issue, covid 19 impacts on the environments where children and youth live, learn, work, and play in fall 2021. we encourage you to submit an abstract by january 15, 2021. a complete call for papers is on the next page. inside this issue, you will find scholarly work that spans across the globe. our first stop is in ontario where you will explore ways children’s photography highlights the many avenues of connection to nature through the work of shakespear, varghese, and morris. then, we travel to florida where clayborn, koptur, and o’brien share the influence of an active-learning curriculum unit on student’s greater environmental stewardship. sweden is the next stop on our global tour where rathod, olsson, and schwanen show that many factors contribute to children’s sedentary behaviors beyond screen time alone. heading back to canada, han, lin, mâsse, and brussoni discuss themes related to children’s perspectives of their own independent mobility. next, we travel to jakarta, indonesia where arlinkasari, flanders cushing, and miller investigate how the activities and experiences of children in child-friendly integrated public spaces can potentially support their development. our last stop on the global tour is massachusetts in the us, where bouldin, meldrum, blanch-hartigan, mccormick, and coloma studied childcare providers’ perceptions of toxic chemicals in their facilities. we wrap this issue with roy’s book review of children living in sustainable built environments: new urbanisms, new citizens by pia christensen, sophie hadfield-hill, john horton and peter kraftl. happy reading! we would like to express our appreciation for the contributions of the many people who continue to bring interesting research, field reports, and book and media reviews to our esteemed readership. cye offers a unique niche journal for dissemination of scholarship and practice and we are continually awed by the work submitted by cye authors. children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth & environments call for abstracts special issue covid-19 impacts on the environments where children and youth live, learn, work, and play dear colleagues: the united nations asserts that the impacts of the worldwide covid-19 pandemic on children and youth may be lifelong. as businesses close, many families are struggling financially, unable to afford basic housing, nutrition, and health needs. with school closures and a move toward online learning, losses in human potential and human capital are projected, particularly among children and youth who live in poverty and are digitally excluded. frighteningly, children and youth may also be more exposed to domestic violence during shelter in place mandates when household tensions, social isolation, and mental health issues are not mitigated by schools, public spaces, health care providers, extended family, friends, and other adults who serve as protective factors. the universal crisis brought on by covid-19 is generating an increase in mental health concerns, such as anxiety, depression, behavior problems, sleep disorders, and substance abuse. in fact, it is estimated that 1 in 6 children demonstrate such concerns during any community crisis. we have yet to realize the full extent of the impact of this pandemic. we had no blueprint or playbook for covid-19, yet families, physicians, educators, city planners, government officials, and others have sought to determine how to create and sustain safe environments where children and youth can live, learn, work, and play. physical environments have been altered significantly in homes, schools, eateries, shops, businesses, healthcare, and almost every public space worldwide. protocols for personal protection and practical, and sometimes impractical, strategies have been enacted with disparities in acceptability and premature transitions to normalcy that are affecting the reduction of the number of covid-19 cases and fatalities. as experts agree that outdoor environments are safest for physically distanced gatherings, people are seeking out parks and outdoor recreation in increased numbers, public spaces are reimagined, and nature-based schooling is receiving greater attention. still, protocols and strategies – sometimes impractical – for personal protection have been unevenly enacted and premature transitions to normalcy are affecting the reduction of the number of covid-19 cases and fatalities. lessons learned, stories told, and points of view shared about children and youth’s experiences within a variety of environments in the time of covid-19 is the focus of the cye call for a special issue to be published in september 2021. topics of interest include, but are not limited to: • child and youth perspectives on altered environments • evaluation of educational design responses to the pandemic • virtual learning environments as alternatives to traditional schooling • ethical dilemmas resulting from unsustainable safety mandates • accessing nature for outdoor learning and play during the pandemic • usage of personal protection equipment impacts on environments • impacts on the value and use of public space during the pandemic • online social distancing environments • child and youth experiences in rural/remote environments during the pandemic • descriptions of creative shelter in place environments • health and safety mitigation strategies used in educational, public, or home environments • youth experiences in the workplace during the pandemic • research on children’s learning, play, and work environments during the pandemic • views on how the covid-19 pandemic may change environments of the future for consideration in this special issue, please email a 500 word or less proposal or abstract for a research manuscript, report from the field, or position paper noting authors and affiliations to cyemanagingeditor@gmail.com by january 15, 2021. invitations for full manuscripts will be sent by february 18, 2021. manuscripts selected for inclusion in the special issue will be due july 1, 2021. for author guidelines, please visit the journal website https://www.cyenetwork.org/submit. children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv children, youth and environments vol. 30 no. 2 2020 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles “we are nature”: exploring nature conceptualizations and connections through children’s photography mark shakespear, jeji varghese, and rosanne morris 1-29 plugging students into nature through butterfly gardening: a reconciled ecological approach to insect conservation jaeson clayborn, suzanne koptur, and george o’brien 30-71 more than just screen time: children’s sedentary behaviors at home and the interplay of home environment factors apoorva rathod, jerry olsson, and tim schwanen 72-96 “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of children’s independent mobility range, destination, time and expansion christina han, yingyi lin, louise mâsse, and mariana brussoni 97-118 play, work, and rest: the developmental affordances of designated child-friendly public spaces in jakarta, indonesia fitri arlinkasari, debra flanders cushing, and evonne miller 119-146 attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health and risk perception survey of massachusetts childcare providers ryan m. bouldin, helen meldrum, danielle blanch-hartigan, jordan mccormick, and vanessa coloma 147-164 book reviews children living in sustainable built environments: new urbanisms, new citizens, by pia christensen, sophie hadfield-hill, john horton and peter kraftl reviewed by arindam roy 165-168 cye_cover_30_2 front matter cye 30 2 2020 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(1), 2021 evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim framework dana engel gerstein agriculture and natural resources, nutrition policy institute university of california berkeley carolyn r. bates division of developmental and behavioral health children’s mercy kansas city amy m. bohnert department of psychology, loyola university chicago citation: gerstein, d. e., bates, c. r., & bohnert, a. m. (2021). evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim framework. children, youth and environments, 31(1), 187-198. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract increasing access to quality outdoor space in low-income communities may lead to a host of child, community, and environmental benefits. the space to grow initiative transforms barren schoolyards in low-income communities across chicago into vibrant green spaces for children and community members to play and learn among natural elements. this paper presents the space to grow health and wellness evaluation protocol designed to assess the five dimensions of the re-aim framework (reach, effectiveness, adoption, implementation, maintenance; king et al, 2010), which assesses the comprehensive public health impact of green schoolyards on children and their communities and the transferability of the various elements of the initiative. keywords: green schoolyards, re-aim evaluation framework, equitable built environment, access to green space, health promotion strategy http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 188 introduction low-income communities have less access to quality green space than higherincome communities, leading to fewer opportunities for outdoor recreation, physical activity, relaxation and restoration, learning, and connectedness with nature (cohen, inagami, & finch, 2008; chawla, keena, pevec, & stanley, 2014; gordonlarsen, nelson, page, & popkin, 2006; moore, diez roux, evenson, mcginn, & brines, 2008). increasingly, interventions are addressing social and physical inequities in communities to support healthy behaviors (wolfenden et al., 2014). health-promotion strategies targeting the social and built environment have the potential not only to provide a multitude of individual-level benefits (such as increasing access to resources), but also to positively impact community-level outcomes (such as increasing social capital and social cohesion; king, glasgow, & lee-castillo, 2010). thus, increasing access to green space may be one way to improve social and health equity in low-income urban communities (stevenson et al., 2020). the purpose of this study was to investigate how building green schoolyards in low-income communities may address health inequity by increasing access to quality green space. green schoolyards are defined as multi-functional school grounds, designed by and for the entire school community, which include places for students, teachers, parents and community members to play, learn, explore and grow. during out-ofschool time, these schoolyards are intended to be used as community spaces (children & nature network, 2018). by increasing access to quality outdoor space and promoting its use, green schoolyards promote: (1) physical activity, both during and outside of school hours (gordon-larsen et al., 2006; raney, hendry, & yee, 2019); (2) stress reduction and increased resilience (chawla et al., 2014), (3) prosocial interactions (bates, bohnert, & gerstein, 2018); and (4) reduced absences and disciplinary actions in school (children & nature network, 2018). additionally, green schoolyards may serve as gathering spaces for community members. community gathering spaces enhance community well-being through increased collective efficacy, an indicator of neighborhood social cohesion and social capital (cohen et al., 2008). although foundational research efforts suggest several benefits of green schoolyards, more comprehensive studies are needed to assess the individual, school, and community impact of green schoolyards as a built environment intervention. this field report documents a multi-method, theory-driven health and wellness evaluation protocol for a green schoolyard transformation initiative, space to grow (stg), which has been taking place in chicago, illinois. stg is co-managed by two not-for-profit local organizations, healthy schools campaign and openlands, and linked capital funds, expertise, and leadership from chicago public schools (cps), the chicago department of water management, and the metropolitan water reclamation district of greater chicago. the aim of the stg initiative is to transform chicago public schoolyards in low-income communities into vibrant green spaces for students, parents and community members to play, learn, and be outside (figures 1 and 2). schoolyard transformations prioritize creating spaces that promote physical activity, outdoor learning, and community engagement. in addition to physically transforming the schoolyard, stg utilizes a multi-year support evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 189 plan that focuses on engaging the entire community in the design process, providing hands-on garden activities to students, training teachers to incorporate the schoolyard into lesson plans, and organizing community workshops and events to promote schoolyard utilization. to date, stg has transformed 20 green schoolyards at elementary schools in chicago, and the partners expect to complete a total of 34 schoolyards by 2022 (healthy schools campaign and openlands, 2020). figure 1. john cook elementary school before and after the space to grow schoolyard transformation evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 190 figure 2. wadsworth elementary school before and after the space to grow schoolyard transformation the protocol described in this field report assessed the impact of green schoolyard transformations on student, school, and community well-being. the protocol was developed by an interdisciplinary team of social scientists utilizing the re-aim framework (reach, effectiveness, adoption, implementation, maintenance; king et al, 2010). developed to enhance the impact of interventions on population health, the re-aim framework seeks to evaluate the five dimensions considered most relevant to real-world implementation (king et al., 2010). using the re-aim framework allowed decision makers and others to focus on the elements of stg impacting children and their communities the most and to compare the public health impacts across the five framework dimensions. this field report describes a evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 191 multi-method assessment strategy utilizing both quantitative and qualitative methods (e.g., observational coding, self-reporting, and interviews) to evaluate the impact of stg green schoolyard transformations on students, schools, and communities. protocol the current study adapted the re-aim framework dimensions to fit the scope of this built environment initiative. the dimensions of the re-aim framework, as well as the study outcomes, assessment tools, and data collection timeline, are described below and depicted in table 1. re-aim framework dimensions reach, the first dimension of the adapted re-aim framework, focused on measuring characteristics of children and their communities receiving the initiative. using publicly available, aggregate cityand school-level data, we examined of the location and demographics of the schools and surrounding neighborhoods to characterize the communities where green schoolyard transformations took place, including racial/ethnic characteristics, socio-economic status (i.e., proportion of students qualifying for free or reduced-price lunch), and neighborhood crime statistics. to further characterize the community, we interviewed school principals, collected geographical data via geographic information system (gis) technology, and interviewed key school and neighborhood personnel to learn about the surrounding community (school key-informant interviews). effectiveness, the second dimension of the adapted re-aim framework, considered the effects of the initiative on children and their schools and communities. to address this dimension, we examined changes in student health behaviors (e.g., physical activity), academic outcomes, the school environment (e.g., bullying), and school-community engagement and cohesion from preto post-schoolyard transformation. we minimized the impact of data collection on students by collecting de-identified, observational data on physical activity and social interactions on the schoolyard via behavioral mapping methodology (cosco, moore, & islam, 2010; cosco, moore, & smith, 2014). in addition, we surveyed caregivers/parents, school staff, and community members to assess perceptions of schoolyard safety (e.g., injuries and bullying) and the neighborhood environment (e.g., collective efficacy, perceptions of safety and cohesion). finally, we mined publicly available, aggregate cityand school-level data to evaluate outcomes over time (e.g., standardized test scores, number of school suspensions and expulsions, crime statistics, surrounding real estate values). the adapted re-aim framework dimension of adoption focused on how often the renovated schoolyard was being used both during school and in out-of-school times. we again prioritized minimizing burden to children by objectively measuring schoolyard utilization via observational data using the behavioral mapping methodology at various points throughout the day and week (before, during and after school as well as weekends). additionally, we surveyed caregivers/parents, school staff, and community members to assess how often they utilized the schoolyard, and at what times of day. finally, we interviewed key school informants evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 192 (e.g., principals), who shared their perceptions of change in schoolyard utilization over time as well as usage barriers and facilitators. the implementation dimension of the re-aim framework measured the degree to which the stg initiative was implemented as intended across schools (i.e., intervention fidelity). we assessed implementation on two levels: (1) the community-engagement process (i.e., community involvement at each stage of the transformation); and (2) the amenities and features of the newly transformed green schoolyard (e.g., adherence/fidelity to school and community needs). we utilized a robust and multi-method approach to assess community engagement. first, we collected attendance records from community-engagement activities and administered a process survey to individuals who attended pre-transformation, community engagement events. the surveys were developed drawing on social, organizational, and educational psychology literature to assess community needs, wants, and engagement around the schoolyard transformation. second, we conducted structured, “process checklist” interviews with interventionists to assess that actual project’s fidelity to initially stated goals. this interview was developed using the stg school manual which detailed the community-engagement process from schoolyard planning and design to transformation and maintenance. the interview-administered tool combined a quantitative assessment of each step of the community engagement process with a qualitative assessment of the interventionist’s experience implementing the specific step of the process. we additionally asked key school informants (e.g., school principals) to report on perceptions of intervention fidelity during semi-structured school key-informant interviews. finally, to assess fidelity to the amenities and features of the transformed schoolyards, as well as their condition, researchers objectively assessed schoolyard characteristics using a structured observation form, which was adapted from a wellvalidated observational tool from the robert wood johnson bridging the gap research program (2012). maintenance, the fifth adapted re-aim framework dimension, examined the longterm sustainability of the initiative by considering individual and community-level health outcomes, as well as the sustainability and maintenance of the physical space. to assess the sustainability of studentand community-level health and wellbeing outcomes, we collected follow-up survey data from caregivers/parents, teachers and school staff, and community members on utilization, physical activity, academic outcomes, the school environment, and neighborhood cohesion (caregiver/parent, school staff & community stakeholder survey). follow-up data were collected at regular interval periods after the completion of the intervention (8, 24, and 32 months post-intervention). to assess the maintenance of the schoolyard features, researchers collected follow-up assessments of the physical space and features using the schoolyard observation form. evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 193 table 1. space to grow health and wellness evaluation protocol assessment tool re-aim dimension outcome data collection timeline publicly available, aggregate cityand school-level data reach reach, effectiveness & maintenance community characteristics (e.g. crime statistics) school characteristics (e.g. student demographics), academic performance & disciplinary action pre& postschoolyard transformation geographic information system (gis) technology reach access to other outdoor green space pre-schoolyard transformation school key-informant interview reach adoption implementation community contextual variables (e.g., community assets & priorities) usual schoolyard utilization: barriers and facilitators to utilization fidelity of the communityengagement process pre& post schoolyard transformation behavioral mapping methodology effectiveness & maintenance effectiveness & maintenance adoption observed physical activity (5-point child activity rating scale) observed social interactions observed schoolyard utilization & characteristics of persons utilizing schoolyard space pre& postschoolyard transformation evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 194 assessment tool re-aim dimension outcome data collection timeline caregiver/parent, school staff & community stakeholder survey effectiveness & maintenance effectiveness & maintenance adoption & maintenance school environment: • perceptions of schoolyard injuries & bullying • trust in institution neighborhood environment: • collective efficacy (social cohesion, & trust subscale • perceptions of neighborhood safety • neighborhood cohesion perception of schoolyard utilization pre& postschoolyard transformation process survey adoption & implementation fidelity of the stg community– engagement process pre-schoolyard transformation attendance records from communityengagement activities implementation number of students, school staff and community members that participate in the communityengagement process pre& postschoolyard transformation process checklist interviews implementation qualitative and quantitative assessment of the stg communityengagement process collected from the interventionist pre& post schoolyard transformation schoolyard observation form implementation maintenance observed outdoor amenities & features observed incivilities & features pre& post schoolyard transformation discussion low-income communities have less access to safe, quality outdoor spaces than higher-income areas, resulting in unequal opportunities for physical activity, stress relief, and community engagement (moore et al., 2008). increasingly, healthpromoting strategies include designing more equitable built environments (wolfenden et al., 2015). we used the re-aim framework, adapted for environmental change (king et al., 2010), to guide the stg health and wellness evaluation. the framework addressed inequities and supported children and their communities by collecting robust data, with representation from various members of the community, and with minimal burden to children. throughout the evaluation evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 195 process, we utilized the re-aim framework to address inequities by gathering perspectives from both authoritative figures in the schools and communities (e.g., principals, members of the parent-teacher alliance, district aldermen), as well as lay community members (e.g., school staff, crossing guards, community neighbors), aiming to capture a breadth of perspectives and minimize evaluation bias. the evaluation’s minimal burden to children was exemplified in the ways that we capitalized on observational methodologies, secondary data analysis, and data from a wide range of adult informants. one aspect of this evaluation that worked particularly well was the observational data collection (behavioral mapping methodology). observational methodologies allow researchers to capture objective data from youth, while minimizing the youth research burden. we initially wondered about the acceptability of observational methodologies on the schoolyards; however, we found that the schools, communities, and children were accepting of the presence of researchers in the schoolyard when they learned that research was related to the stg schoolyard transformation. moreover, children appeared to quickly adjust to the presence of researchers and were not observed to notably augment their play to avoid or engage the researchers. the acceptance of this data collection approach resulted in a wealth of rich data on schoolyard utilization, physical activity, and social behaviors of children and community members on the schoolyard. we would recommend use of observational methodologies for any evaluator that is interested in capturing these variables in a naturalistic setting. a critical and formative experience during this project involved learning how to adapt to changes in school administrator, staff, and community leadership over time. when one of the study schools lost a beloved principal in the middle of the preto postevaluation, our research team realized that we needed to collect information from multiple reporters (e.g., school key-informant interviews) in order to ensure that our pre-post data would be reliable over the years, even if personnel changed. on the other hand, we observed the impact that a single individual may have on a community, and the need to capture changes for individuals, schools, and communities that may occur due to variables outside of the schoolyard transformation itself. the goal of the stg health and wellness evaluation was to design a comprehensive evaluation protocol that could be used to compare the impact of the stg initiative across communities and over time. further, we aimed to gather multi-disciplinary data to support cross-sector efforts to mitigate inequities in the built environment via green schoolyard transformations. the protocol met the stated needs with a multi-method approach that provided rich qualitative and quantitative data at the individual, school, and community levels, across all five re-aim dimensions. ultimately, the project provided evidence-based support for investing in green schoolyards and has supported the growth of the stg initiative in the chicago area. we argue green schoolyard initiatives would benefit from utilizing this methodology in the future, in order to build a strong and cohesive evidence base. adopting a shared protocol and approach to data collection for evaluating initiatives would evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 196 advance understanding of the benefits and outcomes of green space interventions, as well as best practices for implementation. ultimately, more evidence is needed to determine if reducing inequities in the built environment can reduce health disparities. to replicate this evaluation plan, it is recommended that researchers: • collaborate with other researchers who offer unique expertise or experience. capitalize on individual strengths to carry out the multi-method strategy. enlist seasoned evaluators to train data collectors in order to promote the reliability of data collection and input. • invest time in establishing rapport with community leaders, local organizations, parent groups, and school staff/administrators. wellestablished relationships are critical for community engagement. • provide ongoing feedback to organizations leading and/or supporting the initiative. the evaluation protocol was designed to provide immediate feedback that should be used to adjust the process as deemed necessary. limitations the most rigorous study design would have included the collection of these data in both intervention and non-intervention communities (e.g., stg and non-stg communities), allowing for the distinction of the effect between the green schoolyard transformation and no change to the built environment. however, limitations to funding and time needed for human subjects approval prevented a controlled study design. another design limitation that is worthy of note pertains to the lack of data collected directly from youth. other than process data collected from students attending the stg community-engagement events, youth-reported data was not collected in this evaluation. this was purposeful, promoting the use of evaluation methods across different communities without encountering the challenges of adhering to human subject ethics. aside from non-identifiable observational data, data on student-level behaviors were collected from caregiver and/or teacher reports, as well as open-access, secondary sources that provide aggregated, student-level data. of note, the stg health and wellness evaluation plan did not include a fiscal assessment of the stg initiative; however, the stg interventionists have been collecting this information to accompany dissemination of study findings and recommendations. additionally, a separate evaluation is now being conducted to assess the environmental impact of the green schoolyard initiative (e.g. stormwater management), because such variables were beyond the scope and expertise of the stg health and wellness evaluation team. these findings will also accompany the dissemination of the stg health and wellness evaluation findings and recommendations. conclusion the stg health and wellness evaluation team sought to develop an evaluation protocol to assess the public health impact of green schoolyards in chicago utilizing the re-aim framework, and in doing so developed a protocol that can help build an evidence base for the green schoolyard movement across the country. utilizing a rigorous, theory-driven, multi-method assessment strategy resulted in robust data that can inform public policy, future public green space funding and allocation, other funding sources, and park and program priorities. the overall goal is to evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 197 reduce built environment inequities and positively impact the health and wellbeing of all communities. acknowledgement this research was supported by healthy schools campaign. dana e. gerstein, rd, mph, worked as a social scientist at the nutrition policy institute at the university of california. her research interests include community and school-based health and wellness initiatives to support nutrition and physical activity behaviors among underserved populations. carolyn r. bates, ph.d., is a psychology post-doctoral resident at children’s mercy kansas city. her research explores contextual influences on child and family health and aims to identify modifiable factors that promote resilience. amy m. bohnert, ph.d., is a professor of clinical and developmental psychology at loyola university chicago. drawing on an ecological framework, her work examines individual, familial, and other contextual contributions to psychological and healthrelated outcomes among youth. a central focus of this work is to delineate how basic developmental processes in normative contexts, such as organized activities, facilitate better outcomes, particularly among at-risk populations. this work has entailed several evaluations of local community-based programs that seek to improve youth health and well-being. references bates, c. r., bohnert, a. m., & gerstein, d. e. (2018). green schoolyards in lowincome urban neighborhoods: natural spaces for positive youth development outcomes. frontiers in psychology, 9(805), 1-10. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2018.00805 bridging the gap research program (2012). park observation form. robert wood johnson foundation. retrieved from http://www.bridgingthegapresearch.org/_asset/vnb0e7/btgcomp_park_201 2.pdf chawla, l., keena, k., pevec, i., & stanley, e. (2014). green schoolyards as havens from stress and resources for resilience in childhood and adolescence. health & place, 28, 1-13. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2014.03.001 children & nature network (2018). retrieved from https://www.childrenandnature.org https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2018.00805 http://www.bridgingthegapresearch.org/_asset/vnb0e7/btgcomp_park_2012.pdf http://www.bridgingthegapresearch.org/_asset/vnb0e7/btgcomp_park_2012.pdf https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2014.03.001 http://www.childrenandnature.org/ evaluating a green schoolyard transformation: a protocol utilizing the re-aim… 198 cohen, d.a., inagami, s., & finch, b. (2008). the built environment and collective efficacy. health & place, 14(2), 198-208. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2007.06.001 cosco, n. g., moore, r. c., and islam, m. z. (2010). behavior mapping: a method for linking preschool physical activity and outdoor design. medicine & science in sports & exercise, 42, 513–519. https://doi.org/10.1249/mss.0b013e3181 cea27a cosco, n. g., moore, r. c., & smith, w. r. (2014). childcare outdoor renovation as a built environment health promotion strategy: evaluating the preventing obesity by design intervention. american journal of health promotion, 28(suppl. 3), s27–s32. https://doi.org/10.4278/ajhp.130430-quan-208 gordon-larsen, p., nelson, m. c., page, p., & popkin, b. m. (2006). inequality in the built environment underlies key health disparities in physical activity and obesity. pediatrics, 117(2), 417–424. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.20050058 healthy schools campaign and openlands (2020). sharing chicago’s space to grow model. retrieved from http://www.spacetogrowchicago.org/ king, d. k., glasgow, r. e., & lee-castillo, b. (2010). reaiming re-aim: using the model to plan, implement, and evaluate the effects of environmental change approaches to enhancing population health. american journal of public health, 100, 2076-2084. https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2009.190959 moore, l. v., diez roux, a. v., evenson, k. r., mcginn, a. p., & brines, s. j. (2008). availability of recreational resources in minority and low socioeconomic status areas. american journal of preventive medicine, 34(1), 16-22. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2007.09.021 raney, m. a., hendry, c. f., & yee, s. a. (2019). physical activity and social behaviors of urban children in green playgrounds. american journal of preventive medicine, 56(4), 522–529. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2018.11.004 stevenson, k. t., moore, r., cosco, n., floyd, m. f., sullivan, w., brink, l., ... & zapalatosch, j. (2020). a national research agenda supporting green schoolyard development and equitable access to nature. elementa: science of the anthropocene, 8(1), 406. https://doi.org/10.1525/elementa.406 wolfenden, l., wyse, r., nichols, m., allender, s., millar, l., & mcelduff, p. a. (2014). systematic review and meta-analysis of whole community interventions prevention excessive population weigh gain. preventive medicine, 62, 193-200. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2014.01.031 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2007.06.001 https://doi.org/10.1249/mss.0b013e3181%20cea27a https://doi.org/10.4278/ajhp.130430-quan-208 https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2005-0058 https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2005-0058 http://www.spacetogrowchicago.org/ https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2009.190959 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2007.09.021 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2018.11.004 https://doi.org/10.1525/elementa.406 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2014.01.031 review: under the same sky: children’s rights and the environment 117 under the same sky: children’s rights and the environment international play association, children’s parliament (scotland), children and young people’s commissioner (scotland), and terre des hommes (2016) 59 pages available from http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/toolkit-finalunder-the-sky-toolkit-final-2016-ipa-cp-cypcs-tdh.pdf under the same sky: children’s rights and the environment is an easy-to-read toolkit containing information about children’s rights and the environment. it was developed by a group of organizations who came together around the common goal of supporting children from australia, brazil, mozambique, palestine, scotland and zimbabwe to describe environmental issues they face, in their respective countries, to contribute to the uncrc day of general discussion 2016. the toolkit goes on to describe three projects undertaken by children in scotland that adults may find useful to enable other children to share their views on what life is like for them in their communities. further details about these projects are included in a newspaper-style supplement. example projects contained in the toolkit are well-structured and comprehensively described. each project description takes the reader on a journey from the aim, objectives and processes, through to outputs with accompanying pictures that make all activities easy to follow and replicate. the projects are: 1) building a 3d city model to inform town planning strategists and architects; 2) a collectively designed mural to highlight issues affecting communities that leave children feeling unhealthy, unhappy and unsafe; and 3) a mixed-media project about cultural identity and children’s sense of community belonging. the projects described are a great way to inform adults about how to engage children aged 8-12 years to think meaningfully about their rights in relation to the environments in which they live. the clear, lay language used in the under the same sky toolkit is easy to follow and will enable adults, regardless of their knowledge of rights, to open up conversations with children. in this way, children can explore what works and what does not work in their communities and make suggestions on what they think could improve outcomes for children. as well as providing children with opportunities to think critically about their own environment, the activities in under the same sky can also be applied in a broader context to help raise children’s awareness about environmental issues globally and the impact of these on specific groups of children, such as indigenous children, working children, and those living in conflict. the toolkit also includes tips about how to take good photographs and record projects, and provides external links to additional child-friendly materials and resources. the toolkit includes interactive strategies to use during consultations with children. for example, moving around the room to align oneself with whether you agree or disagree with statement, or constructing a model or map of your community, are excellent ways to assist children to visualize and verbalize what is happening in http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/toolkit-final-under-the-sky-toolkit-final-2016-ipa-cp-cypcs-tdh.pdf http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/toolkit-final-under-the-sky-toolkit-final-2016-ipa-cp-cypcs-tdh.pdf book review: under the same sky: children’s rights and the environment 118 their lives. the “did you know” fact box on page 15, is an efficient means to introduce quantifiable information about environmental issues and their effects. however, more of these peppered throughout the toolkit might have been useful to offer information on a wider range of environmental issues, such as health and illness, and natural disasters (flood, earthquake, hurricane, and food crises) that cause great damage or loss of life. one of the key aims of carrying out these participatory projects is to have adults hear directly from children about their views and have these taken into account by duty bearers. the toolkit describes organizing celebration and stakeholders events as a way to share children’s accomplishments with adults and key decision makers from their communities. however, we have no information as to whether these engagement activities informed actual change or directly influenced policy and practice. additional dissemination strategies described—blogs, vlogs, filming, and photography—assume access to various resources. children and supporting organizations in some countries or regions may lack resources such as money, equipment, and internet access, so one wonders if adult policy makers in those contexts would be open to, or have access to, their children’s opinions. unfortunately, we cannot guarantee that children’s efforts will influence communitywide change but under the same sky can certainly encourage adults and children to work together to try. review by michelle templeton dr. michelle templeton works at queen’s university belfast in northern ireland. her background is in psychology and counselling and she works as a researcher within the centre for children’s rights, which has pioneered an innovative methodology for conducting rights-based participatory research with children and youth. she has extensive practical experience of applying this methodology with children and youth in diverse social and geographical contexts, with a particular interest in facilitating the co-production of contextually relevant health and education interventions, and developing innovative public dissemination and engagement strategies. a further practical application of this methodology is the production of youth-friendly versions of human rights legal texts, research documents and reports, etc., to make information accessible so children and youth can assert their right to good health and wellbeing. her work is interdisciplinary and she also works out of the school of nursing and midwifery at queen’s, focusing on relationships, sexual health, gender and parenting in adolescents' lives, particularly in relation to prisoner health. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. microsoft word statementretraction_cardullo.docx children, youth and environments vol. 29, no. 1 (2019), pp. 177-179 reviewed work: the united nations convention on the rights of the child: taking stock after 25 years and looking ahead by ton liefaard, julia sloth-nielsen review by: antonella invernizzi _________________________________________________________ this article has been retracted due to an editorial error. the article published was a significantly redacted version and included in this issue of cye without the author's final consent. the publishers apologize for this oversight. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2022 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 32(2), 2022 children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures: “we were born in the wilderness” michelle e. e. bauer department of pediatrics, faculty of medicine, university of british columbia mariana brussoni department of pediatrics, school of population and public health, university of british columbia, british columbia children’s hospital research institute christina han university of british columbia and british columbia children’s hospital research institute citation: bauer, m. e. e., brussoni, m., & han, c. (2022). children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures: “we were born in the wilderness.” children, youth and environments, 32(2), 112-124. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract amid a dearth of research exploring children’s stories of their play in natural environments, we conducted go-along interviews with 105 children aged 10-13 years in metro vancouver, canada. we used narrative inquiry to explore how natural environments shaped their experiences and influenced their development of microcultures. our thematic narrative analysis resulted in two themes: (1) children played in natural environments to which they had sentimental attachments; and (2) children developed microcultures away from adults. we explored the sentimental and purposeful elements of natural environments that children actively use to develop their microcultures. keywords: natural play, outdoor play, play spaces, microcultures children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures 113 introduction play in natural environments (forests, shorelines, lakes, and fields) benefits children’s development, offering novel stimuli and enticing engagement in physical activity (kemple et al., 2016). further, it affords children opportunities to learn to overcome obstacles encountered during play (fjørtoft, 2004) and helps them develop connections to nature and pro-sociality (dopko et al., 2019). unlike play in manufactured environments (e.g., plastic playground equipment) that typically consists of adult-devised, rigid, and immovable parts, natural environments provide children with opportunities to engage in fluid exploratory sensorimotor experiences (e.g., splash in running water) that stimulate their curiosity and imagination (gurholt & sanderud, 2016). further, research demonstrates 10to 11-year-old children can enjoy self-directed, physically active play where there are opportunities to socialize with friends and stimulate their imagination (stanley et al., 2011), while children aged 10-13 can enjoy engaging in play with friends away from adults (brockman et al., 2011). in fact, play in natural environments is so valuable to children’s mental, social, and physical growth that doctors in canada prescribe it to children who experience concussions, anxiety, and depression (nature conservancy of canada, 2019). despite this research-based evidence of the benefits of nature play, children’s stories of their play in natural environments are rarely accounted for in play scholarship. researching children’s stories can help inform “the creation of more supportive and better places to live” (owens, 2017, p. 65), including geographic and imaginary spaces in natural environments where children gather to connect and build relationships, and where middle-class children can escape their often overscheduled lives (holloway & pimlott-wilson, 2018). while the nature of play is contended and ambiguous (sutton-smith, 2009), play behaviors can involve engagement in activities that elicit joy and involve sensory interactions with physical environments (brown & patte, 2012). researchers can use children’s stories to design child-friendly spaces that accommodate children’s need for adequate green space (brown et al., 2019; ward et al., 2016) and access to play in forests and areas with lots of trees (janssen & rosu, 2015). to this end, children’s stories of play can illuminate the types of natural environments that are important to them (christensen & james, 2008; owens, 2017), and how they may develop attachments to specific environments. they can ascribe symbolic meanings to the physical and social environments they navigate, and can develop attachments to environments they positively associate with affording play opportunities (min & lee, 2006). a further important consideration is the role of natural environments in shaping the development of microcultures during children’s play (whiten & flynn, 2010). “microcultures” describe small communities where traditions are created and upheld, and where members engage in knowledge exchange and have identities and beliefs that shape systems of shared expressions (whiten & flynn, 2010). examining the development of children’s microcultures during play can illustrate the connection they may have to their geographical spaces and to one another (matthews et al., 1998), and can provide researchers with insight into organizations of play-specific behaviors (spilková & radová, 2011). microcultures may derive children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures 114 from peer-group interactions, such as through social learning in game-based play (flynn & whiten, 2010). thus, children’s stories of play can reveal their development of social structures (corsaro & eder, 1990; whiten & flynn, 2010). in this study, we address the question “what are children’s stories of their play in natural environments and how do these stories reflect their development of microcultures?” we use “natural environments” to describe outdoor physical spaces that are unstructured (e.g., fields compared to playgrounds), and where children can be physically active and close to greenery (e.g., forests, lakes). further, we use the term “microcultures” in reference to children’s stories of organized and frequently exercised behaviors around specific play-related activities, such as their expressions and/or subscriptions to peer-created rules and roles. our study derives from a larger research project exploring parent and child perspectives on 10to 13year-old children’s independent mobility, neighborhood safety, and play topics more broadly (brussoni et al., 2020). theoretical approach we used social constructionism to inform our approach to this study. social constructionists consider that people’s experiences derive from their social interactions, are constructed through social processes, and are governed through social institutions (crotty, 1998). social constructionists can thus explore how social processes shape experiences with marginalization, and they conduct research to represent the voices of people who are commonly ignored in scholarship (crotty, 1998). as children’s voices are commonly marginalized in play scholarship, we use social constructionism to represent children’s stories and experiences. our approach was guided through the belief that the children’s play-based behaviors and activities may be organized as a result of interactions with family and friends. specifically, we used narrative inquiry in our social constructionist approach. researchers use narrative inquiry to examine how participants’ stories reflect their experiences and emotions, and how specific events generate meaning in their lives (riessman, 2008). narrative inquiry is thus used to inform understandings of relational experiences at given time points, which are constructed through the previously lived and revisited telling of stories (caine et al., 2013). further, there is an acknowledgement that stories are never fully realized: they do not have a beginning, end, or objective truth to their expressions and are instead continually re-structured according to newer realizations and experiences (caine et al., 2013). central to an inquisition of narratives is thus an expedition into the subconsciousness and consciousness of the individuals who tell them, and the narrative that emerges is partially a result of research and participant interactions (caine et al., 2013). in our study, we considered how children’s social interactions may shape narratives of play in natural environments and development of microcultures. we considered “narratives” as stories that connect sequences of events to the meaningful, albeit continually changing, past and current (at the time of interview) experiences of the child (riessman, 2008). children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures 115 methods this study was part of a larger research project exploring children’s perspectives on outdoor play and was approved by the university of british columbia’s ethics board [h15-02190]. for more information on methods used in the larger study, please see han et al. (2018). using social media channels (e.g., facebook ads) and snowball sampling, we recruited participants in three areas in metro vancouver, canada: a primarily urban area in close proximity to the city center, a suburban area with multi-family dwellings and abundant natural environments, and a primarily suburban area with cul-de-sacs and walking paths. we conducted goalong interviews with 105 children aged 10-13 years, with an equal distribution of boys and girls from each neighborhood. roughly 65% of the children identified as caucasian. for more information on participants’ demographics please see han et al. (2018). we used go-along interviews as a tool to explore each child’s navigations of their neighborhood (carpiano, 2009; pawlowski et al., 2016). the children guided a researcher through their neighborhood, to places that they wanted to show us. during the interviews, the researcher asked the children questions regarding the places and routes they preferred (e.g., “what do you like about this area?” “did you discover this on your own?” “how do you feel when you’re hanging out in [specific spot]?” “who do you play out here with?”). all interviews were transcribed verbatim and anonymized to protect the children’s privacy. in this study, children’s pseudonyms are accompanied by a personal identification number (pid). narrative analysis we used a thematic model of narrative analysis, grounded through our social constructionist framework, as an analytic tool through which to illuminate children’s experiences and centralize their stories and experiences playing in natural environments (caine et al., 2013). we chose to employ riessman’s (2008) thematic model of narrative analysis that focuses on examining the content of the stories to better understand how themes may develop from participants’ experiences. first, we read and re-read the transcripts to be able to order the children’s experiences in relation to their play in natural environments. for example, if the children chose to play in natural environments such as rivers, we examined what they said they did before and after playing in the river in their narrative and how this was articulated in the interview transcript. second, we compared the children’s experiences to examine if there were similarities and/or differences between them. third, we familiarized ourselves with the language the children used to describe their experiences with play in natural environments (e.g., when and why the children used the word “hidden” to describe their play). fourth, we examined how the children’s narratives related to sociocultural contexts, such as their potential motivations to gather away from adults due to perceived over-supervision. it was important for us to understand how and why the natural environments in which the children played related to the children’s experiences, emotions, and overall impressions of their environments. to this end, we explored the temporality (i.e., moments in time that relate to participants’ perceived sequences of events that can be non-linear) of their stories (esin, 2011). we examined the language children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures 116 they used (e.g., did they seek natural environments that would help them experience enjoyment, or did they find enjoyment after engaging in a specific activity in their natural environment?). further, we examined their anecdotes and epiphanies concerning their play in natural environments (e.g., sense of freedom when playing in natural environments) and development of microcultures, such as their desires to partake in ruleand role-based unsupervised games. this informed our understanding of the relationships the children had with various environments (e.g., rivers associated with positive memories of time spent with family and friends) and with one another, and what factors may have facilitated these relationships (e.g., social or imaginative play, adult supervision). we used principles of microcultures, such as the structure of social rules and roles, to understand children’s development of games with their friends. further, we sought to understand how games were expressed in children’s narratives as relating to children’s play in natural environments. results children’s stories of their play in natural environments reflected two narratives: (1) children played in natural environments to which they had sentimental attachments; and (2) children developed microcultures away from adults. children played in natural environments to which they had sentimental attachments the children provided extensive and animated detail regarding their play in natural environments when they felt the environment had sentimental value to them. they frequently described their desire to play in familiar ways and environments, such as those they associated with positive memories of time spent with friends and family. timothy (pid #2027), an 11-year-old boy, told the researcher he enjoyed playing near a river on his commute through his neighborhood. he pointed at a chair next to the water and said, that chair has memories... so [my friends and i] stood up here, with friends still in the water right, [and my friend] he’s like “i want to get soaked, but i don’t know how?”… and i just picked the chair and threw it into the water [laughs]. and it splashed... i’m like [to him] “well pick it up and chug it back up.” so he picked it up, chug it back out and just kept doing it. deacon (pid #2015), a 13-year-old boy, similarly enjoyed participating in play he associated with a familiar location and activity. he described a specific berry-picking spot that was special to him and said, so there’s a, with the trailers in the forest, bit down there where there are some berries… and i, when i was younger i’d pick those a lot so i guess, i like that place a lot… i still go there sometimes in the summer to get berries… some friends sometimes [join me], yeah, they like the berries too. margaret (pid #3013), a 13-year-old girl, described her favorite place to play with her friends. she said this place was known by children in the neighborhood as children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures 117 “africa,” and she used to play on a tire swing there that was taken down after someone was hurt playing on it. she said, well, there used to be a fort right there. we called it africa… it’s old, and someone got… pretty hurt, i think… there used to be a tree with a swing, and we would hang there… there used to be a lot more branches and you could hide or you could swing. there was a swing, a rope swing, a tire swing, and you could climb up the branches. you could climb up the tree and then just like, there’s two branches are like that. and there’s a swing there. and you could just swing across, it was kind of dangerous. but it was really fun. i think i went there with my friends and i think i played on the tire swing. tom (pid #3003), an 11-year-old boy in the same neighborhood as margaret, frequently played with his friends in the same place as margaret and also called it “africa.” he associated it with a feeling of safety. when describing “africa” to the researcher, he said, [m]y friends in my class, i saw them going into it, and then my sister, she used to come to it and then right here, people cut off branches and then right here was the tire swing … i usually go on this and i would climb on those branches that were cut off and swing off the ropes and come back but it’s gone now … [playing in africa makes me feel] safe because i’m like where trees are. “africa” was frequented by other children in the study living in that neighborhood, and was used as a gathering ground for some of the children. most of the children associated playing in it with positive emotional experiences, while acknowledging potential risks associated with it, which made their play experiences even more thrilling and enjoyable. children developed microcultures away from adults children’s development of microcultures was reflected in their stories of play in natural environments. for example, pauline (pid #2001), an 11-year-old girl, created a game with her friends they called “camouflage.” when describing how she plays “camouflage” by a creek, she said, it’s kind of like hide-and-go-seek… when we go hide there’s one person that stays in like a certain box, kind of, and then he counts and then pretends, he looks like for five minutes and if he finds no one he just screams ‘camouflage’ and counts to, first time it’s 25 and then its 20 and then it goes down and then you have to touch the person’s hand and go back to your hiding spot. and the goal is to get everyone out of their hiding. the language the children used in their stories suggested the allure of developing microcultures away from adults with friends where they could use their imagination in a collaborative way to interact with their environment. some children, such as pauline and her friends, chose to develop and subscribe to game-based rules and roles for this purpose. similarly, emilie (pid #3020) described a game she children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures 118 developed with friends called “we were born in the wilderness” (also named “peace tree”). while the rules and roles for “camouflage” were more structured around specific regulations of behaviors (e.g., counting to 25 seconds), emilie’s game consisted of role playing as a way to connect to environments and animals. she said, i like to play “we were born in the wilderness”… like, we're people but there's animals and stuff around here that are hurt and stuff, and i can speak to them and help them. i just love to play that, it's so fun… we build a hut in the trees… it just feels like a waterfall-ish kinda thing… you can climb up into the top branches… it's called the peace tree for us. 'cause it's kinda like where nobody, no animals eat each other… there is a big lake here and this is all the waterfall but there's a tree in the middle… and if anybody's really injured or hurt and dying slowly, they come and they get put in the water… and they drift towards, and then green light comes at them, and they kinda float and kinda be well and then go back onto land… they just heal… this is the place where animals need to work together to keep away from the humans. emilie recognized her positionality as a human who could compromise peace in nature, and the game she developed with her friends was based on engaging in rules (e.g., no animals are allowed to eat each other) and roles (e.g., animals working together) to mitigate imagined threats to the animals’ safety. in addition, this type of play incorporated the magical element of imagination by having a lake that has a healing power for injured or hurt animals. central to children’s stories of their play in natural environments was the development of microcultures with friends that were away from adult eyes. this was evident through the frequent absence of adults or other children who were not considered friends or family from the stories they shared with the researcher. for example, when marianne (pid #3031), a 10-year-old girl, described her unsupervised play with her friends, she told the researcher, [my friends and i] go to climb trees by the school… and play in [this] garden thing [next to buildings]… we kind of just make up stories about things. like, we see a duck doing something weird, we try and think about why it’s doing it. similarly, graham (pid #2006), an 11-year-old boy, described his play with his friends in an area of a creek that was fairly secluded near bushes. he said, one of [my] friends lives like right around here… i go through [the creek] like to get him… my friend [and i] go pokémon hunting [near the creek], because there’s like little things you can put lures on and then, it’s like a very good spot…. there’s a nice little place up in [the creek], right at the start. there’s a couple fences you can sit on. it’s nice because the sun shines through the leaves and it’s really cool. children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures 119 at times, the children described “secret” and “hidden” spots they enjoyed playing in with friends. when emilie was walking with a researcher, she directed their attention to a narrow path through a garden and described it as a “secret path” she frequented with friends to walk and talk. in her description, the word “secret” was used to indicate it was a space away from others where she could play with friends unsupervised because outsiders (i.e., those not considered friends) did not know about it and thus could not join. similarly, jennifer (pid #3015), an 11-year-old girl, showed the researcher a tree she played on with her brothers. she said, but [my friends’ and my] best spot is through here. and it’s pretty hidden because it doesn’t seem that much like a hiding spot… it’s a hole in the bushes. over here, we usually like to hide in there because most people don’t know about it and it’s really useful because all the branches you put things on—and we usually hide here. and there’s also quite a few entrances that we could crawl in and we could climb and jump off through there. indeed, some children, such as luke (pid #2002) and his friends, used natural environments to create hidden places away from adults. when luke described a spot between two trees, he told the researcher, “this part, we usually put a sheet with some rope between it and make a little hammock, which is neat…. and we basically just spy on people, which is fun.” the children thus developed microcultures as a means to engage with friend groups in unsupervised settings, where the natural environments with which they interacted afforded them opportunities to watch, listen to, and connect with their world. discussion our results illustrate that children can develop microcultures of play in natural environments through their construction and implementation of imagined gamebased rules and roles away from adults. their stories reflected their desire to create and organize games unsupervised, where they were free to use their imagination to create new worlds (such as through “africa” or the “peace tree”), and where they regulated their behaviors in accordance with these games (e.g., “camouflage”). importantly, these results illustrate that children are actively seeking ways to develop and enact newly formed microcultures that they organize around specific play locations, activities, and social behaviors. this organization indicates children can be active participants in the creation of microcultures to which they subscribe, and they can behave in ways that disrupt discursive productions of childhood as being a time of following societal rules and passive roles as “adults in waiting” (matthews et al., 1998, p. 193). indeed, they may actively use natural environments because of the “secretive” and “hidden” properties the environments afford. our results align with research indicating children enjoy participating in games in natural environments that afford dynamic interactions and stimulate their curiosity and imagination (jones & cunningham, 1999). in moore’s (2015) exploration of the sociology of children’s play, he stated that children feel “that secret places are constructed purposefully away from the adult gaze” (p. 22). moore (2015) argued that children’s desire to be unseen during their play can derive from their desire to engage in imaginative and unsupervised children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures 120 activities that are not controlled by adults. our research suggests that natural environments can provide children with these opportunities, and children can use them as spaces away from adults, where there are few, if any, adult-constructed rules they must follow. instead, they can create microcultures of their own to engage in types of imaginative play that may garner a sense of belonging and independence in their world. in our study, the children’s desire to engage in imaginative play reflected singer and singer’s (2009) articulation of this play as “the realm of the possible” (p. 19), where children could create their own fantastical worlds. we found that hiding away from the world—particularly from adults who may be perceived as imposing restrictions and limitations—was an important part of this play, in which children would watch others as invisible by-standers (e.g., spying on others from a hammock) rather than being watched themselves. children’s desire to engage in unsupervised play is unsurprising. in north america, children’s play is typically mediated and supervised by adults in public spaces (singer et al., 2009), and children may associate “play” with having their behaviors censured (owens, 2017). owens (2017) suggested that the seeking of play spaces beyond a specifically adult-supervised gaze can represent a type of liberation for children, where they are able to engage more freely with their world. indeed, the children in our study developed microcultures with friends or siblings. thus, our findings indicate children aged 10-13 may seek to develop microcultures that are specifically away from adults, and natural environments may afford them this type of liberation. there is little known about children’s construction of and subscriptions to rules and roles within their peer cultures (hardecker et al., 2017). our results suggest that natural environments afford children with opportunities to collaboratively develop game-based rules and roles and organize behaviors (e.g., “camouflage,” “we were born in the wilderness”), and sense of place (e.g., “africa”). in accordance with whiten and flynn (2010), we suggest that microcultures in children’s play can facilitate social learning through children modelling other children’s play behavior; however, we also believe that children’s facilitation of social learning can occur through their adoption and setting of play roles; desires to connect to animals, friends, and family; and imaginative play in natural settings. our findings suggest that children’s desire to be unsupervised during this game-play may be inextricably linked to a desire to engage and socially learn with friends, and thus create microcultures of their own. conclusion as explorations of the emotional properties of children’s play in natural environments continue to develop (procter, 2015), our findings contribute to enriching these conversations. broadly, our results interrogate the ambiguous nature of conceptualizations of play (sutton-smith, 2009) by suggesting that play engagement in natural environments can be sentimental and purposeful for children aged 10-13, and they are active agents in the development of peer microcultures. in representing children’s voices in play and illustrating the novel understandings that can emerge from this approach, our study highlights the importance of placing children’s experiences at the center of scholarly work. children’s play in natural environments and their development of microcultures 121 michelle e. e. bauer is a sshrc-funded post-doctoral fellow in the department of pediatrics in the faculty of medicine at the university of british columbia. her research in the bc injury research and prevention unit focuses on children’s perspectives on play and safety topics, including risk-taking, playground use, and independent mobility. her research is guided by sociological risk and feminist frameworks and she strives to make healthful play opportunities more accessible to and inclusive of a diversity of children. mariana brussoni is director of the human early learning partnership and associate professor in the department of pediatrics and the school of population and public health at the university of british columbia. she is an investigator with the bc children’s hospital research institute and academic scientist with the bc injury research and prevention unit. she investigates child injury prevention and children’s outdoor risky play, focusing on the effects of play, design of outdoor playfriendly environments, parent and caregiver perceptions of risk, and development of behavior change interventions to support outdoor play. details are available at https://brussonilab.ca christina han works with dr. mariana brussoni as a research coordinator at the university of british columbia. she has over 10 years of experience in qualitative and mixed-method research, and has published 20 peer-refereed articles. currently, she is working on multiple qualitative analyses using children’s interviews, photos and neighborhood map drawings. references brockman, r., jago, r., & fox, k. r. 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(1999). the expanding worlds of middle childhood. in e. k. teather (ed.), embodied geographies: space, bodies and rites of passage (pp. 27–39). routledge. kemple, k. m., oh, j., kenney, e., & smith-bonahue, t. (2016). the power of outdoor play and play in natural environments. childhood education, 92(6), 446-454. https://doi.org/10.1080/00094056.2016.1251793 matthews, h., limb, m., & percy‐smith, b. (1998). changing worlds: the microgeographies of young teenagers. tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie, 89(2), 193-202. https://doi.org/10.1111/14679663.00018 min, b., & lee, j. (2006). children's neighborhood place as a psychological and behavioral domain. journal of environmental psychology, 26(1), 51-71. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2006.04.003 moore, d. (2015). “the teacher doesn't know what it is, but she knows where we are”: young children's secret places in early childhood outdoor environments. international journal of play, 4(1), 20-31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21594937.2014.925292 nature conservancy of canada (2019). prescribing nature. https://www.natureconservancy.ca/en/who-weare/publications/magazine/fall-2019/prescribing-nature.html owens, p. e. (2017). a place for adolescents: the power of research to inform the built environment. in k. bishop & l. corkery (eds.), designing cities with children and young people: beyond playgrounds and skateparks (pp. 65-79). routledge. pawlowski, c. s., andersen, h. b., troelsen, j., & schipperijn, j. (2016). children’s physical activity behavior during school recess: a pilot study using gps, accelerometer, participant observation, and go-along interview. plos one, 11(2), e0148786. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0148786 procter, l. 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(2008). narrative methods for the human sciences. sage. singer, d. g., & singer, j. l. (2009). the house of make-believe: children's play and the developing imagination. harvard university press. singer, d. g., singer, j. l., d'agnostino, h., & delong, r. (2009). children's pastimes and play in sixteen nations: is free-play declining? american journal of play, 1(3), 283-312. spilková, j., & radová, l. (2011). the formation of identity in teenage mall microculture: a case study of teenagers in czech malls. czech sociological review, 47(3), 565-587. stanley, r. m., boshoff, k., & dollman, j. (2011). voices in the playground: a qualitative exploration of the barriers and facilitators of lunchtime play. journal of science and medicine in sport, 15(1), 44-51. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jsams.2011.08.002 sutton-smith, b. (2009). the ambiguity of play. harvard university press. ward, j. s., duncan, j. s., jarden, a., & stewart, t. (2016). the impact of children's exposure to greenspace on physical activity, cognitive development, emotional wellbeing, and ability to appraise risk. health & place, 40, 44-50. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2016.04.015 whiten, a., & flynn, e. (2010). the transmission and evolution of experimental microcultures in groups of young children. developmental psychology, 46(6), 1694–1709. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0020786 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jsams.2011.08.002 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2016.04.015 https://doi.org/10.1037/a0020786 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 book reviews access to play for children in situations of crisis: synthesis of research in six countries sudeshna chatterjee (2017) international play association, 51 pages available from http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/ipa-apc-researchsynthesis-report-a4.pdf the powerful role of play as catharsis, as medicine and as salve for life is profoundly evident in this text. similar to eisen’s (1988) study that looked at jewish children’s play in ghettos during the holocaust, this text draws attention to the fact that even though “a graveyard is no place for entertainment,” children, across cultures and in all circumstances, will naturally engage in this activity as an authentic part of their existence. the author and the several contributors to this report must be commended for the deep, rich and rigorous research presented. it provides readers with robust evidence of the complexity of children’s play. this text demonstrates just how children do this as they maneuver and meander the rugged terrains of their daily lives. while there is no dearth of research focusing on children’s play, the author of this text has filled a vast gap in the literature germane to children living in situations of crisis. not since whiting’s (1963) six cultures study has a text so profoundly addressed cultural interpretations and representations of play. through cross-cultural descriptions and comparisons, readers are provided with deep insight into the role of play in helping children from japan, nepal, turkey, lebanon, india, and thailand deal with their existence. while crisis in its multiple forms have often made headlines, when interest fades, and cameras are turned off, what happens in these spaces? how do people move on? this piece seeks to illuminate what the media has often not focused on: how children, as resilient beings, use play to escape the harsh realities of their daily lives. the author of this text outlines her rationale for selecting the research settings. deliberate attempt was made to conduct research in countries that experienced natural disasters, humanitarian crises and those that were considered to be in “everyday crisis.” this is particularly welcomed because the deliberate focus on research in these countries illuminates the vast richness of what “research in other spaces can do.” the six countries in this study lie outside of highly visible research contexts (europe, north america and australasia). if i may say so, as a researcher http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/ipa-apc-research-synthesis-report-a4.pdf http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/ipa-apc-research-synthesis-report-a4.pdf book and film reviews 129 from a region with minimal visibility in research, it is refreshing and empowering to see representations of countries culturally, economically and socially similar to mine reflected in this book. the research is more connectable and more relatable. i have no doubt that other readers will also appreciate this. finally, perhaps what is even more commendable is that this book is not only about presenting research but rather about providing readers with tools with which to apply the research. the accompanying toolkit for educators, administrators, and policy makers is like a helping hand, providing guidance to help them to not only develop play spaces, but also to enable them to understand the need to establish, secure environments in order to assist children from crisis situations (casey, 2017). as a researcher and a child advocate, i appreciate the depth of coverage of sudeshna chatterjee, as she draws attention to the importance of children’s play. this book is timely. it will certainly be of tremendous interest to all stakeholders who provide care, coverage or treatment to children. references casey, t. (ed.) (2017). access to play for children in situations of crisis—play: rights and practice—a toolkit for staff, managers and policy makers. international play association. available from http://ipaworld.org/wpcontent/uploads/2018/02/ipa-apc-research-synthesis-report-a4.pdf eisen, g. (1988). children and play in the holocaust: games among the shadows. amherst: the university of massachusetts press. whiting, b. b. (ed.) (1963). six cultures: studies of child rearing. new york: wiley. review by zoyah kinkead-clark dr. zoyah kinkead-clark is a lecturer and researcher in early childhood education at the university of the west indies, mona. she received her teaching diploma from shortwood teachers’ college, her b.sc. in early childhood education from temple university, and her doctorate in education from the university of sheffield. prior to lecturing at the tertiary level, she taught kindergarten for several years, both in jamaica and the wider caribbean. as a researcher, dr. kinkead-clark is keenly interested in how children are shaped by their early experiences and how educators build on these in the classroom. her current research is aimed at understanding how young children are shaped by their ecological experiences within the home and wider community and how educators can build on these in the early childhood classroom. http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/ipa-apc-research-synthesis-report-a4.pdf http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/ipa-apc-research-synthesis-report-a4.pdf book and film reviews 130 author’s response by sudeshna chatterjee i would like to thank the reviewer, dr. zoyah kinkead-clark, for a very constructive review of the access to play for children in situations of crisis six-country research by the international play association: promoting the child’s right to play. as a response to the review, i am offering some background to this work and some additional resources for the interested reader. as an international membership-based association with members in 50 countries worldwide, the ipa’s purpose is to protect, preserve and promote children’s right to play as a fundamental human right. since 2008, the ipa has worked on initiating an international process for securing the formal invitation (which they received in 2010) of the un committee on the rights of the child for the drafting of a general comment (gc) on article 31 of the un convention on the rights of the child (uncrc). article 31 is commonly known as the “play” article, but given the challenges of defining play and its role (burghardt, 2005), even the uncrc—the most significant international document on childhood—does not make a differentiation between play, rest, leisure, and recreation in article 31. in 2013, the ipa reached a significant milestone with the adoption of the gc (united nations committee on the rights of the child, 2013), which deepens our understanding of article 31 as a whole, and of play as a child right. it also positions this neglected article more centrally within the fuller context of the uncrc for the benefit of states parties throughout the world and increases opportunities for its compliance. however, within the general comment, the un committee on the rights of the child emphasized the lack of play rights of children in difficult circumstances including children in situations of conflict, humanitarian and natural disasters. the ipa shared the concern. in 2014, the ipa held a special workshop within its triennial world conference in istanbul. i was invited to conceptualize and facilitate this workshop entitled “access to play in crisis (apc),” where a group of 24 international experts from nine countries noted with great concern the lack of guidance, research and documentation that limit the ability to learn from the experience of others working on promoting the right to play for children in situations of crisis. having identified such significant gaps in knowledge and understanding, in 2016, the ipa launched two international initiatives on apc: • an international research project in india, japan, lebanon, nepal, thailand and turkey to increase knowledge and understanding of children’s play needs and to improve the practical application of the right to play in situations of crisis. • a training and development project in turkey and lebanon to develop resources for training program managers and staff to support play opportunities for children in situations of crisis across the region. i was appointed as the consulting project officer by the ipa to manage both apc projects in 2016-2017. i also designed and led the six-country research under review here. an eminent panel of international experts provided objective advice and feedback throughout the process. the apc projects were showcased in the ipa’s 20th triennial world conference in calgary in 2017, where a conference book and film reviews 131 resolution was passed to champion and advocate the recommendations identified in access to play for children in situation of crisis: synthesis of research in six countries. this report is hopefully a first of a series of projects to be undertaken by the ipa and its different branches and members on this subject. readers can access the research report, toolkit, and project video report at the links provided below: access to play for children in situations of crisis: synthesis of research in six countries: http://ipaworld.org/what-we-do/access-to-play-in-crisis/apc-researchproject/ access to play in crisis project video report: http://ipaworld.org/what-we-do/access-to-play-in-crisis/video-report/ access to play for children in situations of crisis: toolkit: http://ipaworld.org/what-we-do/access-to-play-in-crisis/apc-training-project/ http://ipaworld.org/what-we-do/access-to-play-in-crisis/apc-research-project/ http://ipaworld.org/what-we-do/access-to-play-in-crisis/apc-research-project/ http://ipaworld.org/what-we-do/access-to-play-in-crisis/video-report/ http://ipaworld.org/what-we-do/access-to-play-in-crisis/apc-training-project/ © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(1), 2020 exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency through a draw-write-and-tell method carie j. green shayle lliaban school of education, university of alaska fairbanks citation: green, c. j., & lliaban, s. (2020). exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency through a draw-write-and-tell method. children, youth and environments, 30(1), 47-65. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract early childhood education for sustainability (ecefs) scholarship has expanded around the globe, recognizing diverse historical, political, economic, ecological, and social-cultural contexts. this participatory research furthers ecefs research by focusing on rural alaska native kindergarten children’s perspectives and experiences of their outdoor environment, expressed through a draw-write-and-tell method. the study collected drawings and descriptions from rural alaskan children, ages 5-6-years, and analyzed them using a phenomenographic framework. the analysis categorized the children’s activities based on the context in which they took place. children’s village-based activities included riding bikes, going to the park, and walking, indicating children’s spatial autonomy. nature-focused activities (e.g., picking berries and wild flowers) and water-based activities (e.g., swimming in natural pools and fishing) revealed how their community’s unique ecology and socio-cultural values shaped the children’s environmental competency and identity, as well as their development of subsistence skills to live sustainably in place. findings also revealed how these young children experienced their outdoor environment with family members, primarily their mother, as well as siblings and peers. keywords: early childhood education for sustainability; environmental competency; spatial autonomy; environmental identity development; alaska native children http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 48 introduction children’s “survival and development rights” are a foundational part of early childhood education for sustainability (ecefs) (davis, 2014, p. 25). “these comprise rights to the resources, skills and contributions necessary for survival including rights to adequate food, shelter, [and] clean water… and cultural activities” (davis, 2014, p. 25). while research in ecefs has certainly expanded since davis (2009) first articulated this research “hole,” most of the published works in this area have been situated in urban settings and/or in non-indigenous contexts. no ecefs studies have occurred in isolated arctic settings and only a few have included young children from indigenous backgrounds (ritchie, 2014; 2017). furthermore, most of the current ecefs literature focuses on theoretical frameworks, field reports, and studies involving practitioner practices and curriculum initiatives (ärlemalm‐hagsér & elliott, 2017). although children’s agency is recognized as a core attribute of ecefs (davis & elliot, 2014), few studies have focused on children’s own views and perspectives of their environments as a base for developing science and sustainability-focused educational approaches (gambino, davis, & rowntree, 2009; green, 2017a). the aim of this research was to learn about rural alaskan kindergarten children’s experiences of their outdoor environment. the study utilized children’s drawings and descriptions as a mode of communication and meaning-making to explore what rural alaskan children like to do outdoors and with whom they spend their time outdoors. the study also considered how rural alaskan children’s early outdoor experiences shape their sense of spatial autonomy and environmental competency, their environmental and cultural identity development, and how such experiences can inform ecefs. early childhood education for sustainability “sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs” (united nations, 2018). in considering “needs,” it is recognized that sustainability has both local and global implications. in the context of this research, the global warming trend in the arctic and its related social, cultural, and economical implications have warranted the need for increased international collaboration, including sustaining the livelihood of arctic indigenous communities and heightening the focus on education (european polar board, 2018). this paper extends this argument into ecefs in arguing that children, particularly our youngest, play a significant role in constructing a “safe, sustainable, prosperous, and peaceful place for generations to come” (european polar board, 2018, p. 9). while global initiatives towards sustainable development span across five decades, until recently little attention has been given to how early childhood education might and should be involved in education for sustainability (hägglund & samuelsson, 2009). early childhood education for sustainability (ecefs) integrates multiple disciplines—including the arts and the sciences (davis & elliott, 2014). specifically, sundberg and ottander (2014) argue that science inquiry in the preschool should be shaped around “the interplay between knowledge, values, and the ways in which humans build and make use of new knowledge” to engage with sustainability (p. exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 49 280). in other words, science within ecefs should include more than just teaching rote facts; it should also emphasize active inquiry and children’s perspectives (sundberg & ottander, 2014). additionally, “integration of the arts and education for sustainability can provide expanded opportunities for seeing, understanding, and responding to the sustainability imperative” (o’gorman, 2014, p. 267). art is not only a developmentally appropriate method for engaging young children in expressing their ideas (kalvaitis & monhardt, 2012), artwork might also be considered a “universal language” as images can convey messages that transcend spoken languages (avriel-avni, spektor-levy, zion, & levi, 2010). furthermore, ecefs theories, research, and practices are grounded in the tenets of the united nations convention on the rights of the child (uncrc, 2005), recognizing the importance of promoting children’s agency in acting for a sustainable future. the research presented in this article honors young children’s agency by highlighting their views of their outdoor environment. by learning about what is important to children, educators can further engage children in sustainability issues and questions that are relevant to them (davis & elliott, 2014). through exercising spatial autonomy children develop a sense of belonging, which influences their concern about others—human and non-human beings in a living world (hägglund & johansson, 2014). children achieve spatial autonomy through discovering their own sense of place independently or with others. “these are claimed places, independent or shared places that children discover and attribute meaning. such meaning is created, handcrafted, and as unique as the children to which these belong” (green, 2018, p. 46). children’s spatial autonomy is informed by the sociocultural and geographical contexts in which children are positioned (punch, 2002). similarly, ritchie (2014) challenges us to consider belonging through an indigenous framework in which belonging entails a “sensory, storied entanglement within the inter-relational agency of other animals, plants, insects, and the rest of the [more-than-human] world around us’’ (p. 50). in this way, belonging is understood as humans being part of, not separate, from their environment. this sense of belonging, or connectedness with other human and the non-human natural world, provides the legitimacy for children to act with others in constructing a sustainable future (davis & elliot, 2014). thus, promoting a sense of belonging has been and continues to be one of the primary goals of ecefs, and should be considered within the context of a child’s culture and the activities that make up their daily lives. along with spatial autonomy, children’s development of environmental competency also plays an important role in their environmental and cultural identity formation (green, 2018; lunda & green, 2020). environmental competency not only refers to the knowledge children acquire about the flora and fauna in their local ecology, but includes the dispositions and skills that children gain as they relate with and interact with other living beings in their environment (green, 2018). the competencies that children develop regarding their environments are informed by the values taught to them through their culture, peers, family, and other adults with whom they interact in their community (lunda & green, 2020). exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 50 indeed, ecefs should emphasize localized understanding, including cultural and indigenous perspectives and ways of living in place (ritchie, 2014), and the role of families in the care and stewardship of the environment and in the development of skills to live sustainably (alaska native knowledge network, 2001; chawla & derr, 2012). thus, this study sought to understand the ecological and social dimension of children’s experiences in their environment. specifically, through a draw, write, and tell method, this study looked at what children liked to do outdoors and with whom they shared their experiences. this study is part of a larger ongoing research project focusing on children’s environmental identity development in alaskan rural and non-rural contexts (green, 2017a). children’s drawings and descriptions were just one form of data collected during a project conducted in 2016. the research also included qualitative video data collected with wearable cameras (green, 2016); findings from this method are reported elsewhere (green, 2017a). the following research questions are addressed in this study: how do kindergarten children living in a rural alaska native village experience their outdoor environment? what kinds of activities do they like to do (subsistence or recreational), with whom do they do them, and how do these activities inform their sense of spatial autonomy and environmental competency and subsequently, their environmental identity development? the aim of this paper is to advance considerations for ecefs research and practice by exploring rural alaskan children’s activities and interests. methodology study context across rural alaska, there are 229 federally recognized alaska native villages (u.s. bureau of indian affairs, 2016). the majority of these rural villages, including the one in this study, are isolated, “off the road,” hundreds of miles from modern-day conveniences, and only accessible by plane, boat, dog sled, or snowmobile. it is not uncommon for travel in and out of villages, including shipments of food and supplies, to be cut off for days and even months at a time during inclement weather. prices for food and other basic commodities are very high. thus, many rural alaskan village families continue to harvest foods from the land to sustain themselves through every season (kawagley, 2006). in rural alaska, subsistence is recognized as an essential part of sustainability. the population of the village where the study took place is around 700 people (u.s. census bureau, 2016). approximately 74 percent of the village inhabitants are alaska native, predominantly iñupiat descent. this statistic was mirrored in the kindergarten children who participated in the project, as most were indigenous and only one or two were non-indigenous. the village is situated in a sound adjacent to the bering sea where salmon and king crab are harvested. freshwater rivers, sloughs, and lakes are also within close proximity of the village. inland from the sea, the village is surrounded by tundra filled with berries and boreal forests with moose, bear, grouse, and other creatures. exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 51 twelve, 5-6-year-old children (nine girls and three boys) in one kindergarten class participated in this study. the limited number of participants is representative of the kindergarten class size in the village. the institutional review board at the university in which the researcher and her research assistant are affiliated approved the study. the researchers partnered with teachers from the village as well as local families to facilitate the project. informed consent was obtained from children’s parents or guardians. a child-friendly assent form was used inviting children to circle a happy face if they were okay with the researcher sharing their drawings with other people and to circle a sad face if they were not. all of the drawings depicted in this paper were produced by the children who gave their assent. research approach and methods the research was informed by a participatory approach, highlighting children’s views and perspectives (clark, 2005). the study also employed phenomenography to explore the qualitatively different ways in which the young children experienced and perceived their environment (marton & booth, 1997). the object of study is not the phenomenon itself; rather, the focus is how people understand or experience the phenomenon (larsson & holmström, 2007). phenomenography has been used in other studies using children’s drawings to explore their relations with the environment (kalvaitis & monhardt, 2012). this study adapted the “draw and write” method (kalvatis & monhardt, 2012) by using a “draw, write and tell” method—more appropriate for younger children with limited writing skills (green, 2012; green, 2017b). children drew their experiences outdoors and verbally described their drawings. focus was not placed on the quality of children’s artwork; rather, attention was given to the meaning children attributed to their drawings through verbal descriptions. the study used two prompts. first, children were asked to “draw your favorite thing to do in nature.” afterwards, they were invited to describe what they drew. children’s verbal descriptions were video recorded on an ipad. additionally, children were invited to verbally share their drawings during a classroom discussion. these oral descriptions were also video recorded and transcribed. the second prompt was given to the children by their teacher a week later. children were asked to “draw yourself on an outdoor adventure with someone.” students then completed the following writing prompt: “i like to go on outdoor adventures with _____________. we like to _________________.” the researchers took digital photographs of both sets of children’s drawings and writings. data analysis the goal of phenomenographic analysis is to generate “categories of description” to demonstrate the various ways in which people in a group experience a phenomenon (åkerlind, 2005). data is then presented in an “outcome space” aimed at showing the “full range of possible ways of experiencing the phenomenon” (åkerlind, 2005, p. 323). phenomenography aims to show how different categories of description, or experiences, are “logically related to one another” (åkerlind, 2005, pp. 322exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 52 323). categories are presented and related from the most-common to the leastcommon experiences (marton & booth, 1997). twenty-four drawings, two created by each child, were analyzed by the researcher and her undergraduate research assistant who is alaska native. first, the data was examined inductively, with “an open mind” (åkerlind, 2005, p. 323), considering the overarching research focus on children’s experiences of their outdoor environment. in examining and reexamining, and comparing and contrasting the different drawings, the researcher observed that children’s experiences of the phenomenon (the outdoor environment) could be categorized into three contexts associated with certain activities: village-based, water-based, and nature-focused. within these three categories of descriptions, we identified a range of children’s activities that could be distinguished and compared, and related and ordered to show a range of experiences (marton & booth, 1997). in a second cycle of analysis, the researchers examined the social relations depicted in the children’s drawings and descriptions. the drawings are presented in a descriptive manner below so that the reader might gain a visual sense of the full range of children’s experiences. children’s quotes are included to highlight their voices and perspectives. findings table 1 lists the activities and companions mentioned by each child in response to the two drawing prompts, which were analyzed together. because data were collected in late august, children’s drawings predominately depicted-warm weather activities. table 1. rural alaska children’s expressed outdoor activities child favorite nature drawing outdoor adventure drawing activity companions activity companions lisa "i like to go for a walk" sister and mom "berry picking" mom jamie "i like to pick flowers for my mom" sister "go to the beach" mom brayden "i like to walk to grandma's house and play with alex and cassie poo" [dog] lisa [friend] and dog bike kayla [friend] casey "i like to take a walk with my puppy ana" dog and adult "go the beach" mom isaiah "i like to draw outside" none "look for little brother" [hide and seek] mom, dad, and little brother curtis "i like to run around with indiana jones [dog]" dog "go boating” dad emily "i like to go berry picking when it's sunny" none "play barbies" lisa [friend] exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 53 kayla "i like to slide" sister and mom "go fishing" family liann "i like to go swimming" “picking for flowers” none "play tag" "papa and gram" kathy "i like to go see baby turtles on the beach" mother and puppy “walk” mother kione "i like to walk with my sister, outside in the summer" “playing in a box” sister "swim" trinity [friend] marta "i like to play outside in the grass with my mom" mother "pick leaves" jamie [friend] alma "i like to go swimming" adult "look at squirrels" kione [friend] village-based activities ten of the children’s drawings represented outdoor play activities that occurred in the village. these activities encouraged children’s spatial autonomy. one child mentioned riding bikes, while another talked about playing tag, and another shared about playing hide and seek with his little brother. playground both isaiah and kayla talked about going to the village playground (figure 1). there is only one playground in the village, located next to the school, and during warm weather it is the center of activity. isaiah went to the park with his “mom and dad” to “look for little brother.” kayla shared that she enjoyed going down the slide at the playground, along with “sunshine and sister sally and my mom.” figure 1. isaiah looking for his brother (left); kayla sliding at the playground (right) exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 54 walking walking was the most common outdoor activity across the two sets of drawings, mentioned by six children: kathy, lisa, kione, braydon, casey, and curtis. this finding is not surprising, since most people living in the small village walk as a means of transportation. kathy (drawing not included) and lisa drew walking with their mothers. lisa included her sister in her drawing as well as a butterfly, flower, grass, and the sun. in this sense, walking not only provided a means of transportation but it also seemed to invoke enjoyment of nature with her family. in her drawing, kione discussed “walking with her sister; in the summer.” during the class discussion, she also talked about playing in a box outdoors. her drawing includes many colorful elements to depict the outdoor environment (figure 2). figure 2. lisa walking with her sister and mom (left); kione walking and playing in a box with her sister (right) casey and curtis mentioned “walking” and “running” with their puppies. casey shared that she liked “walking with her puppy, ana.” she drew herself and one other person walking on the red, uneven ground. curtis discussed running around with his puppy. he stated, “i like playing outside and running around with indie. his name is indiana jones.” curtis’ drawing included the sky (in blue) and the sun, as well as buildings in the village (figure 3). exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 55 figure 3. casey walking with her puppy (left); curtis’ drawing with his puppy “indy” (right) the children’s activities in the village included modes of getting around and play activities. their activities were shared by both family and friends and are similar to those found in other studies of children living in northern nations (gundersen, skår, o’brien, wold, & follo, 2016). nature-focused activities five activities depicted by the children were classified by the researcher as naturefocused. the nature-focused activities show how the children in this study were developing a sense of spatial autonomy and environmental competency through sensory-rich encounters, direct observations, and harvesting activities (green, 2017a). sensory-rich encounters marta drew a picture of herself with her mother lying on the grass. she mentioned that she liked to roll around in the grass with her mother and look up at the sun. marta also drew a flower and the sun in her picture (figure 4). exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 56 figure 4. marta’s drawing of rolling around in the grass with her mother observing marta and alma both included trees in their drawings. although marta did not include any people in her drawing, she explained, “i like to go on outdoor adventures with kione. we like to pick leaves.” alma also drew a tree. in describing her picture, alma stated, “i like to go on outdoor adventures with kione. we like to look at squirrels.” figure 5. marta’s drawing of picking leaves (left); alma looking for squirrels (right) exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 57 harvesting jamie drew herself “picking flowers” for her mother. jamie indicated that she was with her sister in the drawing. the picture shows a variety of wild yellow and purple flowers that grow abundantly across the alaska tundra. similarly, lisa drew herself “berry picking” with her mother. the drawing shows a grassy knoll, depicting the tundra surrounding the village. berry picking is a common subsistence tradition in alaska. families pick, freeze, and/or can and dry berries to sustain themselves throughout the year. figure 6. jamie picking flowers with her sister (left); lisa picking berries with her mother (right) water-based activities eight out of 12 children drew water-based activities. this finding is not surprising given that the village is located next to the bering sea. of the eight drawings, two depicted fishing—one explicitly and the other implicitly as an element of the drawing. the other drawings depicted recreation-based activities: going to the beach, swimming, and boating. boating and fishing curtis drew himself boating with his dad. along with a motorboat on the water, curtis drew a bald eagle above him in the sky. both of curtis’ drawings included an animal, revealing that he was cognizant of the other living creatures that inhabited his environment. although one, his dog, was domestic, the other, an eagle, represents a native animal in his place. kayla also indicated that she liked to go fishing with her family. her drawing (not depicted here) included three people. there were no features to represent the setting; thus, it was difficult to interpret if her family fished from the boat or from the shore. alma also drew a picture of fishing in the water. she described that she liked to go “swimming.” the drawing shows alma swimming outside, beside someone much bigger than her. on the left side of the drawing, it appears that there is a fish caught on the fishing line. the drawing suggests that alma swims while her family is participating in water subsistence. exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 58 figure 7. curtis boating with his father (left); alma fishing and swimming with family (right) swimming swimming was also a commonly shared interest; three children drew themselves swimming. in comparison to urban locations where swimming occurs in concrete pools or indoor locations, the children in this study swam in natural settings. besides alma, two other children drew pictures of swimming with friends and family. kione depicted swimming in her outdoor adventure drawing. she described, “i like to go on outside adventures with trinity. we like to swim in a pool with grass and tall trees.” liann described two activities in her drawing. she explained, pointing to the flowers, “picking for flowers—like these.” additionally, she mentioned that she was “swimming in the water.” figure 8. kione (left) and liann’s (right) drawings of swimming exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 59 going to the beach going to the beach was also a common activity, drawn by three children. all three included their mother in their artwork. two of the three pictures included the sun, suggesting that these children liked to visit the beach on a sunny day. jamie described her preference for the beach in her outdoor adventure picture, explaining, “i like to go on outdoor adventures with my mom. we like to go to the beach.” jamie and her mother were smiling in the picture; next to them was a heart, indicating that this was a special memory. similarly, casey also shared that she liked to go on outdoor adventures with her mother to the beach: “my mom was sitting on the water. i was on the water too. it did not go all the way to my face.” the drawing includes a third small creature. in her other drawing, casey talked about her dog, so perhaps the third object in her picture was her dog. kathy (not pictured) also talked about going to the beach, saying “i was playing with my mommy and puppy, and we found a baby turtle on the beach.” when i asked kathy if she found a turtle at the beach in her village or if this occurred in another location, she shrugged her shoulders indicating that she did not know. figure 9. jamie’s (left) and casey’s (right) drawings of being at the beach with their mothers social aspect all in all, the children’s drawings revealed that their formative experiences in nature occurred among family members more than with their friends. this is not surprising given the young age of the children involved in this study. exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 60 discussion children’s environmental identity development in an alaskan village context the diversity of the children’s drawings reveals a unique pathway in each child’s outdoor activities based both on children’s own personal preferences and their familial experiences. while differences exist, there are also several common features that reveal the rich cultural and geographical context in which their identity is formed. particularly, the fact that eight of the children depicted waterbased activities is significant. these water-based activities occurred in natural settings rather than human-made concrete places. in wilderness settings, children experienced the rich ecological diversity of their place and through such exposure they are developing environmental competencies, not only to swim and stay afloat in the water but also to identify the birds, trees, and animals with which they share the environment. by including other features in addition to the water, children showed how they are observant of their surroundings, an important disposition in developing competencies and sensitivities towards their environment (lunda & green, 2020). while village play activities were the most commonly depicted, these activities were not confined to a fenced in backyard or a paved courtyard of an apartment complex. rather, the activities depicted by the children (e.g., riding bikes, playing tag, and walking) involved a high degree of mobility and spatial autonomy, an important disposition in developing agency with place (green, 2018). in terms of “survival and developmental rights,” which are considered to be a foundational part of ecefs (davis, 2014), three children either mentioned or drew pictures depicting their engagement in subsistence-based activities (e.g., picking berries and fishing). through engaging in cultural subsistence, children are drawing upon “long-standing local indigenous knowledges,” which “offer a life-serving counter-narrative” (ritchie, 2017, p. 293). specifically, through participation in hunting and gathering children are learning from their parents and community iñupiat ilitqusiat, their traditional values of respect for nature, hard work, and cooperation, and other values that have been passed down from generation to generation (topkok & green, 2016). the children in this study engaged in these activities with their parents and other family members, demonstrating the important role that families play in teaching children how to sustain themselves in their environment. “parents are the first teachers of their children and provide the foundation on which the social, emotional, intellectual, and spiritual well-being of future generations rest” (alaska native knowledge network, 2001, p. 6). whether it was going for a walk, going to the beach, or rolling around on the grass, children drew upon happy moments in nature with family members. through these activities, families are nurturing their children’s healthy dispositions towards other living beings and developing their sense of belonging in their place. implications for ecefs findings from this study can be applied to ecefs both in a local and an international context. ecefs initiatives should be aimed at building upon children’s existing exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 61 environmental competencies and interests in order to support children in becoming more familiar with the environment around them and in gaining the skills necessary to sustain themselves in the communities in which they live (sundberg & ottander, 2014). specifically, findings from this study show that some of the children have developed an interest in various aspects of their natural ecology. through play, observation, and harvesting activities, children’s interests and activities can be further enhanced in an educational setting. by building upon children’s existing competencies and environmental preferences, teachers can establish healthy links between what interests’ children and concepts for teaching sustainability (samuelsson & park, 2017). for instance, one kindergarten child expressed an interest in sea turtles. thus, a teacher could develop a lesson to teach about what sea turtles eat, their migration patterns, and the ecological conditions in which they thrive. the lesson might also include how human-induced climatic change has altered migration patterns of sea mammals, and what humans are doing and can do to conserve the habitat of aquatic beings. additionally, a teacher might focus a lesson on bicycles as a sustainable mode of transportation. the lesson could focus on how bikes are used in the local community but also how bikes are used by various peoples and cultures around the world. the teacher could also generally touch upon reduction of carbon emissions as a positive benefit of riding bicycles. further, the teacher could help children understand other ecologically friendly forms of transportation (e.g. paddle boats, skijoring, dog sleds), and how these can be used as an alternative to oil-dependent vehicles. a teacher could also invite local elders into the learning context to teach children stories about local traditional ecological knowledge (barnhardt, 2005). these narratives have stood the test of time, being drawn from deeply attuned observation over many generations, of the interactive patterns of weather, climate, seasons, oceans, mountains, wetlands, rivers, soils, flora and fauna, by humans who saw their role as serving to respect and protect these more-than-human kin (ritchie, 2017, p. 292). by emphasizing traditional knowledges pertaining to sustaining ecologies, children will develop a sense of belonging in their place and within their community. this rootedness will, in turn, support them in engaging in sustainable actions for their place in the present and in the future. acknowledgement the researcher would like to thank robin child, katrina bishop, bethany fernstrom, and treca ivanoff, and the kindergarten children for participation in this project. this research was supported by alaska epscor nsf award #oia-1208927 and the state of alaska. research reported here was also supported by the national institute of general medical sciences of the national institutes of health under award numbers ul1gm118991, tl4gm118992, or rl5gm118990. the content is solely the responsibility of the author and does not necessarily represent the official views of the national institutes of health. exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency… 62 dr. carie green is an associate professor in the school of education at the university of alaska fairbanks. she teaches child development, place-based education, and social science research methods. her research focuses on young children’s place and environmental identity development (eid), and participatory methods for engaging young children active researchers of culture and change. she was recently awarded a national science foundation career: a longitudinal study of the emotional and behavioral processes of children’s environmental identity development among rural and non-rural alaskan children. she is the author of the book children’s environmental identity development: negotiating inner and outer tensions in natural-world socialization published by peter lang as part of the [re]thinking environmental education series. shayle lliaban is an undergraduate blast research scholar majoring in biology at the university of alaska fairbanks. references åkerlind, g. s. 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environment 28(2), 2018 understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate children's activities in outdoor play spaces adina cox university of kentucky janet loebach centre for addiction and mental health london, canada sarah little university of oklahoma citation: cox, a., loebach, j., & little, s. (2018). understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate children’s activities in outdoor play spaces. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 232-261. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract when children engage with the natural world, they experience myriad benefits to their health and well-being. play in outdoor and natural environments is critical for children’s healthy social, emotional, physical, and cognitive development. developing high-quality, engaging natural play spaces may be one strategy to afford children greater access to the outdoors and nature-based play. additional research on children’s play in nature is needed to inform the design of nature play spaces. behavior mapping is a flexible observational research method that can effectively capture both children’s behavior as well as its social and environmental context, or “milieu.” the authors outline a customized behavior mapping protocol tailored to explore children’s play behaviors in outdoor play spaces and provide examples of its value from a recent study in a naturalized play space. keywords: children, outdoor play, nature play spaces, behavior mapping, child friendly research methods http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 233 the importance of connecting children to nature in outdoor play spaces when children engage with the natural world, they experience myriad benefits to their health and well-being (e.g., hordyk, hanley, & richard, 2015; kuo, 2015; mccormick, 2017). experiences in nature can improve cognitive function (kaplan & kaplan, 1989; kuo & taylor, 2004; taylor & kuo, 2009; taylor, kuo, & sullivan, 2001), improve mood (berman, jonides, & kaplan, 2008; hartig, evans, jamner, davis, & gärling, 2003; park, tsunetsugu, kasetani, kagawa, & miyazaki, 2010; roe & aspinall, 2011), potentially increase physical activity level (gray et al., 2015; larouche, garriguet, & tremblay, 2016; stone & faulkner, 2014; sallis, prochaska, & taylor, 2000), improve academic performance (matsuoka, 2010), relieve stress (chawla, keena, pevec, & stanley, 2014; thompson et al., 2012; ulrich et al., 1991), and help children to develop an affinity for the natural world which can lead to pro-environmental behaviors in adulthood (chawla, 2007). many contemporary children, however, spend significant out-of-school time engaged in structured activities, or engaged with digital devices (burdette & whitaker, 2005; rideout, foehr, & roberts, 2010). increased use of digital media as well as parental concerns about neighborhood crime and safety may be contributing to the significant reduction in the time contemporary children are spending outdoors (clements, 2004; gray, 2011). given the benefits of engagement with nature and the growing trend of “indoor childhoods” (karsten, 2005), providing children access to and encouraging engagement with the natural world is critical. creating diverse play spaces for engaging nature developing high-quality, engaging natural play spaces may be one strategy to afford children greater access to the outdoors, and nature-based play. a typical traditional playground consists primarily of manufactured play equipment surrounded by hard surfaces with little to no nature or natural materials (woolley, 2007). a natural play space may include manufactured play equipment but vegetation and natural elements, such as water, dirt, mud, sticks, rocks and other natural loose parts, are also available to support play. one key to planning and designing successful, engaging outdoor and natural play spaces is understanding which natural elements and conditions will spark children’s curiosity and support their desire to explore, build and imagine. with new and expanding interest in the value of nature-rich environments for children’s play (frost, 2012), it is essential to cultivate effective empirical methods for evaluating outdoor spaces in relation to children’s preferences and their social, educational, emotional, and physical developmental needs. there is limited knowledge to date about children’s behavior in natural play spaces (luchs & fikus, 2013). luchs and fikus (2013) examined differences between the duration of play episodes on traditional and natural playgrounds, finding that play episodes lasted longer in the natural play space. fjørtoft (2014) concluded that nature play supported an increase in motor fitness of 5to 7-year-olds. other studies have concentrated on the level of moderate to vigorous physical activity when children play in natural versus traditional play spaces (coe, flynn, wolff, scott, & durham, 2014; dyment, bell, & lucas, 2009; luchs & fikus, 2018). these studies form the base of an evolving body of scholarship on children’s outdoor play understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 234 and nature engagement behaviors. continuing research on play in nature is needed to inform the design of natural play spaces, including identifying the outdoor play settings that attract the most use, understanding which play settings or features children in different age groups prefer, and recognizing how different settings or conditions can support engagement with nature. behavior mapping is a promising, yet underutilized, field observation tool that can be effectively tailored to the study of children’s behavior outdoors and in nature. this paper outlines a customized behavior mapping protocol that can be used to answer diverse research questions on children’s play behaviors in situ within natural play spaces. capturing, understanding and sharing this kind of empirical evidence will benefit design professionals and play advocates looking to provide outdoor play spaces that will support diverse, fun, and meaningful nature play opportunities for children. the promise of behavior mapping behavior mapping was initially developed by environmental psychologists as a way to relate “various aspects of behavior to the physical spaces in which they are observed” (ittelson, rivlin, & proshansky, 1970, p. 658). it was developed as a way to study environmental influences on behavior and recognizes the reciprocity of the environment and in situ behavior. behavior mapping is one of the few tools that allows researchers to investigate and document both behavior and the social and environmental context, or the “milieu.” it relies on direct observation of behavior coupled with a map of the geographical space on which the behaviors are recorded, analyzed, and displayed. observers first note the geographic location of the observed participant on a map of the space. data are then collected in relation to the behavior observed in that location and can include participant demographics, behavior, social interactions, and environmental conditions. the data are later displayed and analyzed in an iterative manner that allows researchers to explore relationships between the setting and the observed behavior. as an example, behavior mapping was used to observe and map children’s science learning behaviors at the bay area discovery museum in sausalito, california, which in turn allowed researchers to draw a number of conclusions about opportunities for engagement with loose parts in support of science learning for young children (moore, cosco, kepez, & demir, 2003). one of the first uses of behavior mapping to explore children’s outdoor behaviors was a study that examined outdoor play behavior in a residential setting (sanoff & coates, 1971). that study examined children’s play as it related to spaces intended for prescribed behaviors (such as horseshoes or basketball), as well as more informal, ambiguous outdoor spaces, and found that the former were most popular, but that children playing in informal environments exhibited more diverse play behaviors (sanoff & coates, 1971). other early work in the mapping of children’s environmental behavior included examinations of children’s play in neighborhoods and playgrounds (nummenmaa & syvänen, 1974; björklid, 1982; van andel, 1984; moore & wong, 1997). a more recent study used behavior mapping to determine that loose parts, a sense of enclosure, and natural settings support dramatic play (drown & christensen, 2014), while bozkurt & woolley (2017) used this method to understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 235 study children’s behavior in urban water features. cosco, moore, and islam (2010) refined behavior mapping methods while focusing on physical activity levels of preschoolers. behavior mapping can be particularly appropriate for studies involving children when other research methods, such as interviews or questionnaires, may be less effective (sommer & sommer, 2002). for instance, children do not necessarily understand what is expected of them in an interview situation, and so may try to guess at what the interviewer wishes them to say, or feel pressured to give a rapid or brief answer (fargas-malet, mcsherry, larkin, & robinson, 2010; eindarsdottir, 2007; clark, 2005). their knowledge on the interview topic may also be implicit, that is, not part of their conscious awareness, and therefore children may not be able to fully articulate their experience or preferences (graue & walsh, 1998). questionnaires require a certain level of literacy or understanding of the language, and some children may respond to questions even when they do not know or understand the answer (fargas-malet et al., 2010). methods that do not solely rely on children's understanding or communication skills can be more effective for capturing their activities. a behavior mapping protocol for investigating outdoor play environments the aim of this paper is to illustrate how a customized behavior mapping protocol can be an effective method for capturing children’s play activities in natural play spaces, and for examining how specific environmental components can support diverse play activities and social interactions. first, we provide a detailed outline of our behavior mapping protocol, tailored to observe play in natural play spaces, including discussion of data attributes highly useful for defining children’s outdoor play behaviors and for evaluating the elements of natural play spaces. following the outline of the protocol, examples from a recent study by the authors will illustrate the value of this behavior mapping approach for examining children’s behavior and its context. this behavior mapping protocol requires the following five core components: 1) a base map of the observation site; 2) selection of data collection tools; 3) establishment of a systematic protocol for collecting data, including among multiple observers; 4) a set of observable data variables that address the objectives of the research; and 5) a strategy for data analysis. these five components are described in detail below. 1. a base map of the observation site base maps of the environment can reveal a great deal of information about the site and are therefore key in the environment-behavior analysis. when evaluating outdoor play spaces, a map allows researchers to record numerous physical components of the site and document the layout of the environment. maps can store information such as the location, scale and layout of vegetation, play structures, or pathways, as well as their proximity or adjacency to other objects in the space. relationships between activities and the environment may be difficult to ascertain in the fluid, constantly changing outdoor play environment; base maps understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 236 can help to permanently capture conditions of the environment and preserve it for later evaluation. 1.1 using geographic information system (gis) technology for behavior mapping the use of geographic information systems (gis) for behavior mapping allows for more efficient, accurate, and complex data analysis and communication. a base map created in gis can include a variety of data, such as site boundaries, existing vegetation, site structures, waterways, and pathways. using gis, information from an observed play interaction can be directly tied to the precise location of the observation; behavior data can then be stored and processed based on their location. prior to the use of gis, behavior mapping analyses tended to include only one or two data attributes such as gender differences in play, or the locations of imaginative play; however, it was difficult to consider the interaction of the two. multiple play-related attributes such as child gender, activity intensity, and play type can now be easily stored, sorted, and displayed together in a gis, allowing for the development of large data sets as well as faster and more complex analyses. the use of gis does require expert knowledge and experience, but this is becoming more commonly available; those undertaking behavior mapping can often find gis specialists for partnerships at most universities or governmental agencies. 1.2 creating observation zones within the base map prior to conducting observations in the field, researchers should divide their base map into observation zones. observation zones are created to divide large sites into multiple, smaller zones that facilitate observation by a single observer (see section 3 below). by systematically rotating through each observation zone, observers can manage their time across the site and ensure that all zones are scanned equally and thoroughly. the size and number of observation zones established will vary by site, and depend on many factors, such as the number of observers, the visibility of various play settings, and user density at the site. ideally all areas within a zone are visible from a single observation point. for high-density sites, each observation zone may only include a single play setting, such as a large sandbox area; for lower-density sites, the researcher may choose to include multiple play areas in a single observation zone. utilizing natural boundaries, such as pathways, borders, and vegetation, is a good strategy for establishing the bounding edges of observation zones. 2. data collection tools: paper-based, digital, and hybrid methods to conduct behavior mapping in outdoor play spaces, field data collection will include recording several elements of each play event being observed: its physical location in the space, demographic data about the child observed (e.g., gender, age group), data about the play interaction being observed (e.g., play type, physical activity level, social interaction, environmental engagement), and environmental data (e.g., ground surface, shade, or topography). the physical location of the play event is recorded as a point on the map of the study area. corresponding demographic characteristics and behavioral or environmental data from the same play event are recorded in a table or database. each event location recorded on the site map will be tied to a row, or record, of data in the table. for analyses and understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 237 display, these data will all need to be imported into a gis, such as esri’s arcgis (https://www.esri.com/en-us/arcgis/about-arcgis/overview). there are three options currently available for collecting outdoor play behavior data in the field: 1) a fully paper-based method, 2) a fully digital method, or 3) a paperdigital hybrid. each of these three field collection systems has advantages and disadvantages. selecting which system will work best for a given project depends on the budget of the project, the degree of access to specialized equipment, the expertise of data collectors, as well as access to appropriate software and technicians. 2.1 paper-based method a strictly paper-based method, in which data collectors take both paper maps and paper-based data collection tables into the field, is the most economical method and requires the least amount of observer training. however, it requires that all data collected in the field be eventually transcribed into a gis. for a paper-based protocol, each data collector will need a large clipboard and a pen to record observations on the paper map and table. it is recommended that researchers use large but manageable paper sheets; an 11” x 17” format is ideal. for each play event observed, the observer locates the child being observed by placing a dot on the paper map, and numbering the dot. that number is placed on a row in the table, and attribute data for the play event is hand-written across that row for that observation. once field collection is complete, the data from the paper-based maps and tables are entered into a gis for analysis and display. 2.2 digital method a second option is to develop a completely digital system for collecting field data in outdoor play spaces. for this approach, observers take a computer tablet out to the field and collect both the location and variable data directly into the tablet. the equipment, software and additional training required for this option makes this the most expensive approach. however, it generally results in less data entry and processing, which has the advantage of saving time and minimizing the opportunity for data entry errors. when selecting software for collecting field data, it is important to consider how accurately the software records locations. with some software the mapped location of the observation may be incorrect. knowing the location of an event accurate to within three meters may be appropriate for some studies, but it is not accurate enough for behavior mapping of children’s play behaviors. researchers may need to know precise locations of children in their study, such as whether they are near the play structure or on the play structure, which may not be possible with some software. also, it is important to select a tablet that is appropriate for collecting data in the field; it is recommended that the tablet is suitable for viewing in sunlight and resilient in damp or rugged conditions. 2.3 hybrid method a hybrid system combines the use of a digital storage device, such as a tablet or cell phone, to record behavioral and environmental attributes in a digital database, with a paper-based map to record the locations of observed play events. this approach can be faster than having to physically write down the attribute data on https://www.esri.com/en-us/arcgis/about-arcgis/overview understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 238 paper, as the digitally collected data can be transferred directly to the gis system. digital databases can also be pre-programmed with common variable options (e.g., through pre-selected codes or pull-down menus) to speed up data recording in the field. drawbacks to this system include the awkwardness of carrying two systems out into the field, and the eventual need to transfer the paper-based map data to a gis. 3. establishment of a systematic protocol for collecting field data a systematic protocol to collect field data using multiple observers needs to establish: the number of researchers involved in the collection of field data, the timing intervals of observation rounds, the scanning method to be used to systematically observe play events, and the integration of reliability rounds. 3.1 number of observers used to collect data at the site the number of observers engaged in data collection in an outdoor play space under study should be based on the size of the site and the availability of trained data collectors. this may ultimately be determined by the research budget. it is convenient to have the same number of observers as observation zones (i.e., four observation zones, four researchers). often outdoor play spaces have a few peak hours with high usage, so having enough observers available during these busy times is invaluable for maximizing data collection. proper training of data collectors is critical, and ample time should be allowed to ensure observers are properly and consistently recording data from play events before official data collection commences. 3.2 systematic timing of observation rounds to ensure that the process of data collection using behavior mapping is systematic and repeatable, an observation protocol must be agreed upon and strictly followed. for outdoor play spaces, designating a 15-minute period to perform scans in a single observation zone is a useful place to start. this time period may be shortened or lengthened based on activity at the site and size of the observation zone. if the research team has multiple observers on a single site, simultaneous scanning of zones should take place, with all observers completing scans within the same designated time period. this time block is then broken up into three 5minute periods. at the beginning of each 5-minute period, the observer begins scanning for observable play events from the designated starting point (see section 3.3). observers will continue scanning and recording play events until the 5minute period is over. note that observers may be finished recording all play events in that zone before the 5-minute period is up, but they must wait until the next 5minute block begins before continuing with their observations at the beginning of the zone. however, if the observer does not finish the scan within the 5 minutes, then observation continues until the zone is completely scanned, but the clock resets; in other words, the scan extends into the next time block. in this situation, once scanning of the zone has been completed, the observer immediately starts over scanning the zone from the designated starting point. once the 15-minute period is up, observers will move to their next designated observation zone and begin the process again. a “round” is a full rotation by a single observer through all the observation zones. when multiple observers are available, they should be understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 239 spread out as evenly as possible between the observation zones to start, and then rotate through zones in the same order until they have completed a full round. 3.3 scanning the observation zone each zone needs to be systematically “scanned” by the designated observer. an observer will start to visually scan the zone (see below for different approaches to scanning a site), until a child is observed; after observing them for 10-15 seconds, the observer then records data about that event. shorter observation periods may be used for data collection that is easily observable, such as physical activity, however, the recommended 10-15 second interval allows the data collectors to observe other cues in the child’s behavior (e.g., vocal information, peer interactions), which allows for more nuanced information to be gathered. once the encounter is recorded, the observer moves along in their scanning pattern until the next child is encountered. a child moving quickly through the site may be missed by the observer, or a child may be encountered several times in an observation interval; this is an inherent issue in a behavior mapping approach. however, as the goal of the data collection is to evaluate the environment-behavior relationship in the play space and not an individual’s behavior, this does not compromise the results. it is assumed that enough data will be collected during the field observations that anomalies will be minimized. 3.3.1 scanning method a: zone for observation zones that are not linear trails or pathways, zone-based scanning is an effective approach. the observer stands in the pre-designated location within the observation zone and begins visually scanning the space. the zone is then scanned in either a clockwise or counterclockwise pattern; observers agree on a common scanning pattern before beginning. once the observation has been recorded, the observer looks to the location of the last observation and continues scanning in the same direction until they encounter the next child engaged in play (figure 1). understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 240 figure 1. example of a zone scan note: during a zone scan, the observer stands in the center and rotates around the site, recording any child when observed along scan lines. 3.3.2 scanning method b: trail a “trail” method of scanning was developed for observation of linear areas such as trails, greenways, and pathways (cox, 2013). this method is similar to the “zone” scanning method above, however the observer does not remain stationary. instead, the observer walks along the pathway from a designated starting point and determines an imaginary line at some pre-determined distance in front of the observer (e.g., 20 feet). when a child is detected along that line, the observer stops and records the location and behavior. the observer walks along the path at a steady but relatively slow pace to continue observing until reaching the end of the linear zone (figure 2). understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 241 figure 2. example of a trail scan note: in the trail scan method, the observer walks along the pathway and scans with an imaginary line (shown in purple), recording the children observed as they are scanned along the path. trees can often serve as natural boundaries. 3.3.3 scanning method c: zone and trail hybrid some outdoor play spaces may have a layout that requires a combination of zone and trail scanning methods. usually, this would be a very large site that contains play opportunity zones connected by pathways. it is beneficial to scan the entire site equally to observe the broadest range of activities at the site. figure 3 depicts an example of a large site that required a mix of these scanning methods. understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 242 figure 3. example of a large outdoor site that included both zone scanning areas and trail scanning areas note: observers scanned in zone areas where appropriate (areas shown in pink) and scanned pathways between zones using the trail method (areas outlined in red). 3.4 reliability rounds a reliability round should be regularly integrated into the data collection schedule to ensure inter-rater reliability, i.e., a high degree of consistency in the way each observer is recording the play events. during reliability round observations, all observers code a single play event together at the same time. typically, one observer identifies a child to observe and then indicates the exact time when the observation will begin, so that all observers are capturing exactly the same play event. observers code a series of play events independently and then compare records for consistency. in addition to comparing records informally in the field to identify and correct any common inconsistencies, reliability of observations between coders can be formally analyzed using the kappa coefficient (k) (cohen, 1960). typically, a k value between 0.61 and 0.80 is considered substantial agreement and a k value between 0.81 and 1.00 is considered almost perfect agreement (landis & koch, 1977). understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 243 4. establishing a set of observable variables to be collected it is important to carefully consider the set of attributes or variables (such as user demographics, behaviors, environmental interactions, environmental conditions) that will be collected in the field. it is important to note that the more data variables collected, the more time required for each observation, and therefore fewer total observations are possible within the data collection period. once data are loaded into a gis, each point on the map will have a row containing all the data collected for that point. based on the authors’ experience conducting behavior mapping of children’s play in outdoor or nature play spaces, we recommend collecting the following core set of attributes for each observed play event: 1) basic demographic information about the observed child, such as gender and age group; 2) primary play types; 3) peer interaction; 4) activity intensity; 5) wildlife interaction; and 6) environmental interaction. however, it is important to note that each of these attributes is an example of static coding—that is, the team will collect data by choosing from a pre-selected set of options. it is also valuable to include a column that allows for “open coding,” particularly to capture the nuances of playful interactions with the outdoor environment; this is an unstructured attribute which allows the observer to freely (but briefly) describe the observed play event, such as “2 boys climbing tree, pretending to be monkeys, vocalizing.” this can help to both animate the data collected and provide a valuable source for confirming that other data has been coded correctly. 4.1 child demographics gender and age are the typical child demographic variables that are assessed during behavior mapping; other child demographic information can be difficult to observe. gender can be coded as “male,” “female,” or “unknown.” having gender information may be useful to ensure balanced play opportunities for all children. information on the age of the observed child is also valuable, though a child’s age can be difficult to estimate; the observable difference between a 7and 8-year-old is unlikely be detectable. instead, observing a child’s age in age range groups (e.g., 0-3 years, 4-8 years, 9-12 years, and 13-18 years) is more feasible, and has resulted in higher data reliability for the authors. 4.2 primary play types categorizing the type of play being observed in the field is a difficult but useful process. play type categories generally describe the character of the play being observed (e.g., imaginative play), which then allows for a comparison of play behaviors within and across outdoor play spaces. there are many benefits to using a pre-defined set of play types when observing children’s outdoor behaviors, including faster field recording of behaviors, which enables observers to collect more data. another advantage of using an established set of play types is the ability to systematically compare behaviors across studies and sites. examining the frequency and diversity of play types allows researchers and designers to understand the play affordances children perceive within the outdoor play understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 244 environment; play spaces can then be tweaked or redesigned if the space is not supporting a broad range of activities. the “play type” scale most frequently used to date for recording observed play behaviors is the play observation scale (pos) developed by rubin (2001). it is primarily based on the cognitive classification of piaget’s stages of development, smilansky’s elaboration of that classification, and parten’s social hierarchies (piaget, 1962; smilansky, 1968; parten, 1932; rubin, 2008), and consists of four cognitive play types: functional, constructive, dramatic, and games-with-rules. it also includes “exploratory” behavior as one of eight non-play behaviors, many of which are not applicable to the examination of children’s outdoor play environments. the scale is widely used in children’s play-based research, and by researchers working in the domain of child psychology who focus on children’s normative development. it is important to note, however, that this scale was developed to gauge children’s play in an indoors setting with the researcher sitting close to the child and observing them for timed intervals, recording the predominant play activities observed (rubin, 2008). observing play activities in outdoor settings, however, presents different challenges to the observer. for example, listening to vocal cues from children to help understand the play being observed can be more difficult outside, as the observer needs to be at some distance if they wish to remain unnoticed by the child so as not to influence their behavior. while the pos was a useful starting point, its focus on indoor, child-centered studies makes it less useful for a place-centered evaluation of outdoor play. the authors therefore recommend utilizing the adaptation of rubin’s scale shown in table1 to capture play types while using behavior mapping in outdoor or natural environments. table 1. play types scale note: adapted from rubin (2008) play category brief summary 1. locomotor or functional play the child is using their body as the primary form of play, such as climbing a tree or running across a field 2. play with rules the child is engaged with others in a game or competition, such as organized soccer 3. imaginative the child is engaging in dramatic or imaginative play 4. constructive the child is building or making something, such as forts, dams, or mud pies 5. exploratory the child is engaged with an object or objects in the environment and receiving information through contact or exploration with the objects, such as holding and examining a pinecone 6. restorative the child is engaged in quieter, restorative activities such as resting, reading, or writing 7. non-play the primary activity is not considered play, such as eating or self-care understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 245 4.3 activity intensity collecting information on the physical intensity of children’s activity during play can be advantageous. one of the advantages of outdoor activities is the opportunity for increased physical activity levels (gray et al., 2015; larouche, garriguet, & tremblay, 2016; stone & faulkner, 2014). knowing which outside play areas and components provide opportunities for varied levels of activity intensity can aid in developing sites that promote physically active play. one of the statistically valid instruments utilized to observe physically active play behaviors is the children’s activity rating scale (cars) (puhl, greaves, hoyt, & baranowski, 1990). the cars tool assesses the intensity of physical activity during an observed play event through a 5-point scale: a score of 1 means the child is stationary or motionless; a score of 5 is recorded when the child’s movement is very fast or hard (puhl et al., 1990). thus, as the physical exertion required for the activity increases, the cars score increases. this scale can be easily integrated within a behavior mapping protocol to capture the physical intensity level of children’s outdoor play. 4.4 wildlife interactions humans seem to have an affinity towards wildlife, and often express fascination while observing animals (schänzel & mcintosh, 2000). potential encounters with wildlife are a particularly unique aspect of children’s play in outdoor spaces. children’s wildlife encounters can include, for example, digging for grubs, capturing caterpillars, poking sticks at polliwogs, listening to birds, and/or viewing turtles, birds and mammals. in a recent study that examined children’s connection to nature, concern for living creatures, together with personal enjoyment of nature and a positive attitude toward human-nature interdependence, explained 50 percent of the variance in children’s perceived connection to nature (cheng & monroe, 2012). this is significant, as the connection to nature can strongly influence pro-environmental behaviors (chawla, 2007). studies on adults indicate possible psychological and spiritual benefits from connecting with wildlife (curtin, 2009; folmer, haartsen & huigen, 2018). children’s wildlife interactions during play or in outdoor play spaces have been rarely researched (ernst & theimer, 2011; kellert & westervelt, 1984). in a previous behavior mapping study, children were primarily observed in areas with play equipment, as well as places with benches and bridges (cox, 2013). however, an anomaly resulted when children encountered wildlife; they would intentionally stop in other areas to observe and interact with turtles, caterpillars, and polliwogs. in order to document children’s exposure to and interaction with wildlife in outdoor play spaces, the authors created a preliminary scale of wildlife interactions that can occur outdoors and in nature. the scale is currently being refined; additional details on this scale will be published elsewhere, but the categories shown in table 2 provide a core set of potential wildlife interactions that can be recorded during behavior mapping exercises. understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 246 table 2. preliminary scale for observing children’s wildlife interactions behavior mapping code details 1. no wildlife interaction no wildlife interaction observed 2. observing the child is observing: a. captive wildlife b. non-captive wildlife 3. handling the child is handling: a. captive wildlife b. non-captive wildlife 4. searching for the child may be digging in mulch, looking under a rock, etc. verbal cues or the use of butterfly nets or collecting jars may indicate searching to an observer 5. rescuing/caring for the child may be attempting to “rescue” or “care for” wildlife such as moving an animal off the trail, out of the water, or “feeding” it 6. harming the child may be trying to harm (or kill) wildlife— usually wildlife the child fears or dislikes such as bugs or snakes 7. talking about when talking about wildlife, the child appears: a. interested b. excited c. averse 8. other an open category can be included for interactions that do not fall into another category note: this scale is under development by the authors. 4.5 peer interaction a key element to consider when observing children’s outdoor activities is how the children may be interacting or engaging with their peers through play. young children acquire and practice social skills through play activities, including learning to cooperate and share, as well as how to negotiate or consider the opinions of others (parten, 1932; de valk, bekker & eggen, 2015). observing how and where children interact with their peers during play can help us to understand both these developmental interactions and the environmental features or conditions that can support various types of social play. the work of numerous scholars around social participation provides a number of scales that can be integrated within a behavior mapping framework to record observed peer interactions during outdoor play. parten (1932) set out categories of “social participation” for pre-school children, dividing social interactions into unoccupied play, onlooker behavior, solitary play, parallel play, associative play and cooperative play. coding in terms of this diverse set of interactions allows an observer to not only capture nuances in the types of solo play (solitary and parallel play) and group play (associative and cooperative play) in which children engage, but also to identify when a child is not actively focused on a particular play activity (unoccupied play) or when they are observing others playing without actively engaging in the play activity themselves (onlooking). these distinctions can help understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 247 observers to evaluate the broad range of social play opportunities afforded by a given environment, across a diverse group of child users. while various peer interaction scales could be used as part of a behavior mapping approach to record social engagement occurring during outdoor play, the authors have generally used an adapted version of parten’s scale, categorizing children’s outdoor play into solitary, onlooking, parallel, cooperative, and conflict (table 3). the largest difference is the collapse of parten’s associative and cooperative play categories, as the distinction can sometimes be hard to observe in the field. the authors have also added the category of “conflict” so as to be able to record the play activities or environments that may lead to unnecessary conflict between children and their social peers. while some conflict may be beneficial for children’s development of negotiation skills, site managers may wish to re-evaluate environmental conflict zones. table 3. adapted parten scale (1932) for observing peer interactions behavior mapping code details 1. solitary play the child is playing on their own, either at a distance from other children or occupied in play that is distinct from nearby children 2. parallel play the child is playing on their own, but in close proximity to other children engaged in similar play activities 3. cooperative play the child is engaged in a common play activity with one or more children 4. onlooking the child is actively observing the play of others (often from a distance) but not actively engaging in the play activity themselves 5. unoccupied play the child is not actively focused on a particular play activity 6. conflict the child is involved in some type of conflict with one or more other children 4.6 environmental interaction as discussed earlier, one of the great advantages of behavior mapping is the ability to record not only children’s play behaviors, but also how specific affordances in the play environment are involved in or support the observed play event. it is therefore extremely valuable to collect data on environmental elements that may be integral to the play (e.g., a child is using a found stick as a “wand” in a harry potter-inspired game), as well as specific environmental conditions (e.g., shade or topography) at the time and location of the observed event. understanding how children may be using the features available in that environment (e.g., loose, found objects or fixed elements such as trees or benches) to inspire or support their play activities is also critical information for those involved in the design or provision of outdoor play spaces. a simple set of understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 248 “environmental interaction” data to collect, such as the coding suggested in table 4, would take note of whether the child used any fixed features or loose parts in the observed play event. this set of codes could also be expanded to note whether these fixed or loose features are natural (e.g., sticks, sand, tree stumps) or manufactured (e.g., sand shovel, bucket, toy car). table 4. sample set for coding environmental interactions behavior mapping code details fm fixed manufactured the play activity directly involves a fixed manufactured element (e.g., play structure, fence) fn fixed natural the play activity directly involves a fixed natural element (e.g., tree, boulder) lm loose manufactured the play activity directly involves a loose manufactured element (e.g., shovel, toy car) ln loose natural the play activity directly involves a loose natural element (e.g., stick, sand, water) open specific details of the elements involved and/or interaction are recorded (e.g., using shovel to put sand into a pail) an even more detailed environmental interaction scale can be utilized if a research team is trying to capture very specific data around the use of the environment for play. for environmental interactions, an associated open-coded attribute that records the specific fixed or loose elements involved (e.g. bucket, spoon, sand, or pinecone) can be extremely helpful to analyses. beyond the environmental elements that may be involved in a play event, it may also be helpful to record information about the environmental context or conditions at the time of and in the specific location of observed play, such as: • shade conditions: full shade, partial shade, no shade, not applicable • topography: flat, rolling, slope, uneven, other • ground surface type: asphalt/concrete, rubber, gravel/stone, grass, mulch, sand, other 5. strategies for analyzing data from behavior mapping using a gis to display field data on a site map is instrumental to data analysis and our understanding of the patterns of children’s outdoor play. data can be visually analyzed to examine site usage levels and to look for patterns in behavior within individual play settings; for example, behavioral data points can easily be sorted by gender and displayed accordingly on the site map. patterns that are not identifiable in situ can also be more easily noticed when projected on a site map. many analyses will be based on specific research questions, but interesting insights can also be revealed through an iterative, visual exploration of data maps. understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 249 pilot studies are a helpful and efficient way to evaluate and refine research tools and action plans (van teijlingen & hundley, 2001). the authors recommend that researchers spend time collecting pilot data at the study site and practicing observing children playing in situ before official behavior mapping data is collected. this strategy allows researchers to refine base maps, confirm observation zones, and refine the data collection protocol. behavior mapping case study: the “backyard” at the santa barbara natural history museum this case study is meant to provide a glimpse into the rich data that can be captured in outdoor or nature play spaces through this customized behavior mapping protocol. the authors utilized this framework to study the outdoor nature play area (the “backyard”) at the santa barbara museum of natural history. data were collected by three observers over a seven-day period in the summer of 2017. the facility was interested in capturing both the behavior of children playing in the outdoor space, as well as the activities and locations of adults such as parents and staff. a total of 826 observations of children and 317 observations of adults were collected during play activities on five weekdays and two weekend days, for a total of 1143 data points. a look at a general map of all observations illustrates which areas are the most popular in the play space (figure 4). the map shows children’s activities heavily concentrated in the mud kitchen and along the water-fed creek area. conversely, adults are most concentrated in areas where there are seating opportunities (i.e., benches, a log in the mud kitchen, and the stump circle). understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 250 figure 4. map showing the overall layout of the museum backyard and the locations of all observations note: benches were located on the stage and at the back of the mulch pile, which increased the concentration of adult observations at those locations. observations of children were heavily concentrated along the creek, in the build area, and in the mud kitchen. figure 5 maps the children’s play activities in the space according to the recorded level of physical activity. the highest levels of physical activity (moderate and vigorous, corresponding to a cars score of 4 or 5, designated by red dots) are not clustered in a single area, but spread throughout the site (figure 5). mapping revealed there is a higher proportion of moderate and vigorous play activity along the gravel entryway, where a somewhat steep slope invites children to run down the hill as they enter the site. the boulders along the upper creek and lower creek and the trees in the rock and trees area encouraged climbing. behavior mapping helped us to confirm that the environmental features in these areas supported opportunities for more physically active play. understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 251 figure 5. map showing physical activity levels at the site note: the red dots indicate the highest levels of physical activity observed at the site. the boulders, frequently used for climbing, as well as the pathways supported the highest levels of physical activity. play types at the site were also recorded and mapped (figure 6). exploratory play was the most frequently observed play activity, accounting for 44 percent of the primary play activities, followed by locomotor play (27 percent). the vast majority (82 percent) of observations of exploratory play involved interaction with loose parts (see figure 7). in contrast, locomotor play (see figure 8) only involved loose part interaction in 37 percent of the observations. this suggests that the availability of loose parts may be particularly valuable for supporting imaginative play in outdoor play spaces. understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 252 figure 6. play types observed at the site note: the new play type scale the authors are developing has eight hierarchical types, with 27 sub-types. this map is limited to the top eight types in the hierarchy for ease of display. understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 253 figure 7. exploratory play behaviors were associated with loose parts in 82 percent of observations, indicating that exploratory play may rely heavily on the availability of moveable loose parts in the environment understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 254 figure 8. locomotor activity was combined with loose parts in only 37 percent of observations, as compared to 82 percent of observations of exploratory play as part of an effort to increase accessibility, the museum is undertaking a renovation of the backyard play and learning space. this behavior mapping project is part of an ongoing study to help the museum understand how children and families are accessing and utilizing the site for nature play and exploration, to inform changes to the backyard’s design and programming. the data presented here are only a sample of the analyses being utilized by the museum, but provide an idea of the types of investigations in outdoor and natural play spaces that can be supported by this behavior mapping protocol. conclusion behavior mapping is a valuable approach for capturing children’s play behaviors and environmental interactions in outdoor or natural play spaces. although behavior mapping as a tool for recording environment-behavior interactions has existed for a number of decades, the framework outlined in this paper has been specifically tailored to address the unique conditions and challenges of capturing children’s play behaviors in outdoor play spaces. our recommended protocol understanding the nature play milieu: using behavior mapping to investigate… 255 provides a flexible method that can be adapted to document children’s diverse play activities in a wide range of outdoor spaces and accommodate a diverse set of inquiries. this method is also useful for collecting the rich details inherent in the nature play milieu. outdoor free play in natural environments has the potential to positively impact the healthy development of children. with an increase in the number of children living in urban areas, and decreasing opportunities for children to experience nature, well-designed nature play spaces can afford children opportunities that support their health and facilitate their development across a range of domains, as well as build positive relationships with nature. consistent use of this customized behavior mapping protocol across a broad range of outdoor play environments will allow researchers to compare and contrast children’s outdoor play behaviors across differing environmental conditions. understanding the components and conditions that create safe and challenging nature play spaces can help inform recommendations for the design and programming of outdoor play spaces for children to grow and thrive. additional behavior mapping studies that address changes in children’s behavior in outdoor play environments by season or over time would also be valuable contributions to this growing body of research. adina cox currently works at the university of kentucky as a post-doctoral scholar in the department of landscape architecture. she earned her ph.d. in design under the direction of robin moore at north carolina state university (ncsu). she holds a master’s in natural resource management and gis from ncsu and a bachelor’s in landscape architecture from cal poly pomona. her research interests include children’s outdoor play environments, independent mobility, children’s wildlife encounters, pedestrian environments, and greenways. she emphatically believes it is important to find ways to increase children’s daily exposure to outdoor natural environments and opportunities for play. dr. janet loebach is an environmental design researcher and consultant based in ontario, canada, and the principal consultant for thrive design consulting. she currently holds a post-doctoral fellowship at the camh institute for mental health policy research. her research and practice focus on children’s perception and use of their everyday environments, and the socio-environmental factors that influence children’s behavior and well-being. her areas of expertise include assessment and design of natural and built play and learning environments for children, as well as participatory, child-led and community-based planning processes. dr. loebach currently serves as vice president of the international play association (canada) and as co-chair of the children & youth environments network of the environmental design research association (edra). sarah little is an assistant professor of landscape architecture at the university of oklahoma and a registered landscape architect in the state of north carolina where she practiced for 12 years. her 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(2007). where do the children play? in proceedings of the institution of civil engineers-municipal engineer (vol. 160, no. 2, pp. 89-95). thomas telford. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi http://sru.soc.surrey.ac.uk/sru35.html © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(1), 2020 children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials in the outdoor early childhood education and care environment rune storli ellen beate hansen sandseter ole johan sando queen maud university college of early childhood education, norway citation: storli, r., sandseter, e. b. h., & sando, o. j. (2020). children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials in the outdoor early childhood education and care environment. children, youth and environments, 30(1), 66-82. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract in this study, we investigated the relationship between children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials in outdoor environments. our sample consisted of 935 video observations of the free play of 86 children in the outdoor spaces of eight norwegian early childhood education and care (ecec) institutions. multilevel analysis revealed a positive association between children’s involvement in free outdoor play and their play with loose parts and movable materials. the results suggest that affording easy access to a variety of play materials to be used simultaneously in the outdoor ecec environment can intensify children’s involvement in their play activities. keywords: outdoor play, involvement, loose parts, play materials, early childhood education and care, free play http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 67 introduction a growing consensus contends that physical environments play an essential role in children’s development and learning (berti, cigala, & sharmahd, 2019). by extension, the physical qualities of educational environments, including physical features in early childhood education and care (ecec) institutions, are important for children’s wellbeing, participation, development and learning outcomes (huntsman, 2008; koch, 2013; neill, 1982; sylva et al., 2003; vassenden, thygesen, bayer, alvestad, & abrahamsen, 2011). in particular, those factors greatly influence children’s perception and use of both indoor and outdoor environments (waller, sandseter, wyver, ärlemalm‐hagsér, & maynard, 2010). in norway, the national framework plan for the content and tasks of kindergarten especially emphasizes outdoor play: “kindergartens shall enable the children to appreciate nature and have outdoor experiences that teach them to move around and spend time in the outdoors during the different seasons” (nmer, 2017, p. 52). the framework plan also stresses the importance of diverse, challenging play environments that accommodate a variety of activities and forms of play for all children by providing a wide range of toys, equipment and materials for them to use in their play. although the outdoor environment in preschools appears to bear important influence on children’s physical active play, researchers have rarely examined the relationship between play and other key variables of children’s development in respect to their learning in outdoor environments (ernst, 2014; miranda, larrea, muela, & barandiaran, 2017). children’s perceptions of physical environments the theory of affordances (j. j. gibson, 1979) represents an ecological framework for considering the utility and flexibility of physical environments by prioritizing the individual’s perception of his or her surrounding environment. at base, it maintains that the physical environments in which we live afford opportunities to engage in various actions and behaviors. according to the theory, that person–environment relationship is immediate and based on practical activities (kyttä, 2004). at the same time, as kyttä (2004) has claimed, actualized affordances are a subset of an environment’s potential affordances that an individual perceives, uses or influences. in their case, children actualize affordances in their environments by way of exploration and play. in that sense, affordances depend upon the environment as well as the person, because affordances are unique for each individual. for instance, one child may perceive a milk crate as a seat, whereas another may perceive it as a material for constructing a hut. extending the theory of affordances, herrington, lesmeister, nicholls, and stefiuk (2007) conducted a multidisciplinary study on how children used physical environments in ecec institutions for play and learning. based on their results, those authors developed guidelines and criteria for creating stimulating environments that take into account children’s interests and needs as well as promote their development and learning. in their informational guide to young children’s outdoor play spaces, herrington and colleagues present seven criteria for children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 68 child-friendly environments—the seven cs—several of which relate to not only the diversity of space (e.g., character, context and connectivity) but also the diversity of contents in space, including play materials. such diversity reflects another criterion—change—which prescribes a range of differently sized designed spaces in a play area and represents how the entire play space changes over time. in their study on the seven cs, herrington and lesmeister (2006) found that children played for less time in play spaces with more limited components of change (e.g., mutable materials such as sand, mud, gravel and fallen or picked vegetation). addressing another criterion, chance—meaning an opportunity for children to create, manipulate and leave an impression on a play space—herrington and lesmeister (2006) have argued that outdoor play spaces where loose parts afford materials for children’s imagination, exploration and construction of their own play spaces offer outstanding opportunities for chance. play with loose parts and movable materials drawing on nicholson’s (1972) theory of loose parts, which stresses providing play environments with a wide range of play opportunities that stimulate creativity, researchers in several recent studies have focused on how loose parts and movable materials can influence children’s play and activities. among them, in an intervention study in turkey, acer, gözen, fırat, kefeli, and aslan (2016) redesigned the classroom of 5-year-old nursery-school children to, among other ends, include more loose materials and make them more accessible to children by being placed on shelves and in more transparent containers. observations revealed that after the intervention, the amount of play materials used in the children’s play increased, as did the diversity of their use of those materials. among other results, the duration of the children’s play also increased, meaning that they spent longer time engaged in play situations than before the intervention. in another study, mahony, hyndman, nutton, smith, and te ava (2017) investigated the relationship between playground equipment and children’s social play outdoors in two schools by comparatively analyzing 5–12-year-olds’ play in a playground with fixed equipment and in another with movable materials only. their results indicated a limited range of play activities in the playground with fixed equipment compared to the one with movable materials. children in the playground with fixed equipment were less active, showed more signs of boredom and disagreement, engaged in more parallel play, organized more team-based games and engaged in more regulated, structured, traditional activities than children in the playground with movable materials. in the latter environment, children performed a wider range of activities, engaged in more purposeful play, showed higher levels of social and cognitive engagement and were more innovative with using the unstructured material than in the fixed environment. they also engaged in more collaborative play involving teamwork, negotiation and planning for a common goal, as well as in a greater number of social interactions with others of different ages and abilities. however, even though loose parts and movable materials have been shown to benefit children’s play outdoors, olsen and smith (2017) found in their study on access to play materials and loose parts provided on ecec playgrounds in the united states that the storage of such materials is a critical but overlooked feature in outdoor play environments. to be available to and fully used by children, children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 69 such materials should be stored close to the spaces where children play, at children’s heights and with full access. similarly, in their systematic review, berti and colleagues (2019) found that the accessibility and appropriateness of childscale materials in outdoor spaces seem to increase the quality of children’s play. in studies exploring children’s view of attractive play environments, scholars have also observed that having access to loose parts or manipulative, movable materials is important for children’s play. for example, to examine 6–11-year-olds’ perspectives on public playgrounds and their playground use, jansson (2015) conducted group interviews supplemented with maps and photos with 141 children in two swedish cities. among her results, the children described their use of playgrounds in terms of challenges, manipulation and placemaking. when children described their preference for manipulation, which was most preferred by the oldest children (i.e., 9–11 years old), they described how they liked to alter their play environments by using, for example, stones, sand and various tools. in another series of interviews supplemented with photographs and drawings as well as in observations, zamani (2016) similarly found that 4–5-year-olds preferred playgrounds with both loose natural materials—sand, leaves, twigs, stones, dirt and flowers, among others—and loose manufactured elements such as tires, ropes and toys. likewise, during observations, the children preferred to use loose or modifiable elements that inspired their constructive, dramatic and rule-based game play. in a separate set of interviews conducted during the study, teachers confirmed children’s preferences for loose materials for imaginary play, which they had observed lengthened the duration of children’s play. more recently, in an analysis of 5–9-year-olds’ (n = 110) drawings of their idealized play spaces, ward (2018) also found that children predominantly depicted loose parts such as natural elements including water, and props for symbolic, fantasy or role play. j. l. gibson, cornell, and gill (2017) performed a systematic review of research on interventions involving play with loose parts assessed with quantitative outcome indicators for development, but found little evidence to support the impact of the interventions. although some indications of participants’ higher enjoyment, selfesteem and happiness at and satisfaction with school emerged, indications of developmental impact did not. however, the authors admitted that only five studies met the criteria for inclusion in their systematic review, and in turn, they called for more smalland large-scale quantitative studies on the impact of children’s play with loose parts. children’s play, involvement and learning play is an activity in which children engage not as a means to an end but simply because they enjoy it (sutton-smith, 2009). from the perspective of children, play is voluntary, self-controlled, fun, active, spontaneous, free, unlimited, natural and self-initiated (wiltz & fein, 2006). in studies to date, scholars have observed that experiencing an activity such as play is important for children’s learning from the activity (howard & mcinnes, 2013; mcinnes, howard, miles, & crowley, 2009), as well as that their wellbeing improves when they engage in play versus adult-led exercises involving the same activity (howard & mcinnes, 2013). as such, play promotes learning, including the learning of skills that are important for adulthood children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 70 (bjorklund & pellegrini, 2002; pellegrini & smith, 1998). in that sense, play and learning should be considered to operate as an indivisible whole whose two component parts stimulate each other (pramling samuelsson & johansson, 2006). in describing how children experience deep-level learning when operating in a mode of high involvement, laevers (2000) has argued that accommodating high levels of involvement as well as persistence in children’s play and activities is important to promoting optimal learning environments. involvement is linked neither to specific types of behavior nor to specific levels of development. more generally, involvement means intense mental activity in which a person functions at the limits of his or her capabilities. laevers and heylen (2003) argue involvement refers to a dimension of human activity that is closely related to quality in learning processes. thus, involvement can be characterized as entailing intrinsic motivation, fascination, an openness to stimuli and an intensity of experience at both the physical and cognitive levels, all of which affect children’s learning (laevers, 1997; pascal & bertram, 1997). as such, involvement should be studied not to examine direct learning outcomes but to explore the creation of optimal learning situations. taking that perspective, laevers and heylen (2003) have argued that given a richer variety of play materials, children are afforded greater choice in their play activities and, as a result, experience higher levels of involvement. aim of the study to our knowledge there are no earlier studies exploring the relationship between children’s interaction with play materials and their involvement in play. examining how diverse play materials can contribute to creating optimal outdoor learning environments is therefore the main aim of this study. more specifically, our research question was: what is the association between children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials in ecec outdoor environments? methods the study was conducted as part of the competence for developing early childhood education and care (ecec) institutions’ indoor and outdoor environments project funded by the research council of norway and approved by the norwegian social science data services. lasting from 2017 to 2020, the project followed a mixedmethods design (creswell, 2015) and was conducted in close collaboration with three owners of ecec institutions in norway. data collection involved systematic and randomized video observations of children in outdoor environments during free play at two data points, in which free play implied that children could decide what they wanted to do, where they wanted to be and with whom they wanted to interact. results from the first period of data collection have been described in other published articles (sando, 2019; storli & sandseter, 2019). participants the participating ecec institutions in the study were selected from facilities operated by three partnering ecec owners. the owners made at least twice as many ecec institutions available as were required for the study and provided relevant information about each of them, including their size, location, age, spatial qualities, number of departments and number of children in attendance. an children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 71 important criterion for selected institutions was having at least 20 children aged 4– 5 years old who could be recruited as participants. the researchers selected eight ecec institutions based on a strategic choice to include different types of institutions in terms of the size, quality and age of the spaces therein. on average, norwegian ecec institutions have a fenced playground of 2,619.5 square meters, or 47.1 square meters per child (moser & martinsen, 2010). in this study, the largest playground was 13.0 square meters. while there were large variations in the sizes of playgrounds in the study, the design and fixed playground equipment in the ecec institutions were quite similar in terms of type, e.g. swings, slides, sandpits and climbing equipment. all institutions provided play materials like tricycles, buckets, toy trucks, cups and spades. in one of the urban playgrounds the children had no access to nature such as trees, flowers, grass, or natural elements like stones, gravel, logs, or sticks. the strategy for sampling children to participate was to seek informed consent from all the children’s parents, then randomly draw 10 children who consented to participate—five boys and five girls—from each institution. as a result, the first period of data collection (t1) included 80 children. because the second period of data collection (t2) occurred a year after t1, some amendments were made to the sample at t2. in particular, six of the 80 participants no longer attended the institutions at t2, and one child was not included at t2 for ethical reasons. following the likelihood of dropout anticipated at t1, a list of other children who consented to participate was used to randomly select seven additional children for t2 to replace the dropouts. however, one of the children was sick on the day of observation, which left only six children as replacement participants. ultimately, the sample consisted of 86 children: 80 at t1 and 79 at t2. the distribution of gender between t1 and t2 was nearly equal, with 51 percent of the observations being of boys and 49 percent being of girls. children’s mean age was 3.8 years (se = 0.6) at t1 and 4.7 years (se = 0.6) at t2. procedure and data t1 occurred in the fall of 2017, whereas t2 occurred a year later in the fall of 2018. all observations were video-recorded and performed in accordance with a strict protocol that ensured a random sampling of observational sequences and identical methods of data collection at each institution. researchers selected two children to be observed on each day of observation, and each child was observed for six twominute sequences during free play outdoors. the protocol instructed the data collector to perform each observation by recording child 1 for two minutes, followed by a six-minute break to locate the next child in the play area. next, child 2 was recorded for two minutes as well, followed by another six-minute break to find child 1 for his or her second round of observation, and so forth. if the data collector encountered a child in a situation that could not be filmed (e.g., using the toilet or changing clothes), then the observation was postponed until filming was permitted. if the child was in such a situation for more than 10 minutes, then the data collector proceeded to continue observing the other child and performed the missing observations at the end of the observation period. children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 72 although a full sample of six observations of 80 children at two data points would have included 960 observations, the final sample included only 935 video observations, meaning that 25 observations were missing (2.6 percent). some missing observations occurred because children were sick or picked up early from school, while other observations were excluded because the child was hidden from view, the child was preoccupied with the recording equipment or a technical or human error occurred. the final sample reflected a fairly equal distribution of observations at the two data points, with 471 observations at t1 and 464 at t2. measures the leuven involvement scale (laevers, 2005) used in the study is designed for two-minute observations scored on a 5-point scale (1 = the child hardly shows any activity, 5 = the child is continuously engaged in the activity and completely absorbed with it). each video-recorded observation was scored independently by two researchers, who reviewed the data when disagreements greater than 1 point arose and discussed their interpretations until consensus was reached. for differences of 1 point, an average of the two scores was used. in terms of weighted kappa (cohen, 1968), inter-rater agreement was 89 percent, with a kappa value of 0.56, which indicates moderate agreement. agreement greater than 80 percent and with a kappa value exceeding 0.40 is often viewed as acceptable (mchugh, 2012). observers coded the use or presence of materials when a child was holding, using or interacting with a material. to capture the possibility that children may use several materials at once, the categories of materials were not mutually exclusive. those categories were sand, water, mud, nature materials, toys, open-ended materials and wheeled toys. observers coded every material category in terms of the percentage of time in which the material was used during each observation. a single researcher coded the materials, and a random sample of 10 percent of the video observations was reviewed by a second researcher to ensure consistent coding and interpretation. analysis researchers scored involvement in an excel spreadsheet, and coded the use of materials with noldus observer xt 12.5, a type of behavioral coding, analysis and management software for observed data (zimmerman, bolhuis, willemsen, meyer, & noldus, 2009). observer xt data were paired with the spreadsheet of scores for involvement and imported to stata (mp 15.1) for statistical analysis. given the hierarchical structure of the data with nested observations of children in ecec institutions, researchers also used multilevel regression analysis (goldstein, 1986), which enables researchers to control for contextual factors and increases the accuracy of predictions (gelman, 2006). results the mean duration of the 935 video observations was 122 seconds (se = 5), and the mean score for involvement was 3.6 (se = 0.8). descriptive statistics of the observations appear in table 1. children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 73 table 1. descriptive statistics (n = 935 observations) mean (se) min. max. involvement 3.6 (.8) 1 5 age 4.2 2.8 5.8 sand % 11 (28) 0 100 water % 8 (23) 0 100 mud % 1 (9) 0 100 nature materials % 14 (31) 0 100 toys % 32 (44) 0 100 open-ended materials % 7 (23) 0 100 wheeled toys % 13 (32) 0 100 the material used the most was toys, which participants used 32 percent of the time on average. sand (11 percent), water (8 percent), nature materials (14 percent), open-ended materials (7 percent) and wheeled toys (13 percent) were also used quite frequently. by contrast, mud was used only 1 percent of the time and, for that reason, was excluded from further analysis. the correlation matrix presented in table 2 shows that involvement positively correlated with age (r = .25, p < .001), being a boy (r = .11, p < .01), use of sand (r = .21, p < .001), use of water (r = .14, p < .001), use of nature materials (r = .15, p < .001), use of toys (r = .24, p < .001) and use of open-ended materials (r = .13, p < .001). however, involvement negatively correlated with the use of wheeled toys (r.-14, p < .001). table 2. correlation matrix (n = 935 observations) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 1. age — 2. boy (0 = girl) .11** — 3. involvement .25*** .07* — 4. sand .03 -.01 .21*** — 5. water -.08* .02 .14*** .05 — 6. nature materials -.06 -.02 .15*** -.12*** .00 — 7. toys .03 .06 .24*** .49*** .33*** -.02 — 8. open-ended materials .15*** .04 .13*** -.09** -.03 .05 -.15*** — 9. wheeled toys -.18*** -.01 -.14*** -.12*** -.13*** -.16*** -.22*** -.05 *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001 to analyze the association between involvement and the variables describing the use of materials while controlling for the nested data structure and children’s age and gender, researchers performed multilevel regression analysis with a random children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 74 intercept model. the data were nested at three levels: the level of observation (level 1, n = 935), the level of the child (level 2, n = 86) and the level of the institution (level 3, n = 8). a variance partition coefficient with a limit of 5 percent variance was used to determine the number of levels in the model (mehmetoglu & jakobsen, 2017). calculations of the variance partition coefficient for involvement indicated 2 percent variance at the institutional level and 21 percent variance at the child level. a two-level model was employed for further analysis. a stepwise inclusion of variables, starting at the lowest level in the model (hox, 2010), was also performed. the researchers first ran an intercept-only model (m0), followed by a model including variables describing the use of materials (m1). last, the second-level variables describing age and gender were added (m2). values of deviance, akaike’s information criterion and schwarz’s bayesian information criterion for all three models are shown in table 3 to indicate how well the models fit the data and to compare them (hox, 2010). table 3. multilevel model for involvement and use of materials model m0 m1 m2 coeff. (se) coeff. (se) coeff. (se) fixed part intercept 3.55 (.05) 3.31 (.05) 2.26 (.19) sand .005 (.001)*** .005 (.001)*** water .003 (.001)** .004 (.001)*** nature materials .004 (.001)*** .004 (.001)*** toys .003 (.001)*** .003 (.001)*** open-ended materials .005 (.001)*** .004 (.001)*** wheeled toys -.001 (.001) .000 (.001) age .24 (.04)*** boy .07 (.08) random part level 1 variance .55 (.03) .49 (.02) .48 (.02) level 2 variance .14 (.03) .12 (.03) .08 (.02) deviance 2208 2089 2058 aic 2214 2107 2080 bic 2229 2151 2133 note. aic = akaike’s information criterion; bic = bayesian information criterion *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. controlling for the effect of the other independent variables, the final model (m2) indicated that involvement was 0.5 points greater on the leuven involvement scale when children used sand throughout their observation periods (100 percent). the use of water, nature materials and open-ended materials was also positively associated with involvement, and the model revealed an increase in involvement by 0.4 points when children used those materials throughout the observation. using children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 75 toys was also positively associated with involvement, with an estimated 0.3-point increase, whereas using wheeled toys had no association with involvement. a positive association also surfaced between age and involvement; being a year older was estimated to increase involvement by 0.2 points. by contrast, no significant association surfaced between gender and involvement. according to the results of a likelihood-ratio test, each model marked a significant improvement from the previous model (p < .001). to test whether any differences in gender occurred in the association between each material and involvement, researchers ran separate models for each material, in which age, gender and an interaction term for the specific material and gender were included. because no significant interaction effects emerged, there was no apparent difference between the genders in terms of each material’s association with involvement. discussion our analyses allowed us to investigate the relationship between children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials (i.e. loose parts) in outdoor environments at ecec institutions in norway. the descriptive statistics in table 1 afford an overview of which play materials were most frequently used in children’s free play outdoors. toys such as buckets, spades, cups and trucks are play materials often provided as supplements in play spaces such as sandboxes and outdoor kitchens and surfaced as the play material most used on average (32 percent). other popular play materials were nature materials (14 percent), sand (11 percent), water (8 percent) and open open-ended materials (7 percent). these results suggest that children are strongly attracted to and prefer playing with loose parts and movable materials, which underscores the importance of providing such materials and making them easily accessible for children in adapting and improving playability in play environments (acer et al., 2016; olsen & smith, 2017). according to nicholson (1972), play materials or loose parts increase children’s inventiveness and creativity as well as the possibility of discovery. in his criticism of many playgrounds, nicholson (1972) has claimed that, without such materials, children are deprived of fun and creativity in play environments that are clean, static and impossible to play in. by extension, kyttä (2004) has argued that a diversity of environmental resources and access to play and exploration are two central criteria of child-friendly environments. movable play materials afford multidimensional possibilities for play and are perceived as functionally meaningful, or “play-able,” from the perspective of children (ward, 2018; zamani, 2016). as table 1 shows, providing a diversity of natural (e.g. sticks, logs, cones and rocks) and open-ended materials (e.g. planks, tubes and car tires) along with more predefined toys, can contribute to creating spaces with more open-ended opportunities for various types of play in outdoor ecec environments. because the usability (i.e., affordances) of such materials is not predefined, children may behave more freely in using them in challenging, creative and transformative ways children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 76 (jansson, 2015). herrington and colleagues (2007) have referred to loose parts as tools that allow actions to be performed and that alter opportunities for children’s imagination, exploration and construction of their own play spaces. moreover, herrington and lesmeister (2006) have found that children play for less time when the ability for environments to change is more limited (e.g., lacking mutable materials such as sand, mud, gravel, and fallen or picked vegetation). the results in tables 2 and 3 reveal that a positive association emerged between involvement and children’s play with loose parts and movable materials, except for wheeled toys, in their free outdoor play. the results of the multilevel model for involvement and use of materials in table 3 also reveal a significant association between children’s involvement and use of play materials when the effect of the other independent variables in the model was controlled. if participating children used the play materials for throughout the two-minute observation, then their involvement was estimated to increase by 0.3 points on the leuven involvement scale for play with toys, by 0.4 for play with water, nature materials and openended materials and by 0.5 for play with sand. the results in table 2 indicate that children often used two or more different play materials at once. the researchers calculated the estimated effect on involvement of using each play material. among them, playing with toys, water and sand at the same time for two minutes was estimated to increase involvement by 1.2 points on the leuven involvement scale. that finding coincides with earlier findings suggesting that increased endurance (acer et al., 2016; herrington & lesmeister, 2006), a wider range of activities (types of play), more purposeful play (mahony et al., 2017) and greater involvement (laevers & heylen, 2003) in children’s play occur when they have access to a variety of play materials that they can use simultaneously. wheeled toys did not have the same positive associations with involvement as the other play materials examined. in fact, wheeled toys—mostly tricycles—were negatively correlated with involvement (table 2); however, in the more robust multilevel model (table 3), that negative association disappeared. taken together, the results suggest that wheeled toys such as tricycles are neither positively nor negatively associated with children’s involvement. as an explanation, the video recordings indicate that the number of tricycles at each ecec institution was limited and that children, having accessed one of them, tended to spend their time guarding it from other children instead of using it in play activities. the video recordings also suggest that tricycles were features on which children sat while not engaging in play. the multilevel model for involvement and use of materials (table 3) included two factors related not to the environment but to the individual: gender and age. on the one hand, no significant differences arose between boys and girls in terms of the associations between involvement and different play materials. in a study on the relationship between social play and involvement in outdoor play environment miranda and colleagues (2017) did not detect gender-based differences, either. on the other hand, a positive association between age and involvement in outdoor play children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 77 did emerge in our study (table 3), as being a year older was estimated to increase involvement by 0.2 points on the leuven involvement scale. although our study’s data did not provide information to explain that association, theoretical assumptions can nevertheless inform some reasons why it occurred. for instance, miranda and colleagues (2017) have reported that group play is the type of play that best predicts higher involvement. moreover, older children are generally more experienced and expected to have cognitive, social and emotional competencies greater than those of younger children. regardless of the richness and diversity of opportunities that children encounter in play environments, individual differences between children are inevitable, particularly in how they perceive those environments and the degree to which they experience involvement while playing there. since children’s individual interests, sources of fascination and motivations in outdoor play are wide-ranging, individual variance in involvement should be expected. our results support that assumption; variance in involvement was 21 percent at the level of the child compared to only 2 percent at the institutional level. that finding illuminates the complexity of the relationship between children’s play and their perceptions of environments as consisting of potentially meaningful affordances (kyttä, 2004). for ecec practitioners, such knowledge is important, for being able to recognize children who are not showing signs of high involvement in play and activities can enable such practitioners to accommodate both an environment and activities that promote high involvement among all children and, in turn, increased learning potential (laevers & heylen, 2003). the results in table 2 also show that children tended to use a combination of loose materials such as sand, water and toys, as well as buckets, spades and toy cars, at the same time in their play. that trend calls for practitioners to become aware of the importance of storing such materials together or close to each other in a play environment where children can easily access them (acer et al., 2016; berti et al., 2019; olsen & smith, 2017; zamani, 2016). more specifically, olsen and smith (2017) have recommended using storage with a combination of large units for large equipment (e.g., tricycles and balls) and small, child-accessible shelves for art supplies, materials for dramatic play, cars and other loose materials. conclusion the aim of our study was to explore how children interact with play materials outdoors at ecec institutions and how such interaction relates to their level of involvement during free play. the results revealed a positive association between involvement and children’s play with loose parts and movable materials, as well as suggest that children’s involvement in their play increases when they can easily access a variety of play materials that they can use simultaneously. at the same time, because our study constituted cross-sectional research focused on measuring children’s involvement in their ecec institutional environments, the study design and analytical approach do not allow reliable causal inferences. only associations between the children’s involvement and their use of loose parts and movable materials in the outdoor environments can be established. even so, the associations detected in the study support earlier findings that accessibility and appropriate children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials... 78 loose parts and movable materials in outdoor play spaces seem to increase the quality of play behavior, which affords insights into how that relationship can be accommodated to increase children’s involvement in their play and other activities. in that sense, the study’s findings further emphasize that ecec institutions and practitioners should provide easily accessible, sufficiently diverse play materials for children to use in their outdoor play environments. acknowledgements this work was supported by the research council of norway under grant 270727. rune storli is an associate professor in the department of physical education and health at queen maud university college of early childhood education (qmuc) in trondheim, norway. he has a broad experience from teaching outdoor life and outdoor activities in preschool teacher education, and has authored several books about this theme. in recent years he has dedicated his research to rough-andtumble play among preschool children and explored the characteristics of this kind of play, its benefits for children’s development and well-being and ecec practitioners’ attitudes toward and practices regarding such play. ellen beate hansen sandseter is a professor in the department of physical education and health at queen maud university college of early childhood education (qmuc) in trondheim, norway. her primary research focus is on children’s physical play, outdoor play, and risky/thrilling play among children in early childhood education and care (ecec) institutions, as well as how to develop physical environments for children’s play, development and learning. she has also been involved in research on norwegian children’s experiences of participation and well-being in norwegian ecec institutions, and projects about safety work, child injuries and injury prevention in norwegian ecec institutions. ole johan sando is an assistant professor/ph.d. student, employed at the department of physical education and health at queen maud university college of early childhood education (qmuc) in trondheim, norway. ole johan has previously conducted research on how the safety focus in society affects children's opportunities for physically active play, injuries and accidents in ecec and young children’s outdoor activities. his ongoing ph.d. work focuses on how the physical environment in ecec is related to children's well-being and level of physical activity. references acer, d., gözen, g., fırat, z. s., kefeli, h., & aslan, b. 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(2009). the observer xt: a tool for the integration and synchronization of multimodal signals. behavioral research methods, 41(3), 731-735. doi:10.3758/brm.41.3.731 © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(1), 2021 measuring green space effects on attention and stress in children and youth: a scoping review brian barger school of public health, georgia state university julia torquati college of education and human sciences, university of nebraska lincoln r. larson college of natural resources, north carolina state university jody marie bartz college of education, montana state university cassandra johnson-gaither u.s.d.a. forest service, southern research station, athens, georgia andrew gardner college of medicine, university of arizona eric moody wyoming institute for disabilities, laramie, wyoming steven rosenberg school of medicine, university of colorado anschutz medical campus anne schutte department of psychology, university of nebraska-lincoln margaret murray school of public health, georgia state university bridgette m. schram school of public health, georgia state university citation: barger, b., torquati, j., larson, l. r., bartz, j. m., johnson-gaither, c., gardner, a., moody, e., rosenberg, s., schutte, a., murray, m., & schram, b. m. (2021). measuring green space effects on attention and stress in children and youth: a scoping review. children, youth and environments, 31(1), 1-54. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 2 abstract this scoping review compiles 42 published studies measuring children’s attention and/or stress responses to green space settings. attention and stress outcomes include objective (e.g., physiological) and subjective (rating scale) traditions. attention studies had two distinct subjective measurement traditions, one measuring adhd symptoms, the other measuring attention restoration theory constructs. correlational studies were more likely to use subjective scales for outcomes whereas experimental studies more frequently used objective measures or a mix of objective and subjective measures. care should be taken when interpreting and extending this literature as the comparability of outcome variables across studies is unclear. keywords: children, green space, nature, tree canopy, attention restoration, stress reduction measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 3 introduction evidence shows that natural environments can beneficially impact human health (bowler, buyung-ali, knight, & pullin, 2010; hartig, mitchell, de vries, & frumkin, 2014; ideno et al., 2017; kuo, 2015; nesbitt, hotte, baron, cowan, & shepard, 2017). although most research has been conducted on adult populations, a growing literature identifies benefits for children and adolescents (chawla, keena, pevec, & stanley, 2014; chawla, 2015; collado & staats, 2016; gray et al., 2015; mccormick, 2017). several reviews exist on the effects of nature on children’s mental health and well-being, physical health and activity, academic outcomes, and executive functioning (alderton, villanueva, o’connor, boulange, & badland, 2019; browning & rigolon, 2019; chawla, 2015; mccormick, 2017; gray et al., 2015; kabisch, van den bosch, & lafortezza, 2017; lambert et al., 2018; moens et al., 2019; vanaken & danckaerts, 2018; vanos, 2015). data generally supports that exposure to natural environments is associated with improvements in child outcomes, though effects can be quite small (moens et al., 2019). nature as a construct also varies widely across studies with a primary split between “green” (e.g., treed areas) and “blue” (e.g., open-sky areas) spaces (amoly et al., 2014; gascon et al., 2015). this study focuses on green spaces. attention and stress are two of the most commonly studied health outcomes in the green space literature (bowler et al., 2010; hartig et al., 2014; kuo, 2015). both are multi-faceted constructs with frequently studied dynamic bi-directional relationships (eldar, ricon, & bar-haim, 2008; ferrier, bassett, & denham, 2014; gable & harmon-jones, 2010; graziano, calkins & keane, 2011; monroe, 2008; moran, 2016; yiend, 2010). attention is a notably thorny construct with disparate theories and measures proposed, not to mention complex intersections with other cognitive processes, such as working memory (awh, vogel, & oh, 2006; cowan, 2001; diamond, 2013; cuevas & bell, 2014; gaertner, spinrad, & eisenberg, 2008; garon, bryson, & smith, 2008; joyce, friedman, wolfe, & bell, 2018; woodman & luck, 1999). similarly, stress has a dynamic, interactive relationship with anxiety, cognitive functioning, and attention (eldar et al., 2008; morales, fu, & pérez-edgar, 2016; tu et al., 2007; white et al., 2017). the dominant explanatory theories used to frame research on the effects of green space on measures of attention and stress include attention restoration theory (art; kaplan & kaplan, 1989; kaplan, 1995) and stress reduction theory (srt; ulrich, 1993). art maintains that exposure to nature decreases mental fatigue and increases attentional capacity (kaplan, 1995; kaplan & kaplan, 1989; kaplan & berman, 2010). srt posits that nature exposure decreases anxiety and stress with downstream effects on human health and well-being (hartig et al., 2014; kuo, 2015). these are complementary theories with sizable literatures that are primarily adult-focused and cross-sectional, though experimental studies are increasing (bowler et al., 2010; hartig et al., 2014; kuo, 2015). notably, art has been criticized in recent years due to operational imprecision and weak study effects (joye & dewitte, 2018; moens et al., 2019; neilson, craig, travis & klein, 2019; ohly et al., 2016). although srt has not been similarly scrutinized, there are many operational and interpretive challenges related to measuring stress (endler & parker, 1990; monroe, 2008). measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 4 measuring attention and stress currently, no structured reviews exist focusing on what measures of green space, attention, and stress are used in published research on children. measurement of theoretical constructs in relation to health outcomes is challenging, particularly when constructs are measured across children’s dynamic developmental stages (cano & hobart, 2011; murray, obsuth, eisner, & ribeaud, 2019). a measurementfocused review will clarify for researchers which attention and stress measures are commonly used across the literature and facilitate discussions on where nature fits within social-ecological frameworks (bronfenbrenner, 2005). further, a measurement review will help the field interpret research findings and clarify when studies may be using the same terms to discuss different constructs or different terms to discuss the same constructs (block, 2000; kelley, 1927; reschly & christenson, 2012; thorndike, 1904). to facilitate this conversation, we will discuss published findings using the umbrella terms of objective and subjective measurement. objective measures include physiological measures (e.g., cortisol for stress), behavioral measures (e.g., counts of particular behaviors), or perceptual/cognitive tasks (e.g., in vivo attention tasks). subjective measures are most often likert-based rating forms (bagot, allen, & toukhsati, 2015; kuo, browning, & penner, 2017; torquati, schutte, & kiat, 2017; van aart et al., 2018; wells, 2000). researchers of children in green space should take note of the differential support for relationships between objective and subjective attention and stress measures. on the positive side, there is a well-established evidence base indicating objective cortisol responses and heart rate metrics correlate with subjective measures of psychological stress (aguilar et al., 2014; burke, davis, otte, & mohr, 2005; michels et al., 2013; pagliaccio et al., 2014). the relationship between objective and subjective measures of attentional processes is less clear. for example, a number of studies find that subjective attention scales do not correlate strongly with objective attention tasks (e.g., working memory), suggesting they measure dissimilar constructs (bodnar, prahme, cutting, denckla, & mahone, 2007; limbers, young, jernigan, bryant, & stephen, 2017; macallister et al., 2012; snyder, miyake, & hankin, 2015; toplak, west, & stanovich, 2013). the disjoint between purportedly similar subjective and objective metrics is notable as a number of subjective scales explicitly measuring art constructs have been developed (bagot, 2004; kaplan & berman, 2010). these scales measure the subjective feeling of an individual being physically or psychologically “away,” environmental “compatibility,” experience of “fascination,” and feelings of “connectedness.” such scales are quite different from objective attention measures (ohly et al., 2016). furthermore, the relationship between art-focused scales and other subjective attention scales is not an area of active investigation and the degree to which they measure overlapping constructs is unknown. as such, reviewing the measures used to date will help researchers critique the evidence base, engage in clarifying constructs, and map out future research directions. measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 5 measuring green space measuring green space is also complex (taylor & hochuli, 2017). published studies in the child literature report measuring green space around houses or schools with access via windows, experimentally controlling time outdoors, or counting the number and types of vegetation around dwelling areas (li & sullivan, 2016; wells, 2000; soderstrom et al., 2013; faber taylor & kuo, 2009; torquati et al., 2017). some researchers develop their own instruments, while others use validated environmental green space measures (corraliza, collado, & bethelmy, 2012; kuo & faber taylor, 2004; dzhamabov, hartig, markevych, tilov, & dimitrova, 2018; wells, 2000). recent research has begun incorporating satellite-based measures (e.g., the normalized difference vegetation index [ndvi]) to quantify spaces (dzhamabov et al., 2018; larson et al., 2011; 2018). further, while some studies provide granular environmental details, others simply contrast “green” and “nongreen” spaces broadly (mygind, stevenson, liebst, konvalinka, & bentsen, 2018). a review outlining operational definitions and measures of green space will help researchers better navigate, critique, and extend the existing literature. limitations of current literature despite numerous reviews of the relationship between nature, attention, and stress in adults, there have been few attempts to catalogue the growing body of research on the effects of green spaces in young people. in particular, despite interest (müller & liben, 2017), there are currently no systematic attempts to determine the degree to which attention and stress measures, commonly interpreted in relation to art and srt, are represented in the child development literature. reviewing existing studies will help researchers better assess the different ways green space, stress and attention are measured in the literature, and plan future studies from a developmental science perspective. thus, we propose to conduct a scoping review answering the following questions: 1. what are the different ways that attention and stress are measured in the children’s green space literature? 2. what are the different ways that green space is measured in this literature? methods scoping review considering the measurement focus of this review, the authors conducted a scoping review guided by the preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and metaanalyses (prisma) statement (moher, liberati, tetzlaff, & altman, 2009; munn et al., 2018). scoping reviews are used to delineate the scope of a subject, identify available evidence, clarify concepts/definitions, organize and examine the current state of research approaches, and identify knowledge gaps (munn et al., 2018). the authors considered conducting a systematic review of the topic, but considering this technique’s frequent role in informing policy, and the inchoate state of the literature, the authors decided a scoping review was more appropriate. measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 6 literature search and title, abstract, and article screening the authors used psycinfo, proquest, and web of science to identify articles related to green space, art and srt. we used search terms including the following: “forest” or “tree*” or “shinrin-yoku” (japanese forest bathing) and “attention restor*” or “stress reduct*.” we also conducted ancestral and citation searches from highly relevant studies. article identification included three waves: (1) initial search, (2) ancestral searches and (3) prospective searches. during the initial search (extracted 5/21/2018), the first author reviewed the titles and abstracts of the output from the initial search terms. the core list that this generated was provided to a research assistant, who downloaded the articles from online, university, or inter-library loan resources, and put them into a shared dropbox ® account. the first author conducted a preliminary review of the articles collected in the initial search. studies that were on adults, in a non-english language, single-case designs, qualitative, only measured non-attention/stress outcomes, not published in peer reviewed journals, or whose “natural” settings were indoors were not selected for inclusion in this study.1 articles accepted for inclusion included peer-reviewed studies that were on children and youth aged 18 years or younger, written in english, empirical with a minimum of 10 participants per study, clearly measured attention and stress metrics as outcomes, and were conducted in relation to outdoor green spaces. following identification of the first round of articles from the initial literature search, all accepted articles were subjected to an ancestral search wherein potential articles were identified from article bibliographies and subjected to the same inclusion/exclusion criteria discussed above. following initial and ancestral searches, the authors conducted googlescholar searches (on 9/25/2018) to review all the articles citing the identified relevant studies, and followed the procedures described for initial search. figure 1 describes the overall screening and article identification process. 1 studies with age ranges including adults were accepted if the mean of the population was under the age of 18 years old. measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 7 figure 1. flow diagram displaying decision-making criteria across the literature search and selection coding the 42 articles that met the selection criteria were read in order to abstract the following information: total n, count of participants by gender, green space measures, attention measures, stress measures, other measures, study design, key findings, study population, and co-variates. green space measures included: (a) place-based metrics wherein nature was measured broadly as “green” spaces, typically contrasted with “non-green” spaces, but without specific metrics attempting to measure amount or degree of green space; (b) satellite-based technology metrics of local topology; (c) researcher-designed instruments (rdis) measuring green space; and (d) validated scales supported by previously published research. attention-relevant measures (arm) included objective and subjective measures of attention. stress-relevant measures (srm) included objective and subjective stress measures. non srm/arm measures were broken into objective and subjective categories, and organized into health-oriented (physical and mental), education-oriented, and environmental-oriented measures. study design categories included correlational, cross-sectional, quasi-experimental, and experimental designs. statistical approaches were also coded. when adjusted and unadjusted models were included in studies, we prioritized tabling adjusted analyses rather than findings wherein statistical relations between green space and studies identified from search engines (n = 1,592 [ebsco = 1,036; proquest = 101; web of science = 455]) studies considered from ancestral (n = 69) and prospective (n = 5,104) searches potentially relevant publications (n = 6,696) publications screened for inclusion and exclusion criteria (n = 417) publications excluded after review of titles/abstracts (n = 6,279) publications included in review (n = 42) publications excluded upon further consideration (n = 375) measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 8 outcomes were better accounted for by a confounding variable in multivariate analyses. reported covariates were also abstracted. prior to final reporting, one author independently abstracted 10 (23.8%) of the identified studies to ensure abstraction of key metrics were sound. analyses indicated near perfect agreement for the number of participants (r = 0.99), nature measures (k = 0.92[0.76-1.0]), attention measures (objective k = 0.81[0.50-1.0]; subjective k = 1.0), stress measures (objective k = 1.0; subjective k = 0.81[0.501.0]) and study design (k = 0.80[0.44-1.0]). results overview the 42 studies identified included 24 arm studies, eight srm studies, and 10 with both arm and srm. historically, the child green space literature focused mainly on attention measures, but since 2016 studies investigating stress have increased substantially; studies of arm alone have decreased and studies conjointly considering arm and srm have increased (figure 2). figure 2. studies investigating green space effects on attention and stress in children notes: art = attention restoration theory srt = stress reduction theory measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 9 study descriptions across studies there were 163,030 participants (arm = 88,790, srm = 71,807; arm & srm = 2,433), of which 41,804 were female (arm = 40,060; srm = 488; arm & srm = 1,256) and 43,892 were male (arm = 42,228; srm = 503; arm & srm = 1,161) (several studies did not report gender-level data) (see appendix a and b). the mean age of participants was 10 years (arm = 9.1; srm = 10.7; arm/srm = 11.5) (appendix a). the majority of studies used experimental or quasi-experimental designs (k = 22; arm = 4; srm = 7; arm/srm = 7), followed by cross-sectional (k = 15; arm = 9; srm = 3; arm/srm = 3), and longitudinal designs (k = 5; arm = 4; arm/srm = 0; srm = 1) (table 1). early studies (2000 – 2010) were primarily experimental arm studies (k = 4) with one cross-sectional study. recent years have witnessed an increase in cross-sectional and longitudinal studies (total = 18; arm = 12; srm = 3; arm/srm = 3), with continued growth in experimental/quasi-experimental studies (total = 18; arm = 7; srm = 4; arm/srm = 7) (see figure 3). the majority of studies came from european countries (k = 26) followed by the united states (k = 14), canada (k = 1) and australia (k = 1) (table 1). most studies (k = 21) investigated a range of child stages (early to middle childhood = 8, early childhood to adolescence = 5, middle childhood to adolescence = 4, adolescence to early adulthood = 1, birth to adolescence = 1, toddler to early childhood = 2). seven studies focused on early childhood, eight on middle childhood, five on adolescents, and one on infants/toddlers (arm/srm) (table 1). table 2 provides synopses of methodological details and the primary study findings. figure 3. changes in research designs of green space effects on attention and stress in children, 2000-2018 notes: art = attention restoration theory srt = stress reduction theory measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 10 table 1. study design, region and developmental stages of sample in studies of green space effects on attention and stress in children total studies attention studies stress studies attention/stress studies k % k % k % k % study design cross-sectional 15 35.71 9 37.50 3 37.50 3 30.00 experimental/quasi-experimental 22 52.38 11 45.83 4 50.00 7 70.00 longitudinal 5 11.90 4 16.67 1 12.50 0 0.00 total 42 100.00 24 100.00 8 100.00 10 100.00 region australia 1 2.38 1 4.17 0 0.00 0 0.00 canada 1 2.38 1 4.17 0 0.00 0 0.00 europe 27 64.29 13 56.17 5 62.50 9 90.00 us 13 30.95 9 37.50 3 37.50 1 10.00 total 42 100.00 24 100.00 8 100.00 9 100.00 stage of development infancy/toddlerhood 1 2.38 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 10.00 early childhood 7 16.67 6 25.00 0 0.00 1 10.00 middle childhood 8 19.05 4 16.50 3 37.50 1 20.00 adolescence 5 11.90 0 0.00 1 12.50 4 40.00 range of stages 21 50.00 15 62.5 4 50.00 2 20.00 total 42 100.00 24 100.00 8 100.00 10 100.00 measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 11 attention measures investigations of green space and attention in children were based on a mix of objective and subjective attention measures. five studies were published using objective measures before 2010 (arm = 5; arm/srm = 0), 13 studies (arm = 9; arm/srm = 4) were reported from 2011 to 2015, and 16 since 2016 (arm = 10; arm/srm = 6) (tables 2-4; appendix a and b). subjective attention measures were primarily rating scales designed to measure perceived aspects of attention skills. the most widely used scales were clinical tools or rdis measuring inattention and hyperactive traits (k = 12; arm = 10; arm/srm = 2). the most popularly used attention scale was the strengths and difficulties (sdq) adhd scale (k = 7; arm = 5; arm/srm = 1), a widely used mental health screener that measures attention and hyperactivity traits related to adhd (goodman, 1997). two arm studies used the early childhood attention deficit disorders evaluation scale (mccartney, 1995), and three used rdis. finally, eight studies (arm = 5; arm/srm = 3) measured perceived restorativeness using several scales designed to explicitly measure hypothesized art constructs (bagot, 2004; bagot, kuo, & allen, 2007; hartig, korpela, evans, & garling, 1997). measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 12 table 2. overview of measures used across studies of green space effects on attention and stress in children total studies attention studies stress studies attention/stress studies k % k % k % k % green space measures standardized 4 9.52 2 8.33 2 25.00 0 0.00 place based 19 45.24 10 41.67 2 25.00 7 70.00 rdi 5 11.90 4 16.67 0 0.00 1 10.00 rdi and standardized 1 2.38 0 0.00 1 12.50 0 0.00 satellite based 12 28.57 7 29.17 3 37.50 2 20.00 satellite and rdi 1 2.38 1 4.17 0 0.00 0 0.00 total 42 100.00 24 100.00 8 100.00 10 100.00 arm measures objective/subjective 5 14.71 3 12.50 0 na 2 20.00 objective only 14 41.18 9 37.50 0 na 5 50.00 subjective only 15 44.12 12 50.00 0 na 3 30.00 total 34 100.00 24 100.00 0 na 10 100.00 srm measures objective/subjective 1 5.56 0 na 0 0.00 1 10.00 objective only 7 38.89 0 na 2 25.00 5 50.00 subjective only 10 55.56 0 na 6 75.00 4 40.00 total 18 100.00 0 na 8 100.00 10 100.00 arm objective measures only no 16 47.06 13 54.17 0 na 3 30.00 yes 18 52.94 11 45.83 0 na 7 70.00 total 34 100.00 24 100.00 0 na 10 100.00 arm subjective measures only no 14 41.18 9 37.50 0 na 5 50.00 yes 20 58.82 15 62.50 0 na 5 50.00 measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 13 total 34 100.00 24 100.00 0 na 10 100.00 srm objective measures only no 10 55.56 0 na 6 75.00 4 40.00 yes 8 44.44 0 na 2 25.00 6 60.00 total 18 100.00 0 na 8 100.00 10 100.00 srm subjective measures only no 7 38.89 0 na 2 25.00 5 50.00 yes 11 61.11 0 na 6 75.00 5 50.00 total 18 100.00 0 na 8 100.00 10 100.00 notes: arm = attention-related measures srm = stress-related measures measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 14 table 3. green space, attention and stress measures in studies of children author green space measurement attention measures stress measures other measures objective subjective objective subjective objective subjective carrus et al. (2012) place-based: school rdi visual spatial task no rdi behavior frequencies no rdi social interactions no balseviciene et al. (2014) satellite: residential greenness; proximity to city parks no sdq adhd no parenting stress index short form (abidin, 1995) no sdq ep, pp, cp, pro berto, pasini, & barbiero (2015) place-based: alpine wood continuous performance tasks (cornoldi, gardinale, masi, & pettenò, 1996) italian perceived restoration scale (berto, 1998) blood pressure; heart rate no no rdi environmental preference; connectedness to nature scale (mayer & mcphersonfrantz, 2004) kelz, evans, & roderer (2015) place-based: school attention network test (fan, mccandliss, sommer, raz, & posner, 2002) perceived restoration scale (hartig et al., 1997) blood pressure; heart rate no no basler wellbeing questionnaire (juda, 2010) akpinar (2016) rdi: level of naturalness no perceived restoration scale (hartig et al., 1997) no rdi stress no rdi child mental health, physical health, and quality of life greenwood & gatersleben (2016) place-based: school necker cube pattern control (necker, 1832) no blood pressure; heart rate no no zuckerman inventory of personal reactions (zuckerman, 1977) measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 15 author green space measurement attention measures stress measures other measures objective subjective objective subjective objective subjective li & sullivan (2016) place-based: classrooms with windows onto green space digit span forward; digit span backwards (wechsler, 1981) no electrocardiogram; blood volume pulse; skin conductance; body temperature visual analogue scale (lesage, berjot, deschamps, 2012); rdi stress; fatigue no rdi landscape preference measure mygind et al. (2018) place-based: school d2 (brickenkamp, 1994) no heart rate (vagal tone) no no no van aart et al. (2018) satellite: residential nature no sdq adhd cortisol rdi anxiety no sdq ep, pp, cp, pro, tot rdi happy, sad, angry, total negative wallner et al. (2018) place-based: parks with differing levels of trees d2-r (brickencamp, schmidt-atzert, & liepmann, 2010) no no nitsch tension (nitsch, 1976) no nitsch recuperation, mood, action readiness, exertion readiness, alertness notes: adhd = attention deficit hyperactivity disorder cp = conduct problems ep = emotion problems pp = peer problems pro = prosocial rdi = researcher designed instrument sdq = strengths and difficulties questionnaire tot = total score measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 16 table 4. green space, attention measures, and other measures in reviewed studies author green space measurement attention measures other measures objective subjective objective subjective wells (2000) standardized: naturalness scale instrument (evans, wells, chan, & saltzman, 2000) no attention deficit disorders evaluation scale (mccartney, 1995) no no faber taylor, kuo, & sullivan (2002) rdi: amount of nature viewed from residence symbol digit modalities test (smith, 1968); digit span backwards (wechsler, 1955); alphabet backwards (cimprich, 1992); necker cube pattern control (necker, 1832) no matching familiar figures test (kagan, 1966); stroop test (dyer, 1973); = category matching (melnyk & das, 1992) delay gratification task (rodriguez, mischel, & shoda, 1989) no kuo & faber taylor (2004) rdi: common child activities in green areas no rdi adhd no no mårtensson et al. (2009) standardized: outdoor play environment categories (opec) (mårtensson, 2004; mårtensson & boldemann, 2008) no early childhood attention deficit disorders evaluation scales – hyper/ impulsive, attention (mccartney, 1995) no sky view factors faber taylor & kuo (2009) place based: urban park digit span backwards (wechsler, 1981; vigilance task model (gordon, mcclure, & aylward, 1996) no stroop colorword test (dodrill, 1978) researcher designed instrument walks were fun, relaxing, interesting, scary, boring, weird, or uncomfortable faber taylor & kuo (2011) rdi: places children mostly played in last week and where play typically occurred no rdi add or adhd no no measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 17 author green space measurement attention measures other measures objective subjective objective subjective van den berg & van den berg (2011) place based: a farm in a green natural setting opposite worlds (manly et al., 2001) perceived restoration scale (hartig et al., 1997); rdi behavioral observations: inattention and impulsive/ hyper no mood test (van den berg, hartig & staats, 2007); rdi behavioral observations: social, cooperative, enthusiasm, aggressive; pediatric quality of life (varni, seid, & kurtin, 2001) amoly et al. (2014) satellite: proximity of residence and school to green space no sdq – adhd (inattention and hyperactive); rdi dsm-iv adhd no sdq ep, pp, cp, pro flouri, midouhas, & joshi (2014) satellite: neighborhood green space no sdq adhd no sdq ep, pp, cp, pro; rdi – adverse life events markevych et al. (2014) satellite: residential distance from urban green spaces no sdq adhd blood pressure; body mass index; hypertension sdq ep, pp, cp) bagot et al. (2015) rdi: ratings of school playground photographs; cubic meters of vegetation; grass covering no perceived restorativeness components scale for children ii (bagot, 2004; bagot et al., 2007) no positive and negative affect scale (crook, beaver, & bell, 1998); perceived affordances scale (kyttä, 2002); play diary; social interaction task collado & corraliza (2015) standardized: schools green and non-green based on the nearby naturalness observation scale (wells, 2000) no perceived restorativeness components scale for children ii (bagot et al., 2007) children’s environmental perceptions scale (larson et al., 2011; rdi – ecological behavior) dadvand et al. (2015) satellite: school, residential, commuting and total green space n-back working memory task (jaeggi, buschkuehl, perrig, & meier, 2010); attention network test (fan et al., 2002) no no no measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 18 author green space measurement attention measures other measures objective subjective objective subjective dadvand et al. (2017) satellite: residential connor – kiddie continuous performance task (conners, 2000); attention network test (fan et al., 2002) no no no kuo et al. (2017) place based: outdoor class no rdi no no müller & liben (2017) place based: green kindergartens boxes task (wm), continuous performance task (kerns & mcinerney, 2007) no head shoulders knees and toes task (ponitz, mcclelland, matthews & morrison, 2009); test of gross motor development (ulrich, 2000); physical activity pictoral scale of perceived competence and social acceptance for young children (harter & pike, 1984); social skills rating scales (gresham & elliot, 1990) rdi – nature relatedness richardson, pearce, shortt, & mitchell (2017) satellite: park and residential green space no sdq adhd no schutte, torquati, & beattie (2017) place based: urban walks spatial working memory (schutte & spencer, 2002); digit span backwards (wechsler, 1981); go/no-go (wiebe, sheffield, & andrews espy, 2012) no no no torquati et al. (2017) place based: green outdoor setting spatial working memory (schutte & spencer, 2002); digit span backwards (wechsler, 1981); go/no-go (wiebe et al., 2012); continuous performance tasks (wiebe et al., 2011); eeg no no no ulset, vitaro, brendgen, bekkhus, & borge (2017) place based: daycare facilities digit span backwards (wechsler, 1981) sdq – adhd (broke into hyperactive and inattention subscales) no no measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 19 notes: adhd = attention deficit hyperactivity disorder cp = conduct problems ep = emotion problems pp = peer problems pro = prosocial rdi = researcher designed instrument sdq = strengths and difficulties questionnaire tot = total score author green space measurement attention measures other measures objective subjective objective subjective dzhamabov et al. (2018) satellite: urban green space rdi: self-reported green space no perceived restoration scale (hartig et al., 1997) general health questionnaire (georgieva, 2010); short questionnaire to assess healthenhancing physical activity (wendel-vos, schuit, saris & kromhout, 2003); biological effects of noise scale (guski, felscher-suhr, & schuemer, 1999); perceived neighborhood social cohesion questionnaire (dupuis, baggio, & gmel, 2017) largo-wright et al. (2018) place based: schools rdi – off task behavior (counts) no rdi –well being and happiness no markevych et al. (2018) satellite: post code area no icd adhd no2 (covariate) van dijkwesselius et al. (2018) place based: schools rdi: studentperceived naturalness digit letter substitution test (natu & agarwal, 1995); sky search task subscale from the test of everyday attention for children (manly et al., 2001) perceived restorativeness components scale for children ii (bagot, 2004; bagot et al., 2007) moderate to vigorous physical activity pediatric quality of life scale (varni et al., 2001); sdq-pro; social orientation choice card (knight, 1981); rdi schoolyard likeability, attractiveness measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 20 when measuring attention with objective measures, the most common approach was to use working memory (wm) tasks (total = 8; arm = 7; arm/srm = 1). the most commonly used objective wm measure was the digit span backwards wherein an adult tester verbally relays a series of number to a child and the child is to repeat them backwards (wechsler, 1955; 1981). similar wm tasks like the alphabet backwards test were also found (cimprich, 1992). several other wm tests were also commonly seen across studies including digit span forward, a spatial wm test, and the n-back wm test. aside from wm tasks, four studies (arm = 3; arm/srm =1) used different versions of the continuous performance task. further, two studies (arm = 1; arm/srm = 1) reported findings on the attention network task and the d2 task (brickencamp, 1994; brickenkamp, schmidt-atzert, & liepmann, 2010; fan et al., 2002. other unique objective arm in single studies included the necker cube task, opposite worlds test, and the vigilance task from the gordon diagnostic system model, the digit letter substitution test, and the sky search task subscale from the test of everyday attention for children (gordon et al., 1996; manly et al., 2001; natu & agarwal, 1995). stress measures several investigations reported objective stress measures (k = 8; srt = 2; arm/srt = 6) (tables 2, 3 and 5). five stress studies reported data on blood pressure and heart rate-related outcomes. one of these five studies also reported data on electrocardiogram readings, skin conductance, and body temperature. three other studies reported data on cortisol. stress studies primarily used subjective scales for outcomes (k = 11; srm = 6; arm/srm = 5). the most common approach was to report outcomes with rdis. other studies reported unreplicated single measures including the parenting stress index short form, the perceived stress scale, the mood adjective checklist – stress subscale, the lewis stressful life events scale, and rutter child behavior questionnaire distress scale (abidin, 1995; cohen, kamarck, & mermelstein, 1983; lewis, seigel, & lewis, 1984; matthews, jones, & chamberlain, 1990; rutter, tizard, & whitmore, 1970). these scales measure different aspects of stress. for example, the lewis stressful life scale measures the number of events that commonly lead to feelings of stress, the perceived stress scale and mood adjective checklist – stress subscale measure typical stress levels, and the rutter distress scale measures clinically relevant measures of acute distress. measures of green space most studies used place-based metrics of green space (k = 19 [arm = 10, srm = 2, arm/srm= 7]), followed by satellite-based technology measures (k = 12 [arm = 7, srm = 3, arm/srm= 2]), rdis (k = 5 [arm = 4, srm = 0, arm/srm= 1]), and validated instruments (k = 4 [arm = 2, srm = 2, arm/srm= 0]. one attention study used both satellite and rdi metrics and one stress study used both an rdi and previously published instrument to measure green space (see tables 2-5). measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 21 table 5. green space, stress measures, and other measures in reviewed studies discussion this scoping review of green space effects on attention and stress measures in children helps to clarify the current state of the literature for researchers interested in extending this work. there are diverse attention and stress measures used across the literature, with both subjective and objective measures commonly used. green space measures also vary and include simple binaries, green spaces measured with rating scales, and satellite-based measures with locally refined author green space measurement stress measures other measures objective subjective objective subjective wells & evans (2003) standardized: naturalness scale instrument (evans et al., 2000) no lewis stressful life events scale (lewis et al., 1984); rutter child behavior questionnaire distress scale (rutter et al., 1970) no global selfworth subscale of the harter competency scale (harter, 1982) corraliza et al. (2012) standardized: nearby nature observational scale (nnos; collado, 2009) rdi: perceived nature questionnaire no perceived stress scale (martorell, sánchez, miranda, & escrivá, 1990); stressful events questionnaire (lewis et al., 1984) no no roe & aspinall (2011) place-based: forest education program no mood adjective checklist – stress (matthews et al., 1990) no mood adjective checklist – energy, hedonic tone, anger soderstrom et al. (2013) standardized: opec measures (boldemann et al., 2006; 2011) cortisol no body mass index, waist size, sleep rdi wellbeing; health feda et al. (2015) satellite: residential green space areas and park access; % of land devoted to parks no perceived stress scale (cohen et al., 1983; martorell et al., 1990) activity monitor (not outcome) no dettweiler, becker, auestad, simon, & kirsch (2017) place-based: outdoor class cortisol no activity monitor (outcome) no larson et al. (2018) satellite: zip-code level green space no rdi anxiety severity no no mennis, mason & ambrus (2018) satellite: measures of green space no rdi stress no no measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 22 metrics. researchers should take care framing findings around dominant theories as attention and stress are complex and dynamic constructs. the degree to which the diverse identified objective and subjective attention and stress measures relate to these theories is not clear. green space and attention studies of green space in children most frequently use attention measures with three clear measurement traditions identified: a subjective kaplan art restorativeness tradition, a subjective adhd measurement tradition, and an objective measurement tradition. subjective measures of kaplan’s art were least commonly found in the literature. these art attention measures were used as outcomes in a number of experimental and cross-sectional studies (akpinar et al., 2016; berto, pasini, & barbiero, 2015). further, the use of adhd scales has grown in recent years and these are primarily used in cross-sectional or longitudinal correlational studies, but not in experimental studies (ulset et al., 2017; van aart et al., 2018). moving forward, researchers should take note that the correspondence between attention measures from the art tradition with adhd scales or objective attention measures is not clear. despite several studies measuring perceived restorativeness along with subjective adhd and objective attention measures, only one reported effects on both perceived restoration and an objective attention measure (berto et al., 2015; kelz et al., 2015; van den berg & van den berg, 2011; van dijkwesselius et al., 2018). these few studies conjointly considering kaplan art restoration measures alongside adhd and objective attention metrics do not necessarily provide strong evidence that metrics used across studies are comparably sensitive to green space. unfortunately, none of the studies identified during our search correlated restoration constructs with adhd scales or objective attention measures. a major area of research that would help facilitate understanding of the literature is to determine the degree to which adhd and objective attention measures correlate with perceived restoration scales. it may be that, similar to other areas of attention measurement, these different attention measures reflect fundamentally different constructs (limbers et al., 2017; snyder et al., 2015; toplak et al., 2013). as such, using adhd and objective attention scales as evidence supporting art should be considered tenuous until research supports that these measures are meaningfully related. greater care should also be taken with interpreting attention measures used in the adhd green space literature. for example, a number of studies used the sdqadhd subscale, which includes a mixture of inattentiveness and activity items (goodman, 1997). since green space exposure predicts greater mobility and activity levels, adhd scales combining inattention and activity items may include two constructs that are independently affected by green space (gray et al., 2015). this may not be serious concern as the implicit notion of “activity” items on adhd scales refers to actions occurring in inappropriate contexts, but does speak to the need for greater care when using subjective adhd scales as outcomes. at a minimum, more research is needed to clarify the distinct relation between green space, attention, and activity. measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 23 this review also identified diverse objective attention measures across studies. working memory was the most commonly investigated with some studies showing sensitivity to variation in green spaces (dadvand et al., 2015; li & sullivan, 2016; schutte et al., 2017). however, other studies reported non-significant relationships when measuring the impact of green space on the digit span and the boxes task (müller & liben, 2017; torquati et al., 2017; ulset et al., 2017. similarly, the attention network task displayed significant relationships to measures of green space in two studies (davand et al., 2015; kelz et al., 2015). furthermore, the d2 measure and continuous performance task also had inconsistent relationships with green space across studies (mygind et al., 2018; schutte et al., 2017; torquati et al., 2017; wallner et al., 2018). when considered in light of the weak and nonexistent effects of natural environments on many objective attention measures in adults, interpretation of research in this area warrants caution (moens et al., 2019). a close inspection of the schutte et al. (2017) and torquati et al. (2017) studies displays how interpretation of the objective measurement literature requires a nuanced perspective. schutte et al. (2017) found that green space was unrelated to continuous performance task scores, but torquati et al.’s (2017) follow-up study showed that green space exposure significantly correlated with attention-related eeg activity during this task, despite non-significant associations with continuous performance. thus, green space exposure was associated with children harnessing fewer neurological resources to perform at the same level. since attention is a multi-faceted phenomenon undergirded by complex brain-based neurophysiology, current measurement approaches may not be refined enough to capture neurocognitive processes impacted by green space (morales et al., 2016). insights from researchers are needed in this literature to further refine the measurement of attention. finally, it is interesting to note that objective measurements were primarily used in experimental and quasi-experimental studies in which objective, and occasionally adhd, attention measures were collected (faber taylor & kuo, 2009; torquati et al., 2017; schutte et al., 2017; van den berg & van den berg, 2011). how the type of measurement becomes associated with experimental versus correlational designs could have to do with the disciplines of researchers conducting the studies. for example, using shorter screening tools and/or single items for constructs is field normative in public health where large n correlational community, state, or national studies are common (larsen et al., 2019). experimental studies, on the other hand, may be more likely to have team members that are cognitive or clinical psychologists trained in implementing objective attention assessments (torquati et al., 2017; schutte et al., 2017). this is important as some types of measurement may be more or less sensitive to environmental conditions. of note, objective attention and subjective adhd scales may be more likely to measure psychological “traits” that could be less susceptible to transient environmental effects. further, it may be that art measures are more like psychological “states” that are thought to be more easily impacted by the environment (fridhandler, 1986). however, the distinction between state and trait measures is quite complicated (ilkowska, & engle, 2010; litson, geiser, burns, & servera, 2018). ultimately, whether states or measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 24 traits, the field will need to take greater care determining what aspects of attention are being measured and the degree to which objective, adhd, and art measures are optimally sensitive as outcomes. green space and stress objective and subjective measurement traditions were also identified in the green space-stress literature. a number of studies from the objective measurement tradition investigated green space effects on heart rate and blood pressure (berto et al., 2015; kelz et al., 2015). a handful of studies used objective neurophysiological or hormonal measurement (van aart et al., 2018). studies from the subjective tradition reflected a heterogeneous mix of stress rating scales. the most common subjective stress outcomes were researcher-designed instruments which differ in terms of time frame considered and number of likert selections (akpinar et al., 2016; larson et al., 2018; mennis, mason, & ambrus, 2018; van aart et al., 2018). critically, no stress study has been replicated with the same subjective measurement. considering how common it is for studies to fail replication, green space research using subjective stress measures in children should be considered preliminary. furthermore, like subjective adhd and art scales, more research is needed to determine the degree to which these stress scales are measuring the same or similar constructs. that said, considering the research base on the relationship between objective and subjective stress measures, cross-study comparisons seem more tenable for stress than for attention studies (eldar et al., 2008; morales et al., 2016; tu et al., 2007; white et al., 2017). the stress objective measures are more comparable across studies and consideration of seemingly conflicting findings point to the importance of comparative study environments. for example, berto et al. (2015) and greenwood and gatersleben (2016) reported similar levels of heart rate decreases when comparing green space to indoor conditions. however, berto et al. (2015), uniquely found that heart rate decreased to a greater degree for children in green space conditions compared to non-green space outdoor conditions. though these studies differ methodologically in a number of ways, it may be that a comparison of green versus non-green outdoor spaces provides a more optimal contrast than outdoor to indoor conditions when heart rate is the outcome measure. green space measures green space measurement in child-focused studies has evolved over the last two decades. early studies primarily relied on rating instruments to quantify the amount of green space surrounding school and residential areas (faber taylor, kuo, & sullivan, 2002; wells, 2000; wells & evans, 2003). the last decade has witnessed a proliferation of place-based and satellite-based green metrics arising from different research traditions (berto et al., 2015; carrus et al., 2012; davand et al., 2015; dzhamabov et al., 2018; mennis et al., 2018; wallner et al., 2018). in the present review, place-based metrics were primarily found in quasi-experimental and experimental studies, whereas satellite-based metrics were found almost exclusively in non-experimental cross-sectional and longitudinal studies aimed at investigating the amount of green space in correlational analyses. an interesting measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 25 area for advancing our knowledge will come from multi-site experimental studies incorporating satellite-based metrics of green space to capture meaningful between-site variances. future directions this scoping review outlines several important future directions for researchers to consider pursuing when investigating green space effects on children. greater care should be taken in the area of measurement, particularly in determining the relationship between subjective and objective measures. furthermore, research on the neurophysiological underpinnings of objective attention seems a particularly fruitful line of research leading to nuanced understanding of the impact of green space on attention. finally, perspectives from researchers are needed to speak to the complex relationships between attention and stress. it is notable that studies conjointly investigating attention and stress together report more non-significant relationships (balseviciene et al., 2014; carrus et al., 2012). furthermore, some researchers have experimentally induced stress and attention-depletion using methods such as social stress, puzzles, and cognitive tasks (greenwood & gatersleben, 2016; kirschbaum et al., 1993; li & sullivan, 2016; faber taylor & kuo, 2009). not all tasks have published evidence displaying their effects on stress and attention, and future research might seek to address under what conditions these types of tasks are appropriate. limitations and conclusions the findings reported here are limited in a number of ways. first, limiting our search to studies measuring attention and stress likely screened out studies related to other interesting outcomes. in particular, our search methodology screened out numerous studies related to health, educational outcomes, and quality of life, each with recent child-focused reviews (alderton et al., 2019; browning & rigolon, 2019; mygind et al., 2021; gray et al., 2015; kabisch et al., 2017; lambert et al., 2018; vanaken & danckaerts, 2018). our findings are also limited by the categories of measurement we chose for analysis. for example, a recent review by mygind and colleagues (2021) on green space and socioemotional functioning in children includes many studies reviewed here, but provides slightly different categories for attention and stress. while our focus helps frame findings according to the two popular frameworks and measurement considerations, mygind et al.’s (2021) study is much broader in scope, less measurement focused, and goes deeper into study design than does this review. additionally, by allowing data from studies whose average age was under 18 we may have inadvertently included findings from primarily adult population studies in a few instances. finally, considering the questionable congruence of the diverse outcome measures, a meta-analysis is not currently considered appropriate. this scoping review shows that the number of reports on the relation between green space, attention, and stress has dramatically grown in the last decade. attention and stress measures are diverse and there are strengths to be gleaned across traditions, as well as weaknesses of which to be aware. green spaceattention studies in children have evolved three distinct measurement traditions. the degree to which these measurement traditions relate to each other is unclear. measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 26 in particular, research displaying how art measures correlate with adhd measures and objective attention measures is needed. stress research has a fairly robust objective measurement tradition, but has not yet identified a stable set of subjective measures replicated across studies. the lack of replication of subjective stress measures prevents a meaningful cross-comparison of studies. ultimately, research outlining the relationships between objective and subjective attention measures will help the field determine the comparability of studies to date. finally, researchers should consider the strengths of blending methodologies. for example, experimentalists rely primarily on place-based binary (green/non-green) metrics, whereas cross-sectional researchers tend to use satellite-based metrics. with larger samples, green/non-green settings could be geocoded for relevant environmental factors such as canopy density, surrounding shrubbery, and open non-canopied green spaces. further, cross-sectional studies might take a “casecontrol” approach, comparing types of terrains to determine relative environmental effects within environmental categories (armenian, 2009). collectively, crossbreeding these traditions would result in a more refined understanding of environments and yield fine-tuned, testable hypotheses for future research. dr. brian barger is a research assistant professor of epidemiology and biostatistics at georgia state university where he also serves as the director of research and evaluation at the center for leadership in disability and as a faculty member of the georgia leadership education in neurodevelopmental disabilities program (galend). dr. barger specializes in child development, autism, mental health, psychometrics, and psychiatric epidemiology. dr. julia torquati is a professor in the department of child, youth and family studies child development/early childhood education at the university of nebraska-lincoln. dr. torquati is an expert on environmental education and the relationship between natural environments and children’s behavior, attention, and cognition. dr. lincoln larson is an assistant professor of parks, recreation and tourism management at north carolina state university. dr. larson has expertise in the study of interactions between humans and nature, helping communities collaboratively respond to challenges facing nature areas, and the role of urban green space in health promotion. dr. jody bartz is an assistant professor of health and human development at northern arizona university. dr. bartz is an expert in developmental disabilities and children and youth with special health care needs. dr. cassandra johnson-gaither is the project leader for the usda forest service southern research center in athens, ga. dr. johnson-gaither is a sociologist and expert in ethnic perceptions of nature, the interaction of nature and health outcomes, environmental health equity, and qualitative research methods. measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 27 dr. andrew gardner is an associate professor of psychiatry at the university of arizona and a faculty member of the university of arizona leadership education in neurodevelopmental and related disabilities (arizona lend). dr. gardner is a board-certified behavior analyst with expertise in applied behavior interventions for children with developmental disabilities. dr. eric j. moody is a research professor of health sciences and serves as the director of research and evaluation at the wyoming institute for disabilities (wind). dr. moody directs and co-directs a number of programs including the equality state research network (esrn) and project scope, and is a coinvestigator for the study to explore early development (seed). he has expertise in child development, heath equity, and autism spectrum disorders. dr. steven rosenberg is an associate professor of psychiatry at the university of colorado denver/ anschutz medical campus. dr. rosenberg has over 35 years of experience conducting research on autism and developmental disabilities with technical specialties in large data epidemiology and early identification of children with disabilities. dr. anne schutte is an associate professor of psychology at the university of nebraska-lincoln. dr. schutte’s primary research program centers on the development of spatial working memory and executive function, and how environments influence their development. her research is based on dynamic field theory, a computational model of spatial cognition. margaret murray is a senior clerk for the georgia state university center for leadership in disability. bridgette m. schram is a graduate research assistant at georgia state university’s center for leadership in disability. references notes: * = empirical study identified in systematic review ^ = measurement study cited in article identified in systematic review ^abidin, r. 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(1977). development of a situation-specific trait-state test for the prediction and measurement of affective responses. journal of consulting and clinical psychology, 45(4), 513-523. measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 42 appendix a. table 6. participant characteristics in studies of green space effects on attention and stress in children k mean sd mdn min max total total total 42 3881.7 14749.0 175.5 10 70817 163030 male 36 1219.2 5650.0 91.0 9 34100 43892 female 36 1161.2 5423.9 84.5 2 32723 41804 gender missing 6 na na na na na na mean age 42 10.0 3.6 9.9 2.3 17.89 na attention and stress total 10 243.3 436.1796 107 16 1468 2433 male 9 129 225.1 54 19 724 1161 female 9 139.55 230.15 64 18 744 1256 gender missing 1 na na na na na na mean age 10 11.486 4.825184 11.6 2.3 17 na attention only total 24 3699.58 13522.42 413.5 10 66823 88790 male 20 2111.40 7542.92 296.5 9 34100 42228 female 20 2003 7244.99 212.5 2 32723 40060 gender missing 4 na na na na na na mean age 24 9.095 2.98 9.4 4.4 17.89 na stress only total 8 8975.9 24987.8 170.5 18 70817 71807 male 7 71.9 53.6 76.0 15 172 503 female 7 69.7 55.9 81.0 3 165 488 gender missing 1 na na na na na na mean age 8 10.7 2.9 11.3 4.48 13.5 na measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 43 appendix b. table 7. study design details and synopses of studies investigating green space effects on attention and stress in young people study design synopsis wells (2000) quasi-experimental (within): (a) premove, (b) postmove; correlation, linear regression attention: pre-move greenness correlated with pre-move attention deficit disorders evaluation scale scores; pre-move naturalness predicted post-move attention deficit disorders evaluation scale scores; change in greenery predicted post-move attention deficit disorders evaluation scale scores stress: na other: na covariates: pre-move attention deficit disorders evaluation scale scores, housing quality study population: n = 17 (male = 9; female = 8); early childhood to adolescence (6-18 years, m = 9.5); united states faber taylor et al. (2002) cross-sectional; anova; linear regression attention: green environments associated with better attention for girls on summary index (symbol digit modalities test, digit span backwards, alphabet backwards, and necker) stress: na other: green environments associated with better inhibition in girls on separate measures of, and a summary index (matching familiar figures test, stroop, category matching); green environments associated with better delay gratification and selfdiscipline (comprised of attention and inhibition summary indexes with delay gratification) covariates: age, gender study population: n = 169 (male = 91; female = 78); early childhood to middle childhood (5-18 years, m = 11.5); united states wells & evans (2003) cross-sectional correlational, linear regression attention: na stress: green space predicted child rutter child behavior distress scale scores; there was a significant greenness x stress interaction indicating that green space moderate the relationship between lewis stressful life events scale and the rutter child behavior distress scale other: green space predicted child self-worth; there was a significant green x stress interaction indicating green space moderated relationship between the lewis stressful life events scale on self-worth. covariates: income measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 44 study design synopsis study population: n = 337 (male = 173; female = 165); middle childhood (3rd-5th grade, m = 9.2); united states kuo & faber taylor (2004) cross-sectional; repeated measure anova, t-tests attention: green activities associated with reduced rdi-adhd symptoms when children alone, in dyads or larger groups stress: na other: na covariates: gender, age, income, community type (e.g., urban, rural), region, diagnosis, case severity, comorbid conditions study population: n = 406 (male = 322; female = 84); early childhood to adolescence (5-18 years, m = 11.5); united states mårtensson et al. (2008) quasi-experimental (between): (a) high opec schools, (b) low opec schools; linear mixed models attention: early childhood attention deficit disorder evaluation scale inattention scores, but not activity scores, were higher in greener schools when all schools included; both inattention and activity were higher when schools that had children outside all day were excluded stress: na other: na covariates: ses, maternal education, child sleep, child activities, child contentment with preschool, bmi, physical activity study population: n = 198 (male = 113; female = 85); early childhood (4.5-6.5 years, m = 5.26); united states faber taylor & kuo (2009) experimental (within, randomized, attention manipulation): (a) green park, (b) downtown, (c) neighborhood walks; anova attention: digit span backwards scores higher after green walk compared to downtown or neighborhood stress: na other: no significant findings covariates: na study population: n = 17 (male = 15; female = 2); early childhood (7-12 years, m = 9.2); united states faber taylor & kuo (2011) cross sectional; anova and correlations attention: green spaces had greater relations with rdi-adhd symptoms than indoor or built spaces; children playing in canopy covered spaces had higher symptoms than those in grassy alone; children with rdi-adhd open grass associated with lower symptoms; for non-hyper add children canopy and grassy condition were associated with lower symptoms stress: na other: na covariates: family income, gender, presence of hyperactivity measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 45 study design synopsis study population: n = 421 (male = 335; female = 86); early to middle childhood (7 – 12 years; mdn = 11.5); united states roe & aspinall (2011) quasi-experimental (between); anova attention: na stress: borderline for mood adjective checklist -stress other: students in outdoor settings showed improvements in mood adjective checklist – energy, hedonic tone, and anger; covariates: good/bad behavior children study population: n = 18 (male = 15; female = 3); middle childhood to adolescence (years 1-2 scottish senior school, m = 11.0); scotland van den berg & van den berg (2011) experimental (between): (a) green farm, (b) non-green farm; anova attention: perceived restorativeness scale scores greater in green farm condition stress: na other: no significant findings covariates: na study population: n = 12 (male = 10; female = 2); middle childhood to adolescence (9-17 years, m = 12.8); netherlands carrus (et al. 2012) quasi-experimental (within): (a) outside green activities, (b) inside non-green; mixture model anova, t-tests attention: no significant findings stress: significant interactions indicated fewer interventions and crying episodes, and greater comforting ease for children in green conditions other: greater rates of group play and self-directed during green activities covariates: none study population: n = 16; infancy/toddlerhood (18-36 months, m = 2.3); italy corraliza et al. (2012) quasi-experimental (between): (a) very natural, (b) natural, (c) medium natural, (d) non-natural schools; anova, ttests, correlations attention: na stress: perceived and observed nature negatively correlates with mood adjective checklist stress; interaction analysis indicates that nature moderates effects of the stressors of having nothing to do, parents arguing, and spending little time with parents on reported perceived stress other: no significant relations found covariates: na study population: n = 172 (male = 91; female = 81); middle childhood to adolescence (10-13 years, m = 11.3); spain measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 46 study design synopsis soderstrom et al. (2013) quasi-experimental (between): (a) high opec, (b) low opec; manova, anova attention: na stress: waking cortisol higher in children from high outdoor play environment category areas other: more hours sleep for children in higher outdoor play environment category areas covariates: xx study population: n = 169 (male = 87; female = 82); toddler to early childhood (3.5-5.9 years, m = 4.5); spain amoly et al. (2014) cross-sectional; poisson mixture models attention: green space playing time predicted reduced dsm-iv adhd and inattention scores; distance from greenness predicted lower strengths and difficulties questionnaire adhd scores; home and school greenness predicted lower dsm-iv adhd and inattention scores stress: na other: green space playing time predicted strengths and difficulties questionnaire emotion problems and peer problem scales; distance from greenness predicted lower strengths and difficulties questionnaire total and conduct problems scores covariates: gender, grade, ethnicity, pre-term birth, breastfed, tobacco exposure, mother smoked during pregnancy, responding caretaker, parent education, parent employment, parent marital status, neighborhood ses study population: n = 2,111 (male = 1,071; female = 1,040); early to middle childhood (7-10 years, m = 8.5); spain balseviciene et al. (2014) cross-sectional; linear regression attention: no significant findings stress: no significant findings other: greenness predicted sdq conduct problem and in high education mother groups; greenness predicted trend in sdq prosocial scale in low education mothers covariates: child age, child gender, maternal stress, maternal age, maternal education study population: n = 1468 (male = 724; female = 744); early childhood (4-6 years, m = 5); lithuania flouri et al. (2014) longitudinal; linear mixed modeling attention: park use predicted lower strengths and difficulties questionnaire adhd scores stress: na other: park use predicted lower strengths and difficulties questionnaire conduct problems and peer problems scores; neighborhood greenery predicted lower strengths and difficulties questionnaire emotion problems scores for poorer urban children measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 47 study design synopsis covariates: index of multiple deprivation, rdi adverse life events, gender, ethnicity, age study population: n = 6,384 (male = nr; female = nr); early to middle childhood (three waves at 3, 5 and 7 years, m = 8.5); united kingdom markevych et al. (2014) cross-sectional; generalized additive models attention: odds clinically significant strengths and difficulties adhd cut-off increases with distance from nearest urban green space stress: na other: no significant findings covariates: gender, age, parent education, maternal age at birth, single parent status, screen time, time outdoors, temperature, altitude, urbanization, particulate matter, no2, noise pollution study population: n = 1,932 (male = 994; female = 938); middle childhood (9.411.7 years, m = 10.1); germany bagot et al. (2015) quasi-experimental (within) pre-post; correlations attention: vegetation volume predicted post-test perceived restoration scale scores stress: na other: social interactions, positive affect, and perceived affordances predicted posttest perceived restoration scale scores covariates: gender, age, physical activity levels, playground size, amount of equipment, positive and negative affect scales, perceived affordances, level of social activity study population: n = 550 (male = 253; female = 297); middle childhood (8-11 years, m = 9.7); australia berto et al. (2015) quasi-experimental (within): (a) classroom, (b) playground, (c) alpine wood; anova, t-tests attention: continuous performance task scores higher after alpine condition compared to other conditions; continuous performance task responses faster after alpine condition compared to other conditions stress: blood pressure lower after alpine wood condition compared to playground, but not classroom; heart rate lower after alpine wood condition compared to playground, but not classroom other: alpine wood condition more appealing than other conditions covariates: gender, grade level study population: n = 48 (male = 19; female = 29); middle childhood (9-11 years, m = 10); italy measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 48 study design synopsis collado & corraliza (2015) cross-sectional; path analysis, t-tests attention: children in green schools had higher perceived restoration scale fascination, being away (physically), being away (psychologically), compatibility, extent, and total scores stress: na other: environmental attitudes mediated relationship between perceived restoration scale subscales and ecological behaviors; path analysis showing inter-relationship between perceived restoration subscale scores, environmental attitudes and ecological behaviors covariates: na study population: n = 832 (male = 408; female = 424); early to middle childhood (6-12 years, m = 10); spain dadvand et al. (2015) longitudinal; linear mixed model attention: school greenness and total greenness predicted 12 month increases in n-back working memory and improved attention network task scores stress: na other: elemental carbon mediated relationship between greenness and n-back working memory and attention network task scores covariates: age, gender, individual and area level ses, maternal education, urban vulnerability index study population: n = 2,593 (male = 1,297; female = 1,296); early to middle childhood (7-10 years, m = 8.5); spain feda et al. (2015) cross-sectional; correlation, linear regression attention: na stress: % green park area in neighborhood predicted perceived stress other: no significant findings covariates: ses, activity, gender study population: n = 68 (male = 32; female = 36); middle childhood to adolescence (12-15 years, m = 13.5); united states kelz et al. (2015) quasi-experimental (within and between): (a) pre (non-green schoolyards), (b) post (greened schoolyards; anova, t-test attention: green schools showed similar increases in attention network task as control school; perceived restorativeness scale compatibility score increased in green schools, unmeasured in control stress: green schools had greater decreases in blood pressure compared to control other: no significant findings covariates: parent education study population: n = 133 (male = 69; female = 64; experimental = 72; control = 61); adolescence (13 – 15 years, m = 14.4); austria measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 49 study design synopsis akpinar et al. (2016) cross-sectional; linear regression attention: greenness predicted perceived restoration being away, fascination, coherence, and compatibility scores stress: perceived restoration coherence scale predicted rdi stress scores; other: perceived restoration coherence scale related rdi quality of life, and mental health scores covariates: gender; age; boarding student status; income; commuter status study population: n = 223 (male = 82; female = 141); adolescence (12-20 years, m = 16.1, sd = 1.37); turkey greenwood & gatersleben (2016) quasi-experimental (between, random, attention/stress manipulation [prepost]): (a) green outdoor – alone, (b) indoor – alone, (c) green outdoor – with friend, (d) indoor – with friend; (e) green outdoor – with phone, (f) indoor – with phone; anova , t-tests attention: significant interaction indicated children concentrated better on necker task after outdoor condition compared to indoor stress: heart rate and blood pressure reduced in both indoor and outdoor conditions other: significant interaction showed that children had greater increase in positive affect in outdoor condition compared to indoor; significant interaction showed that children had greatest increase in positive affect when outside with friend compared to all other conditions covariates: study population: n = 120 (male = 54; female = 66; all condition = 20 per); adolescence (16-18 years, m = 17); united kingdom li & sullivan (2016) experimental (between, random, attention/stress manipulation [prepost]): classrooms with windows to (a) green space, (b) barren scenes, (c) no windows; anova, ttests, change score regression attention: children in classrooms with windows to green space showed greater working memory (digit span) recovery than barren or no window conditions; green window classrooms predicted changes in working memory (digit span) recovery stress: children in classrooms with windows to green space showed greater stress reduction (summary score: ecg, blood volume, skin conductance, body temperature) than barren or no window conditions; green classrooms predicted changes in stress other: no significant findings covariates: gender, age, race, chronic stress level, chronic attention problems, landscape preference study population: n = 94 (male = 41; female = 53; green = 32; barren = 32; no window = 30); adolescence (14-18 years, m = 16); united states measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 50 study design synopsis dadvand et al. (2017) longitudinal; linear mixed model attention: lifelong residential greenness associated with lower conner’s kidde continuous performance task omission errors at age 4-5 and attention network task hit rates at age 7 stress: na other: na covariates: age, gender, pre-term birth; maternal intelligence; maternal smoking; tobacco exposure; ses, maternal education, urban vulnerability index (spanish ministry of public works, 2012) study population: n = 1,527 (male = 794; female = 733); birth to early childhood (data collected at birth, 4-5, and 7 years; m = 9.7); spain dettweiler et al. (2017) experiment (between; randomized): (a) outdoor classroom, (b) traditional classroom; linear mixed effects models attention: na stress: children in forest condition had greater cortisol declines other: children in forest condition spent more time engaged in moderate vigorous physical activity covariates: na study population: n = 48 (male = 30; female = 18); middle childhood (9-12 years, m = 11.2); germany muller et al. (2017) quasi-experimental (within and between): pre-post; ancova attention: no significant differences found stress: na other: children in green kindergartens showed improvements in reported assertiveness, cooperation, self-control, social responsibility, locomotor skills and internalizing symptoms covariates: pre-test scores study population: n = 88 (male = 44; female = 44); early childhood (m = 9.7); british columbia richardson et al. (2017) longitudinal; hierarchical linear modeling attention: total green space predicts decreases in strengths and difficulties adhd scores in girls; lack of garden access predicts increase in strengths and difficulties questionnaire adhd scores in girls and low education households stress: na other: green space predicts higher strengths and difficulties questionnaire prosocial scores in girls and high education households; green space predicts lower strengths and difficulties questionnaire peer problems scores in low education households; garden access predicts strengths and difficulties questionnaire peer problems, conduct problems and total scores in boys and total scores in girls; garden access predicts lower strengths and difficulties questionnaire peer problems and total scores in boys and total scores in low income households; garden access showed interaction with age in high income households on strength and difficulties emotion measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 51 study design synopsis problems and total scores where children in households without gardens had greater declines over time covariates: gender, age, screen time, income, household education, scottish index of multiple deprivation study population: n = 2,909 (male = 1,478; female = 1,431); early childhood (46 years, m = 4.9); scotland schutte et al. (2017) experimental (within, randomized, attention manipulation); anova, t-tests, linear mixed models attention: continuous performance test reaction time faster after green walks; improved post green walk in early childhood, but not middle childhood aged children for continuous performance test d’ scores; spatial working memory performance better for preschoolers and boys after green compared to urban walks stress: na other: na covariates: age, gender study population: n = 67 (male = 32; female = 35); early to middle childhood (48 years, m = 6.5); united states torquati et al. (2017) experimental (within): (a) green outdoor and (b) indoor attention: spatial working memory performance better in green settings compared to indoor; eeg readings indicated improved neurological during continuous performance task and go-no/go in green settings stress: na other: na study population: n = 10 (male = nr; female = nr); early to middle childhood (611 years, m = 9.3); united states ulset et al. (2017) longitudinal; growth curve analysis attention: interaction indicates hours spent outdoors in green daycares predicts better strengths and difficulties questionnaire adhd symptoms and digit span backwards performance as children age stress: na other: na covariates: gender, age, ses, temperament, family harmony, parent adhd symptoms during childhood, daycare quality study population: n = 562 (male = 264; female = 298); infancy to early childhood (five waves collected at 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 years; m = 4.4); norway dzhamabov et al. (2018) cross-sectional; linear mixed models, mediation analysis attention: green space predicted higher perceived restoration scale scores (sum of being away and fascination); self-reported perceived greenness, visible greenness from home, walking in green space, time in green space, and green space quality predicted higher perceived restoration scale scores stress: na measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 52 study design synopsis other: self-reported perceived greenness, visible greenness from home, walking in green space, time in green space, and green space quality predicted higher social cohesion; self-reported perceived greenness, walking in green space, time in green space, and green space quality predicted higher physical activity; self-reported walking in green space and green space quality predicted lower noise annoyance; self-reported visible greenness from home, walking in green space, and green space quality predicted lower perceived air quality; satellite measured green space and perceived greenness, visible greenery, walking in green space and time in green space mediated relationship between perceived restoration scale scores and social cohesion; satellite measured green space and perceived greenness, visible greenery, walking in green space and time in green space mediated relationship between perceived restoration scale scores and physical activity covariates: age, gender, ethnicity, room orientation, residential duration, time spent at home (average), ses, noise level, population density study population: n = 562 (male = 264; female = 298); adolescence to adulthood (15-25 years, m = 17.9); bulgaria kuo et al. (2018) quasi-experimental (within): (a) outdoor classroom (b) indoor classroom; anova, ttest, bayesian attention: green classes resulted in children rated as more engaged on rdis for teacher ratings, independent measures, photo ratings, and a composite index of redirections stress: na other: na covariates: na study population: n = 20 (male = na; female = na); middle childhood (9-10 years, m = 9.5); united states largowright et al. (2018) longitudinal; mixed effects model attention: no significant findings stress: na other: children in green settings required fewer redirections compared to those in non-green; happiness and wellbeing unrelated to green setting covariates: na study population: n = 37 (male = 20; female = 17); early childhood (5-6 years, m = 5.5); united states larson et al. (2018) cross-sectional; logistic regression attention: na stress: % zip code level canopy coverage predicts greater self-reported anxiety problems in children with autism compared to typical children and other children with special healthcare needs other: na measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 53 study design synopsis covariates: age, gender, race/ethnicity, ses, maternal education, % impervious space, diagnostic group, autism severity, depression severity, conduct problem severity, iq problem severity, learning problems severity, adhd severity study population: n = 70,817 (male = nr; female = nr); early childhood to adolescence (6-17 years, m = 11.5); united states markevych et al. (2018) cross-sectional; relative risk models, multi-level attention: greenness associated with decreased risk of icd-adhd diagnosis stress: na other: na covariates: no2 levels, number psychiatrists in region, gender, year of birth, home address study population: n = 66,823 (male = 34,100; female = 32,723; adhd = 2,044); middle childhood to adolescence (10-14 years, m = 12.0); germany mennis et al. (2018) longitudinal; generalized estimating equations attention: na stress: green space x setting interaction showing impact of green space predicts rdi stress for children in non-home settings other: na covariates: age, race, emotion dysregulation, setting (home; not home), season, neighborhood disadvantage study population: n = 179 (male = 76; female = 103); adolescence (13-14 years, m = 13.5); united states mygind et al. (2018) quasi-experimental (within, attention/stress manipulation): (a) green environment, (b) classroom; generalized estimating equations attention: no significant findings stress: tonic vagal tone higher in green setting other: na covariates: gender, age, condition sequence study population: n = 47 (male = 29; female = 18; all condition = 20 per); middle childhood (10-12 years, m = 10.9); denmark van aart et al. (2018) cross-sectional with linear regression; longitudinal with linear mixed model attention: agricultural green areas associated with decreased strengths and difficulties questionnaire adhd scores stress: proximity to green areas associated with decreased reported anxiety other: natural and forested green areas associated with decreased reported rdi sadness and total negative emotions, and increased happiness; longitudinal models show greater increases in happiness for those living in natural and forested greener areas measuring green space effects on attention and stress in youth: a scoping review 54 study design synopsis covariates: gender, age, agricultural area, industrial area, residential area, distance to major road, traffic density, noise pollution, black carbon, particulate matter study population: n = 224 (male = 113; female = 111); middle childhood to adolescence (8.7-13.7 years, m = 11.2); belgium vandijkwesselius et al. (2018) quasi-experimental (within): (a) paved schoolyards and (b) greened schoolyards; pre-post and followup; multi level modeling attention: student digit letter substitution test and sky search task scores increased in greened schools compared to control stress: na other: student perceived naturalness of and appreciation for schoolyards increased in greened schools; gender x time interaction showed that moderate vigorous physical activity increased for girls in green condition from pre to post, but not follow up; grade x time interaction showing that strengths and difficulties questionnaire prosocial scores increased pre to post for 4th and 5th graders in intervention, but not 6th graders covariates: gender, grade study population: n = 706 (male = 355; female = 351); early to middle childhood (8-13 years, m = 8.6); belgium wallner et al. (2018) quasi-experimental (within): (a) small urban park, (b) large urban park, (c) forest setting; anovas attention: d2 scores higher following forest setting compared to other settings stress: reduced decline in reported nitsch tension scores following exposure to green forest setting compared to other settings other: nitsch recuperation, mood, action, readiness, exertion readiness, and alertness metrics were better following exposure of green forest settings compared to other settings covariates: study population: n = 60 (male = 30; female = 30); early childhood to adolescence (6-18 years; m = 12); austria notes: adhd = attention deficit hyperactivity disorder m = mean mdn = median, estimated from age ranges if mean not provided in study na = not applicable nr = not reported ses = socio-economic status login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book and film reviews 138 editors’ note: this review was originally published in issue 27(3). we are republishing it here with responses from two of the three authors. the promise nicola davies, illustrated by laura carlin (2014) somerville: candlewick press, 32 pages $16.99 (hardcover); isbn: 978-0763666330 the true blue scouts of sugar man swamp kathi appelt (2013) new york: atheneum, 352 pages $8.99 (paperback); isbn: 978-1442421080 washashore suzanne goldsmith (2013) lucky marble books, 282 pages $3.99 (ebook); isbn: 294-0148371076 environmental fiction is available to children of all ages and in various formats. educators would do well to remember that a “story can be remembered when instruction is forgotten,” so fiction can be a useful tool when teaching any subject— not just language arts (bigger, 2010, p. 411). when fiction is not used, the facts students cram for tests will likely just as easily be crammed out when the test is over because they have made no real connection with the knowledge they have gained. providing students with realistic fiction, with its lifelike settings, characters, and situations [allows students to] easily relate to the books.… the books can promote empathy and allow readers to see a world beyond their own. [these books] not only convey information to readers, but also encourage children to develop responsibility toward living things (fleming, 2005, p. 37). the added advantage to using fiction in a learning environment is that children will receive information from different angles, including facts as well as the characters’ dilemmas, enabling the students to “learn information from multiple sources written at a variety of reading levels and in a variety of formats” (fleming, 2005, p. 36). for educators who want to move in this direction, there are numerous books from which to choose, about many topics. a review of one book for each of the major age groups follows. the first book, a picture book example for children ages 5 to 7, shows how a child transforms a gray, unfriendly city into a joyful place by planting seeds and growing things. the second book, for readers ages 8 to 12, focuses on the preservation of wild land and protection for native species. the last book, for teenaged readers, is concerned with human destruction of environments, specifically through physical and chemical pollution. book and film reviews 139 picture books nicola davies’ the promise, illustrated by laura carlin, is a picture book that uses both language and color to convey its message to young readers. the city where the story takes place, the narrator, and the environment are linked together—none of them can be fruitful without the others. davies binds the characters to the world around them simply and beautifully: “nothing grew. everything was broken. no one ever smiled” (davies, 2014, p. 5). as the story continues, the narrator begins to plant acorns around the city. although she had stolen the seeds, she realized that she “held a forest in [her] arms, and [her] heart was changed” (davies, 2014, p. 13). with beautiful language—“i pushed aside the mean and hard and ugly, and i planted, planted, planted”—davies shows that in order to make other things beautiful, the narrator must get rid of the ugly in herself (davies, 2014, p. 21). when the story turns from ugly and barren to joyful, the illustrations change from the drab grays, browns, and blues that depicted the city into a kaleidoscope of colors. the narrator observes this, noticing poetically that “green spread through the city like a song, breathing to the sky, drawing down the rain like a blessing” (davies, 2014, p. 29). the promise is an excellent book that could be used to introduce children to the magic of trees and the satisfaction of planting them yourself, as well as the power nature has to change hearts and minds so that a hard, mean city can become a place of kindness. because the illustrations effectively support the point of the text, this book enables even very young children to make the connection between trees and goodness. middle grade for middle-grade readers, including children aged 8 to 12, the 2013 national book award finalist the true blue scouts of sugar man swamp by kathi appelt is a wonderful example of a book that is engaging, entertaining, realistic, magical, and delightfully environmental. in one book, children will find a human character with whom they can connect, animal characters they can root for and against, mystery, danger, and a sense of preservation. the sugar man swamp was once home to the possibly extinct ivory billed woodpecker, and is still home to many other creatures, but the owner of the bayou land sees the profit he could make by allowing the swamp to be developed. in frank language, appelt informs her readers that turning the sugar man swamp into the gator world wrestling arena and theme park “would require taking down several hundred old trees to clear the space for the stadium [and filling] in at least two thousand acres of marsh to make a parking lot for the millions of people who [would visit]” (appelt, 2013, p. 38). the author never decides for her readers what is right and what is wrong. instead, she shows them people and animals who live in the bayou and care for it, as well as the humans who want to build on the land, so that the reader can decide, based on the characters, whether the swamp should be saved. in order to portray the current swamp owner as the enemy of the environment in a way that kids can perceive, appelt works into the plot a contract signed by the book and film reviews 140 owner’s ancestor stating, “i, alouicious beaucoup, and all of my heirs hereafter, solemnly promise to protect the swamp, and all of its critters, forever” (appelt, 2013, p. 42). children can make up their own minds between right and wrong based on alouicious’ descendant’s decision to break this promise. appelt also works in the danger that swamp critters face because it is not clear in the book whether or not the ivory billed woodpecker is truly extinct. with the destruction of the bayou, the woodpecker would almost certainly lose any chance of a revived population. children are led to care for the swamp critters by appelt’s deft ability to connect the critters with human beings. our human protagonist, chap, has recently lost his grandfather, who loved the swamp very much. appelt ties this loss of a family member to species loss by adding chap’s grandpa to the end of a lost species list: “there were so many gone now. the passenger pigeons. the black painters. the carolina parakeets.… audie brayburn” (appelt, 2013, p. 46). children likely know what it feels like to lose a loved one, and by transferring those feelings to endangered or extinct animal species, they can understand why it is so important for the animals that remain to keep their home. in the same way, appelt connects the humans who want to destroy the swamp to animals who are not native to the swamp and have negative impacts on the ecosystem. a minor character reflects on bad things that have happened to the bayou, like “the invasion of the hogs, for example. yet another introduced species, thought coyoteman jim. and that included those other introduced species: sonny boy and jaeger” (appelt, 2013, p. 127). sonny boy is, of course, the owner of the swamp. this simple line organically introduces children to the idea that humans do not always make a wild place better; rather, sometimes they do not belong there and can make it quite a bit worse. while the environment is front and center in the true blue scouts of sugar man swamp, children are not sitting in on an environmental sermon. the nature of the subject is inherent to the plot of the story, but the story comes first. appelt’s book would be a great starting point for discussions about conservation and the damage humans can cause to a natural environment. young adult in young-adult books, for students aged 13-18, the environment seems to take a backseat, but a few good exceptions exist. washashore by suzanne goldsmith is a historical, young-adult novel set during the 1970s on martha’s vineyard, an island off the coast of massachusetts. as an historical novel, this book is great because it shows that when humans do something that damages the environment, it takes a long time for them to stop doing it—and even then, stopping whatever it is does not automatically mean that the problem is solved. some damage will already be done. in washashore, the problem is the chemical dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (ddt), which is legally prohibited in the united states. even though by the 1970s the chemical was no longer used, protagonist clementine is still able to see its negative effects. although the osprey is now a species of least concern in the ranking of endangerment, in the 1970s the osprey population in the u.s. had decreased significantly. protagonist clementine spends time in a bird sanctuary and learns about the damaging effects of ddt, a pesticide that was intended to kill mosquitoes in the 1950s and ‘60s. the ranger at the sanctuary explains to clementine and the book and film reviews 141 reader that “the problem is that fish eat mosquitoes.… then each bird eats hundreds, maybe thousands of fish.… the ddt made the female birds lay eggs with very thin shells. then, when the mother birds tried to sit on the eggs, they broke” (goldsmith, 2013, p. 57). as an historical novel, washashore looks back at past environmental impacts and encourages readers to look forward with the sustainability education mindset that development today must not undermine the development and environment needs of present and future generations (mckeown, 2002). through clementine’s experience of discovering osprey and sympathizing with their plight, readers can learn to care for endangered birds, too. when clementine finds a dead bird on the beach, she “crouched down and touched the bird’s soft, white breast. the wet feathers felt cold but silky smooth. she wasn’t disgusted. instead, clem felt her heart go out to the bird. it was beautiful and strong, even in death” (goldsmith, 2013, p. 24). the language used here can allow readers, unfamiliar with birds or uncomfortable with death, to realize that they can see such destruction as sad, instead of gross. goldsmith also weaves a sense of sadness into passages concerning the broader economic picture. when clementine visits beaches on the shores of martha’s vineyard, she finds garbage and destruction of the kind only humans can cause. poignantly, goldsmith allows clementine to reflect on the damage humans cause to the wilderness: clem knew that the children who let those balloons float away into the sky never thought about what happened after that, but what about the adults who tossed bottles and cans and garbage into the water? she felt a wash of sadness. things were perfect once. why couldn’t people just let them stay that way? (goldsmith, 2013, p. 122). readers will be organically introduced to the responsibility humans have, as creators of plastic—in each of the forms that can be seen on a littered roadside—to recycle our waste and otherwise dispose of it properly. another credit to washashore is goldsmith’s inclusion of references to the literary works of rachel carson, especially the 1962 novel silent spring. clementine’s teacher tells her of silent spring, “this is the book that got ddt banned in the u.s. … after she published this, pesticide companies tried to ruin her. but she stood up to them” (goldsmith, 2013, p. 81). not only does this refer interested readers to the larger body of literary work on its same subject, but it shows the power literature can have to change people’s minds, drive them to action, and save the environment. it should be noted to washashore’s detriment, however, that the effects of ddt have been widely disputed since the 1970s, and many now believe that it was far less dangerous to the environment than rachel carson proposed. ddt was primarily celebrated because it almost entirely eliminated the threat of malaria. as soon as ddt was banned, malaria returned in full force. in her book and on her author website, goldsmith presents the chemical as solely harmful, and she never mentions this alternate, widely accepted viewpoint. ddt is even beginning to be book and film reviews 142 used again today (edwards, 2004). washashore, as an historical novel, is a good book for a classroom looking at this issue and seeking to instigate further discussion. conclusion the promise, the true blue scouts of sugar man swamp, and washashore are evidence that books that focus on environmentalism are available to teachers and readers. but are they accessible enough? are there enough of them? washashore, for instance, is available only as an ebook or on amazon.com, so the majority of readers are not exposed to the book or aware that they should read it—illustrating some of the biggest problems with environmental children’s books: availability and awareness. experts advise educators to use multiple sources from varying reading levels to meet any student’s learning needs when tackling environmental issues (fleming, 2005, 38). however, both of these suggestions pose nearly impossible tasks for teachers. whatever subject they are talking about in class, it would be fortunate for them to find even one environmental text for children on their specific subject, let alone a text for each reading level or texts from opposing points of view. other guidelines from environmental educators include examine[ing] both their students’ interests and the literary value of the books when selecting environmental texts. these books should be free of stereotypes and inaccuracies, promote scientific thinking, and clearly identify what information is fact or fiction (fleming, 2005, p. 37). this is a tall order, and many of the environmental children’s books that are available could not easily meet all of these standards. the three books reviewed here address a wide range of readership including interested individuals, parents, teachers, and environmental educators. the topics in the books serve the purpose of introducing multiple environmental issues in the context of relatable characters and story. however, if implemented in school lessons, fiction should be substantially embedded within comprehensive lessons that deal with the topic extensively. for both purposes, i can recommend these books to parents buying and reading with their children as well as teachers and professional pedagogical practitioners on environmental education, as they serve a multi-perspective approach in teaching environmental education. if children are taught to engage with books like these, they might develop the skills necessary to engage with stories in a critical way so they can “examine community, environment and place and… to identify and readjust their own attitudes and behaviors” (bigger, 2010, p. 410). but in order for this to happen, fiction of the kind recommended by fleming needs to be produced and distributed on a much larger scale than it is now (bigger, 2010). thus, there is a great deal of room for the existing body of environmental children’s literature to grow, enabling educators to follow the advice of environmental experts and present children with stories representing the given topic from multiple angles and for all reading levels. books such as these—fictional stories with environmental topics—can help children not only to learn about the world, but to develop empathy and realize its precious, fragile nature. book and film reviews 143 references bigger, s., & webb, j. (2010). developing environmental agency and engagement through young people’s fiction. environmental education research, 16(3), 401-414. edwards, j. g. (2004). ddt: a case study in scientific fraud. journal of american physicians and surgeons, 9(3), 83-88. fleming, l. c., & billman, l. w. (2005). are you sure we’re supposed to be reading these books for our project? middle school journal, 36(4), 33-40. mckeown, r. (2002): introduction. education for sustainable development toolkit. retrieved from http://www.esdtoolkit.org/default.htm. review by emily vander ark emily vander ark holds an mfa in writing, specifically for children and young adults, from spalding university. she is a full-time lecturer at lake michigan college, located in the southwest corner of the lower peninsula. she believes that children should be instilled with a love of nature from an early age so that when they are grown they will guide the future in ways that preserve the earth for generations to come. author’s response by nicola davies the book was inspired by another fictional story about the environment, one that was in its time very influential: “the man who planted trees,” published more than 60 years ago at the start of the environmental movement. i wanted to retell the story for a modern audience, replicating the message of the importance of environmental awareness and also that of individual responsibility and power. i had become aware of the importance of trees in urban environments whilst researching a book about climate change; i was thinking about how they change local climate, reducing the need for energy-guzzling air conditioning, but also changing the emotional and psychological climate. i read a great deal about the influence that contact with nature in cities has on children’s behavior, and on the health and healing of people of all ages. so that was in my mind as i came to write the story. it all cooked in my head for ages, but i had no idea how to begin. one morning after being on holiday in the run up to surgery on my shoulder, i simply sat at my desk and the story came down my arm and onto the page. in two hours it was finished. i had never had an experience like that before of words arriving as if alighting from space. i rang my editor, read it down the phone and realized the silence at the end was due to her crying. http://www.esdtoolkit.org/default.htm book and film reviews 144 i wanted the story to speak to children who were having a hard time to offer them hope and a vision of a future they might have the power to influence. and it seems to work on those children. i could tell you many stories about responses from children experiencing difficulties in their lives but here is one: i was reading in an inner-city school in a tough district of boston. a child came in with four minders, dropped to his hands and knees and crawled around the library. as i finished reading the story he had made his way to my feet and leaned against my legs. he pulled my hand and said, “that story is about me.” yes, darling i thought, you are dead right, it is. when the promise was published i set up a little website for it, linked to the conservation charity for which i am a trustee, the world land trust. my other hope for the book is that it will raise environmental awareness and prompt people to care a little more for our beautiful planet. for further information please visit: http://www.lauracarlin.com/ http://www.nicola-davies.com/ http://www.worldlandtrust.org/ author’s response by suzanne goldsmith i was thrilled to read emily vander ark’s warm review of three works of environmentally themed fiction for young people, including my own upper middlegrade novel, washashore. at a time when great emphasis in schools is being placed on nonfiction reading, ms. vander ark makes an important point about the role of fiction in learning. “educators would do well to remember that a ‘story can be remembered when instruction is forgotten,’” she writes, quoting bigger and webb. well-told stories can evoke strong feelings—which in turn can sometimes imprint ideas more firmly in the minds of readers than information alone. the emotions stories evoke can also play a role in the development of caring young citizens, an especially desirable outcome in the case of the environment. i am grateful, with respect to washashore, which is set in 1976, that vander ark envisioned young readers identifying with character clem harper as she learns the story of the then-threatened ospreys. “through clementine’s experience of discovering osprey and sympathizing with their plight, readers can learn to care for endangered birds, too,” she writes. ms. vander ark makes a good point, too, when she suggests that, in light of the role rachel carson’s silent spring plays in educating washashore’s clem, i should have included in the book, perhaps in the epilogue, a reference to the highly politicized debate that has lately arisen around the pesticide ddt and carson herself. such a reference might have been helpful in generating thoughtful and provocative conversations about the ethical issues that are involved when human interests and those of other species appear to be in conflict. it might also encourage students to think about the politicization of science. http://www.lauracarlin.com/ http://www.nicola-davies.com/ http://www.worldlandtrust.org/ book and film reviews 145 i would note that the central environmental story in the book concerns not ddt (which had already been banned in the u.s. at the time the story begins), but habitat loss. shoreline development and the removal of the tall bare pines the birds favor for nesting is leaving them vulnerable. that’s when humans step in with a new intervention: building nesting platforms. this is the intervention washashore’s clementine joins, and it’s one that real people like those described in the book carried out with great success. by telling this true story through fictional characters clem and daniel, i hope to show young readers that through purposeful action, humans can sometimes make a difference for threatened species—as they did for the ospreys. many thanks to ms. vander ark and to children, youth and environments for the thoughtful article. i agree with ms. vander ark that “fictional stories with environmental topics… can help children not only to learn about the world, but to develop empathy and realize its precious, fragile nature.” a free discussion guide and grade-level teacher’s guides for washashore are available online at http://www.luckymarblebooks.com/teachers-guides/. http://www.luckymarblebooks.com/teachers-guides/ login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email 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me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an 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open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book and film reviews 135 the sociology of childhood and youth in canada xiaobei chen, rebecca raby, and patrizia albanese, editors (2017). toronto: canadian scholars. 425 pages. $74.95 (print). isbn 978-1-77338-018-6 (softcover). 978-1-77338-019-3 (pdf). 978-1-77338-020-9 (epub). the editors and contributors to the sociology of childhood and youth in canada seek to revise childhood and youth studies through inversion of their developmental stages. we see child-centered stories that revamp the criteria that one uses to define what young folks need to know and be in society. the contributors treat us to a wealth of sources and methods for representation of youngsters’ lives. the volume has 20 chapters in four sections, an introductory essay, and a glossary at the end. the introductory chapter notifies the reader that children and youth are individuals whose lives do not neatly fit the contexts that experts assign. the editors depict the very real challenges that any student of research with children, youth, and their families faces. there is a perennial topic in section i: research on and with children and youth, which concerns how researchers form relationships with youngsters. the writing in the five chapters is quite lively, and contributors write to the research neophyte. section ii: social constructions of childhood and youth, investigates experiences and texts in children’s lives. we look at studies in disability, friendships, and storybooks. section iii: inequalities and intersections in experiences of childhood and youth, shakes the assumption of benevolence in institutions. section iv: citizenship, rights, and social engagement, points out that international standards such as those in the united nations convention on the rights of the child (crc) buttress the need for recognition of children as participants in determination of their life courses. there is a perennial reminder that international law like the crc may articulate western norms and ideals of childhood. the editors give us a wide scope of topics, and possibilities for further research programs may be imagined. it is laudable to draw in readers who are students as active participants in creation of research questions and consideration of ethical issues. i carefully read the glossary, and it is an enjoyable read on its own. its writing reminds readers of key methods and lessons from the studies in the collection. i applaud inclusion of research in francophone educational contexts. investigators decouple a traditional relationship between pedagogy and quebec nationalism. this pairing is being ruptured through focus on the child as a “unit of analysis” (p. 51) who depicts the school environment and not “the other way around.” i like that methods are part of the stories because all researchers make and remake plans as they collect and analyze data. such weaving of methodological insights into story shows how research actually occurs. the authors make great effort to ensure that their unique studies pose arguments and questions of interest to readers. unfortunately, there is a significant problem: book and film reviews 136 there is simply too much information in the chapters. to illustrate my criticism, i refer to chapter 16 by cameron greensmith and adam davies. there is brief mention of a student, david, who did once attend his school’s gay-straight alliance (gsa) meetings but decided not to continue involvement because in his opinion, lesbians and tea dominated the club’s rhythm. in sum, he did not feel included in the club. i did really enjoy reading this anecdote, and greensmith and davies are correct that it deserves picking apart, as there are issues of sexism, racism, power, diversity, and complexity that affect development of gsas in schools. this story could be the focus of the entire chapter, but the authors introduce it and then leap to another topic. a counterpoint to chapter 16 is jihan abbas’ superb chapter six, which begins with her memories of her brother, her home, and her childhood. she uses literature to comprehend her experiences, frustrations, and hopes for children with disabilities. significant topics that are likely to interest readers get short shrift. in chapter five, jacqueline kennelly, valerie stam, and lynette schick have a relationship that transcends standard understandings of roles and responsibilities of faculty, their students, and their community coinvestigators, collaborators, and consultants. what we witness are exposures of everyone’s vulnerabilities and mentorship through care of one another. unfortunately, this lesson is an implicit one—i think that it is such a powerful one that it needs extensive discussion in an additional part of the essay. several chapters refer to the tri-council policy statement: ethical conduct for research involving humans-2. i think that there is a need for a single chapter that identifies the concepts of childhood in the document, analyzes its relevant parts, and outlines rigorously implications for researchers. there could be a direct inference on how the concepts of childhood and attendant research guidelines could affect the review processes of research ethics boards in canadian universities and colleges. many contributors frame their positionalities with the aid of pierre bourdieu’s concepts of doxa, field, habitus, and symbolic capital. for effective comprehension by students, a chapter prior to the meat of the collection or at the end of it for review would be of value. it could also be a comprehensive introduction or review of theories of relevance to the sociology of childhood, for example, in work by michel foucault. the biggest problem in this book is its majority focus on urban ontario, in spite of its claim to represent childhoods in canada. an explanation for reliance on ontario is necessary—i am sure students using the book in postsecondary institutions are going to wonder how a body of work set mainly in and around toronto—where only a quarter of the nation’s population resides—accounts for all children and youth in canada. while i believe that there is an urban hue on childhood since the postwar years, i wonder why the editors did not take a greater effort to seek contributors who study rural sociology or conduct research in rural and remote areas of canada. book and film reviews 137 the questions that appear at the end of every chapter could be launch pads for investigation by students in their local lives. in sum, the book’s placement of children and youth knowledges as roots that give expression to possibilities capsize the developmental and dependent caricatures of the child figure. review by jonathan anuik jonathan anuik received his ph.d. degree in history from the university of saskatchewan in saskatoon, canada. he is currently an associate professor in the educational policy studies department at the university of alberta in edmonton, canada, where he teaches courses in indigenous educational history and policy. he researches nourishing the learning spirit, youth and teachers in archie comics, and the pedagogy of the history of education in teacher education. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(2), 2021 learning with wide-open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning within a kindergarten tara-lynn scheffel lotje hives jeff scott astrid steele nipissing university citation: scheffel, t., hives, l., steele, a., & scott, j. (2021). learning with wide-open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning within a kindergarten. children, youth and environments, 31(2), 83-104. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this article presents an in-depth case study of one kindergarten class in northern ontario, canada, and the ways that educators nurtured learners’ curiosity in the outdoors. documentation of learning, including photographs, quotes, and artifacts, served as the key source for reflection by educators, both the kindergarten team (teacher and early childhood educator) and those who partnered alongside them. families were invited to share their experiences through an anonymous open-ended survey. this article discusses three perceived barriers to learning in the outdoors and the ways that participants noticed, named, and nudged at them for the benefit of the learners. keywords: inquiry-based learning, barriers, outdoor learning, kindergarten, case study, ontario http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 84 they run, jump, hop, skip, dodge all on their own. they look at their learning area differently and appreciate the freedom and take in all this learning with wide-open eyes (family survey response). having a genuine relationship with the natural world has long been argued to be integral to our wellness and hinges on our capacity to live in a mutually respectful, balanced way (steele, 2011; steele, hives & scott, 2016). in this article, we consider what it looks like in practice to nurture a curious and sustainable relationship with nature within a case study of one kindergarten classroom in northern ontario, canada.1 multiple data sources were used to build the case, most notably the use of documentation of the children’s learning (photographs, quotes, and artifacts) (see wien, 2013), as well as input from individuals who contributed to the larger classroom community, as inspiration for pedagogical conversations. in ontario, canada, children are valued as “competent, capable of complex thinking, curious, and rich in potential” (ontario ministry of education, 2014, p. 6). the kindergarten program (ontario ministry of education, 2016) for ontario asserts that a greater sense of well-being can lead to children who are “more likely to engage in healthy and fulfilling social behaviors; more likely to invest in their own and others’ well-being and in the sustainability of the planet as they take up their social, professional and leadership roles in adulthood” (awartani, whitman, & gordon, 2008, p. 54). beyond ontario, the united nations (1989) convention of the rights of the child includes learning in the outdoors as a right of childhood, a further foundation for our study. our findings highlight three perceived barriers to outdoor learning central to this case study: (1) preparedness; (2) concern for risk; and (3) unpredictability of inquiry-based learning. most notable was how the educators, families and teacher candidates noticed and named barriers, while simultaneously describing ways to challenge or nudge against these perceived barriers for the benefit of the children. we hope these examples inspire ongoing conversation around the benefits of outdoor learning. review of the literature grounded in play-based learning within a culture of inquiry, the kindergarten program (ontario ministry of education, 2016) set the curricular guidelines for our case study: play is an optimal context for enabling children to work out their ideas and theories and use what they already know to deepen their understanding and further their learning. innately curious, children explore, manipulate, build, create, wonder, and ask questions naturally, moving through the world in what might be called an “inquiry stance” (p. 18). 1 in ontario, kindergarten is a two-year program beginning the year a child turns 4 (by december). a kindergarten teacher and a registered early childhood educator partner together as an educator team when the class size is greater than 15. learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 85 the kindergarten team in this study demonstrated a love for both inquiry and the outdoors as they sought to “adopt an inquiry stance along with the children” (ontario ministry of education, 2016, p. 18), aiming to create the conditions for responsive teaching and learning that builds on children’s interests, makes thinking visible and fosters engagement (fraser, 2012). the kindergarten team also intentionally selected materials to be used for exploration and meaning-making (callaghan, 2013). when it comes to the learning environment, heard and mcdonough (2009) highlight the importance of giving children “the opportunity for wonder, mystery and discovery; an environment that speaks to young children’s inherent curiosity and innate yearning for exploration” (p. 8). the kindergarten program (ontario ministry of education, 2016) extends this importance to the outdoors as well. thus, learning through play and inquiry in the outdoors becomes a natural extension of the classroom; an organic and ever-changing context where children work out and test theories as they explore the world around them (e.g., noticing, exploring, and talking about their theories of how water changes state as weather changes)2 in meaningful ways. generally, in ontario, outdoor time may include a block of time connected with arrival, two outdoor nutrition breaks3 or recesses, and/or a dedicated block of time leading to the end of the day (especially in winter when dressing requires extra effort). from our experience, ontario kindergarteners are typically engaged in outdoor learning for at least 60 to 90 minutes each day. broadly defined, outdoor learning draws on similar components to inquiry, such as “discovery, experimentation, learning about and connecting to the natural world, and engaging in environmental and adventure activities” (institute for outdoor learning, 2020, n.p.). whole-body engagement in relationship with the environment fosters “the transformation of knowledge, skills, attitudes and behaviours,” ultimately benefiting self, families, communities, and the earth we share (institute for outdoor learning, 2020, n.p.). the benefits of outdoor learning for children, both active play and beyond, are well documented, including effects on wellness and well-being (see coe, 2016). kemple, oh, kenney and smith-bonahue (2016) note the ways that outdoor play supports healthy development in a variety of areas, including health and physical development, self-regulation and attention, communication and social development, and cognitive development. this goal for healthy development is supported by the 2015 position statement on active outdoor play (see tremblay et al., 2015), which brought together canadian experts to respond to ongoing conversation around benefits and harms of outdoor play, and concludes that “access to active play in nature and outdoors—with its risks—is essential for healthy child development” (p. 1). the benefits of risky play are supported by brussoni, olsen, pike and sleet (2012). the position statement 2 the ontario kindergarten program (ontario ministry of education, 2016) includes four overarching frames, one of which is problem solving and innovating. in this frame, children are “making meaning of their world by asking questions, testing theories, solving problems, and engaging in creative and analytical thinking” (p. 15). see https://www.ontario.ca/document/kindergarten-program-2016 for further details. 3 in canada, some schools offer a balanced day with a morning and afternoon break rather than a traditional lunch with a short morning and afternoon recess. https://www.ontario.ca/document/kindergarten-program-2016 learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 86 recommends increased self-directed outdoor play opportunities “in all settings—at home, at school, in child care, the community and nature” (p. 1). the recent covid-19 global pandemic has heightened the importance of the outdoors as a learning context for children (see the lawson foundation’s (2020) statement on increasing outdoor play in early learning and childcare in the context of covid19, and coyle and boder’s (2020) guide to advocating for outdoor classrooms in corona-era school reopening). despite what appear to be overwhelming reasons to implement outdoor learning as part of the learning day (coe, 2016; council for learning outside the classroom, 2009), researchers have identified common barriers to such initiatives. for example, funding (transportation, resources, and staffing), time (extra preparation time and time in a crowded curriculum), concern for health and safety, concern for inclement weather, and lack of teacher expertise (dyment, 2005; ernst, 2014; ernst & tornabene, 2012; sink & boyes, 2006; waite, 2009) are noted as common barriers to formal outdoor learning. “safety and ease of disinfecting” often take priority over promoting exploration (callaghan, 2013, p. 2). kemple et al. (2016) also noted that “many early childhood educators are often unaware of the importance of outdoor play and lack strategies to support outdoor play and promote children’s interactions with nature” (p. 451). other barriers that have been noted in the literature include the perception that environmental education topics are “too depressing and scary for young children and that environmental sustainability is too abstract” for this age group (samuelsson & kaga, 2008 as cited in ernst & tornabene, 2012, p. 646). kalpogianni (2019), states “the escalation of screenbased entertainment, as well as an increased focus on the acquisition of academics [sic] skills in the early years possibly inhibit the use of the outdoors for learning” (p. 156). through the research presented here, we sought to better understand the barriers perceived and experienced by a kindergarten community, as well as strategies to support outdoor learning. coe (2016) proposed a shift from “excuses to encouragements” as a “pedagogical and problem-solving exercise for educators” (p. 12) to help confront barriers and concerns related to outdoor learning. the encouragements shared by coe (2016, pp. 8-10) include: 1. “one does not need a forest to learn about, through, and with nature. nature is everywhere, and comes in all shapes and sizes. 2. one does not need to be an expert, environmentalist, or naturalist to support outdoor learning. learning comes with and through engagement with the natural world and from each other. 3. the curriculum does not need to be delivered indoors. children can and do learn outdoors.” coe expresses “the need for contemporary canadian schools to provide children with the opportunity to learn from and in the natural world” (p. 12). we believe this case study demonstrates how a kindergarten team focused on the idea of encouragements as they sought possibilities over limitations, adding further “support and encouragement to educators who are implementing or seeking to learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 87 integrate outdoor learning into everyday practice” (coe, 2016, p. 5), both in canada and abroad. case study overview the methodology used was qualitative in nature, taking a case study approach (dyson & genishi, 2005) to evaluate the “case” of one kindergarten classroom. our research question focused on the ways in which educators’ decisions intentionally nurtured children’s curiosity in the outdoors in this one kindergarten classroom. a secondary question that arose during the analysis stage focused on barriers to outdoor education and how these barriers might be addressed. context the kindergarten classroom studied was set within a publicly funded kindergartento-grade 6 elementary school, situated on an escarpment overlooking a city with a large and varied outdoor landscape, including a neighboring conservation authority/ski hill, all of which offer an inviting context for outdoor learning opportunities throughout the year. it is also the context where lotje, our co-author, was the kindergarten teacher during the case study period, from september 2017 to march 2018. prior to this teaching assignment, lotje had taught for more than 25 years, mostly in kindergarten, but also held program leadership roles at the school board level and ontario ministry of education. no matter her role, the importance of learning actively in the outdoors for student success and well-being, as well as learning in relationship with the environment through inquiry, has been foundational to her teaching, learning and leadership. upon entering this classroom, the inclusion of natural and organic materials was evident, and visitors were invited to “come play and learn with us” (figure 1). for this classroom, the outdoors was a natural extension of the learning environment. the classroom’s exterior door led to a large open yard with sand, stone, grass, incline hills, a path, and stairs, as well as a small, wooded area, paved space, and open field. open-ended, moveable materials also called loose parts (flannigan & dietze, 2017) were accessible to the children and stored in a shed. the learning day began outdoors prior to children gradually entering the classroom.4 opportunities for extended learning through inquiry in the outdoors occurred in the middle or at the end of the day. on occasion, the kindergarten children paired with learning buddies in older grades for a variety of shared learning opportunities, including nature walks into the conservation area beside the school. educators observed, documented, and offered questions to extend and challenge the children’s thinking and learning, which was shared back with both the children and families (e.g., displayed on a smartboard in the classroom and shared on an online platform). the documentation contributed to provocations or invitations for further thinking that often led to building, creating, designing, writing, reading, researching, and integrating meaningful math opportunities. 4 entry was flexible to support individual growth and development. learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 88 figure 1. invitation to learn together research methods to build this case study, we drew upon multiple methods, including: (1) collection of documentation, (2) documentation discussion circle (ddc), (3) family survey, and (4) teacher candidate questions. we began by requesting permission from parents to collect documentation. as described by stacey (2018), documentation is “a gold mine of precious information—data—about the work and thinking of teachers and children as they collaborated in the classroom” (p. 132). documentation includes educator observations of what children are saying, doing and representing (ontario ministry of education, 2016) through “photographs of learning in progress, quotes, and artifacts of children’s learning (seitz, 2008). we specifically requested permission to study documentation from september 2017 to march 2018 that had been shared on remind (a digital app for communication of learning with families) as well as documentation that had been displayed in the classroom. lotje identified all pieces of documentation involving learning in the outdoors. an overview of the learning experiences displayed within the documentation we studied can be found in table 1. we then held a two-hour, audio-recorded documentation discussion circle in august 2018 where the documentation was projected as inspiration for pedagogical conversations. participants in the ddc included the kindergarten team, composed of co-educators lotje (teacher) and sarah (designated early childhood educator), along with partnering educators, laura (grade 2 teacher) and christine (grade 3/4 teacher) whose classes joined with the kindergarten team’s class for learning buddies. we asked the educators to consider three open-ended questions to invite conversation as they viewed the documentation: what stands out to you as you look back at these moments? why does it stand out? what does this mean when you consider the role of the outdoors in learning? the conversation evolved learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 89 organically as educators viewed the documentation and considered the learning that took place. table 1. overview of learning experiences within the documentation collected outdoor learning experiences within classroom experiences ● reading under trees ● sketching trees in quiet observation spots ● shadow play to explore time passing ● hatching/releasing monarch butterfly ● demonstrating how nature recycles naturally e.g., log in the classroom, sunflower ● scavenger hunt with nature buddies ● snow play, snow & ice safety ● discovering tracks in the snow; track walk ● celebrating water with earth buddies ● discovery walks to explore changes and notice patterns (weather, animal behaviors, plants) through cycles of the seasons ● mapping places around the world that have meaning to children and their families ● natural, found, and re-purposed materials in art studio and for creative design ● using senses to experience different squash in the fall (survey and graph) ● painting inspired by natural materials ● designing athletic figures using “beautiful stuff” (topal & gandini, 1999) ● melting snow provocation ● designing & posting water posters ● collecting nature materials with nature buddies and co-creating an i spy nature word poster materials & loose parts community experiences ● reused cardboard boxes, tubes, sticks, reused containers and other materials as loose parts for play (see flannigan & dietze, 2017) ● writing clipboards for observations ● toboggans and shovels for snow play & building ● snowshoes (animal adaptation) ● “growing with the biosphere” poster offering free experiences for families (e.g., seed starting) ● “discovering the wonders of nature” a poster about ways for families to engage children in discovering nature: http://www.childrensoutdoorcharter.ca we invited the kindergarteners’ families (n=28) to share their experiences regarding the outdoor learning experiences that had taken place by responding to an anonymous, open-ended survey (digital or hard copy). fourteen family surveys were received, some of which were completed by two or more family members (including the child). in addition, as witnesses to lotje and sarah’s goals for learning/teaching, anne and vanessa, two teacher candidates (in their second year of a two-year bachelor of education program) who had joined the kindergarten community as volunteers and for practicum, were also invited to respond to several open-ended questions via email about their experiences. http://www.childrensoutdoorcharter.ca/ learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 90 data sources and analysis overall data sources resulting from the multiple methods included: documentation of learning (80+ photographs with narratives and artifacts of children’s thinking); ddc transcript (50+ pages); survey responses (14); and teacher candidate responses (2). most names are pseudonyms unless otherwise stated by the educator. our analysis process was iterative, drawing on the constant comparative method and involved: (1) categorizing responses to the family and teacher candidate surveys in order to consider benefits, concerns and ways that families and teacher candidates viewed outdoor learning; (2) individual and shared reading/re-reading of the transcript in relation to the documentation to highlight emerging themes; (3) broader exploration of perceived barriers and ways to address barriers across all data, which led us to uncover the ways educators were noticing and naming barriers, but also nudging against them; (4) in-depth conversations about how this one classroom nurtured curiosity in the outdoors, including ways to support policy and programming. in this article, noticing refers to observing patterns in behavior closely and with intentionality. naming refers to recognizing and identifying or describing what is being noticed to pay closer attention to it with purpose.5 while the term nudging has many definitions, we intend it to mean a way to “coax or gently encourage (someone) to do something.”6 for us, “nudging” is about responding to the noticed and named barriers by challenging the status quo and looking beyond the assumptions of a barrier as a stopping point, and instead, challenging the limits of what is perceived as a barrier to offer suggestions, strategies, and resources. findings: noticing, naming and nudging perceived barriers barriers mentioned earlier in the review of literature (time in the curriculum, concern for health and safety, weather, appropriate resources, and teacher expertise) resonated throughout this research project. in this section, we bring to light three perceived barriers that were central for this kindergarten community: (1) preparedness (all weather/all seasons); (2) concern for risk; and (3) the unpredictability of inquiry-based learning. table 2 provides a summary of each perceived barrier. for each barrier, we outline examples of the ways participants noticed and named the barrier, as well as nudged at it within a kindergarten context. 5 the terms “noticing and naming” are often used by educators in conjunction with the kindergarten program (ontario ministry of education, 2016) and growing success the kindergarten addendum (2016) as educators seek to make children’s learning visible. “noticing and naming” aims to articulate what children are thinking and doing. 6 https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/dictionaries-thesauruses-pictures-and-pressreleases/nudge-0 https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/dictionaries-thesauruses-pictures-and-press-releases/nudge-0 https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/dictionaries-thesauruses-pictures-and-press-releases/nudge-0 learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 91 table 2. perceived barriers and nudges perceived barrier: preparedness (all weather/all seasons) ways to nudge at this barrier: ● communicate with families and engage in conversations with children ● offer access to a range of materials ● encourage professional dialogue around safety expectations perceived barrier: concern for risk ways to nudge at this barrier: ● prioritize respect for the environment as a way of being ● recognize children as curious and competent in the outdoors ● pair up with learners in older grades perceived barrier: unpredictability of inquiry-based learning ways to nudge at this barrier: ● know the curriculum/know the environment ● recognize the curriculum as integrated and living ● recognize that outdoor learning enhances literacy connections ● ask questions to deepen understandings ● create opportunities for innovative thinking and problem solving barrier 1: preparedness (all weather/all seasons) only two of the 14 surveys spoke to concerns about learning in the outdoors, both related to preparedness for weather: “sun exposure without protection” and “bug bites that are potentially dangerous—ticks, vector mosquitoes.” christine, the grade 3/4 teacher, also mentioned preparedness in relation to comfort in the outdoors: “i brought my kids out under the trees to read, especially in the fall, and... spring, [learners] just brought in towels (for [those who] that don’t like to sit in... dirt).” the experiences of our participants highlight three ways to nudge at concerns related to preparedness. communicate with families and engage in conversations with children christine talked about the importance of communicating with families: “i let them know that if it's drizzling, we're going to still go out into the trails and to bring an extra pair of socks, so that helps the communication piece.” building on this idea, lotje shared: “we [the kindergarten team] were really intentional at the beginning of the year to let parents know we were going to be going outside every day.” through a welcome letter they offered the following invitation: we encourage you to look at a weather app with your child and to talk with them about how they can be prepared for the day. this encourages your child to think and talk about how weather is always changing, and it fosters adaptability as an important life skill. during winter weather, lotje explained “...we have real conversations with the children... we talk about what animals do and how they adapt [to winter learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 92 conditions].” these discussions encouraged the children to consider how to move carefully on the ice like different animals (figure 2). one family noted the growing confidence that arose: “...[he] has become so confident ‘moving’ on different surfaces and being so comfortable on knowing what his body can do” (family survey). figure 2. managing icy conditions offer access to a range of materials vanessa, a teacher candidate, noticed the kindergarten team’s intentionality around materials that supported outdoor play and learning: “...[they] provided a variety of materials... snow shovels, toboggans, plastic bins and snowshoes for the children to use if and how they chose to.” these materials and other loose parts (logs, planks, tubes, buckets, blankets, clipboards, etc.) were stored in the classroom, as well as in a shed. christine also spoke to proactive, practical strategies such as providing towels to sit on. encourage professional dialogue around safety expectations the educators indicated a need to clarify traditional school “rules” with colleagues and administration—ones that had become generalized over time (e.g., no walking on the ice). lotje recalled asking, “can we still do this?” when challenging rules that imposed limitations that did not value children as capable (e.g., learning to walk carefully on ice). the educators recognized that administrative guidelines serve a broad audience and they believed it would be helpful to revisit expectations of learning outdoors seasonally with students, staff, and the parent community. learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 93 barrier 2: concern for risk another barrier that arose during the documentation discussion circle concerned outdoor safety beyond anticipating and being prepared for organic risks as discussed above. instead, it focused on the potential for unsafe circumstances in response to unfamiliarity with learning in the outdoors. laura, the grade 2 teacher, shared an experience which led her to feel hesitant to go outside and christine responded, “... behavior can be an issue absolutely... because some of [the learners] are quite loud or they would run ahead....” christine recognized that unfamiliarity might initiate concerning behaviors: “it's hard because they want to climb the trees... and [are rough] with sticks [and each other]... so management can be tricky....” she noticed however, that “once the novelty wore off... [the behavior] diminished a little bit.” a second aspect of this discussion focused on a photo of a child exploring a water drainage pipe on the side of the school building (figure 3). sarah, the early childhood educator, recognized how educators might perceive danger in this moment: “other teachers might think ‘maybe we shouldn’t go near that, maybe we should do something else’.” recognizing the potential of risk indoors and out, one family offered: “we spend a lot of time outside ourselves, so he knows mostly how to stay safe. he is just as likely to hurt himself running around the gym as he is outside.” to nudge at the barrier of behavior/risk, three considerations were offered by participants. figure 3. drainage rain pipe prioritize respect for the environment as a way of being teaching respect and mindfulness in the outdoors was offered as one way to nudge at the barrier of behavior/risk. lotje explained, “... if schools and child-care [prior to school] were helping the children [to] be mindful of living things and how to treat them... then by the time they come to an older class, it's a whole different way of being....” this purposeful teaching by the kindergarten team was recognized by learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 94 families. often photographs of moments in nature noticed by the children were shared to encourage conversations about respect for living things (e.g., a sunflower with a pollinating bee and a butterfly drying its new wings). on the family surveys, one mother shared, “he has started to be very concerned about animals and bugs....” a father shared how his child was developing “...appreciation of the outdoors and a conscience about her actions in nature....” another mother commented on how learning about the environment at school extended into what they were doing at home. she explained, “with warmer weather we have started hanging clothing out to dry, not [using] the dryer. we recycle our bottles, paper and cardboard.” recognize children as curious and competent in the outdoors the intentional sharing of specific learning moments with families through the remind app invited conversation about children’s curiosity and competence in the outdoors. referring to figure 3, sarah shared how: “...it’s nice to send pictures when children are in situations... where they are being curious... [the child] could explain and have this conversation with his family.” according to the survey responses, families also recognized their children’s growing capabilities outdoors, observing “(they are) more independent outside than before” and “he notices what is around him and will stop to look and observe... and share his thoughts with us.” teacher candidate anne reflected, “(it is) important to treat the students as capable and provide a variety of different ways for the students to learn.” anne was beginning to see the learning that unfolded when children were viewed as capable and curious. pair up with learners in older grades one practical suggestion was to partner younger and older learners. lotje explained, “...having a learning buddy that's older, [asking] how we can grow this and invite other people into this experience... the [educator from the other classroom] is learning from you but you're learning together at the same time. you'll see your children in a different light.” christine added, “i wanted to provide leadership opportunities for my children....” both laura and christine had engaged in learning buddies with this kindergarten class and spoke to the value of focused engagement and building community. barrier 3: unpredictability of inquiry-based learning the final barrier was the unpredictability of play and inquiry-based learning. when it came to following children’s interests, laura offered, “...they might have knowledge that you don’t have... or they might have a question that you can’t answer.” lotje confirmed: “i wonder if that unpredictability can be a barrier or a challenge for some people because they are thinking ‘ohh i’m not really sure what they are going to be curious about, where is this learning going to go?’” christine agreed: “i do find it a little harder to be... ‘let's go out and see what happens’ because i have to teach them sometimes....” to nudge at the barrier of unpredictability of inquiry-based learning, five areas of consideration emerged. know the curriculum/know the environment as the ddc turned to questions of curriculum, lotje offered, “...how do we help learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 95 people to come to that place of being okay with [being flexible and responsive]... it makes me think about knowing your curriculum so well that you see the connections, and also knowing your environment.... if it’s winter time and there’s ice, get a good sense of what's out there.” seeing potential in nature, lotje commented on a photo of a child holding a three-dimensional object: “...you can use things from nature in so many different ways and there are no rules that you must use it this way” (figure 4). during an “aha” moment, laura exclaimed, “that was probably the biggest thing... the way the outdoors and the curriculum connected. and in a really subtle way. [children] don’t realize they are doing curriculum learning because it is stimulating, because it's connected to the outdoors.” recalling a water inquiry involving the use of a system of cardboard tubes to move a marble (representing water) from one place to another to demonstrate how countries can work together to make clean water accessible across the world (figure 5), laura commented, “...it opened up so many possibilities for learning... the awareness of conservation of water, the teamwork that had to go into achieving the goal....” figure 4. discovering three-dimensional figures in nature figure 5. designing a continuous system of tubes learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 96 recognize the curriculum as integrated and living the barrier of unpredictability was also identified. teacher candidate vanessa reflected, “learning experiences (outdoors) allowed the children to discover basic elements of science, math, art and literacy... some children discovered how they could use toboggans to make it easier to carry heavier items....” (figure 6). teacher candidate anne observed, “it was interesting to see the students connect what they are learning in the classroom to what they were learning outdoors” (figure 7). one family commented on the depth of understanding through integrated learning outdoors: “kindergarten children are able to understand complex concepts regarding the environment including photosynthesis, weather patterns, tree seasonal cycles—and are able to explain them in detail to transfer knowledge.” laura highlighted math and procedural writing examples that stood out to her. supporting the idea that learning flows naturally in these moments, lotje recapped, “[the] curriculum is about learning... how to live in your world.” she views curriculum not only as integrated but as living and dynamic, responsive to individual learners and offering opportunity for social development through learning. figure 6. using toboggans and shovels to make work easier figure 7. recognizing math in the world learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 97 recognize that outdoor learning enhances literacy connections a specific focus on literacy opportunities was also evident across our groups of participants. one mother noticed the way these experiences supported oral language at home: “[my child] said it was fun and he has stories to tell.” christine similarly noticed, “they can generate ideas easily outside i find... then you can focus on other things in writing, in word choice and those sensory details and making your audience visualize....” lotje added, “you are seeing a very natural way to inspire writing through being in the outdoors.” anne noticed opportunities for collaboration and multimodal literacy during the water inquiry: “we were able to collaborate with another class and they [older learners] created a video to capture the moment... how amazing it was to connect math, geography, and science to one experience... outside.” as part of this same inquiry, with their grade 2 learning buddy partners, the kindergarteners found ways to inspire action by designing posters with powerful messaging and proudly hanging them throughout the school (figures 8 and 9). figure 8. co-created message poster figure 9. posting messages: “don’t waste water!” learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 98 ask questions to deepen understandings perhaps not surprisingly, both teacher candidates were observant of strategies being used as they considered their future pedagogy as educators. anne highlighted “the use of questions” to support learning. vanessa expanded, “any time you can use the environment as a teacher [e.g., use of materials, natural conditions] and support the organic learning opportunities that come from this through the use of ‘noticing and naming’ and questioning strategies, the stronger the learning outcome will be.” even as adults, laura described the questions that surfaced when her flashlight shone upon the web of a busy spider while at her cottage one weekend. laura spoke to how unexpected episodes such as this ignite responsive learning and teaching and how important it is that educators remain open to building onto these moments. create opportunities for innovative thinking and problem solving the water inquiry was prevalent in the documentation discussed by the educators. the kindergarten team shared how children first noticed and explored some pooling water in the yard, which led to a fascination with how the water made pathways and puddles, and included an opportunity to observe and speak with a surveyor visiting the school. lotje explained: “...that's how the water [inquiry] all started... i [asked the surveyor] ‘tell me about what you're doing, i've never seen this kind of tool before’.... [it was] a real problem... it's looking for where the math lives....” the discussion emphasized how capitalizing on unexpected situations provides an invitation for learners to apply their thinking, to innovate and problem-solve, and to use math to understand the world. a lens towards nurturing curiosity in the outdoors the educators in this study took up a shared responsibility to promote play-rich opportunities and nurture curiosity in the outdoors. while a case study of one kindergarten community has limitations due to study size, nonetheless it creates an opportunity to deepen understanding of what is working for this one program. the community in this case, specifically the kindergarten team and partnering educators, alongside the children and families, noticed and named perceived barriers to learning in the outdoors, and in so doing, sought to work through or nudge at those barriers. their story challenges educators, families, and policy makers to consciously and mindfully adopt a lens or position that informs actions. the lens towards outdoor learning that was taken up by this kindergarten team was multi-layered as demonstrated in the findings shared above, and included an ongoing effort to: (1) continually weigh risks with benefits; (2) create a shared responsibility for the environment with children; (3) foster healthy and active habits through positive outdoor experiences; (4) bring literacy and mathematics learning into the outdoors; (5) view children as capable beings within their world (e.g., storytellers, designers, authors, artists, scientists, mathematicians). knowing the unique needs of their learners supported inclusive and responsive approaches to learning in the outdoors. these five considerations can help educators to nurture children’s organic curiosity about nature, which “empowers children to contribute to their own learning” (chiarotto, 2011, preface). learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 99 discussion the notable way that participants nudged at perceived barriers is an indication of how they placed value on outdoor learning. similar to coe’s (2016) third encouragement, our findings support how “curriculum does not need to be delivered indoors. children can and do learn outdoors” (p. 10), and there is potential for enjoyment, engagement, social connection and growth for all learners. nudging against perceived barriers led this kindergarten team to model and discuss respect for the environment in a way that is fitting of kemple et al.’s (2016) strategy of “noticing and maximizing teachable moments.” for example, when considering the perceived barrier of risk, the educators spoke to valuing the perspectives of children and sought to challenge their thinking through the outdoors. a pedagogy of wonder became evident as the kindergarten team took time to notice student interests and theories to make room for learners to take a lead, share their expertise and grow in confidence (e.g., water inquiry). the educators nudged at the perspective that young children find environmental education too complex, a barrier noted by samulesson and kaga (2008). academic skills did not take precedence over learning in the outdoors, a concern raised by kalpogianni (2019), but were seamlessly integrated into the outdoor explorations and learning experiences. knowingly nudging at the perceived barrier of unpredictability in relation to inquiry-based learning, educators saw their role as facilitators of opportunities for thinking, wondering, sharing knowledge, observing, documenting, and reflecting—all processes that are owned by the learner and unique to their experiences in relationship with the environment (ontario ministry of education, 2013; 2012). the educators recognized the curriculum as integrated and living (indoors and out). the kindergarten team found many ways throughout the seasons for outdoor learning that extended naturally to and from the classroom (see table 1). the perceived barrier of preparedness was not just about the weather for these educators but nudged at how to offer access to a range of materials. while cost was not raised as a specific barrier, we noted the availability of “low-cost nature-based elements” (kemple et al., 2016, p. 452) and access to outdoor spaces for learning that took into consideration accessibility for all children. the loose parts available to learners (inside and out) supported this ebb and flow as learners adapted to and changed their outdoor playscape to suit their purposes. flannigan and dietze (2017) studied the role of outdoor loose parts with preschool children and found they offered unique experiences with “opportunities for play, social interaction, language use, risk taking, and inclusivity of gender and age” (p. 58). regarding weather and climate, kemple et al. (2016) observed, “all over the world, children play outdoors in dramatically different climates. with suitable apparel, and perhaps sun protection, an especially cold or hot day (or even precipitation) need not keep children from playing outdoors” (p. 452). the educators in this study demonstrated a similar positive attitude about weather and dirt (another one of kemple and colleagues’ strategies), offering specific examples of ways to support outdoor learning in a northern winter climate (e.g., how to walk safely in icy conditions, how to stay warm and/or dry). the educators communicated that learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 100 having conversations was paramount to addressing the perceived barrier of risk. conversations offered a place to dispel myths and assumptions, reinforcing why learning actively outdoors is beneficial to the learners, and offering a forum to discuss proactive management and safety strategies. the kindergarten team’s experience reflected a supportive administrator who was available for consultation, who had confidence in the kindergarten team and their learners, and who supported the team in working with families to ensure that the children would be prepared for the ever-changing outdoor conditions typical of a northern ontario community. although questions of inclusivity did not arise in the data, the educators spoke to the importance of knowing their learners and being responsive to their unique needs. unique to this study, educators' use of documentation to observe and communicate outdoor learning contributed to deepened understandings about why and how children learn in the outdoors. as indicated in the ontario kindergarten program (2016), “a rich integrated curriculum, the kind that needs the reality of the outdoors, serves children well. when we serve children well, we predicate a better future” (rivkin, 1995, p. 81). in listening to the educators, we found ourselves thinking deeply about how their efforts to nudge at perceived barriers can be transformative to early learning contexts faced with similar questions. looking forward, we offer talking points for ongoing discussion. how might stakeholders within early learning: ● develop consistent messaging with respect to how children are viewed (e.g., “capable, competent, curious and rich in potential” (ontario ministry of education, 2016))? ● target funding (including time, professional, resources, and research) to promote experiences in the outdoors that foster healthy and active habits for life and the sharing of these stories (via media and curricula)? ● introduce learners to the outdoors, perhaps through indoor activities related to the outdoors (see table 1) so they are prepared for what to expect when learning outdoors? ● introduce management and teaching strategies so learners understand what is expected of them prior to going outdoors? ● take advantage of opportunities that build on children’s interests and develop confidence in being outdoors (see table 2)? across all contexts, we hope classrooms and programs will share their stories of progress and engage the wider community in deepening understandings about learning/teaching in relationship with the environment. going forward, whether facilitating learning in person, virtual or a hybrid of both, this case study invites educators to be intentional in taking steps to design a new normal, shifting what we know from our own lived experiences, to how we want our world to be. learning with wide open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning… 101 acknowledgments we would like to extend a special thank you to the educators, families, and children for their contributions to the learning in our case study. tara-lynn scheffel is an associate professor in the schulich school of education, nipissing university, ontario, canada. she teaches courses in language & literacies and educating young children. her research interests focus on student/literacy engagement, community-based literacy initiatives, teacher education, and the sharing of practitioner stories. lotje hives brings extensive teaching, leadership and community partnership experience to her responsibilities as a research collaborator and professional learning facilitator for preand in-service educators. leadership and research interests include fostering a healthy relationship with the environment for optimal learning and overall wellbeing, and the process of pedagogical documentation. jeff scott is an associate professor with the schulich school of education at nipissing university. he teaches the science and technology component for primary/junior teacher candidates emphasizing inquiry-based learning and experiential education. research interests include outdoor/environmental education within school settings. astrid steele is an associate professor in the schulich school of education, nipissing university, ontario, canada. she teaches courses in science education and environmental and sustainability education. her research focuses on the intersections of science, environmental and stem education. references awartani, m., whitman, c., & gordon, j. 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(2013). making learning visible through pedagogical documentation. think, feel, act: lessons from research about young children. ontario ministry of education. toronto: ontario. retrieved from https://files.ontario.ca/edu-think-feel-act-lessons-from-research-aboutyoung-children-en-2021-01-29.pdf https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/crc.aspx https://files.ontario.ca/edu-think-feel-act-lessons-from-research-about-young-children-en-2021-01-29.pdf https://files.ontario.ca/edu-think-feel-act-lessons-from-research-about-young-children-en-2021-01-29.pdf login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool classrooms at two university-based programs meg gravil college of education and human development, university of louisville tamala north rebecca crawford applied human sciences, eastern kentucky university citation: gravil, m., north, t., & crawford, r. (2021). exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool classrooms at two university-based programs. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 170-179. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract the covid-19 pandemic and resultant restrictions limited the ability of teachers to collaborate on activities for children attending center-based care. in response to such constraints and to encourage outdoor learning, researchers and teachers at two university-based early childhood programs partnered to simultaneously implement a citizen science project in two preschool classrooms. teachers and children engaged in project feederwatch counts and other bird-related activities influenced by children’s interests. the two classrooms participated in virtual meetings to share their birding “research” and observation data. children were engaged in the birding project for longer than expected and many included their families in birding activities at home. keywords: citizen science, collaboration, covid-19, nature education, outdoor education, social learning, technology in early childhood http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool… 171 introduction responses to the covid-19 pandemic have necessitated changes in daily routines for many people across the globe. we have adapted to working from home, oftentimes dually managing our children’s schooling while non-traditional instruction is instituted. for our youngest children, many childcares and preschools have remained open, often with modified limits on classroom capacity in accordance with social distancing guidelines (centers for disease control & prevention [cdcp], 2020). further, the intermingling of children across these classrooms has been discouraged to reduce possibilities of exposure to the virus. while the use of technology in learning has increased because of the pandemic, the use of outdoors as a learning tool may be underemphasized (siskind et al., 2020). the irony is evident, as the cdcp suggests that it is easier to implement group distancing efforts, and virus transmission is less likely, in outdoor settings. despite the everyday affordances currently unavailable to learners because of the pandemic, another literal door has opened to increased possibilities for outdoor learning. this field report describes one study utilizing a combination of a citizen science project and technological platforms in preschool classrooms, with primary goals of using nature as a learning tool; dual-campus researcher, teacher, and child collaboration; and child socialization via technology. citizen science projects allow the observation and/or collection of data for inquiry purposes by all interested individuals (silvertown, 2009). an adaptable and flexible concept, citizen science frequently involves outdoor, environmental projects. as children are innately curious about the natural world, citizen science provides an opportunity for place-based learning while contributing to a greater environmental cause (makuch & acze, 2018). theoretical framework the theoretical framework for this project was inspired by the reggio emilia approach and included documenting children’s activities and learning while engaged in emergent and project-based curriculum. documentation used to track “traces” of learning is a key principle in the reggio emilia approach (wein, 1997). strategies to document traces of learning include observation, anecdotal records, and samples of children’s work (fyfe, 2012). the reggio emilia approach was developed in the municipal system of infant-toddler centers and preschools in reggio emilia, italy. the success of the approach has brought it worldwide attention and it is practiced around the globe (edwards et al., 1998). description of activities in a collaboration between researchers, teachers, and children, we implemented the project feederwatch citizen science project in two preschool classrooms at university-based early learning centers, one urban and one rural. project feederwatch is hosted by the cornell lab of ornithology and includes tallying bird counts over a specified period of time as birds are wintering (cornell lab of ornithology, n.d.). this study utilized design-based research wherein researchers and early childhood educators collaborated on the research design, which remained fluid to accommodate teacher and child input for refinement (edelson, 2002). such exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool… 172 collaboration supports positive outcomes for all involved stakeholders (herrenkohl et al., 2010). teachers and children were tasked with choosing classroom activities related to project feederwatch. in addition to the respective locale bird counts, children engaged in specific species research, compiled their observances via journals and artwork, and contemplated what diversity means in both the avian and human realms. teachers used technology to schedule live bird-cam watching in addition to indoor and outdoor observations. technology was also used for children to communicate across classrooms. meetings using virtual platforms included children sharing their bird research, bird watch bingo results, and artwork. these meetings served as a time for children to swap stories and further communicate with children at the other campus-based early learning center, thus providing peer socialization outside of their respective classroom “bubbles.” figure 1. project activities implemented with children • bird counting • making bird feeders/bird feeding • bird house design and construction • creating 3-d nests using clay and other natural materials • observing birds with binoculars • studying and imitating bird movement • nature hikes to observe birds • observing and studying birds using live webcams (e.g., all about birds cams at cornell, audubon bird cams, etc.) • reading about birds (narrative and expository) • painting with feathers • researching bird habitats • making hummingbird nectar • investigating different beaks child engagement and outcomes teachers from both university-based child development programs collaborated virtually to discuss their own knowledge about birds and share bird-related activities they had implemented in the past. teachers continued to virtually meet several times throughout the project to discuss ideas and compare children’s engagement in their respective classrooms. teachers presented children with activities related to birding and the citizen science project, project feederwatch. the teachers initially engaged children in the project by provoking their interest in birds using questioning strategies that included inquiries such as: • what is a bird? what does a bird look like? • where do birds live? • what do birds eat? exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool… 173 project feederwatch provided a context for children in both campus-based programs to participate in many bird-related activities. congruent with the reggio emilia philosophy, activities incorporated loose parts from the natural environment as well as drama, music, sculpting, and painting. the teachers and children in both programs enjoyed synchronous remote meetings with each other on a weekly basis. they shared the latest news on their bird “tallies”; ideas that included how to build their own nests, how to “dance” like a bird, and fun bird games and activities; read books related to birds; and shared bird-related art projects they had completed. the children and teachers looked forward to the remote meetings. they enjoyed sharing their own activities and ideas in addition to seeing and hearing about the activities completed by children in the other classroom. children and teachers learned about citizen science and that being a scientist involves many types of work. the children kept daily tallies of birds that came to their feeders and uploaded that information to project feederwatch. they learned that to have good data you need to become a good observer. children learned about observation and not only observed birds at school, but voluntarily reported on the birds they saw at home in the evenings. families and caregivers shared with teachers that children came home from school eagerly talking about birds and pointing out different birds on the way to and from school. throughout the project children experienced using binoculars and were fascinated by the way binoculars work. over time teachers noticed that engagement in observation was initiated by the children, and they remarked upon birds around them even when engaged in activities unrelated to birds or this project. one teacher indicated: as students began learning the names of certain birds, the more fascinated they became with them. students naturally gravitated to the birds they shared a personal connection with. for example, one student was particularly curious about woodpeckers because he had seen one at his grandparents’. another child was enamored by hummingbirds because they could beat their wings “as fast as a race car.” these conversations helped spark the collaborative art/music activity inspired by real birds and their wings. the teacher in the urban setting stated, “i was surprised by the level of students’ engagement. students in our classroom remained interested in birds for at least six weeks. however, i was shocked to learn how many different kinds of birds lived by our school building.” exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool… 174 figure 2. using binoculars during a nature walk though teachers provided some provocation, the children led the activities and projects based on their interests. one program spent weeks building and discussing 3-d nests and one program spent weeks designing, making, and dancing with bird wings representing different species. these projects inspired other smaller projects such as the study of paper airplanes, and the behavior of squirrels. figure 3. child’s cardinal wings created for movement activity exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool… 175 many bird-specific misconceptions were resolved during this project. the children in this study were fascinated to learn that all birds do not fly, that birds do not live in the same place they eat, that all things with wings are not birds, and that birds look very different when they are born versus when they are ready to fly on their own. teachers had opportunities to resolve these misconceptions during art, dancing, observation, and circle time discourse. throughout the project children were presented with a variety of new vocabulary words from the discourse that teachers initiated, as well as both narrative and expository texts that were used in the classrooms. some child misconceptions and prior “funds of knowledge” (gonzalez et al., 2005) children brought to the project surprised the teachers. for example, children’s knowledge about birds at the inception of the study was “very superficial.” most children thought birds’ vocalizations were limited to “tweet-tweet,” and did not know what kinds of foods birds consumed. many children replied, “i don’t know” to the latter query, and additional replies included “cantaloupe,” “leaves,” “eggs,” and “gingerbread men.” when asked these questions at the end of the study, children spoke about specific species of birds, including woodpeckers (“he has some beaks and pecks the tree sometimes”), macaws, hummingbirds, doves, blue jays, cardinals, and toucans. in addition to “tweet-tweet,” children shared that birds said “coo-coo-coo,” “peck peck peck peck,” and “birdie-birdie-birdie.” at the end of the project children reported that birds ate seeds, fish, bugs, and worms. in addition, children could now describe different types of bird beaks and could demonstrate how they function by manipulating common household tools and utensils (e.g., turkey baster (figure 4), pliers (figure 5), and child-sized tweezers (figure 6)). the majority of children at the inception of the project indicated that birds had “mouths.” very few children initially mentioned the term “beak.” figure 4. turkey baster to represent extracting nectar like a hummingbird exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool… 176 figure 5. pliers to represent the grasp and reach of a toucan bill figure 6. child tweezers to represent eating like insectivorous and small seed eating birds exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool… 177 recommendations for practice teachers responded to project conclusion questions and shared what did/did not go well, what children most enjoyed, and study limitations. based on children’s interest and capacity for learning, inviting an ornithologist to the classroom would be something both teachers would recommend for future science projects related to birds. though they could not have visitors due to covid-19 rules, in retrospect, setting up a virtual meeting with an ornithologist or other expert would have benefitted the project. teachers from both programs indicated that additional prior research about birds and birding in general would have been helpful to each of them. they were surprised by the complexity of birding and birds in general. children in both programs were very interested in using binoculars, even the cardboard ones they created. teachers agreed they would like to have actual, working binoculars for each child to use or enough sets for two children to share while birding. a large part of the project involved observation, whether on walks or on the playground, so the importance of having binoculars to see things that change and quickly move is important. figure 7. sharing “binoculars” with children in collaborating center via virtual meeting platform regarding technology, teachers in both classrooms reported that the children wanted to be the ones who shared/talked on camera during virtual meetings rather exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool… 178 than listen to their peers. this provided opportunities for teachers to talk with children about the value of listening to others, both in-person and while communicating virtually. rather than utilizing the mute option during a virtual meeting, teachers can use such occasions to allow children to practice patience, turn-taking, and other social skills. conclusion researchers and classroom teachers from two university-based early childhood programs partnered to implement a citizen science project in preschool classrooms. the children remained interested in birds and birding for much longer than teachers anticipated. this project demonstrates that young children can engage in, and understand, complex science activities such as those found in citizen science opportunities. citizen science projects are ideal for launching an activity that begins in the classroom, but easily extends into the learners’ home environments. additionally, projects like the bird study described in this field report engage teachers and children in place-based learning, which fosters both child and family engagement while increasing the relevancy of learning for children (connolly, 2020). restrictions in place due to the pandemic prohibited community birding experts from visiting classrooms. in retrospect, teachers realized they could have planned for such a visit to occur virtually to further learn about birds. the project demonstrated that collaboration done remotely can be as beneficial and engaging as learning side-by-side in the classroom. one teacher stated, “by participating in this study, classroom teachers were able to expand the children’s understanding of birds by providing meaningful and quality learning opportunities rather than themerelated activities.” meg gravil, ph.d., is a clinical assistant professor in the college of education and human development at the university of louisville. she is a kentucky master environmental educator with research interests including equitable access to nature-based play spaces, early science learning, and using nature and environmental education as part of an integrated curriculum. tamala north, ph.d., is an assistant professor in applied human sciences at eastern kentucky university. her early childhood philosophy and educational framework is inspired by the reggio emilia approach and nature-based education related to children birth through kindergarten age. rebecca crawford, ph.d., is clinical faculty in applied human sciences at eastern kentucky university. dr. crawford has experience as a preschool teacher as well as a director of a childcare center. she advocates for early intervention and inclusion of all children. exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool… 179 references centers for disease control & prevention (2020, december 31). guidance for child care programs that remain open. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019ncov/community/schools-childcare/guidance-forchildcare.html#socialdistancing connolly, f. (2020, november 5). integrating place-based learning into classroom or distance learning during the covid-19 pandemic. https://ies.ed.gov/ncee/edlabs/regions/pacific/blogs/blog33_integratingplace-based-education-into-classroom.asp cornell lab of ornithology (n.d.) project feederwatch. https://feederwatch.org/ edelson, d. c. (2002). design research: what we learn when we engage in design. journal of the learning sciences, 11(1), 105-121. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327809jls1101_4 edwards, c., gandini, l., & forman, g. (1998). the hundred languages of children: the reggio emilia approach advanced reflections. jai press ltd. fyfe, b. (2012). the relationship between documentation and assessment. in c. edwards, l. gandini, & g. forman (eds.), the hundred languages of children (pp. 273-291). praeger. gonzalez, n., moll, l. c., & amanti, c. (eds.) (2005). funds of knowledge: theorizing practices in households, communities, and classrooms. lawrence erlbaum associates publishers. herrenkohl, l. r., kawasaki, k., & dewater, l. s. (2010). inside and outside: teacher-researcher collaboration. the new educator, 6, 74-92. https://doi.org/10.1080/1547688x.2010.10399589 makuch, k. e., & acze, m. r. (2018). children and citizen science. in hecker, s., haklay, m., bowser, a., makuch, z., vogel, j., & bonn, a. (eds.) citizen science: innovation in open science, society, and policy (pp. 391-409). ucl press. silvertown, j. (2009). a new dawn for citizen science. trends in ecology & evolution, 24(9), 467-471. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tree.2009.03.017 siskind, d., conlin, d., hestenes, l., kim, s-a., barnes, a., & yaya-bryson, d. (2020). balancing technology and outdoor learning: implications for early childhood teacher educators. journal of early teacher education, 1-17. https://doi..org/10.1080/10901027.2020.1859024 wein, c. (1997). a canadian in reggio emilia: the may 1997 study tour. canadian children, 22(2), 30-38. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/schools-childcare/guidance-for-childcare.html#socialdistancing https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/schools-childcare/guidance-for-childcare.html#socialdistancing https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/schools-childcare/guidance-for-childcare.html#socialdistancing https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/schools-childcare/guidance-for-childcare.html#socialdistancing https://ies.ed.gov/ncee/edlabs/regions/pacific/blogs/blog33_integrating-place-based-education-into-classroom.asp https://ies.ed.gov/ncee/edlabs/regions/pacific/blogs/blog33_integrating-place-based-education-into-classroom.asp https://ies.ed.gov/ncee/edlabs/regions/pacific/blogs/blog33_integrating-place-based-education-into-classroom.asp https://feederwatch.org/ https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327809jls1101_4 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2019 by cye network. book review: children, childhood and youth in the british world 174 children, childhood and youth in the british world shirleene robinson and simon sleight, editors (2016) basingstoke: palgrave macmillan, 328 pages £85.00 (hardback); isbn: 9781137489401 children have been central to the british empire’s mission to maintain and reproduce its present and assure its future. when the average global age was much younger than it is today, there were many more children in proportion to adults. there was also greater urgency in older adults’ sense of having to hand over responsibilities to younger generations who must be trained and prepared. although the british empire gradually turned into the commonwealth during the mid-twentieth century, it still exerts a powerful legacy as children, childhood and youth in the british world reveals. the book concentrates on the period 1750-1950 and illuminates vital aspects of childhood and youth within the imperial context. interactions between structure and agency are highlighted by the overall class structure of the empire, with sharp divisions between british children of the elite who were educated to be future leaders, and middle-class children who were trained to join the civil service or the military, to become missionaries, or develop business and trade. many travelled the world with their parents. a third tier, british working-class children, included those sent as “orphans” or criminals to the colonies. and there were also the indigenous children around the world, who were respected if their families were considered to be sufficiently grand and supportive of the empire, but otherwise generally exploited and under-educated. although they rarely chose their social conditions, all these children actively responded; some became empire builders and others were protestors and resisters. most coped with being disadvantaged and even dispossessed victims, and all were drawn into reinterpreting and reconstructing the british empire in each diverse local context. the book is uniquely valuable in its global breadth, and its emphasis on how childhood and youth have been so variously understood, interpreted and experienced throughout the british empire. the introduction reviews the major relevant texts for their contributions and shows how this collection covers new ground. the authors include specialists in history, archaeology, sociology, geography, cultural studies, art, literature, policy, education, play, religion, economics, race relations, sexuality and war. the introduction begins with the statue of queen victoria outside buckingham palace. figures surround her, personifying truth, victory, courage, constancy and motherhood, with military guards. past some gates and water, child figures escorting animals represent australia, canada, south and west africa. the editors note the rich symbolism of a benign maternal empress, distantly aware of her needy sub-civilized childish subjects. the symbolism appears to excuse, even glory in, inversions of reality, when the violent colonial plunderers are presented as the altruistic providers of civilization. children as pre-social beings in need of wise parents are central to the allegory. book review: children, childhood and youth in the british world 175 the 15 following chapters are arranged into six themes. the maternal section starts with queen victoria’s supposedly motherly concern for all children in her empire, followed by the neglected viewpoint of the ayahs, the indian nannies to angloindian children, and the “scientific” care of white babies, to be discussed later. theme 2 traces children’s migrations across the empire and between radically different places and cultures. theme 3, “indigenous experiences,” reports on australian aborigine child workers, families in bengal, and the international girl guide movement from 1908 to 1920. literature is perhaps the richest resource on childhoods around the empire, and theme 4 examines narratives of colonial danger in australia and new zealand, and of the “willful” and wild colonial girls. theme 5 on sexuality considers “boys and homosex: danger and possibility in queensland, 1890-1914,” and sexuality and the “disorderly girl” in the music hall. finally, theme 6 analyzes british childhoods in relation to public parks and museums. older readers, who remember their childhoods during the 1940s or earlier, will find that this book recasts our memories in a new political light. much that we may have taken for granted can be re-understood as designed to assume and train us to be children of the empire: our geography and history schoolbooks, children’s novels, boy scouts and girl guides, household objects (in my family’s case, gifts from india and africa), messages from relatives and friends working in those continents, and newsreels in the cinema before we had televisions. the education of the empire’s children began at birth, and to illustrate the generally scholarly and well-researched yet original analysis through the book, here is an example of one chapter, by s. e. duff, on the “scientific” care of white babies. the hygiene regime, developed by truby king in the 1920s in new zealand, was promoted by leading women around the empire. yet notably in south africa, although infant mortality was highest among the black native groups, the scientific workers ignored them. the cruel main rule, that mothers should feed and change their babies only once in every four hours, still governed british midwifery into the 1970s (personal experience). the claim that this promoted babies’ physical health is well known, but duff also quotes reports from the 1930s onwards about intentions to train the baby’s body and will and increase mental stamina, with patriotic eugenic concerns to preserve and increase the white populations and thereby promote the empire. the book offers a rich and often surprising read. inevitably, there are many missing topics and areas, and i hope this book will be the first of a series that expands this initial collection. my one reservation is that more attention could be paid, beyond culture, to economics as the primary driving force that created and maintained the empire, and still avidly enforces its neo-colonial legacy. children, childhood and youth in the british world will be a useful resource on all courses and research programs concerned with its central themes, to enlarge students’ and researchers’ understanding and theorizing of the great historical and international diversity of experiences and interpretations of british childhoods. this volume will also help with tracing sources that explain present limitations and achievements in the slow book review: children, childhood and youth in the british world 176 process towards greater equality between and within all the member states of the former empire and present commonwealth. reviewed by priscilla alderson priscilla alderson, ph.d. is professor emerita of childhood studies. her books include: the politics of childhoods real and imagined: practical application of critical realism and childhood studies, volume 2 (routledge, 2016), childhoods real and imagined: an introduction to critical realism and childhood studies, volume 1 (routledge, 2013), the ethics of research with children and young people: a practical handbook, with virginia morrow (sage, 2011), and young children’s rights: exploring beliefs, principles and practice (jessica kingsley/save the children, 2008). further details are available at http://iris.ucl.ac.uk/iris/browse/profile?upi=dpald60. http://iris.ucl.ac.uk/iris/browse/profile?upi=dpald60 © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(1), 2019 a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the “wild walk” at sendak middle school elke altenburger department of family and consumer sciences, illinois state university normal, illinois citation: altenburger, e. (2019). a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the “wild walk” at sendak middle school. children, youth and environments, 29(1): 116-126. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract for decades, adults at sendak middle school (pseudonym) have relied on an institutional morning routine i call the wild walk to feel in control of the social environment in the hallways before the start of instruction. students are expected to slowly walk in loops through their building, monitored by teachers who try to ensure that the teenagers do not stop or move against the prescribed walking direction. this field report is an ethnographic case study that illuminates students’ perspectives on the effects this disciplinary practice has had on their school social life. while the wild walk promotes social interactions between and with adults, it provides obstacles to social interactions between adolescent friends. keywords: school culture, middle school, discipline, school building, peer culture http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 117 the times and spaces in-between the positive effects that school breaks have on the social competence and academic performance of children have been well established in the literature (mcnamara, colley, & franklin, 2015; murray et al., 2013; pellegrini & holmes, 2006). at the same time, the hallways in which secondary school students interact between classes have been also characterized as hostile (woods, 2001), as places to avoid (vaillancourt et al., 2010), or as locations of harassment (perkins, perkins, & craig, 2014). school discipline systems that are too expansive or punitive, however, can be counterproductive (irby, 2014). while an interdisciplinary body of research illustrates the value of recess, institutional everyday practices still commonly work under the assumption that opportunities for student social interactions need to be minimized (pellegrini, 2008). scholars focused on young people’s problems need to be careful not to construct adolescence itself as a problem (maira & soep, 2004; reamer & siegel, 2008). teenage students alternatively can be understood as experts about their school’s social environment and researchers who have conducted deep investigations into break times and spaces often advocate for listening to and trusting student perspectives on school social life and disciplinary practices (childress, 1993; wellenreiter, 2018). students’ school satisfaction is affected by school climate across demographic groups and academic performance levels (zullig, huebner, & patton, 2011). a wide range of practices and programs developed to create positive school climates have shown to improve or co-occur with respect for diversity, participation, safety and positive disciplinary environments (voight & nation, 2016). the current field report offers insights into the social affordances (gibson, 1979) designers of contemporary school buildings strive to create, and into everyday school routines and their effects on the well-being of children and youth. my study investigated a puzzlingly rigid, yet extremely persistent, disciplinary morning ritual that i termed “wild walk” at “sendak,” a middle school in the u.s. midwest. i was interested in understanding this social phenomenon, the quality and role of the physical spaces involved, and the students’ perspectives on its meaning. the school the routine had been part of the students’ daily experiences at sendak since the late 1980s. the school had been serving a lower middle-class neighborhood in a fast-growing university town in the midwest since 1961. after a lengthy district boundary re-routing process, it was transformed from a public junior high school (grades eight and nine) into a middle school (grades six through eight) just before this inquiry started. therefore, all 594 students were new to the building at the beginning of the 2013-2014 school year. while most of the teachers and administrators were experienced local educators, many of them, including the principal, were as new to sendak as their students. the walk for 15 minutes each morning, students were expected to walk slowly through the hallways that created a figure-eight-shaped circulation path between the classrooms. two important rules governed the everyday routine. 1) on each school level, they were only allowed to move in one predetermined direction, as indicated a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 118 by bold arrows displayed on signs. 2) the students were not supposed to stop walking and congregate in the hallways for more than 30 seconds. the wild walk was overseen by adult monitors sitting on chairs placed in the hallway corners (figure 1). figure 1. wild walk mapped on the ground floor plan of sendak middle school why was the wild walk invented? i asked this question repeatedly, but the walk had been part of the particular school environment for longer than anyone could recall, including the recently retired principal of 14 years. the new principal, dr. miller (pseudonym), had initially planned to stop the walk and allowed the students to freely use the hallways in the mornings. she had previously been employed at a middle school in which an alternative morning routine, the containment model, was practiced to supervise students before the start of classes. students were held in the gym and supervised by only two teachers positioned at the doors. according to dr. miller, this “pressure cooker” environment made it hard for students to avoid peers with whom they did not get along. she wanted her students to be able to spend less structured time with their friends in the mornings. some of her teachers, however, missed the efficient containment model previously experienced elsewhere and teachers who remembered the wild walk praised its advantages with their new colleagues. they a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 119 described it as a good fit for middle school students, who were perceived as developmentally too immature to handle 15 unstructured minutes in the hallways. teachers and administrators reported that they thought of the wild walk as a practice that both allowed regular, casual interactions between adolescent friends and ensured sufficient supervision of the non-instructional times and spaces. at the beginning of the school year, in an informal staff survey, a vast majority voted for the routine and the wild walk was reinstated into sendak’s institutional practices. my approach i considered this long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual as a characteristic example of the american school culture of control (nolan, 2009) and approached the case study (stake, 1995) as an ethnographic educational outsider (wolcott, 1997). the underlying assumptions that ruled the place (cresswell, 2004) were questioned on the foundation of my own cross-cultural experience within a european school context. student perspectives on educational environments are under-represented because many school researchers are either teachers or administrators and consequently more likely to identify with insider adult perspectives. teenagers’ own accounts of their school social life are often dismissed by adults’ “everyday understandings” (comstock, 1982) of adolescents as too immature to know what is good for them. this field report illustrates the teenagers’ perspectives on a disciplinary school routine and its effects on the quality of their social experiences during non-instructional times. what i did i attended the walk daily as a “student” for nine continuous weeks, writing field notes (emerson, fretz, & shaw, 1995) and creating behavioral maps of the cafeteria (see figure 2) where students had to wait until 7:10 am when they were permitted into the hallways. i purposefully invited eight students, five teachers, and three administrators to be interviewed, sought their experiences and responses to the wild walk, and conducted a two-phase coding process on the interview data that consisted of open and focused coding (emerson et al., 1995). some questions from the student interview protocol included: 1. could you tell me what you did today after you arrived at school until the first class period started? 2. do you participate in the wild walk? tell me about it. what do you do during the walk? how about friends? 3. what do the teachers do during the wild walk? 4. which is your favorite place at school in the mornings? what do you do there? 5. if you could do anything you wanted at school before classes start what would it be? where would it be? a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 120 figure 2. behavioral map of sendak’s cafeteria, april 18, 2014 what i found the walk did appear to help teachers to feel in control in the mornings, but the strict rules prompted some students to demonstrate acts of resistance to the routine that the teenagers perceived as ridiculous and strange. the following paragraphs identify four key findings; note all participant names have been replaced with pseudonyms. from the teachers’ perspective, the wild walk was a useful and appropriate school routine teachers understood the unique phenomenon very homogenously. ms. faust, a new science teacher, voiced it clearly: “i think the idea behind it was to be proactive in terms of discipline.” mr. harley, a long-term math teacher at sendak, had been “told that it is more of a safety issue than anything else.” he believed that it “makes things quiet.” mr. apple, a young, popular industrial tech teacher, thought “it keeps things from going crazy” in the mornings. they all saw the strong need for constant supervision of students during the time before instruction and shared understanding of the walk as an appropriate tool to embed supervision deeply into a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 121 the school’s morning routine. ms. scott, for example, indicated that “kids thrive on routines” and considered the walk as “a strong routine.” ms. smith added, “some things are just really good, you just need to keep them, like the [wild] walk.” i was unable to find adults at sendak who did not think of this forced prescribed movement as a good environmental fit between their middle school students and the school building (gallent & shaw, 2007). the rigid geometry of the hallways, the two rules, and a number of adult monitors placed in strategic positions, together successfully channeled most students’ actions into what teachers referred to as “expected student behavior.” as a result, a few hundred students between the ages of 12 and 14 spent 15 minutes of every school day walking slowly in circles through their school, trying to find their friends and attempting to talk to them while walking. since every student had to do the same thing in this shared space, rule breakers became very visible; the relatively small number of monitors were able to easily spot breaches, minimize the number of undetected offences, and initiate the institution’s usual consequence. “one thing that the sendak teachers always told us, the reason that the wild walk worked so well was because since everybody had to be doing the same thing, it was really obvious when you weren’t” (ms. scott). however, “it shouldn’t feel like they are walking the yard at a prison” (ms. scott). the wild walk promoted teachers’ perception of being in control of the social quality of the environment. from the teenagers’ perspective, the nature of the wild walk invited resistance even though “normally [the monitoring teachers] just stand there making sure nobody walks the wrong direction” (edmund, seventh grade), most rule-breaking revolved around students’ resistance to the predetermined walking direction. the teenagers “don’t like walking in one direction and not being able to walk in other directions. it is stupid and [we] don’t like doing stupid things” (edmund). edmund did report that he obediently looped through the hallways, but insisted on drawing a floor plan to make sure that i understood the strange effects this most important rule had on students’ experiences at school. “yeah, it’s [his locker] about 20 feet north of that stairwell, and it was in the wrong direction and so i had to go all the way around the building to get to my locker.” some teenagers who tried to participate in the walk with more than two friends walked backwards to see the faces of the rest of their peer group behind them while having a conversation. others slowed down and walked in place, then stopped and carefully walked backwards to meet a friend they had heard behind them. and finally, some students walked demonstratively the wrong way; they did not seem to be on their way anywhere in particular, but kept moving along until detected, stopped, and redirected to restore the normal order. after listening to the students in the cafeteria and hallways for nine weeks, it was clear that many more students thought like edmund and clara. “well, we all think that it is complete idiocy” (clara, eighth grade). students perceived the daily routine as annoying and ridiculous. instead of fostering a supportive youth peer culture, the wild walk seemed to favor relationships that involved adults. a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 122 the walk worked as an opportunity for casual interactions for adults (t)hey just like monitor and have fun with their, well other teachers sometimes.” (anika, sixth grade). the adults described how this time provided opportunities for casual collegial visits. “other teachers will come out and talk to you, too. so, it is a nice chance for me to see teachers that i don’t normally get to see” (ms. faust). time, space, and the institutional routine promoted informal social interactions between teachers. they were usually stationed right in front of their own classroom or close by, which made it easy to know where to expect them. to stand still or sit during the wild walk was acceptable only for adults and made it easier for them to have conversations. teachers usually faced against the predetermined direction, which enabled them to engage in eye contact with the students who walked by. for students, the walk created a substantial obstacle to connecting with their friends without breaking the rules, one very basic aspect of a friendly social interaction, eye contact, was much harder to establish between students who mostly looked at backs, the backs of heads, backpacks, back pockets, and heels. students saw everyone from behind except for their teachers. teachers on the other hand, stood, chatted and sat, plus had drinks or food. they also walked the “wrong way” and used their small electronic devices—all pleasures that were denied to students. even within this regimented ritual, a “first positive contact” was important to the adults. many had developed their individual novel ways to connect with the teenagers. a math teacher delighted his students by using an actual bullhorn to remind them to “move along!” hensel, an eighth-grader, giggled after he commented, “he just likes to be loud.” one of the female teachers played music, danced through the hallways, and gave high fives while unsuccessfully encouraging students to join her. olivia, a counselor, had the same little ironic exchanges with students every morning. the more unconventional the teachers appeared, the more their students seemed to appreciate it. “they watch and mess around with you” (gretel, eighth grade). theoretically, the wild walk held similar potential for regular casual interactions between students. however, it was harder for them to connect. the wild walk routine discouraged friends from meeting at their lockers, the only building objects that belonged to them and that could have functioned as an address. but, many students did connect with their friends before the walk started while in the cafeteria, often meeting at the same table every day. to remain together after they entered the hallway routine required determination and likely some rule-breaking. communal locker stops to drop off backpacks had to be avoided because they created undesirable “clogs” and dreaded “crowding” in the hallway. to maintain eye contact or a conversation between more than three students was hard because they were expected to walk simultaneously through the narrow hallway spaces. discussion: conflicting goals at sendak middle school david canter argues that when places get too complex in nature, “the most likely consequence is for some aspects of a place to suffer and for a dominant quality to emerge” (1997, p. 121) and that for places with conflicting goals, individuals will a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 123 have to understand which is the dominant one. every morning at sendak middle school, strict and elaborate disciplinary procedures created the mood of the place. for students to do nearly anything they wanted to do—for example, to stop walking and get into a circle to look at each other and talk, “horse around,” hang at somebody’s locker and wait until a friend was ready, or use their electronic devices—they had to break school rules. these rules were ostensibly created to keep them safe, but often seemed to make them feel guilty. this is true despite adults’ efforts to engage in friendly, informal, and fun interactions with students. the institutional routine was enforced to ensure disciplined behavior, but subtle acts of resistance were the dominant experiences for the teenagers during the wild walk. adult stakeholders relied on overly managed, yet ineffective institutional routines that communicated that they expected reckless student behavior. the wild walk and similar practices still reflect the original and obsolete understanding of public education institutions as places to control the poor. students, in response, felt “guarded” (clara). they experienced real obstacles trying to meet their friends during non-instructional times. they wished for opportunities to have unobstructed casual daily social interactions with their peers, not unlike the adults. the rules created to deter misbehavior unfortunately also built obstacles to the maintenance of healthy social interactions between the teenagers. the role of the physical environment on students’ well being in the school context, it is important to consider the role of the physical environment in the health and well-being of children (evans, kliewer, & martin, 1991) in tandem with the institutional routines that govern these spaces. the spaces between classrooms are extremely important because they are the sites of teenagers’ school social life. the 1960s narrow locker-lined hallways at sendak were not designed to support social interactions to begin with; they were designed to provide sufficient storage for jackets and book bags. the remaining social affordances (gibson, 1979) of these particular non-instructional spaces were further restrained here by the strict disciplinary routine. the hallways’ rigid geometric layout both inspired and enabled the adults at sendak to enforce the wild walk. more recently designed school buildings usually try to blur the boundaries between spaces for instruction and break spaces, based on an interdisciplinary body of research from architectural psychology, environment and behavior, and education (brooke et al., 2005; pearlman, 2010; reynolds, 2006; uduku, 2015; walden, 2009). one of the most prominent common goals for these contemporary schools is to support new, less formal learning styles in and outside classrooms (dudek, 2000; pearlman, 2010; uduku, 2015). these school buildings also strive to foster social interactions and collaboration between students. consequently, the hallways are regularly paired with open areas equipped with a variety of informal furniture layouts. these spaces between classrooms are intended to provide ample room for students to transition from one classroom to the next and serve as destinations for learning and casual social interactions between friends. contemporary school buildings are more open and complex and less rigid in layout than previous ones. a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 124 they are not designed to maximize control over students, but to foster social interactions. the physical school environment is only one dimension of school climate (voight & nation, 2016) and its role needs further investigation. alongside the disciplinary environment and the social dimensions of the school climate concept, school buildings have the potential to promote student achievement and wellness (voight & nation, 2016). however, when educators rely on antiquated disciplinary routines like the wild walk, these new buildings are unlikely to turn into the meaningful educational tools they could become as part of a more optimistic school culture. the everyday practices that have been governing non-instructional times for decades need to be re-evaluated, re-envisioned, and replaced. diversity needs to be embraced. over the course of the last two decades educational scholars have developed numerous programs and practices that improve positive relationships, participation, safety and positive disciplinary environments (voight & nation, 2016). in tandem with the comprehensive implementation of these practices, the new learning spaces and their social affordances can contribute to a change of the current school culture of control into a school culture that fosters holistic well-being of diverse students. elke altenburger is an assistant professor for interior design at illinois state university. she received her ph.d. from the university of missouri and has a degree as graduate engineer of interior architecture from the university of applied science in düsseldorf, germany. she practiced interior design in large architectural teams in europe and the united states. her portfolio includes mostly cultural buildings and projects of higher education. her research interests revolve around school culture and students’ perspectives on non-instructional spaces and informal learning environments in public secondary schools. references brooke, r., coyle, d., walden, a., healey, c., larson, k., laughridge, v., . . . williams, s. (2005). finding a space for professional development: creating thirdspace through after-school writing groups. language arts, 82(5), 367367. canter, d. (1997). the facets of place. in g. t. moore & r. w. marans (eds.), advances in environment, behavior, and design (vol. 4, pp.109-147). new york: plenum. childress, h. (1993). landscapes of betrayal, landscapes of joy: curtisville in the lives of its teenagers. albany: state university of new york press. comstock, d. e. (1982). a method for critical research. in e. bredo & w. feinber (eds.), knowledge and values in social and educational research (pp. 370390). philadelphia: temple university press. a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 125 cresswell, t. (2004). place a short introduction. oxford: blackwell publishing. dudek, m. (2000). architecture of schools: the new learning environments. oxford: architectural press. emerson, r. m., fretz, r. i., & shaw, l. l. (1995). writing ethnographic fieldnotes. chicago: the university of chicago press. evans, g. w., kliewer, w., & martin, k. (1991). the role of the physical environment in the health and well-being of children. in h. e. schroeder (ed.), new directions in health psychology assessment (pp. 127-157). new york: hemisphere. gallent, n., & shaw, d. (2007). spatial planning, area action plans and the ruralurban fringe. journal of environmental planning and management, 50(geobase), 617-638. gibson, j. j. (1979). the theory of affordances. new york: psychology press. irby, d. j. (2014). trouble at school: understanding school discipline systems as nets of social control. equity & excellence in education, 47(4), 513-530. maira, s., & soep, e. (2004). united states of adolescence? reconsidering u.s. youth culture studies. young, 12(3), 245-269. mcnamara, l., colley, p., & franklin, n. (2015). school recess, social connectedness and health: a canadian perspective. health promotion international. doi:10.1093/heapro/dav102 murray, r., ramstetter, c., devore, c., allison, m., ancona, r., barnett, s., . . . young, t. (2013). the crucial role of recess in school. pediatrics, 131(1), 183-188. doi:10.1542/peds.2012-2993 nolan, k. (2009). critical social theory and the study of urban school discipline: the culture of control in a bronx high school. in j. anyon (ed.), theory and educational research: toward critical social explanation (pp. 27-48). new york & london: routledge taylor & francis group. pearlman, b. (2010). designing new learning environments to support 21st century skills. in j. bellanca & r. brandt (eds.), 21st century skills: rethinking how students learn (pp. 117-148). bloomington, in: solution tree press. pellegrini, a. d. (2008). the recess debate: a disjuncture between educational policy and scientific research. american journal of play, 1(2), 181-191. pellegrini, a. d., & holmes, r. m. (2006). the role of recess in primary school. in d. g. singer, r. m. golinkoff, & k. hirsh-pasek (eds.), play = learning: how a long-lasting disciplinary morning ritual: the wild walk… 126 play motivates and enhances children’s cognitive and social-emotional growth. oxford scholarship online. retrieved from http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/978019530438 1.001.0001/acprof-9780195304381-chapter-3. perkins, h. w., perkins, j. m., & craig, d. w. (2014). no safe haven: locations of harassment and bullying victimization in middle schools. journal of school health, 84(12), 810-818. doi:10.1111/josh.12208 reamer, f. g., & siegel, d. h. (2008). teens in crisis: how the industry serving struggling teens helps and hurts our kids. new york: columbia university press. reynolds, j. (2006). learning-centered learnig: a mindset shift for educators. inquiry, 11(1), 55-64. stake, r. e. (1995). the art of case study research. london: sage publications. uduku, o. (2015). spaces for 21st-century learning. in s. mc. grath & q. gu (eds.), routledge handbook of international education and development (ch. 15). abingdon: routledge. vaillancourt, t., brittain, h., bennett, l., arnocky, s., mcdougall, p., hymel, s., . . . cunningham, l. (2010). places to avoid: population-based study of student reports of unsafe and high bullying areas at school. canadian journal of school psychology, 25(1), 40-54. doi:10.1177/0829573509358686 voight, a., & nation, m. (2016). practices for improving secondary school climate: a systematic review of the research literature. american journal of community psychology, 58(1-2), 174-191. doi:10.1002/ajcp.12074 walden, r. (2009). schools for the future: design proposals from architectural psychology. cambridge, ma: hogrefe & huber publishers. wellenreiter, b. r. (2018). hallways paved with good intentions: analyzing rules and procedures in non-classroom middle school spaces. middle school journal, 49(2), 10-15. doi:10.1080/00940771.2017.1413272 wolcott, h. f. (1997). ethnographic research in education. in r. m. jaeger (ed.), complementary methods for research in education (pp. 155-171). abingdon: routledge. woods, j. (2001). hostile hallways. educational leadership, 59(4), 20. zullig, k. j., huebner, e. s., & patton, j. m. (2011). relationships among school climate domains and school satisfaction. psychology in the schools, 48(2), 133-145. http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304381.001.0001/acprof-9780195304381-chapter-3 http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304381.001.0001/acprof-9780195304381-chapter-3 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(2), 2019 sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings despina kalessopoulou museum education and research laboratory, department of early childhood education, university of thessaly, volos, greece citation: kalessopoulou, d. (2019). sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings. children, youth and environments, 29(2), 5176. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this qualitative study is based on interviews about children’s sense of place that were conducted with 4–12-year-olds (n=60) in child-centered museum settings. since sense of place has not been systematically investigated in child-oriented museums, the purpose of the present study was exploratory, aiming to chart place meanings and compare them with previous theoretical and empirical research on children’s place preferences. responses showed that place meanings were rich in experience-based attributes and place features. the final discussion on the emergent underlying dimensions and on conditions that facilitate place bonding contributes to furthering conceptualizations of sense of place in child-centered museums. keywords: sense of place, place meanings, child-centered museums, children’s museums, children’s perspectives http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 52 sensing place in museums sense of place is a term coined to express personal and social meanings and emotions attributed to a space and the development of more intimate relations with it. it is a field of study that has been explored through several decades mainly by geographers, urban designers, anthropologists, environmental psychologists, sociologists, and lately neuroscientists; however, it has been only marginally investigated in the field of museum pedagogy. research from this large interdisciplinary array of scientific fields has shown that sense of place is strongly linked to other related concepts, such as place attachment or place identity. however, the multiple research traditions that are employed in the field of place research often have incompatible epistemological foundations, which has resulted in a lack of systematic theory (patterson & williams, 2005). scholars note that the concept of sense of place is associated with inconsistent and sometimes imprecise use of terms, not always anchored in sound theoretical bases (kudryavtsev, stedman, & krasny, 2012; lewicka, 2011). patterson and williams (2005) suggest that the lack of systematic theory may be due to the multiple research traditions that are employed in the field of place research which often have incompatible epistemological foundations. research in recent years has been shifting to a multidimensional model of sense of place (jorgensen & stedman, 2006) that considers a diverse array of factors (i.e., social, cultural, psychological, biophysical, etc.) that lead to multiple dimensions of place meanings. there are two principal concepts that many researchers, using a psychological approach, accept as facets of sense of place. the first is place meaning, which refers to the symbolic meaning ascribed to settings. the other concept is place attachment, which refers to the bond between people and places as well as the significance of a place to an individual (kudryavtsev et al., 2012; smaldone, harris, & sanyal, 2008; trentelman, 2009). above all, sense of place is relational and transactional: we create our own place depending on what we bring to a setting and how we interact with its features, forming a mutual relationship that may bring changes to both entities (steele, 1981). thus, place attachment is strongly linked to personal identity (twigger-ross & uzzell, 1996). among the various models that attempt to explain or describe sense of place, the one developed by sixsmith (1986) and further elaborated upon by gustafson (2001) to categorize place meanings is useful not only for its clarity and simplicity, but also for its easy transferability to the museum world. the model groups place meanings under three experiential modes (as well as between them, if imagined as a three-pole triangular model): personal (self)—e.g., sense of belonging; social (others)—e.g., networking; and physical (environment)—e.g., available services. this kind of grouping is relevant to the contextual model of learning, which is welltested and prevalent in museum theory and which has brought new understanding to the museum experience by focusing on the interplay of the personal, social and physical context (falk & dierking, 2013). a different model that tries to explain place attachment from a developmental perspective is morgan’s tri-partite pattern of “arousal-interaction-pleasure” (2010). sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 53 the model stems from attachment theory and was developed by analyzing adult remembrance of childhood place experiences. according to the model, interest in a place will lead to active exploration and play. the place will then be remembered as a pleasurable experience due to the sensory stimulation, adventure and sense of mastery involved. the emergence of pleasure is seen as a necessary condition for the development of strong, long-term affective bonds, resulting from repeated enactments of the arousal-interaction-pleasure pattern in the child’s relationship with a particular environment. repeated use of a place during childhood, as well as role of the quality and intensity of experiences in the development of life-long place attachments has been confirmed in other studies (jack, 2010; matthews, 1992; proshansky & fabian, 1987). chawla’s review on children’s place preferences and place attachment (1992) stressed that children need to use a place frequently and at will in order to develop physical and emotional proximity. in addition, she identified three prerequisites for place attachment from preschool age to adolescence: safety, social bonding, and creative expression and exploration. a safe environment that allows control, mastery, self-discovery, cooperation and the trial of different social roles supports social and creative self-development, and offers the kind of experience that makes a place truly worth remembering. bartos (2013) elaborated on what interactions with a place might include by using photo-elicitation to examine children’s embodied and emotional connectedness with places they consider to be special. bartos focused on children’s intermingling of emotions and bodily sensations in the formation of place attachment, including the roles of voicing and movement in addition to the well-known five senses as conceptual tools to explore the meaning-making process of the self and place relationship. friendship with place is an innovative concept introduced by chatterjee (2005) that adopts a socio-physical perspective of place. friendship is a process of mutual selection based on reciprocity and commitment. when applied to place, chatterjee identifies six conditions as a framework for envisioning child-friendly places: 1) mutual affection and personal regard; 2) shared interests and activities; 3) commitment (allowing the continuous actualization or creation of new affordances related to learning and competence that sustain children’s interest); 4) loyalty (creation and control over personal territories); 5) self-disclosure and mutual understanding (secret places that allow self-regulation); and 6) horizontality (freedom of expression, based on an equal power relation). the application of chatterjee’s (2005) friendship with place framework in a mixedmethod study of the spatial preferences of children living in beijing’s hutongs (wang, liu, pan, zhao, & zhang, 2012) revealed that children connected museums primarily with the dimension of commitment because museums offer new stimuli and provide children with knowledge by combining playing and studying. the three latter dimensions of place-friendliness were not connected with museums, as these require, according to children, familiarity and frequent use of a place, no adult sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 54 supervision, privacy, sufficient space, and freedom to engage in a variety of activities. in museum literature, sense of place usually emerges as a secondary finding in research regarding the formation of personal identity in museums (falk, 2006; rounds, 2006; wood & latham, 2014) or in research that focuses on the motives, museum experiences and perceptions of visitors (kaplan, bardwell, & slakter, 1993; packer, 2008; packer & ballantyne, 2002; packer & bond, 2010; prentice, 1998; pekarik, doering, & karns, 1999). personal identity is enriched by the wealth of experiences and cultural views museums provide, either by helping visitors explore new dimensions or by confirming what they consider pivotal (rounds, 2006). people come to museums for a variety of personal, social or cultural reasons (falk, 2006) that influence the emotional or intellectual associations they make with museum objects and the bonds they might develop with the overall setting, thus providing indirect information for the sense of place museums create. in regard to children and museums, the challenge of unpacking their sense of place is bigger and more complex. many children are first-time visitors who may not have a clear view of what a museum is or how it might relate to their interests and their gradually emerging self-identity. furthermore, museums are usually in central, non-residential areas and children need to be transported to them, or at least accompanied by an adult. this could inhibit further bonding, since research has shown that independent mobility encourages direct and repeated experiences that influence the “feel” of a place (byungho, hyuntae, & hyunjung, 2006; chawla, 2002; jack, 2010; jansson, 2008; kyttä, 2004). museum environments designed with children in mind are an interesting area for research on what children might think or feel while frequenting them. in what sense are these places different from other types of exhibition spaces and what kind of affiliations are they capable of promoting? after all, they are developed to address children’s needs and become important places for their enculturation, personal and social growth. therefore, researching the sense of place museums create would advance understanding of these special places for children. yet, research so far has focused mainly on: learning issues (haas, 1997; moussouri, 1997; puchner, rapoport, & gaskins, 2001), the role of adults in fostering learning and play (downey, krantz, & skidmore, 2010; gallagher & snow dockser, 1987; letourneau, meisner, neuwirth, & sobel, 2017; shine & acosta, 2000; wolf & wood, 2012), and the influence of exhibition traits on the behavior of children and their families (dockett, main, & kelly, 2011; kanhadilok & watts, 2017; schauble & bartlett, 1997; studart, 2000; wood & wolf, 2008). three of the aforementioned studies explored children’s perceptions on their experience in hands-on and child-oriented museums. studart’s research (2000) documented very positive feelings (enthusiasm, joy, pleasure, surprise, curiosity, challenge) and the value of independent mobility for reducing negative associations. empathy (“i felt as if…”) and fun, mainly because of the interactive nature of the settings, were the stronger connotations, while learning was also mentioned. moussouri (1997) also documented an appreciation for the kinesthetic sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 55 aspect of the museum experience, along with fun, learning, and the freedom to move around and explore without restrictions. finally, dockett et al. (2011) acknowledged the importance of real objects—especially when seen up close and in context, funny exhibits, layout that enables rather than constrains movement, connections with children’s lives, and shared experience with loved ones. according to research conducted with children on other kinds of museums, museums are appreciated for their objects, especially the old, big and surprising ones; for the opportunity to wonder, learn something new and have fun, particularly if this is done in an experiential, embodied, interactive and immersive way or involving story-telling; for the opportunity to explore freely and with the companionship of friends and family; and when children have the opportunity to personalize their museum experience through their own creations or by buying a souvenir (harris qualitative, 1997; kindler & darras, 1997; morris hargreaves mcintyre, 2002; piscitelli & anderson, 2001; wallis, 2018). an interesting body of research focuses on children’s multiple modes of communicating and constructing meaning, and implements methodologies that explore children’s embodied and sensory ways of meaning-making in museums (hackett, 2016; hackett, procter, & kummerfeld, 2018; kirk & buckingham, 2018; macrae, hackett, holmes, & jones, 2018). in particular, hackett’s work (2016) with very young children was based on the notion of sensory entanglements (ingold, 2008; pink, 2009), to identify patterns of wayfinding (ingold, 2007) as a method of making sense in museums. through analysis of video transcripts and field notes, children’s behavior patterns emerged, including getting a sense of the place by walking around, increasing familiarity by learning routes, and creating rituals by repeating certain actions. taking into account this widely ranging interdisciplinary literature and the scarce data on the concept of sense of place or place attachment in the museum field, the current exploratory study was designed in an attempt to chart place meanings associated with child-centered museum environments, and the level of affect and satisfaction they are able to provoke in children. research findings were expected to serve as a basis for the determination of the different dimensions of sense of place in this special type of museum environments. research approach the research was part of a larger project aimed to identify important psychopedagogical qualities of child-centered museums. by adopting an ecological psychology approach, and mainly a gibsonian perspective to studying children’s interaction with places (gibson, 2015), the research implemented a variety of methodological tools to identify affordances and compare promoted and actual use of the exhibition environment (kalessopoulou, 2015). as previous research has shown, activities and the functional significance of environmental features are the usual way children describe and assess the environments they use (heft, 1988); hence, children’s sense of place is experiential and strongly linked with the activities a place enables (derr, 2002; hackett, 2016). sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 56 this study included observation of interactions with the museum environment, photography by children and photo elicitation, interviews with museum personnel and with participating children, as well as questionnaires filled by accompanying parents that collected socio-cultural characteristics and the view of “significant others” on children’s experience (bronfenbrenner, 1995). these were inspired by the mosaic approach (clark & moss, 2001) and produced a wealth of data, which had as a starting point the embodied activity of the child. the researcher used observation data, photographs and interviews in a complementary way to better understand what seemed significant to each child and reduce adult misinterpretation. the study selected children of 4-12 years old to participate using purposive stratified sampling during family visits at the children’s wing of the natural history museum of crete and the hellenic children’s museum in athens (n=60, 30 in each museum). twenty-four children 4-6 years old, 20 7-9 years old, and 16 10-12 years old participated in the study, with equal numbers of boys and girls. the natural history museum of crete is a university museum located in a building on the seafront. it is the only greek museum that incorporates a discovery center designed for children up to the age of 15. real-life environments that imitate the natural environment of the east mediterranean sea invite children to explore with whole-body movements and hands-on activities and discover what environmental scientists do. stuffed animals are available to touch and observe up close. the hellenic children’s museum is an independent multi-thematic museum at the center of athens, designed for children up to 12 years old. bubbles, maths, how do i move, the market, i build and i create, and the attic, are among its exhibits, inviting children through hands-on collections, activities and free play to discover physical sciences and elements of our society. analysis of observation field notes and photo elicitation revealed important experiences that had an impact on emerging place meanings. after subsequent coding that generated taxonomies of physical, social and cultural affordances and categorical aggregation based on the content of the photographs and children’s selection criteria, the following set of exhibition qualities appeared to be especially valued: 1) embodied experiences, 2) objects with interesting attributes and symbolic meanings, 3) empowerment of personal identity and personal narrations, 4) inquiry-based learning, 5) facilitation (scaffolding) of interpretation skills, 6) play, and 7) social interaction (kalessopoulou, 2017). in order to further investigate the emotional appeal and perception of each museum, interviews prompted children to elaborate on nuances of sense of place, providing data unavailable from other sources. the overarching research questions that informed the design of the interview were: a) what is the children’s general disposition towards the museum? b) how do children identify the place in relation to various aspects of their museum experience? sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 57 c) what kinds of meaning do children assign to their place experience? interviews were semi-structured and followed observation of the child’s interactions with the exhibition environment and photo-elicitation, allowing time for the children to feel more familiar with the researcher. parents were asked for their written consent prior to observation, and children were orally asked to confirm their willingness to participate in the research, making clear that they could opt to withdraw at any point of the research procedure. sometimes puppets were used for the interview in order to engage the attention of younger children (less than 6). the interview was structured according to three main areas: a) children’s perceptions and preferences from their current visit. these questions aimed to understand the context of their museum experience through questions about previous visits and motives and expectations of the current visit. the researcher asked questions about favorite exhibits or objects, things they liked or disliked, and things they would like to do but did not have the time to do yet. b) children’s notions of the concept and affordances of child-centered museums. children were asked to define the place by imagining talking to their best friend about it (or responding to the question, “what kind of place is this?” asked by the puppet for children younger than 6). in addition, children were asked to indicate “to their friend” places/activities that would be more appropriate for having fun, learning something interesting, cooperating with a friend or playing with parents, as these were found as important aspects of children’s museum experiences in the literature review. c) emotional response to the overall museum experience and level of affect/satisfaction from the sense of place. children were asked to rate how the museum made them feel on a 5-point likert scale, consisting of expression faces that correspond to emotional states from “very happy” to “very dissatisfied/angry.” they were also asked whether they would like to come more often or would recommend a visit to a friend, and whether they had any suggestions that would improve their museum experience. questions from the second area (children’s meanings) and some from other areas (expectations, motives or suggestions for improvement) were made to a limited number of preschool children (11 out of 24), that were more eloquent. analysis used a phenomenographical approach, as the relational and experiential nature of this qualitative method was appropriate for acquiring detailed descriptions of place meanings and their variations among different individuals (åkerlind, 2005; marton, 1986; svensson, 1997). the researcher analyzed the data for distinctive characteristics and possible conceptions of sense of place, ending up with categories of description that, although based on personal perspectives, aim to reveal the diversity and multitude of experiences on a collective level (marton, 1981). sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 58 the results below focus on interview data, as it was the main methodological tool to investigate sense of place. at certain points, findings from the observation and photo-elicitation data will be featured alongside for a more comprehensive interpretation. results findings will be presented and discussed in relation to three broad categories that correspond to the research questions: a) general feelings about the museum; b) conceptions of child-centered museums as a special place, in relation to exhibition attributes and site-specific experiences; and c) place meanings. general feelings about the museum children had very positive feelings towards the child-oriented museum space they visited; in both museums the bulk of the responses were under the first two points of the likert scale (“very happy” and “happy”). preschoolers showed the greatest positive attitude by selecting the “very happy” face more often (16 out of 24 children). most of them wanted to return for another visit. participants at the natural history museum of crete (nhmc) were mostly first-time visitors (research was conducted during summertime, a fact that certainly had an impact on visitation frequency, as crete is a popular vacation destination), while at the hellenic children’s museum (hcm) equal numbers of first-time and repeat visitors were recorded. in both museums, older children (10-12 years) were mostly first-time visitors, while preschoolers were the biggest segment of repeat visitors at the hcm. no significant differences were noted in the aforementioned ratings in relation to frequency of visitation. however, it seems that preschoolers feel happier and visit more frequently than older children. when asked for the reasons that led to their ratings, children that selected the two most positive points of the scale across both museums said: because they had fun and a good time (23 out of a total of 25 comments), because they liked games and playing (10/25), and because they learned by exploring and discovering new things through hands-on experiences (6/25). at nhmc, children also said that they liked the aesthetics of the place (4/25), the fact that they could fulfill their personal interests (3/25), and because they were able to discover nature without disturbing the animals. i like it because there are things that i have never seen before, things that i like, that suit my character. i would like to sit more, and more, and more; to play, to see it again in more detail; and [the museum] it is in a place next to the sea and inside here, this space makes you travel.1 i like this (girl, 11 years old, nhmc). at hcm, children additionally referred to the beautiful things that could be found in the museum and the opportunities for social contacts with other kids, friends or relatives (3/25). seven children had some negative comments. while explaining the 1 the interview was conducted next to a big window with a view to the sea. sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 59 reasoning behind their rating, the majority of them mentioned the need for more interesting things and age-appropriate milieu. i don’t like it that much in here, because there are many young children, it is crowded, i can’t do things that i like (boy, 8 years old, hcm). however, all of them wanted to return for another visit, even in cases where they were skeptical about some aspects of their visit, e.g., “as next time there may be something better that will be more enchanting to me” (girl, 12 years old, hcm). most of the children did not have any suggestions for improvements as they were happy with what the museum had already offered. two children at the nhmc wanted more animals in the museum, one suggested a new interactive activity and one recommended adding activities for older children. suggestions at the hcm were related to creation of better contextual environments, new exhibits, addition of technology/new media and more constructions/games (11/13). two children recommended a change in the museum operation (e.g., “not that many kids in the market”—girl, 8 years old). turning retrospectively to the agenda of their visit, elements of affective connections for repeat visitors and emerging conceptualizations of what a museum can offer appear in the motives and expectations mentioned by some children at the beginning of the interview. as expected, parents were the ones mostly initiating the visit. ten children stated that it was their idea to visit the museum and the reasons they mentioned were related to a general desire (6 out of 10 comments, e.g., “i wanted it,” “i have a great time here”), “interest in natural history museums” and the need “to remember,” “to share experience with family members,” and “to make games.” when asked for expectations, 15 repeat visitors were very specific, referring to activities they had done before, play and learning, and three of them had a general feeling of anticipation and enthusiasm. eight first-time visitors at the nhmc who had previous museum experiences, had very different expectations in comparison with what they encountered; they were positively surprised and satisfied with the opportunities for action and play, and with seeing a lot of diverse things in outside showcases and in contextual environments. as for hcm, first-time visitors expected toys, interactive things and opportunities for learning and creative expression. expectations were fulfilled in all cases, and sometimes surpassed, with only one disappointment regarding the rather small size of the hcm. conceptions of child-centered museums as special places in relation to characteristics of the museum experience children’s definitions of the place visited were connected with several dimensions noted in the previous section. sometimes they characterized the place in a broad way (“it is an extremely nice place”; “it is something that makes you smile”), and sometimes they provided a more or less detailed description of specific exhibits or a general overview: sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 60 it is a museum with real and live animals, but also [animals] with bones only and dead ones. and it is a nice place because it has games, you have fun with your family, and if you are alone, it is ok, it’s the same, it would be nice because it has the vibe of the child, play (girl, 10 years old, nhmc). when analyzing specific descriptions, the most common characterization for nhmc concerned activities (13 out of 23 comments in total) and for hcm, play (12 out of 24). verbs and phrases used in the “activities” definitions of nhmc were connected with bodily/sensory actions, observation, play, discovery, learning and creative expression, while in the case of hcm, verbs were mostly about being able to do things as a result of active participation, e.g.: it is a peculiar museum where you don’t see exhibits; you create the exhibits (boy, 10 years old, hcm). around 15 children from both museums referred to the opportunity to see animals and play with real objects; at the nhmc many stressed the contextual installations where children could enter and explore in order to find animals and feel as if they were in nature, “like a real adventure.” these were indeed among the most photographed exhibits where children spent plenty of time (figure 1). figure 1. a 7-year-old boy’s photograph of the reconstructed micro environment of a cave at the natural history museum of crete some children, mostly at the hcm, emphasized the fact that these places are made for children: it is a museum for children, with toys, to play, to learn (boy, 5 years old, hcm). sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 61 when asked to provide a reason why their “friends” should visit this museum, strong associations appeared with what they had already mentioned while attempting to define the place: the opportunity to feel good, to have fun, to learn and play, to observe, explore and engage in different activities. in addition, children added the opportunity to have new experiences and to play cooperatively: because you do things that are perfect and you may never have done them before (boy, 10 years old, hcm). because there is something that would make her very happy, as it needs two to be played: puppet theatre (girl, 5 years old, nhmc). some children elaborated further, by comparing the experience of a child-centered museum environment with experiences in other museums: a different experience. here i played, i observed. there you just see and listen to the guide sometimes or to dad some other time (boy, 11 years old, nhmc). it’s very noisy and i like it. it has a lot of things to do, it is not only see and so. i imagined that it would also have paintings, like in museums. but now i realize it’s not simple. it’s like a toy, like a big toy (boy, 11 years old, hcm). the last comment is an example of the reservations that some children have on whether the children’s museum is a real museum as it seems to lack very old objects, reserve collections, and does not exhibit the artifacts in the traditional way. when asked to think again about their museum experience and indicate where their friend would have fun, children—especially younger ones—chose places that combine action and mystery (even if mysterious, dark spaces, such as the cave at the nhmc, were a bit frightening for them). not knowing what will happen when entering a thematic micro-environment as well as activities leading to unknown outcomes (as in the case of the simulated bones excavation at the nhmc, mentioned by older children) seem to be qualities that they combine with fun. body action that involves discovery and play are also qualities cited in their other choices and characterize their most favorite exhibits. in the case of the hcm, construction activities and freedom in assembling things and creating something new are the reasons behind the choice of the first two “most fun” exhibits, which also happen to be the top preferences when children were asked for their favorite place in the museum (figure 2). sometimes fun was also associated with being able to see interesting things. sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 62 figure 2. a 7-year-old girl’s photograph of her favorite activity, the geoboard of the maths exhibit “hello pythagoras” at the hellenic children’s museum children commented on the learning potential of a variety of different exhibits. they were prone to combine learning with the micro-environments that incorporated audio-visual projections and enhanced theatricality (e.g., characters narrating and entering in dialogue), and in the exhibits where they could closely observe animals and objects, especially if optical instruments, such as stereoscopes and magnifying glasses, were available (see figure 3). discovery activities that had explicit cognitive goals were also among children’s choices for learning opportunities. one child suggested that in order to learn, one could talk with the staff of the hcm, a quality that seems to be important for this museum, as children referred to and photographed museum educators a number of times in this study. three children at the nhmc felt that they learned nothing new. discovery activities that could accommodate more than one person and exhibits that encouraged role-playing were among their first choices when considering the element of co-operation. sometimes children suggested the invention of new discovery games that they could play with their friends: we could look at the turtles, because most of my friends adore animals, we would read for example the captions, maybe we could hide something from each other, some objects from the museum, and they could touch them to find out what it is (girl, 10 years old, nhmc). sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 63 figure 3. a 12-year-old boy’s photograph of the stereoscope at “the researcher’s lab” in the natural history museum of crete. the lab was one of the top preferences for all ages and in all data types (observation, photography, interview) for the affordance of seeing animals up close and the sense of togetherness it permitted. some kids also referred to the importance of companionship and experiencesharing during exploration of the thematic environments, observation of artifacts, during play or while watching a projection. finally, available discovery games, or invented ones, were among what children indicated as appropriate for play with parents. when considering interaction with parents at the museum, children suggested activities that required less physical movement and more mental engagement, while play and experience-sharing were also significant dimensions. place meanings the descriptive categories formed by the researcher after sorting and categorizing all responses under emerging themes, give insights into how children find childcentered museums meaningful. table 1 summarizes key findings. sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 64 table 1. descriptive categories of place meanings in child-centered museums descriptive categories associated concepts fun and pleasure “i have a great time here”  play  action/exploration  mystery/not knowing what will be discovered  experiencing roles  discovery activities  seeing things  general sense of beauty  learning  desire to come back action “a museum where children participate”  embodied and intellectual activities  diversity and big number of activities  discovery with unknown outcomes  active participation  creative expression  significant difference from other museums contact with objects and animals “with real machines”  interesting/nice things  see animals out of glass cases  great number and diversity of exhibits  authentic objects, things that work learning “activities that teach you things as you do them”  learning with fun  discovery learning/exploration  audiovisuals in contextual exhibition environments  observing things, especially with the use of an optical instrument  educational personnel  educational activities play “the vibe of the child, play”  organized or invented games of discovery  types of play (role-play/fantasy, construction, object-toys, water play)  cooperation  significant difference from other museums contextual experiences “feel like in nature”  feel immersed in reconstructed real-life environments  contextualization of exhibits  mystery environments  whole-body exploration and engagement new experiences “things i have never seen before”  unprecedented experiences  different modes of engagement  new knowledge  impressive things personal interest/ familiar experience “things that i like”  favorite engagements  recall of familiar experience  a lot of things aesthetics “i like the space”  general feel of the place in terms of beauty  location (i.e. contact with a natural element: sea view) appropriate for children “truly for children”  activities for all age groups  appropriate level of challenge/complexity  many children togetherness “have fun with your family”  sharing experience  associative and cooperative play  teamwork note: italics indicate concepts that had problematic elements for some children and created negative affect. sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 65 findings will be discussed in the light of earlier empirical and theoretical research to see how they respond to existing theoretical frameworks, identify underlying dimensions and appreciate whether emerging place meanings have the potential of supporting a more cherished and sustained relationship with this type of museums. the place meanings identified in this study can be surely grouped under the three experiential modes identified by sixsmith (1986) and gustafson (2001): personal (self), social (others), physical (environment) and the space between them. place meanings connecting with the personal realm and agenda of the child-visitor are those associated with fun and pleasure elements; opportunities for active participation, exploration, play and discovery learning; age-appropriate cognitive and sensory challenges; new experiences; and pursuit of personal interests. the social mode is related to the opportunity for togetherness and the fact that it is a place made for children, where they can work along and have fun with peers. social interactions with other children, family and personnel, and the frequently mentioned and observed preference for experiencing different social roles through role-play or discovery activities, constitute important features in children’s place preferences, confirming previous research (chawla, 1992; derr, 2002; jansson, 2008; malinowski & thurber, 1996; van andel, 1990). finally, regarding the physical mode, children’s place meanings are associated with the wealth of objects that are available and the diverse, unexpected and experiential way of getting to know them, commenting especially on the importance of contextual environments and the absence of showcases as a stimulating method of exhibition. the overall aesthetics of place also contributes to positive associations (figure 4). figure 4. an 8-year-old girl photographed the butterfly sticker on one of the windows of the natural history museum of crete children’s wing because she likes butterflies and nature sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 66 when considering morgan’s developmental model of place attachment (2010), the tri-partite pattern of “arousal-interaction-pleasure” is implied in most of the participating children’s recounts of their current museum experience. children often refer to impressive things that capture attention and arouse their interest or mysterious places that intrigue them, leading to active interaction and play. as a result, feelings of sheer pleasure arise, associated with the activities of unrestricted place-exploration, place-play, and trying out different roles, as well as the sense of mastery, learning and adventure that unprecedented outcomes and discovery activities provoke. the emotion of pleasure is the most frequently expressed throughout the interviews and it is strongly associated with the desire to come back or recommend a visit to their friends. yet, this model is only partially able to explain the process of place bonding that takes place in a museum. apart from a range of socio-cultural reasons that influence visitation and impact on place attachment that will be discussed in the following section, other elements are also important for developing affect and sustained relationships. chatterjee’s (2005) framework on the six conditions for child-friendly places seems more comprehensive and considers child-place interaction on a mutual and constructive, rather than mechanistic, basis. thus, place meanings assigned to child-centered museums reveal that children find several conditions for place friendship fulfilled: they are places that share with children a wide range of activities and interests, leading to a place-child exchange. either through things connected to established interests or by provoking new ones, child-centered museums assert what children like and form parts of their identity, enabling self-development. they are also places that manage to hold the interests and activities of the child, leading to increased learning and competence through continuous, reciprocal interaction and creation of new affordances, as the example of the invented discovery games revealed. finally, children feel free to express themselves (including being noisy) and actualize perceived affordances at will, fostering an equal power relation with the place. data from observations reveal that children moved freely, engaging in activities on their own initiative (43 out of 60 children) or after a joint decision with their family and/or peers (9/60). however, there are things missing from museums. child-centered museums, as all museums, are designed for occasional use and do not cultivate a culture of personal regard and care, nor do they give opportunities to create secret places and controlled territories that allow self-regulation and/or support the sense of self in a more intimate way, like other child-friendly spaces. as a consequence, children do not develop strong feelings of appropriation and privacy/control over personal spaces, something also evident from the fact that they are not able to narrate personal stories related with the use of the place, as it is commonly documented in research in child care centers, kindergartens and playgrounds. most children, even if they are repeat visitors, are still in an exploratory stage of finding out what such places could afford and share with them. to help enrich our understandings on the different qualities that are involved in place meanings related to the museum environment, the researcher revisited the sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 67 data in order to distinguish patterns and look for correspondence between two or more descriptive categories. a set of underlying dimensions emerged that could be used as a framework for mapping the attribution of meaning to child-centered museums and combining empirical data with larger theoretical concepts associated with sense of place (figure 5). figure 5. dimensions of sense of place meanings in child-centered museums the dimensions illustrated in figure 5 were formed from the children’s perspective and have strong correlations with the exhibition environment’s qualities that were found to be of value to them by means of other methodological tools used in the overall project. in particular: a) the enriching dimension relates to the opportunities the place offers to acquire new knowledge and experience. the great diversity of sensual and spiritual stimuli is recognized by children as a principal factor that contributes to this much-needed sense of gaining new insights and helps them connect to the physical and human world museums present, as well as identify new interests. in addition, the bedazzlement from the exhibits, the exhibition mode and the innovative context of getting in touch with artifacts (i.e. out of showcases or in contextual environments) seems to be a much-appreciated element of the enriching dimension. b) the empowering dimension corresponds with making children feel knowledgeable and in control of their museum experience. children appreciate the freedom to move around and involve all their senses and child-centered museums: dimensions of sense of place meanings enriching empowering playful epistemic social/ associative aesthetic sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 68 their body. they feel empowered when they recognize familiar experiences and are able to assert their interests and develop their skills. they acknowledge that this kind of museum is especially and effectively designed for children and view this as an important attribute. the opportunity to modify elements of the environment, express themselves creatively and have fun are also among the place qualities mentioned that enhance children’s sense of competence. c) the playful dimension covers all different types of play that children can develop in the exhibition environment and contribute to their sense of pleasure. opportunities for inventing new games, apart from those already offered, was an interesting affordance mentioned by some children. as we have seen, play is a core differentiating factor of child-centered museums from other museums. some place meanings even associated the whole museum with play (“it’s like a big toy”), while other children stressed that “the vibe of the child is play,” rendering the playful dimension a central element in children’s place meanings. d) the epistemic dimension is strongly linked with discovery activities. children appreciate museums for the opportunities they offer to learn new things, however they expect to find a different, more intriguing learning environment in comparison to that of formal education. according to their comments, exploration in reconstructed real-life environments that promote immersion and create a sense of adventure constitute optimal learning conditions as they combine learning with fun. in fact, it seems that the stronger the links between the epistemic and playful dimensions, the more intense the sense of pleasure for children. contextualization of exhibits and the affordance of observing things up close, either with hands-on activities or with optical instruments, are also exhibition qualities associated with the epistemic dimension of place meaning. e) the social/associative dimension concerns opportunities for social interactions with family and peers that give a sense of togetherness, ranging from shared experience and joint exploration to cooperative play and teamwork. children mention this dimension in relation to various others, rendering it a valuable horizontal attribute for place meanings. f) finally, the aesthetic dimension relates to elements of the exhibition environment, as well as the overall building and its location, which create aesthetic delight for children and contribute to stimulation of interest, restorative experiences, and a general feeling of pleasure from the place. problematic place features indicated by a small number of children refer to the enriching dimension (desire for more things and more impressive ones, doubts about characterizing child-centered museums as museums due mainly to the nontraditional way of exhibiting as well as the type of the collections); the empowering dimension (feeling that it is not appropriate for older children, scarcity of activities that have the right level of challenge and complexity for their age); and the social/associative dimension (overcrowded exhibits that inhibit children from doing what they want; predominance of very young children in some exhibits that made some older children withdraw, even if they wanted to get involved and play). sense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 69 in summary, data from this study reveal that children’s sense of place in childoriented museums is strongly linked with the idea of the competent child and the way the exhibition environment treats them as such and helps them develop further their skills and creativity. children can find enrichment and new knowledge in various places, yet what makes museums distinct is the ability to follow one’s interests at one’s own pace and with active participation, and to have contact with real things in rich, contextual environments. in child-oriented museums, play is not relegated to the margins but is identified as a core element in the development of exhibits and related activities and a much-appreciated attribute. place aesthetics is a dimension little acknowledged in relevant research, due to the usual emphasis on learning outcomes in museums, yet children notice its significance for a pleasurable and memorable place experience. finally, in correspondence with the fact that museum visiting is a social experience, children seem to enjoy the opportunity to learn and have fun among peers and family members. discussion and conclusions exploratory in nature, this study attempted to chart place meanings associated with child-centered museums, concluding with a set of underlying dimensions. these could serve as a mapping tool for children’s place meanings, thus providing a theoretical approach with which to analyze and discuss the implications of each dimension in children’s understanding of sense of place in child-oriented museums. the proposed conceptual framework follows a psycho-pedagogical perspective that could inform theory in various distinctive ways in relation to other models and frameworks already discussed in the literature. its unique contribution stems from the fact that it is the first framework on the concept of sense of place that is developed from data originating directly from the museum environment and with the active participation of children. therefore, associated concepts and dimensions could find a strong fit when used to examine and interpret emerging place meanings in various museum settings. the framework is also experience-based, thus more sensitive to the different nuances of children’s place meanings than other, more theoretically driven models. the place meanings and underlying dimensions identified in this research highlight the psychologically important qualities that children pursue in a museum environment created especially for them. this fact makes the suggested framework useful for exhibit design and program development. the attempt to accommodate in a variety of ways all six dimensions could enrich museum offerings to foster more meaningful and valuable relationships. in addition, the framework could help museums identify the strengths of their offerings while simultaneously diagnosing the dimensions that need to be enhanced. it is also a theoretical tool that supports the documentation of decisions. children’s place meanings have qualities and associated concepts that correspond with various dimensions, and it is the unique combination and interplay of these dimensions that form the overall sense of place. however, further investigation is needed in order to determine additional place meanings that make up each dimension or validate the existing ones. whether certain dimensions have presense of place in child-centered museums: charting children’s place meanings 70 eminence over others is a supplementary theme to be clarified in future research, recognizing that every museum hosts a distinctive and dynamic combination of place features and meanings. furthermore, investigation of the six dimensions would benefit by a variety of methodological tools that produce data based on a balanced combination of verbal and non-verbal methods, as in the case presented, and take into account the embodied and sensory ways that children use to explore the museum environment. affect and place bonding seem to have positive connotations for sense of place in child-centered museums. comparison with earlier theoretical and empirical conceptualizations has shown that prerequisites for further bonding exist, however place attachment is conditioned not only by the psychological reasons examined in this paper, but also by socio-cultural factors. visiting a child-centered museum forms part of a family’s life cycle, strongly linked to the developmental stages of children; as they grow older, children (and their families) no longer find these places attractive or appropriate for their age and interests and stop visiting. family cultural habits and the proximity of the museum to children’s residency can also influence the number of visits and the development of positive affectivity. in addition, museums’ strategy and pedagogical underpinnings could trigger closer relationships with children. for example, what bonding changes occur when museums create opportunities for active participation in day-to-day operation through children’s advisory committees, volunteering schemes or other innovative projects? research that reflects these issues in a systematic manner would be a great advancement for the field. finally, a longitudinal study with repeat visitors and their changing perceptions on sense of place with the aid of the presented framework would provide supplementary information on the process and conditions for place attachment and on the ways museums for children become muchappreciated children’s places. despina kalessopoulou (ba in archaeology and history of art, ma in museum studies, phd in museum pedagogy), has worked for 20 years in different types of cultural organizations, including contemporary art, archaeology, history and children’s museums, and has lectured widely on museum education and the social role of museums. she currently teaches museum and arts education at the university of west attica and the national and kapodistrian university of athens. she also works at the national archaeological museum (athens) where she is involved in museum exhibitions, education and communication 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me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. front matter cye 32 3 2022 a journal of research, policy and applications children, youth and environments network university of cincinnati volume number 2022 3 32 special issue covid-19 issue 2 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati i editors: dr. victoria carr, dr. rhonda brown, and dr. vikas mehta, university of cincinnati managing editor: dr. leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati assistant managing editor: ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book + media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and dr. ozlemnur ataol, eindhoven university of technology copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial advisory board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; yolanda alicia corona-caraveo, universidad autónoma metropolitana xochimilco, mexico; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image from the field report implementing a play-based forest classroom following the onset of covid-19 (cye 32, 1) by kevin stinehart, jill shelnut, meghan chandler, barry a. garst, and stephanie p. garst. photograph by kevin stinehart. https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/330/article/855982 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii children, youth and environments vol. 32 no. 3 2022 covid-19 special issue 2 issn 1546-2250 as we publish our second special issue on covid-19, many are optimistic that the pandemic is nearing an end. however, as we asserted in our first issue, the real longitudinal impacts of covid-19 on children, youth, and society are unknown. current and future waves of infections caused by coronavirus variants and sub-variants make clear that the pandemic is not yet over; the virus will continue to naturally progress. yet, as cye goes to press, the world health organization is considering whether the pandemic is still an international public health emergency and governments are seeking ways to provide new bivalent vaccines to all its citizens and streamline its covid-19 guidelines to accelerate a return to normal life activities. travel has resumed, increasing the potential for contracting covid-19, schools are in session face-to-face with virtual forms of education that may be enduring, and workers are negotiating new approaches to fulfilling their job duties. yet, worldwide effects on children and youth are evident as reported across our two special issues and within others’ research and the public media. bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory with its concentric circles of complex relationships visibly frames the impact of the pandemic -from government mandates to the closing of businesses and schools, to family health care and financial struggles, to children’s play, learning, and life experiences. articles in this special issue focus on how activities for children and youth had to yield to those impacts changing venues, utilizing virtual media, and altering transportation modes. this issue also provides insight into family and youth perspectives on caregiving and pandemic-related socio-ecological contexts. inside this issue, you will find diverse scholarly work that spans across the globe focusing on the impacts of covid-19 where children live, learn, and play. we first we head to europe where percy-smith and coauthors sought to understand how the pandemic brought about new opportunities in terms of young people’s personal development, social actorship and political agency, in spite of its detrimental impacts across seven different countries. next, we make our way across the atlantic and arrive in canada where larouche and coauthors assessed parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility among 5to 17-year-olds since the outbreak of covid-19 through two nation-wide surveys. we then wander south to the united states where li and coauthors describe the implementation of a multiplatform science learning program that was originally developed for an in-person, formal learning environment and describe modifications made to the program based on infrastructure, preparations, and resource availability to meet the needs of distance learning in formal and informal learning environments due to covid-19. staying in the states, izenstark and sharaievska examined fathers’ perceptions on how their children’s outdoor recreation changed during covid-19, and differences between rural and urban participants’ outdoor experiences to reveal that due to sweeping lifestyle changes, fathers reported increased time spent outdoors and the development of new outdoor family routines as a way to promote children’s health, fulfill caretaking responsibilities, and promote family relationships. additionally, urban fathers reported more outdoor restrictions due to local policies whereas rural fathers reported engaging in a larger variety of nearby outdoor activities. richmond and coauthors examined how covid-19 affected the summer activities and environments of children from highand low-income homes in the united states to show that youth from high-income homes had access to more enriching activities both before and during the pandemic, even though covid-19 restricted access to programming for all youth. the authors also identified how work-from-home arrangements and virtual programming that arose during the pandemic could help bridge the opportunity gap moving forward. ending our tour, we arrive in illinois where children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth and environments vol. 32 no. 3 2022 covid-19 special issue 2 issn 1546-2250 owens and adkins explore the intentional design and building process of a camp community in an online program for six programs when that format was not the organizations’ original delivery mode and revealed distinct components that comprise a camp-specific community with pertinent considerations for youth development organizations seeking to create a feeling of community in their online programs. we wrap this issue with a field report from huber and coauthors who describe and discuss their experiences with playgroup at home live, a group of children (birth-5 years) and their parents who meet regularly to play and socialize the transitioned to virtual meetings during covid-19. happy reading! once again, we would like to remind our readers that we are delighted to announce that children youth and environments has signed a new deal with university of cincinnati press (https://ucincinnatipress.uc.edu). our backlist will continue to be available through jstor. the university of cincinnati press is committed to publishing rigorous, peer-reviewed, leading scholarship accessibly to stimulate dialog between the academy, public intellectuals and lay practitioners. the press works with authors and editors to erase disciplinary to address common problems in our global community. uc press looks for projects across the humanities, social sciences and stem fields focusing on social justice and community engagement. brofenbrenner, u. (1979). the ecology of human development: experiments by nature and design. harvard university press. children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv children, youth and environments vol. 32 no. 3 2022 covid-19 special issue 2 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles growing up under covid-19: insights into impacts and young people’s responses to changing socioecological contexts as a result of the pandemic barry percy-smith, sara rizzo, chermaine tay, enrica lorusso, laurie day, and leanne monchuk 1-24 parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility among canadian children in relation to the covid-19 pandemic: results from two national surveys richard larouche, sarah a. moore, mathieu belanger, mariana brussoni, guy faulkner, katie gunnell, and mark s. tremblay 25-52 pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program during a pandemic: lessons learned linlin li, momo hayakwa, joan freese, beth daniels, gary weiser, kim luttgen, mai chue lor, megan schneider, chun wei (kevin) huang, and emily jensen 53-81 changes in outdoor recreation among rural and urban children during the covid-19 pandemic: fathers’ perspectives dina izenstark and iryna sharaievska 82-99 differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments for children from high and low-income families dan richmond, rachel mcgovern, taylor wycoff, michael froehly, meagan ricks, and jim sibthorp 100-123 exploring camp community in online summer camp programs during covid-19 megan h. owens and k. dale adkins 124-142 report from the field physically distanced but socially connected: interactive playgroup sessions delivered remotely during the covid-19 lockdown brittany huber, joanne tarasuik, nancylee merzel, and deborah njegac 143-154 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(1), 2019 adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management in zimbabwe chipo mudavanhu department of geography bindura university of science education citation: mudavanhu, c. (2019). adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management in zimbabwe. children, youth and environments, 29(1), 42-56. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this study investigated how adults view children’s participation in disaster risk management. using a phenomenological approach, this study explored parents’ (n=8) and key informants’ (n=10) views on children’s participation in disaster risk management in chadereka ward of mashonaland central province in zimbabwe. results indicated that adults in chadereka viewed children’s participation as asking questions, listening to children, and building rapport with them. these findings revealed that the concept of children’s participation in disaster risk management in this context is complex and poorly understood. although parents acknowledged that they rarely consulted children, the main reasons were related to community and family values: children’s well-being was assumed to be their parents’ responsibility, and adults assumed that children did not have enough experience with disasters to have much to share with the community. changing adults’ perspectives and facilitating children’s participation in disaster risk management requires a common understanding of the importance of involving children in issues that affect their lives. keywords: children’s participation, disaster risk management, adult perceptions, zimbabwe http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 43 introduction children’s vulnerability in disasters can be reduced and their resilience enhanced when they have access to resources and information, are encouraged to participate in disaster preparedness and response activities, and can access personal and communal support (peek, 2008). given the chance to participate in disaster risk management, this paper suggests that children can contribute greatly before, during, and after disaster events. furthermore, in developing countries, children take the responsibility of doing household chores and contributing to agricultural work (liebel & saadi, 2010), yet it remains difficult for many organizations and societies to fully accept that children can take responsibilities in disaster risk management. lansdown (2010) also notes that children’s rights to negotiate their contributions are highly restricted. as a result, many projects do not succeed because children are treated as bystanders rather than active participants (roshani, 1997). therefore, for participation to be effective, it must become embedded in institutions and processes that influence children’s everyday lives (o’donoghue, kirshner, & mclaughlin, 2003). the introduction of the united nations convention on the rights of the child (uncrc) in 1989 challenged the way in which children were treated. the uncrc is concerned with the protection and promotion of children’s rights and welfare. according to hodgkin and newell (2007) and wyatt and colleagues (2010), children’s participation is safeguarded in a number of articles of the uncrc. by ratifying the uncrc, zimbabwe committed itself to promote, protect and fulfill the rights of children (mushongera, 2015). however, questions remain around the extent to which the right to child participation has been transposed by adults and stakeholders who work with children in disaster risk management in zimbabwe. therefore, the aim of this paper is to explore how adults view children’s participation in disaster risk management. this is because adults’ construction of childhood has a major influence on the extent to which children are heard and how much their views are taken into account. literature review disaster risk management and children’s participation the concept of participation is contested, broad and not clearly defined (fleming, 2012). most definitions of participation suggest that children’s participation could also be an end in itself (mitchell et al., 2009; martin, 2010). kirby and colleagues (2003) noted that meaningful participation must be seen as a process not simply an isolated activity or event. naker (2007) also supports this by defining it as not an end but a means to an end where empowerment is the outcome. he went on to argue that participation should be seen as a continuum, emphasizing it as a process, rather than just the outcome. this implies that at one end there is information sharing and at the other, empowerment. in this case, children’s participation is about sharing information so that marginalized groups can also be empowered at the end of the process. thus, children’s participation should not be about selecting or inviting a few children to represent others, but should contribute to realizing development, survival and protection (skivenes & strandbu, 2006). adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 44 although children’s “participation is not a replacement for adult responsibility, empowering children through their participation is an important protection strategy,” as well as a right (save the children, 2006, p. 2). children’s participation in disaster risk management would ensure their safety. this is supported by plan international (2010), arguing that participation and involvement in disaster risk management fosters the agency of children to work towards making their lives safer and their communities more resilient. because children are the most vulnerable group during disasters, they need to be encouraged and motivated to participate in making the world a safer place to live. children’s participation in disaster risk management empowers them to make informed decisions concerning the risks of disasters. though investing in childfocused disaster risk management is a long-term process, it creates a generation that is better prepared for the disasters of tomorrow. apart from empowerment of children through disaster risk management, their involvement contributes to the realization of their rights. this was also supported by mitchell and colleagues (2008), who pointed out that the approach also recognizes children as key actors in their own development and in their communities. children’s participation in disaster risk management is also an entry point for programs aiming at promoting sustainable development and children’s rights. however, the question that arises is how adults view children’s participation in disaster risk management and its implications on community resilience. conceptualizations of childhood conceptualizations of childhood inform the way people think about, speak and interact with children. zigler and finn-stevenson (1987) argue that the way childhood is conceptualized is reflected in the way children are treated, in the concerns that we have for them, and in the policies that are created for their benefit. as such, the value the society places on the childhood stage is diverse, and the concept of childhood is not universally defined (mcadam-crisp, 2006). there are two dominant discourses in the construction of childhood. first is a dionysian perspective that implies that children enter the world with a bias towards “evil” (lopez et al., 2012). in this view children lack self-control and are insensitive to other people’s needs. from the dionysian perspective, children need to be strictly controlled, regulated and disciplined (lopez et al., 2012). the second discourse is the apollonian perspective, which views children as innocent and born “good” (lopez et al., 2012). apollonian perspectives have emphasized the provision of children’s identified needs. seeing children through the “lens of citizenship,” rather than as welfare dependent, could present a different picture in which children’s strengths and competencies are recognized and their experiences and interactions are considered (willow et al., 2003). the apollonian perspective tends to socialize children into particular ways of being and strongly influence the patterns of participation (percy-smith & thomas, 2010). therefore, there is a need to understand childhood construction from cultural values and local contexts (invernizzi, 2003) and how this can influence children’s participation in disaster risk management. adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 45 the study area this study was carried out in the chadereka ward of the muzarabani district of zimbabwe along the floodplains of the zambezi river, at the confluence of the musengezi and zambezi rivers about 400m above sea level, with lake kariba upstream and cabora basa downstream. the area forms the foot of an escarpment stretching from the east to the west of northern zimbabwe. the study area is in the semi-arid and northern low-veldt of zimbabwe in agro-ecological zone iv, which is characterized by little rainfall—ranging between 450 to 600mm per annum. thus, the area is prone to seasonal droughts and severe dry spells during the summer months (campbell, 1994; murwira et al., 2012). temperatures are excessively high (up to 400c during the hot season – september to november), creating a suitable environment for mosquito breeding, thus making the area prone to malaria. chadereka ward is 60 km from the muzarabani business centre, and currently is home to 7,505 people (zimstat, 2012) with about 1,500 households. moreover, being located in the flood plain of zambezi river, chadereka ward also experiences occasional floods (murwira et al., 2012). the area is normally flooded from january to the end of the rainy season in march. the floods are mainly caused by localized heavy seasonal rainfall and run-off, which often results in rivers overflowing. chingombe and colleagues (2015) explained that the discharge from mavhuradona range is drained and propelled as a runoff wave that upon reaching the alluvial fans spreads out and fills the low-lying area, thereby leading to flash floods. they further reported that the plain has a very small terrain variation, hence bankful discharge is easily attained and the plain makes flooding of the area a very easy task for the river. cyclones like those of february 2000 (cyclone eline) and march 2003 (cyclone japhet) are also responsible for flooding. the climate extremes (floods and droughts) can also contribute to the outbreak of diseases like cholera and malaria, as heavy rains tend to cause contamination of safe water contributing to disease outbreaks. methodology most data on children’s lives is obtained from adults, and this paper similarly focuses on adult views and experiences as they are significant in children’s lives. the decision to focus this study on adults is also grounded in the notion that experiences are embedded in socio-economic and political contexts, which include adult-child power relations (christensen & prout, 2002). it is also important to consider the perceptions of the people that the children are surrounded by in order to get a better understanding of their situation. however, children’s views in the same study area were captured in other research, e.g. mudavanhu et al. (2015) and mudavanhu and bongo (2015). therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore parents and stakeholders’ perspectives on children’s participation in disaster risk management. this paper comes from the author’s doctoral dissertation, entitled: reframing children’s participation in flood risk management: the case of chadereka ward, muzarabani district, zimbabwe. this study used a qualitative research approach to explore adults’ attitude towards children’s participation in disaster risk management. the researcher conducted semi-structured interviews with parents and other key stakeholders working with adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 46 children in the study area. a total of 18 participants participated in this study: eight parents formed the first study population and 10 stakeholders (key informants) formed the second group. to identify the study population, the researcher identified the schools in the area. there were a total of 11 schools, and although they were all in the lowland, field observations indicated that their vulnerability to disasters was different. four schools were directly affected by floods while others showing no signs of flood impacts; the four flood-impacted schools in chadereka were selected to participate in the study. the parents who participated in this study were school development committee (sdc) members. the researcher interviewed two sdc members from each of the identified schools. the interview themes included adults’ understanding of children’s participation, their knowledge of children’s rights to participate and to be consulted, policies/strategies/plans in place to ensure that children’s views were listened to, adults’ perception of children’s vulnerabilities, and the role of children in disaster risk management. using semi-structured interviews allowed greater flexibility within the interview to allow the respondents to express their thoughts on a subject freely, and enabled the researcher to probe further whenever necessary. additionally, the study included key informant interviews with officials responsible for coordinating child-related disaster work in muzarabani. the researcher conducted a total of 10 key informant interviews: four head/senior teachers from the four selected schools, two officers of non-governmental organizations; and one each with a ward councilor, a chief, a nursing sister employed by the ministry of health, and the assistant to the district administrator for muzarabani. only those ngos that were directly involved in the welfare of children and were working in muzarabani during the time of the study participated. stakeholder interviews sought to describe the ways in which children were involved in disaster risk management activities from an informed point of view and how these adults viewed children’s right to participate. the researcher adhered to research ethics that enshrine respect for, and sensitivity to, respondents. the research procedures were clearly communicated to all participants and their concerns were addressed. all participants were advised of their rights to withdraw or refuse to participate in the research at any stage. the following principles were key in guiding field work: informed consent, inclusion, participation, and fair power relations. the researcher manually analyzed data following the inductive analytic approach. all the interview transcripts were organized and read to capture the main themes that were emerging. the transcripts were then coded by writing comments on the margin that were then compiled into sub-themes. the topics were grouped according to their meanings and codes were assigned, followed by the expansion of the subthemes into the broader themes. finally, the themes were interpreted in relation to the reviewed literature. adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 47 findings parents’ views on disasters before assessing parents’ views about children’s participation in disaster risk management, it was important to more generally understand how the community views the hazards they face. although the extreme climatic conditions (floods and droughts) create a fragile economy characterized by hunger and famine, adults who participated in the study viewed the extreme climatic conditions as normal and part of their lives. parents reported that the community had preferred to take the risk of farming in the disaster zone to improve food security, but this location makes farmers more vulnerable to disasters. participants viewed flood disasters as an advantage because they tend to attract donors. during every disaster period, nongovernmental organizations assist local farm communities with basic food items, clothing, and blankets. development projects were also initiated so that communities can recover from flood impacts. this has also created such a donor syndrome in the community that some people do not want to be relocated because they expect to benefit from donor aid when the next flood occurs. apart from attracting donors, floods have brought fertile soils suitable for maize production. households grow food crops on the floodplain during the dry season based on the residual soil moisture from flooding (locally known as mudzedze). mudzedze land is said to provide yields that are two to three times greater than those of large-scale farms. however, floodplain cultivation has the disadvantage of contributing to heavy siltation of rivers and dams downstream, leading to increased flooding downstream. parents agreed that disasters were affecting the development of the community and future of their children. the impacts of disasters among children included missing and dropping out of school, and loss of qualified personnel, among others. assessing parents’ views about disasters and their impacts on children helped to understand how the adults were involving children in disaster risk management to reduce their vulnerabilities and that of their communities. parents’ views on children’s participation in disaster risk management one way of focusing on parents’ assumptions and experiences of involving children in disaster risk management was to explore the opportunities provided for children to express their views, the opportunities for children’s views to be listened to, and how children’s views have been acted upon during emergencies. although parents acknowledged the labor provided by children, parents’ frequency of consulting children during emergencies was low (table 1). table 1. parents’ frequency of consulting children description of parents’ frequency of consultation frequency never, it is a matter between us adults 1 rarely, when it is necessary in order to solve problems 5 often, because i believe it is the best way to solve a problem 2 total 8 adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 48 the results in table 1 indicate that all of the parents do not always consult the children during emergencies. interestingly, almost all the parents believed that children should be consulted when it is necessary in order to solve problems. only one parent never consulted their children, as they thought disaster issues were a matter between adults. they considered the issues to be too complex for their young children. however, although parents acknowledged that they rarely consulted children, the main reasons for not consulting with them were not related to the rights of the child. instead, these were related to community and family values. common statements among participants included: as parents we need to train our children so that they will be able to work for themselves and their children in future. we need to train them. there is also a lot of work that needs to be done in the home. without the assistance of children we will not do much. —male, aged 47 adults acknowledged that, in general, most of the labor was provided by children because the parents were either busy with other household duties or other community and family expectations. some parents stated that they were too old to run around, for example, gathering wild fruits or herding cattle. thus, children were doing most of the household duties in response to a specific need. this was confirmed by save the children (2010) who reported that opportunities for children to participate are created not as a natural step to realize their right to participation but because of the passion of individuals or in response to a specific localized problem. while most of the parents agreed that theoretically the participation of children was important, their motivations to consult children differed (table 2). table 2. parents’ reasons for involving children in disaster risk management reason frequency, n=8 (multiple responses) family benefit 8 personal belief to involve everyone 7 community values 6 benefit the child 3 there were multiple responses with all respondents agreeing that generally children were taking part in household chores for family benefit even when there is no disaster (table 2). none of the respondents reported that children were participating as part of government policy, rights of the child or as a demand from the children. this would mean that either parents were not aware of the policies or they were not giving children the chance to express their views. when asked about the policy that supports children’s participation in disaster risk management, all parents indicated that they were not aware of the policies and agreed that they adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 49 were not really giving children an opportunity to express their views even if they provided most of the labor in most household chores. stakeholders’ views of children’s participation although the stakeholders, because of their jobs, were expected to know about children’s participation, they did not identify any one approach that they took when working with children but rather gave a range. they described their practices as individualized depending on the child’s circumstances. the stakeholders described participation as asking questions, listening and building rapport with the child. seeking to understand the child is important when dealing with issues that affect children. of the 10 stakeholder participants, seven believed that as children experience trauma related to flooding they need someone to talk to. however, because of the local culture that expects children to listen, the participants argued that asking questions was one of the important aspects of children’s participation. in this way an adult will try to find out what the child is going through and what they are thinking about the situation. questioning children could help them to open up and express their views to the adults. an example was given in cases of child abuse. additionally, the participants believed that observing a child’s behavior can help an adult get to know what that child is thinking, which can help to address some of the risks they are facing. the excerpts below indicate that the stakeholders believe that asking questions would help children to express their views, especially in situations where children may fail to initiate a conversation with an adult. as children are experiencing disasters, adults should take time to ask children how they feel, what they’re going through and what they are thinking about the situation. children rarely suggest they need to be asked. —ngo 1, field officer if you don’t ask children they will not say anything. we’ve had a case where a child was raped but didn’t report the case [to the police]. when the teacher noticed the child’s change in behavior she asked the child. at first she [the girl] didn’t disclose anything, but as the teacher insisted the child narrated her story. somehow the child was helped [as the case was reported to the police]. —school d, teacher building rapport with children is one of the ways of facilitating participation. the way some adults talk makes children become passive even if they have something to contribute. interviews with stakeholders recorded that children’s participation is when adults talk to children in a friendly way so that they can understand each other. by building rapport with the child, the adult will be in a position to discuss the child’s views with them, as highlighted by one of the head teachers: as adults we need to develop an atmosphere of discussion with the children. if the children recognize that you respect their views they will express adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 50 themselves freely. children can talk, depending on their age they can express themselves well either verbally or non-verbally. —school a, head teacher listening to children’s experiences and views is one way for them to participate. stakeholders believed that they should make decisions on issues concerning the children based on the information the children provide. the children can express their views verbally or non-verbally; for example: a child could frown when an adult suggests something. instead of beating the child, one should understand why the child frowned. when you listen to the child you could hear his side of the story. —ngo 2, field officer children have their own challenges which may be different from adults’, but one can only come to understand when you take time to listen to what the child is saying. —school d, head-teacher thus, giving a child an ear could facilitate children’s participation and their vulnerabilities to disasters can be correctly addressed. however, although the stakeholders tried to define children’s participation more or less similarly to the uncrc’s concept, the issue of influence was not mentioned by any of the participants. stakeholders’ view of children’s participation included giving children space, voice and audience—but without influence. this could imply that in many cases, although children express their views, they do not influence decision making. the next section considers in more depth the strategies employed by stakeholders to ensure that children’s views are considered when dealing with disasters. stakeholders’ experiences of children’s participation the study established that organizations employ different strategies when dealing with children. there was evidence of programs where children were involved either in disaster risk awareness or response. children’s participation in disaster risk awareness was evidenced by stakeholders’ extracts presented below. these quotes illustrate that stakeholders involve children in communicating risks to the community. this evidenced that children had the capacity to communicate effectively on risk and risk reduction to the wider community. these results indicate that when given access to disaster information, children can assist in risk awareness. children distributed disaster-related materials, such as pamphlets and flyers, to educate the community. this confirms lopez and colleagues’ (2012) report that children can interpret and relay messages to communities. furthermore, teachers expressed a strong commitment to children’s participation. teachers indicated that they provided and raised awareness among their pupils, for example, by running sessions on what disasters are, what they do, and what can be done to reduce the impacts. adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 51 we do awareness campaigns every year just before the rainy season in all the surrounding schools to make sure that children have the information about the disaster risks. sometimes we give them pamphlets to share with their families, or we spend time talking to them about disasters. —assistant da we get most information from the school children. it is easier for organizations to pass messages through the children because they get to every part of the community. —school c, teacher every year before the rainy season we announce to children to avoid crossing flooded rivers, herding cattle near rivers and streams and to be always home in case of heavy rains. we also teach them to report any incidences of sickness or missing persons. —school a, head teacher usually before the rainy season we visit surrounding schools to alert them about the impending disasters such as cholera, malaria and floods. we normally have a session of about 15 minutes with the children. we also encourage the children to take the messages to the community. —nurse furthermore, children participated in school rehabilitation and maintenance. the teachers revealed that children were the ones involved in cleaning the schools after the flood event. one of the school head teachers mentioned that they had asked the children to come and help to fetch water and river sand for the reconstruction of a classroom block and the toilets. stakeholders also indicated incidences where children participated in food-for-work programs that concentrated on gully reclamation and road maintenance, among other projects. the other notable activity for children by the stakeholders was the provision of relief aid. the ngos provided food, clothing and shelter for the families that were affected. books and in some cases school uniforms were provided to children who lost almost all of their belongings. school-based feeding schemes were also facilitated by the ngos to cater for children who were coming to school on an empty stomach after the flood period. however, these were relief aids and there was limited children’s participation. children provided labor in off-loading food stuffs and assisted their parents with carrying the food home. we do a lot of activities to help children affected by disasters. we normally come in when the president declares a disaster.…and support children with food stuffs, school uniforms and books. in extreme cases we help in school rehabilitation…however, there is minimum participation of children because we will be trying to manage crisis. —ngo 2, field officer adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 52 conclusion the general picture that emerged from this study was that although children were engaged and provided labor in most household activities, their capacity to participate in the disaster risk management process was undermined. this supports boyden and colleagues’ (1998) argument that in less-developed societies children are expected to work and are assigned responsibilities as part of their growing up. more emphasis is placed on children’s participation in work as an integral part of their childhoods and socialization into responsible adulthood (togunde & carter, 2006; hope, 2005)—not as their right. although agencies seem to address children’s needs, very few have effective experience in including children in a full participation process. children in muzarabani demonstrated that they had the knowledge to be full participants, as they were transmitting risk messages to the community, but were considered as passive victims with nothing to offer to the community. this is similar to campbell et al.’s (2009) findings in south africa that when young people did try to speak up, adults did not want them to be involved in community thinking as they were perceived to have nothing to offer. however, this conflicted with wachtendorf et al. (2008), who argued in their research findings from the u.s. that children are presented as knowledgeable actors with the capacity to survive the physical impacts of disasters and participate in educating others in their community. this could be attributed to a tendency of humanitarian workers perceiving children and their communities in the developing world as passive, vulnerable victims in need of external assistance, rather than as people with knowledge and strengths (wachtendorf et al., 2008). this concurs with seck’s (2007) conclusions that disasters have traditionally been associated with humanitarian assistance. the provision of relief services without investing in longterm disaster risk management makes it difficult for children to realize their participation rights in zimbabwe. furthermore, the way childhood was conceptualized had an impact on the ability of children to participate. some view children as dependents while others view them as young citizens. seeing children through the “lens of citizenship,” rather than as welfare dependent, gives a different picture where young people’s strengths and competencies are recognized and their experiences and interactions are considered (willow et al., 2003). adults’ conceptualizations of childhood influence children’s participation in disaster risk management. children are socialized into particular ways of being that strongly influence the patterns of participation made available to them (percy-smith & thomas, 2010). despite zimbabwe being a signatory to the uncrc advocating for the rights of the child, children were seen more as objects than competent actors in society. children were strictly controlled, regulated and disciplined. the commitment and support of parents for children’s participation was low. decisions including those that affect the wellbeing of children were the domain of adults. adults believed that it was their duty to shield and protect children from hazardous events, and some believed that involving children in flood risk management issues would put the children under pressure. adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 53 the lack of children’s voices may imply that their specific vulnerabilities to floods have not been correctly addressed and solutions imposed on them may have inadequacies. therefore, facilitating children’s participation in disaster risk management requires a common understanding of the importance of involving children in issues that affect their lives. there is also need for adults to view children as rights holders and active participants. this can be achieved through formal and informal community education and awareness campaigns on the child’s right to participation. chipo mudavanhu, ph.d. is a senior lecturer in disaster management. her research interests are in disaster risk management and sustainable livelihoods and climate change adaptation. references boyden, j., ling, b. & myers, w. (1998). what works for working children. stockholm: radda barnen and unicef. campbell, b. m. (1994). the environmental status of save catchment. in t. matiza & s. a. carter (eds.), wetlands ecology and priorities for conservation in zimbabwe (pp. 21-24.). giland, switzerland: international union of conservation of nature and natural resources. campbell, c., gibbs, a., nair, y. & maimane, s. (2009). frustrated potential, false promise or complicated possibilities? empowerment and participation amongst female health volunteers in south africa. journal of health management, 11, 315-366. chingombe, w., pedzisai, e., manatsa, d., mukwada, g., & taru, p. (2015). a participatory approach in gis data collection for flood risk management, muzarabani district, zimbabwe. arabian journal of geosciences, 8, 1029– 1040. christensen, p. & prout, a. (2002). working with ethical symmetry in social research with children. childhood, 9, 477-497. fleming, j. (2012). young people’s participation where next? children & society, 27, 484–495. hodgkin, r., & newell, p. (2007). best interests of the child. in united nations children’s fund (ed.), implementation handbook for the convention on the rights of the child. new york: unicef. hope, k. r., sr. (2005). child survival, poverty and labour in africa. journal of children and poverty, 11(1), 19-42. adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 54 invernizzi, a. (2003). street-working children and adolescents in lima: work as an agent of socialization. childhood, 10(3), 319-41. kirby, p., lanyon, c., cronin, k., & sinclair, r. (2003). building a culture of participation: involving children and young people in policy, service planning, delivery and evaluation. london: department for education and skills. lansdown, g. (2010). the realisation of children’s participation rights: critical reflections. in b. percy-smith & n. thomas (eds.), a handbook of children and young people’s participation: perspectives from theory and practice (pp. 11–23). london: routledge. liebel, m., & saadi, i. (2010). commentary 3: participation in the traps of cultural diversity. in b. percy-smith & n. thomas (eds.), a handbook of children and young people’s participation: perspectives from theory and practice (pp. 150–153). london: routledge. lopez, y., hayden, j., cologon, k., & hadley, f. (2012). child participation and disaster risk reduction. international journal of early years education, 20(3), 300–308. martin, m. (2010). child participation in disaster risk reduction: the case of flood affected children in bangladesh. third world quarterly, 31(8), 1357–1375. mcadam-crisp, j. l. (2006). factors that can enhance and limit resilience for children of war. childhood: a global journal of child research, 13(4), 459477. mitchell, t., tanner, t., & haynes, k. (2009). children as agents of change for disaster risk reduction: lessons from el salvador and the philippines. brighton, uk: institute of development studies. mitchell, t., haynes, k., hall, n., choong, w., & oven, k. (2008). the roles of children and youth in communicating disaster risk. children, youth and environments, 18(1), 254-279. mudavanhu, c., manyena, s. b., collins, a. e., bongo, p., mavhura, e., & manatsa, d. (2015). taking children’s voices in disaster risk reduction a step forward. international journal of disaster risk science 6(3), 267-281. doi 10.1007/s13753-015-0060-7. mudavanhu, c. & bongo, p.p. (2015). children’s lived experiences of coping with natural disasters: lessons from floods and droughts in muzarabani district, zimbabwe. children, youth and environments 25(3), 196-203. murwira, a., masocha, m., gwitira, i., shekede, m.d, manatsa, d., & mugandani, r. (2012). vulnerability and adaptation assessment. zimbabwe second national adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 55 communication to the united nations framework convention on climate change (pp. 35-73). harare, zimbabwe. mushongera, g. r. (2015). hearing the voice of the child: participatory practice in statutory child protection in zimbabwe. international journal of humanities and social science, 5(8), 56-64. naker, d. (2007). from rhetoric to practice : bridging the gap between what we believe and what we do. children, youth and environments, 17(3), 146-158. o’donoghue, j. l. o., kirshner, b., & mclaughlin, m. (2003). introduction: moving youth participation forward. new directions for youth development, no. 96, john wiley. peek, l. (2008). children and disasters: understanding vulnerability, developing capacities, and promoting resilience – an introduction. children, youth and environments, 18(1), 1–29. percy-smith, b., & thomas, n. (2010). a handbook of children and young people’s participation. london: routledge. plan international (2010). child-centred disaster risk reduction: building resilience through participation—lessons from plan international. retrieved from http://www.plan-uk.org. roshani, k. 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(2006). socio-economic causes of child labor in urban nigeria. journal of children and poverty, 12(1), 73-89. http://www.plan-uk.org/ https://www.savethechildren.org/content/dam/usa/reports/advocacy/annual-report/sc-2006-annualreport.pdf https://www.savethechildren.org/content/dam/usa/reports/advocacy/annual-report/sc-2006-annualreport.pdf adults’ attitudes towards children’s participation in disaster risk management… 56 united nations (1989). united nations convention on the rights of the child. geneva. wachtendorf, t., brown, b., & nickle, m. (2008). big bird, disaster masters, and high school students taking charge: the social capacities of children in disaster education. children, youth and environments, 18(1), 456-469. willow, c., marchant, r., kirby, p., & neale, b. (2003). citizenship for young children: strategies for development. new york: joseph rowntree foundation. wyatt, a., mupedziswa, r. & rayment, c. (2010) institutional capacity assessment: department of social services. final report, october. harare: government of zimbabwe and unicef. zigler, e. f., & finn-stevensen, m. (1987). children, development and social issues. retrieved from http://www.noteaccess.com/approaches/arted/childdev/conceptsch.htm zimstat (2012). national report zimbabwe census. harare: zimbabwe statistics office. http://www.noteaccess.com/approaches/arted/childdev/conceptsch.htm login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(2), 2020 “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of children’s independent mobility range, destination, time and expansion christina han yingyi lin british columbia children’s hospital louise mâsse school of population and public health, university of british columbia british columbia children’s hospital mariana brussoni department of pediatrics, university of british columbia school of population and public health, university of british columbia british columbia children’s hospital citation: han, c., lin, y., mâsse, l. & brussoni, m. (2020). “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of children’s independent mobility range, destination, time and expansion. children, youth and environments, 30(2), 97-118. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract children’s independent mobility (im) is profoundly connected to their healthy development and wellbeing, and plays a critical role in promoting their further territorial expansion in their neighborhood. in this paper, we explore perspectives of canadian children aged 10-13 years on their im in their neighborhood, using interpretive description analysis. this paper discusses three themes yielded from the children’s data: 1) their perceived boundaries for their im range, 2) utilized places for their im destinations, and 3) temporal boundaries on their im created by curfews and check-ins. our iterative process of data triangulation allowed us to expand beyond the identified themes and original frameworks towards a novel conceptualization of children’s territorial boundary expansion in the context of im development. keywords: independent mobility, territorial boundaries, utilized places, children’s curfews, qualitative research methods http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 98 introduction contemporary children tend to be more supervised and have limited access and permission to public spaces without adult supervision compared to children in previous generations (bhosale, duncan, & schofield, 2017). this shift is well documented in the last few decades as literature has consistently indicated a decrease in children’s independent mobility (im)—the ability of children to play, walk or cycle without adult supervision (hillman, adams, & whitelegg, 1990). this downward trend in children’s im is concerning because of its critical influence in promoting and affording active play and physical activity, which are deeply connected to children’s psychological and mental health and well-being (brussoni et al., 2015; marzi, reimers, & demetriou, 2018; schoeppe, duncan, badland, oliver, & curtis, 2013). for that reason, research examining determinants of children’s im has intensified (brussoni et al., 2020; lee et al., 2015), particularly within the framework of the ecological model (bronfenbrenner, 1986). for example, studies have examined the influence of built environments (sharmin & kamruzzaman, 2017), natural environments (little & derr, 2020), social and community environments (wolfe & mcdonald, 2016), family environments (qiu & zhu, 2017), and individual parent and child factors (brussoni et al., 2020). it is now well understood that individual factors need to be considered holistically as a piece of a puzzle in the broader context in which each child is situated (crawford et al., 2017; foster, villanueva, wood, christian, & giles-corti, 2014; lambert, vlaar, herrington, & brussoni, 2019; marzi & reimers, 2018). to facilitate research on children’s im, marzi and reimers (2018) proposed four im indicators: license, range, destination, and time. this taxonomy of im indicators provides an analytical framework that helps to clarify which aspects of children’s im are being discussed. im license describes the permissions parents grant their child (e.g., crossing major roads), although this may not portray a child’s actual im. im range reflects a child’s actual (or close to) independent territorial range. im destination describes places a child could go and access independently. finally, im time indicates the time a child spends independently outside of the home. conceptual model: children’s territorial range and expansion moore’s (1986) seminal work on children’s territorial ranges and expansion has advanced the way children’s im was examined. moore recognized that “every child has several overlapping ranges that reflect various social and psychological constraints in space and time” (p. 17), and proposed that children first start exploring the “habitual range” of places immediately around their home that are accessible for daily use. children then move beyond the habitual range to the “frequented range,” which is less accessible and bounded by physical and social constraints such as busy roads and curfews. the frequented range tends to expand naturally with age and availability of suitable modes of transportation (e.g., bicycle) and older peers with whom to travel, in child-friendly environments. finally, the “occasional range” emerges depending on a number of factors, including a child’s personality, degree of parentally granted im, the availability of suitable modes of transportation and travelling companions, and the presence of destinations of “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 99 interest. occasional places are typically geographically distant and spotty (from a child’s perspective), and explored only as part of special expedition, which defines the child’s ultimate territorial frontier. however, as children expand their boundaries and become more mobile, occasional places become frequented and could be absorbed into the frequented and habitual ranges. according to moore’s (1986) territorial expansion model, children expand their territorial boundaries through two interlocking processes—range growth and range development. range growth happens when a child discovers a new place, marking a new ultimate frontier. however, actual range development occurs when a child finds the newly discovered place interesting or necessary to visit regularly, hence, making it a meaningful place. moore’s concepts of territorial range and expansion have been utilized in a range of research examining children’s im. however, there is a lack of a clarity as to how these concepts translate into a practical sense. in the current paper, we sought to explore children’s perspectives on their im in their neighborhood. specifically, we considered the im of children between 10 and 13 years in the context of the three im indicators—range, destination and time (marzi & reimers, 2018). ultimately, we aimed to describe an underpinning process whereby children’s territorial expansion occurs. methods the data were derived from a larger mixed-methods study, the state of play: socio-ecological perspectives on children’s outdoor play (han et al., 2018), investigating 10-13-year-old children’s perspectives on their independent outdoor activities. the overarching aim of this larger study is to understand the ecological factors (bronfenbrenner, 1986) that influence children’s independent outdoor play and mobility, and how they impact children’s mental and physical health (han et al., 2018). below, we describe methods used exclusively for the analysis performed in the current paper. study setting and neighborhoods following ethics review and approval by the university of british columbia and children’s and women’s health center of british columbia research ethics board, children between the ages of 10 and 13 were recruited in three neighborhoods in metro vancouver, canada between april 2016 and june 2018. these neighborhoods were purposely selected to safeguard sufficient variability and diversity of neighborhoods and study populations. area 1 represents an urban neighborhood with a high population density, located close to downtown vancouver. area 2 is a residential area of mixed of singleand multi-family homes, situated at the base of a mountain. it is close to nature in that almost half of the neighborhood consists of recreational, green spaces or protected areas (statistics canada, 2017). area 3 is a topographically flat suburban neighborhood with a mix of singleand multi-family homes that, among the three study areas, has the lowest population density in general yet the highest density of population under 15 years old (statistics canada, 2017). as a way to link children’s neighborhoods to their participant id, the first number of participant ids represents the neighborhood in which they resided. “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 100 participants through various recruitment strategies (e.g., social media, word of mouth, poster and flyers), we recruited 105 children who participated in the study—35 from each of the three selected neighborhoods. we selected children between 10 and 13 years old because typically, children begin to significantly broaden their territorial space during this age range (moore, 1986). this trend clearly coincides with their transition from primary to secondary school (schoeppe et al., 2013) and the onset of growth spurts (carrascosa et al., 2018), mostly within the boundaries of parental permission (stone, faulkner, mitra, & buliung, 2014). in addition, this age range is evidenced to be a critical period where increasing independence and engagement with peers rather than parents/family are witnessed (christensen, mikkelsen, nielsen, & harder, 2011). purposive sampling ensured equal representation for age group, gender, and im range granted by parents. the mean age of the sample was 11.4 years, and 48.6 percent were female. the sample was predominantly caucasian (65.7 percent), followed by asian (12.4 percent). eligible children spoke, read and understood english and had at least some im granted in their neighborhood, as confirmed by their parent. for more demographic information, see table 1. table 1. children’s demographic characteristics child variables total (n=105) age 10 26 (24.8%) 11 28 (26.6%) 12 26 (24.8%) 13 25 (23.8%) gender male 51 (48.6%) female 53 (50.4%) other (genderqueer) 1 (1.0%) race caucasian 69 (65.7%) asian 13 (12.4%) mixed (caucasian-asian) 9 (8.6%) other 14 (13.3%) # of children in household 1 22 (21.0%) 2 56 (53.3%) 3 21 (20.0%) ≥ 4 6 (5.7%) median household income (net) vancouver (area 1) $56,908 north vancouver (area 2) $69,610 richmond (area 3) $61,397 data collection each participating child met twice with the researcher team member(s). during an initial meeting, one of the research team members visited the participant’s home to explain the study and study logistics, and obtained participant assent/consent. “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 101 children were asked to provide their demographic information and draw a map of their neighborhood. on the interview day, each child was invited to take the researcher(s) on a tour of their neighborhood using their map drawing as a guide. this go-along interview method was suited to our study as it could reduce the researcher-participant power dynamic by staying in the child’s familiar milieu and letting them steer the interview (carpiano, 2009). the go-along interview lasted 45-60 minutes and was audio-recorded. during the interview, children were equipped with a digital camera and were asked to take photos of places that were important to them. to garner children’s perceptions towards their territorial boundaries in the context of their im, the researcher(s) asked a series of semistructured interview questions and prompts, such as “how far from home are you allowed to go without your parent(s) or another adult around? do you ever go past that point?” analytical strategy children’s interviews were transcribed verbatim and de-identified, and then were entered into nvivo 10tm for coding. anonymized visual data (i.e., photos were stripped of identifiable details such as street names and faces were blurred)—were also included in the transcripts, and researcher field notes were linked to each participant. we used children’s narratives as the primary source of analysis while their map drawings (sobel, 1998) and photos (harper, 2002) served as reflexive and representational tools that aided the participating children to better construct and express their perceptions. we used these multiple datasets in an effort to triangulate and better represent and deconstruct children’s realities. we used the interpretive description analysis method to generate a deeper understanding of children’s realities (thorne, 2013). this analytical method, underpinned by various methodological traditions such as grounded theory and ethnography, provides flexibility whereby researchers can use existing frameworks while not being entirely bound by them (thorne, 2013). in our analysis, we identified themes using the constant comparative analysis technique of grounded theory (michael bloor & fiona wood, 2016). this iterative process of categorizing and comparing between themes and patterns was useful for constructing a deeper level of understanding of children’s perceptions of their im. privileging children’s voices, we explored their narratives, map drawings and photos in relation to the questions of: “do the children play differently when supervised?” “what are the children’s developmental changes in im and outdoor play over time?” and, “what are boundaries the children think they have?” we then explored the identified themes within the ecological model (bronfenbrenner, 1986). within the interpretive description analysis tradition, we constantly questioned and challenged ourselves as to the meaning of these themes. this was to ensure credibility through data triangulation (e.g., are these accurate interpretations of the participants’ meanings?), and authenticity (e.g., are different voices/perspectives represented?) of the findings (creswell & poth, 2018). we shifted our working interpretive frame as new interpretations emerged. this iterative process of inductive reasoning allowed us to expand beyond the identified themes and original frameworks towards a novel conceptualization. “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 102 results our results are organized into three themes representing children’s 1) perceived boundaries, 2) utilized places, and 3) curfews and check-ins. these correspond with marzi and reimer’s im indicators—range, destination, and time, respectively. im license (i.e., parental permission) did not emerge as a separate theme because it permeates throughout the results, making it impossible to discuss it in isolation. themes are interrelated and work together, and often extend into other themes; yet, each theme also provides unique points of discussion. children’s perceived boundaries: their im range most children had clear perceived boundaries in their neighborhood, which is a loose territorial range they were allowed by their parents and felt comfortable to roam independently. the actual size of perceived boundaries varied for each child largely by age and granted license of im, ranging from their “backyard” [pid2020: an 11-year-old girl] to “up to the u.s. border” [pid1010: a 13-year-old boy]. children’s perceived boundaries reflected children’s as well as their parents’ perceived safety in their neighborhood, over and above parental assessment of children’s ability to exercise mature and independent judgment. specifically, the general sense of safety of different pockets of their neighborhood was assessed and guided their boundary-setting. as a 13-year-old boy from area 1 [pid1011] claimed, he “knows where is a good place for [him] to be and where’s not.” children’s perceived boundaries were typically bordered by physical environment characteristics such as major roads, depicting children’s and their parents’ fear of traffic as a main concern. for example, an 11-year-old boy’s [pid1014] perceived boundaries were bordered by four arterial roads, reflecting his parents’ fear of traffic. his narratives and map drawing (figure 1) portrayed his perceived boundaries: …because my parents have this rule where i can be wherever, i can be like a lot of places but as long as it’s inside the boundaries.… there’s like kind of a wall i kind of have to stay inside of. like there’s [n street] that i can’t go by myself.… “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 103 figure 1. pid1014’s map drawing in addition to major roads, children’s perceived boundaries were also delimited by other apparent physical restrictions such as water, dead-ends, constructions and wilderness. children tended to avoid areas such as deep park trails, woods or unkempt fields that were associated with sightings of dangerous wild animals: coyotes (pid1009, pid1018, and pid3001) cougars (pid2002), bears (pid2003 and pid2014), and racoons (pid2014, pid3003, pid3004 and pid3013). when children (and/or their parents) recognized the possibility of becoming lost in these areas, and that they may not have the necessary skillset to find their way home, these places were considered out-of-bounds. an 11-year-old girl [pid2001] described the trails that she was not allowed to go on (figure 2). her narrative presented her parents’ fear of their child becoming lost on the trails: in these trails, i’d love to go there, but too many trails that cross around, so they [parents] really don’t want us [pid2001 and her younger sibling] to get lost so they wouldn’t [let us go in there]. if we stayed in like the first trail and like 10 meters far from the entrance we would be allowed, but if we “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 104 went to take a walk, they wouldn’t let us. i think. i’ve never asked but i’m probably sure they would not let us. figure 2. park trails entrance (photo taken by pid2001) another critical determinant of children’s perceived boundaries was the “sketchiness” of areas, primarily in terms of social environments. sketchy areas were usually connected to public consumption of alcohol and drugs, which could be accompanied by unpredictable and aggressive behaviors (e.g., fighting). this was prominent in children’s interviews and map drawings of area 1, such as those of pid1021, a 12-year-old boy who shared an experience that led him to decide to stay away from h street: 1021: i wouldn’t go to [h street] because that’s where all the people go to sell drugs researcher (r): so places that in your head are associated with selling drugs, you don’t go there? 1021: because most people there are either high and they try to chase you… from experience. it’s not the best place to be. the perimeters of some children’s perceived boundaries were not regularly shaped. the map drawing (figure 3) of an 11-year-old boy [pid2027] portrayed all the places he used in his neighborhood (discussed further in the following section), “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 105 including a skate park, which he marked and narrated as a very special and regularly visited place. his fondness for this skate park was reflected on his map where he deliberately extended his perceived boundaries in a protruding shape in the far upper right corner in order to include the skate park. so, these circles and labeling things um, so important to me, is probably [friend]’s house and my house and the skate park…. i was always traveling to [friend]’s house or to the skate park with him. figure 3. pid2027’s map drawing children’s utilized places: their im destinations while children’s perceived boundaries offered a general set of directions and perimeters, their utilized places were destination-based. their narratives included more specific descriptions of and instructions for how to get to those destinations. referring back to the participants’ maps in figures 1 and 3, these children’s perceived boundaries featured multiple specific utilized places to which they could go—i.e., their house, school, friends’ houses, and special places such as the 75¢ pop store or skate park. pid1014’s interview contextualized “his places” in the neighborhood and the unique emotions he felt towards these places: important places are probably… well you’re already at my mom’s house right now and then there’s [friend 1]’s, which is, well it’s not too important. i go there like once a month? [friend 2]’s like right across the alley, so might as “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 106 well just not, not avoid him. then there’s school, we go there every day…. and then of all my special places—the courtyard roof because i’m the only kid in the school who can actually climb up onto the courtyard roof. so, yeah.… there’s the pharmacy, which is just a couple blocks. because they sell pop 75 cents there and i normally go there once or twice a week just because it’s so cheap. children’s mobility had a myriad of terms and conditions—heavily guided by their parents’ sense of safety. there were thorough terms and conditions ascribed to each utilized place to which a child could travel independently—depending on “where the child was going,” “who the child was travelling with,” “the nature of activities involved,” and so forth. a 10-year-old girl [pid1007] was usually not allowed to cross a major road, but could do so to get to her friend’s house only if she went straight to her friend’s house and took a pre-defined route: 1007: and with [friend]’s house just inside here we are allowed to go on the sidewalk but we’re not allowed to go past her window which is right here. r: without an adult? 1007: yeah and we can cross the street where [friend] is but we can’t go like in this area, we can’t go, like we can’t cross the street this way but we can only go to [friend]’s house this way and only the sidewalk here and then inside on the playground area. these terms and conditions could be revised or terminated at any time. for example, a 10-year-old boy [pid2009] was no longer allowed to play out in the courtyard without supervision since “a little incident [where] i ate from a stranger’s candy. i thought it was poison so i spat it out.” if children felt that there were sufficient utilized places (i.e., physical and social affordances) within their perceived boundaries—such as their school, friends’ houses, parks—they expressed little desire to go beyond their current boundaries. as a 10-year-old boy [pid2008] stated, “…there’s really nothing past those points [on his map].” however, it is important to note that children sometimes chose to take an active role in assessing, revising or coming up with their own terms and conditions to get to a place of their interest. an 11-year-old boy [pid1008] described his expedition to travel to his favorite card game store. his placement of the card game store at the top left corner in his map drawing (figure 4), past n street—his eastern boundary—illustrated the child’s mental distance to this place. while his narrative implied his discomfort around crossing n street and being unclear about his parents’ approval, pid1008 had decided to cross the street to get to this utilized place with his friends: r: are you allowed to cross [n street] by yourself? 1008: well, i guess maybe, but i don’t really go around [n street], but there’s this place called [name of shop] and it’s a card game store thing. it’s a card game store basically and we go down there sometimes for tournaments because me and my friends, we play pokémon which is a card “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 107 game thing. yeah and so we go down there a bit sometimes. but i, i’d say i don’t really go around [n street]. figure 4. pid1008’s map drawing sometimes avoidance of a certain place emerged from a source that was not easy for adults/foreigners to notice. a 12-year-old girl [pid3009] described a corner in her neighborhood which she labelled as the “bully’s hangout” on her map (figure 5). her narrative exemplified how an apparently nice and safe corner in a quiet neighborhood could be perceived as a place to stay away for a child who did not identify with or hang out with a given group of peers: r: this one, ‘the bully’s hangout – stay away.’ which park area is this? 3009: it’s not really a park, so, here you can probably see it from here…. in the trees there is a little area section inside that, where all the trees have been cleared and there’s like a rope swing, and, i mean i really haven’t seen… i know that normally people who i don’t like or normally don’t hang out with do go there. a lot of people say oh that’s where people do drugs and stuff like that, so i normally try to avoid it. “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 108 figure 5. pid3009’s map drawing children’s curfews and check-ins: their im time in addition to the im indicators in range and destination, children’s narratives also revealed the temporal aspect of their im. the most clearly limiting temporal determinant was darkness. this time limit—often implemented as a curfew—could significantly reduce or even nullify any im granted. a 11-year-old girl [pid1015] described that “…like twenty minutes after dark at least she [her mom] would like me to come closer.” when asked how far she was allowed to go independently, a 12-year-old girl [pid3032] explained: 3032: well, i set boundaries for myself, so i can’t go anywhere like all the way down there to garry, because usually i’ll have to be home by 4:30. and then if i go all the way down to garry and come back, it’ll probably be around 5:00 or something. r: okay. so, you kind of have a time limit set by your parents so you give yourself the distance? 3032: yeah. most of children seemed to be comfortable with this temporal limit, as it was not fun to be outside because “…no one’s out really after 9:45 because it’s like just too dark and everyone’s already going inside because they’re tired” [pid3011, a 13year-old boy]. that said, many of children seemed to be aware of how the essence of places could change across time. a 10-year-old girl [pid2020] described: “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 109 r: and how do you feel about playing outside after dark? 2020: i never do that because i feel scared of the dark, especially when i'm alone, so i don't… i feel like… i think that everybody, like all the boogeymen —that's what my mom used to call them, used to come out at night and that's when everything bad happened, so yeah. for younger children at least, the notion of a “boogeyman” lurking at night—an idea implanted by the parents—seemed to provide sufficient reason for staying inside. interestingly, for older children, the “boogeymen” took a more concrete form and become actualized as “sketchy people,” “drug-dealers,” “teenagers,” and “bullies.” this was exemplified in pid3017’s quote and map drawing (figure 5), provided above. this 12-year-old girl continued explaining her preference of staying inside after dark: because i can’t see everything, and it’s like dark and mostly older teenagers play outside or just like walk around. and some people aren’t the nicest, so i don’t really want to be outside when other people that are like older high school kids are hanging around. another element of children’s temporal im was checking in with their parents at regular intervals. a 13-year-old boy [pid3011] explained how the check-in system worked in his family: yeah, i don’t think they’d worry about me going outside. or most of the time it’s like, ‘come check back every half-hour or so.’ unless, if they only know that i’m going outside, not to like the village or school or anything. this check-in system indirectly imposed limits on the distance children could wander. yet, cell phones often provided a convenient way of checking in and obtaining subsequent time extensions remotely. this was a privilege mostly afforded by the older children as younger children were less likely to own a cell phone. a 10-year-old girl [pid1001] who was not allowed to go to the library without letting her parents know, expressed how having a cell phone would make it easier for her to communicate with her parents without having to physically return home as “they don’t let me go there [the library] without some like communicating with them which is annoying because i still don’t really have a phone.” discussion within a loose set of perceived boundaries, children explored previously unknown and insignificant space and turned elements of it into their utilized places if they saw the merit. considering moore’s (1986) concept of children’s territorial ranges, participating children’s perceived boundaries fell somewhere between frequented and occasional ranges—primarily guided by the physical and social environments; the children’s utilized places encompassed habitual and frequented ranges with a myriad of explicit yet dynamic terms and conditions. this is because children’s utilized places were destination-based, specifying actual places children could access and use; therefore, they tended to be accompanied by more fine-print rules “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 110 (mostly imposed by parents but children could also participate in this process) than perceived boundaries. in other words, once a child began identifying a utilized place as a tangible destination, children and their parents imbued it with specific terms and conditions that were in constant flux across time, circumstances and contexts. notably, in this study, children’s perceived boundaries tend to be broader and cover more ground than their actual utilized places. this finding confirms the main purpose of perceived boundaries as setting a loose mental geographical frame for children to navigate within, which resembles moore’s (1986) occasional range that “defines the child’s ultimate territorial frontier” (p. 16). a crucial aspect of utilized places is that they are deeply emotionally invested, and operationalized in the context of children’s subjective everyday experiences imbued at each destination (massey, 1994). for example, children’s destinations were linked to their everyday practicalities (e.g., pid1014 finding a store that sold soda pops cheaper than other convenience stores) and emotions (e.g., pid1014’s sense of pride at being the only kid who could climb up a roof in the school’s courtyard). children’s understanding of how places are being constantly reconstructed, contested and negotiated (massey, 1994) within different microcultures in their neighborhood was also reflected in our data. as thomson and philo (2004) argued, children developed the knowledge and awareness of different microcultures in their neighborhood through micro-conflicts they may have with others. these interactions and relationships are tied to complex emotions and feelings, which could be difficult for adults to notice at first as these notions are intricately meshed with and influenced by children’s own everyday subjective experiences and interpretations. some children expressed an overall sense of aversion towards sketchy areas but also demonstrated awareness of how the same place in a neighborhood could have different affordances and meanings for different people and groups (badland et al., 2015) and might vary depending on the time of a day. as such, children appeared to mentally partition the neighborhood, attributing different groups of people to different areas at different times of day to strategically locate places to avoid. some children in our study adequately demonstrated their complex and nuanced understanding of their environments and abilities as an active and competent negotiator—skills that are seldom recognized or acknowledged by parents (valentine, 1997). we noted no substantial gender differences. regardless of gender, children seemed to follow the same process of boundary expansion and presented similar trends of perceived boundaries and utilized places. more specifically, children’s gender appeared to have minimal impact on setting their perceived boundaries; rather, their boundaries seemed to be heavily reliant on their age and characteristics of the physical and social environments. in addition, within the same age group, girls and boys had similar levels of im granted and territorial range covered in their maps. both boys and girls included fairly similar territorial extents and compositions in their map drawings. this interpretation corroborates thomson and philo’s (2004) findings that children between 8-9 years who participated in their study did not appear to find their spaces gendered. “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 111 participants in our study ranged from age 10 to 13, and the results indicate that older children tend to have larger perceived boundaries and more utilized places. children across all ages and genders included their friends’ houses on their map drawings. however, older children tended to include more stores and fast-food restaurants than their younger counterparts, consistent with previous research indicating expanding im freedom with age (christensen et al., 2011; matthews, 1987). pervasive across all three neighborhoods were concerns with traffic, limiting children’s perceived boundaries. however, other determinants of perceived boundaries varied based on the neighborhoods’ social and physical environments. for example, in the most-urban neighborhood (area 1), limitations were due to the perceived sketchiness of the area, evidently resulting from its socio-economic characteristics. children from the less-urbanized areas (areas 2 and 3) based their perceived barriers on their fears of dangerous wild animals (e.g., cougars, rats, bears, racoons, coyotes) and the presence of natural barriers (e.g., water, wilderness, farmland). in our analysis, we adopted marzi and reimers’ (2018) im indicators to better situate moore’s (1986) concepts of children’s territorial range and expansion into a practical sense. while moore’s concepts of territorial range seemed to primarily focus on the distance a child can travel independently, our analysis proposes that territorial range is significantly destination-based, and contains aspects of both im range and destination. in the context of understanding children’s im, our data yielded novel insights into the three distinct yet interrelated indicators of children’s im. it is important to reiterate that these indicators of im would be challenging to realize without parentally granted license for im. the primacy of parental permission in children’s im is discussed in a separate paper from the state of play study (brussoni et al., 2020). also evident in our results was how children’s subjective everyday experiences of utilized places were framed by their general perceived boundaries and time limits. this illustrates how these indicators work as part of a larger system that governs children’s im and ultimately guides their subsequent territorial expansion. children’s territorial growth and development: their im expansion when children discovered destinations outside their current perceived boundaries, these utilized places had the potential to yield a territorial expansion, if children found them interesting or needed to access them. in these instances, children were willing to travel beyond their comfort zone to these destinations of potentiality, a concept that corresponds to moore’s (1986) range growth. this type of episodic expedition (i.e., range growth) was necessary to give children the opportunity to make these new places theirs by regularly visiting them (i.e., range development). these newly discovered “farthest” points from home afford them a safe space where they could consider opportunities for further expansion of their perceived boundaries. our findings corroborate moore’s argument that boundary expansion happens through the interconnected process of range growth and development— more specifically by accumulating new frequented places. “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 112 the triangulation of our data suggests a process of children’ territorial expansion in the context of im development, extending from moore’s (1986) concept of range growth and development (figure 6). as presented in children’s neighborhood maps in this paper, each of the children’s utilized places was initially nested within their broader perceived boundaries, which were typically in a neat shape of a box. when a new destination outside the existing perceived boundaries is discovered and regularly visited, range growth would happen at the destination level (stage 1 in figure 6). this stage is well depicted in multiple neighborhood maps produced in this study (e.g., pid1014’s candy store (figure 1); pid1008’s grocery shop and card game store (figure 4); pid3009’s shopping center (figure 5)). once the child has regularly frequented the new destination, range development occurs (stage 2 in figure 6), which resembles pid2027’s map that includes the skate park (figure 3). subsequently, when they have absorbed this new place as theirs, an expansion of perceived boundaries occurs when the child identifies the outermost layer of borders (e.g., major roads) near the newly added place (stage 3 in figure 6) as their ultimate frontier (stage 4 in figure 6). in reality, a perceived boundaries expansion process would seldom be as straightforward as presented in figure 6, and could involve not only expansion but also (temporary) contraction. figure 6. children’s territorial expansion – im development “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 113 the process of children’s boundary expansion happens through constant negotiation. children’s utilized places are in constant flux and often unclear. this ambiguity and fluidity of a place or an area affords an infinite potentiality for children’s territorial expansion (or contraction), when they are given the chance of filling in the blanks or updating information. while it is tempting to see children’s utilized places as their real boundaries (i.e., destinations to which they actually go independently and regularly), their perceived boundaries play a critical role in their territorial growth and development—which grants children a sense of freedom and independence. this was possible due to the fluid and loose quality of the perceived boundaries that allowed more flexibility and personal discretion as to where they believed they could go. for instance, if children were happy with their current perceived boundaries (e.g., size, affordances), the idea that they could be wherever they wanted to be within their perceived boundaries seemed to suffice in providing a sense of freedom and independence for children—more so than their actual utilized places. limitations this study was conducted in mostly middle-class neighborhoods in canadian urban and suburban settings. we made extensive attempts to recruit and include families from a variety of socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds, but our participants were predominantly middleand upper-middle-class caucasians (han et al., 2018). hence, our findings might have limited relevance and relatability to other canadian contexts (e.g. different socio-economic status, rural settings), let alone other parts of the world. this is a known limitation of qualitative research as its focus is to gain a deeper understanding of a certain sub-population or a phenomenon, rather than to generalize its findings to a wider context (leung & loo, 2017). however, future research should investigate these concepts in diverse contexts, adopting culturally relevant recruitment strategies and methods to enable participation of more socioeconomically and culturally diverse children, particularly as there is evidence that im differs among children from different cultures (crawford et al., 2017; green & lliaban, 2020). conclusion expanding territorial boundaries involves more than physical and territorial breakthrough. children need to be physically, cognitively, as well as emotionally ready for expansion to feel ready to take the risk of being in an unfamiliar environment (dweck, 2000). evidently, territorial boundary expansion (moore, 1986) comes naturally as children’s cognitive and physical capacities develop (carrascosa et al., 2018; schoeppe, duncan, badland, oliver, & browne, 2014), often accompanied by parents’ trust in children’s capabilities. however, the process by which expansion happens is important on its own, as it denotes not only territorial expansion, but also a sense of freedom and independence, which influences children’s sense of agency (hilppö, lipponen, kumpulainen, & virlander, 2016). our proposed process of children’s territorial boundary expansion is novel. we see the potential of this model in supporting innovative research into children’s territorial expansion and im development, such as examining the types of places/destinations that lead to children’s boundary expansions, or the influence of built environments in supporting or impeding children’s boundary expansions. “there’s kind of a wall i have to stay inside of”: a qualitative understanding of… 114 christina han is a social science researcher working with drs. mariana brussoni and louise mâsse as a research coordinator, overseeing the overall management and implementation of research studies in the brussoni lab. she has over 10 years of experience in qualitative and mixed-method research, and has published 20 peer-refereed articles. currently, she is working on multiple qualitative analyses using children’s interviews, photos and neighborhood map drawings. yingyi lin holds a m.sc. in epidemiology at queen’s university and currently working on her ph.d. in the population, health and place program at university of southern california. she has investigated the interactions between children’s health-related behaviors using domestic and international databases. from a socioecological perspective, her current research interests focus on further exploring the social and environmental factors that influence these behaviors and related outcomes (especially childhood obesity) through a mixed-method approach. louise mâsse’s research focuses on understanding the determinants of behavior change as it relates to physical activity and nutrition behaviors. her research integrates both population-based strategies (environmental and policy strategies) and behavioral strategies (individual-based psychological strategies) to address the complexity of factors associated with childhood obesity (physical activity, sedentary, and dietary behaviors). mariana brussoni is an associate professor in the department of pediatrics and the school of population and public health at the university of british columbia. she is an investigator with the bc children’s hospital research institute and academic scientist with the bc injury research and prevention unit. mariana investigates child injury prevention, perceptions of risk and safety and the 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(2016). association between neighborhood social environment and children’s independent mobility. journal of physical activity & health, 13(9), 970-979. doi:10.1123/jpah.2015-0662 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. chilyoutenvi.28.1_30  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments, 28(1), 2018 assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada victoria s.k. cox robert c. corry school of environmental design and rural development university of guelph, ontario, canada robert d. brown landscape architecture and urban planning texas a&m university citation: cox, v. s. k., corry r. c., & brown, r. d. (2018). assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada. children, youth and environments, 28(1), 30-41. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract school children can receive too much ultraviolet b (uvb) radiation on schoolgrounds, leading to sunburn (erythema) and risking melanoma. yet receiving too little uvb can result in vitamin d deficiency, which is needed for bone metabolism and may be linked to cancer, hypertension, and influenza. we measured the uvb received by school children using personal dosimeters (electronic instruments that measure uv exposure) during mid-winter in southern canada. dosimeter measurements validated a model that then estimated the amount of uvb children receive throughout the year. during summer children would receive too much uvb in unshaded schoolgrounds, but during the school year children would receive insufficient uvb. findings provide evidence that schoolgrounds in mid-high latitudes should have strategic shading during summer but allow uvb exposure in other seasons. keywords: vitamin d, erythema, shade guidelines, landscape design http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada 31 ultraviolet b radiation and health skin cancer causes about 60,000 deaths per year (lucas, 2010). one type of highlypreventable skin cancer, malignant melanoma, is caused by overexposure to solar ultraviolet b (uvb) radiation (wright, reeder, bodeker, gray, & cox, 2007). shade guidelines and policies have been developed in many countries in response to solar overexposure and many of these guidelines have been applied to schoolgrounds in an attempt to protect children. providing shade for school-aged children can be effective during times of the year when solar radiation levels are high, because shade reduces transmissivity of uvb radiation. yet, uvb has positive health benefits through the synthesis of vitamin d in a person’s skin. vitamin d deficiency has been linked to health issues including cancer, cardiovascular disease, influenza, and multiple sclerosis (engelsen, 2010; grant, 2010). uvb as threat or benefit establishes a dilemma for schoolground designers: should they provide open skyviews to allow for more vitamin d synthesis, or provide more shade to block uvb and reduce melanoma risks? uvb is diffuse radiation and is received approximately equally from all parts of the sky. many elements in the landscape modify the amount of uvb that a person receives, including trees, shrubs, and buildings. vegetation absorbs most of the uvb spectrum. leaf reflectance of uvb is very low (~5%), and leaf transmittance is essentially zero regardless of plant species (yoshimura, zhu, wu, & ma, 2010). trees can provide a canopy of overhead protection, while buildings, shrubs and hedges can also assist in intercepting diffuse radiation from other directions (yoshimura et al., 2010). ameliorating uvb shade guidelines for schoolgrounds were originally developed in australia in response to high incidences of skin cancer (greenwood, soulos, & thomas, 1998). canadian cities have developed shade guidelines (e.g., city of toronto, 2007; waterloo region shade work group, 2012), however most of canada is in the mid to high-latitudes (above 45ºn) while australia is mostly a low-latitude country (1535ºs). this means that winters in australia are still quite sunny with high sun angles, but in canada the amount of sunshine received in winter can be very low because of low sun angles and reduced daylight periods. particularly in canadian regions in the lee of the great lakes where seasonal cloud cover is extensive, solar radiation is low in late fall and early winter when school is in session (from the first week of september until third week of june). shade guidelines for outdoor spaces in a city in southern ontario (waterloo), for example, include design considerations such as, “shade the play equipment or frequently used activity areas,” and considerations to “get shade closer to the structure” (waterloo region shade work group, 2012, p. 5). while canadian guidelines also reference critical exposure times (e.g., city of toronto, 2007), the emphasis of the design guidelines is on managing sun exposure to reduce risk of sunburn, much like australian and american guidelines. assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada 32 the design of a landscape affects the amount of uvb that a person receives. a practical challenge is how to design landscapes that afford people an opportunity to receive enough daylight to synthesize sufficient vitamin d while avoiding the dangers of sunburn (referred to in this paper by its medical term, erythema). uvb exposure is particularly important in landscapes designed for children as they require vitamin d for healthy growth and development, and they are particularly sensitive to erythema. children are often required to spend time outside in schoolgrounds during the academic year, making the design of these landscapes consequential. this study measured and modeled uvb levels experienced by children on a schoolground in southern ontario, canada throughout the year. our project (a) measured the amount of uvb received by school children in mid-winter; (b) compared the measurements with a pre-existing model to validate its use in winter conditions; (c) applied the model to other times of the year; and (d) compared the results with required amounts of uvb to produce vitamin d and the limit before erythema is expected to occur. we approached the research as a pilot study due to time and funding constraints and the practicalities of engaging school children to volunteer for the study. methods the project set the sample frame as elementary schools in the regional municipality of waterloo, ontario, canada, where school shade guidelines have been proposed (see inset, figure 1). the region is conveniently located adjacent to the lead researcher’s university, and has 103 elementary schools with 42,000 students. research ethics clearance permitted researchers to interact only with the school board in executing the study, not with teachers or schools. ultimately the number of participating schools was limited to those willing to volunteer and to inform parents and secure their permissions to participate in a matter of a few weeks, before executing the study with students. one school and teacher expressed a willingness to participate in our time frame. the limited amount of participation with a convenience sample leads us to consider this an exploratory pilot study to inform future investigation. the participating school is millen woods elementary school in waterloo, canada (43.5ºn, 80.5ºw; figure 1). a convenience sample of children was selected by the teacher to wear one of three radiation-sensing dosimeters. the participants were grade 3 and 4 students, male and female, aged 8 and 9 years. with this sample we measured then modeled the amount of uvb radiation that children received on the schoolground. assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada 33 figure 1. plan view of millen woods elementary school, waterloo, ontario. landscape attributes are illustrated over aerial photograph base. inset (lower left) shows location of waterloo region in southern ontario, canada. inset (upper left) shows three dosimeters worn over a coat sleeve. photographs (right side) correspond to locations on schoolground source of aerial photograph: google maps; source of inset map: regional municipality of waterloo; source of dosimeter photograph: victoria cox; source of schoolground photographs: laura hilliard measurements measurements were taken using personal uv dosimeter badges: mark ii (scienterra, new zealand) set to record uvb wavelengths (280-320 nm). dosimeter badges are small (36 mm diameter and 13 mm thick), lightweight (26 g) and circular, attached with a band. the uvb spectral response of the dosimeters is approximately 230-320 nm. dosimeters were calibrated against a uvb solarmeter (solartech inc.) under a range of test conditions. the results were all within 10 percent of the solarmeter values, considered acceptable (webb, 1998). dosimeters are the best way to measure uv exposure received (mccarty, 2008) and have been used in a number of exposure studies (thieden, agren, & wulf, 2000; thieden, collins, philipsen, murphy, & wulf, 2005; bodekaer, petersen, philipsen, heydenreich, thieden, & wulf, 2015; thieden, philipsen, sandby-møller, heydenreich, & wulf, 2004; køster et al., 2016; vanos, mckercher, naughton, & lochbaum, 2017). north b assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada 34 dosimeters were attached the upper arm of the participants over their winter jackets (see inset, figure 1). data were gathered with three participants during 15 collection events over three days in february 2013 with varying weather conditions (see table 1) ranging from fully overcast to full sun. participants were outdoors from 10:50-11:10 am and 1:30-1:50 pm on each day. the entire school site is 2.28 hectares (ha) and has an open yard facing west (see figure 1). the schoolground has a building that occupies 16 percent (3,700 m2) of the area, and pavement on 21 percent (4,700 m2) of the site. the open area (turf and shrub or tree cover) is 63 percent or 1.44 ha of the schoolground. several deciduous trees are around the perimeter of an asphalt play area with north and western exposures where the students’ play is generally concentrated in the winter months. the existing trees are young and small and offer minimal shade for those playing on the asphalt, yet all vegetation and structures affect the uvb received. the ground surface was covered with fresh snow during data collection and the participants were dressed for cold weather with only their faces exposed. at the end of each test day, the data were downloaded from the dosimeters. data were recorded for each minute of each test period (totaling ~600 dosimeter readings), and these values were summed daily to determine the total amount of uvb that each subject received. models few models exist for assessing uv radiation and vitamin d effects; the existing modeling is considered incomplete (engelsen, 2010). measurements were compared with a pre-existing model called fastrt (https://fastrt.nilu.no/) (webb & engelsen, 2006). fastrt inputs include the date, latitude and longitude, cloud conditions, total column ozone, and surface altitude, albedo (reflectance), and type (e.g., soil texture, vegetation, or paving). the model was used to simulate the amount of uvb school children would be expected to receive at other times of the year. a second model, vitd_quartmed (https://fastrt.nilu.no/vitd_quartmed.html) (webb & engelsen, 2006), estimates how much vitamin d a person could be expected to synthesize under different conditions and the researchers applied this to the same time periods as the first model. vitd_quartmed inputs included date, latitude and longitude, skin type, timing of exposure, percent of body exposed, desired dietary equivalent dose of vitamin d in international units (i.u.), cloud conditions, total column ozone, and surface altitude, albedo, and type. the models have been validated against measurements and other models, although under overcast conditions the accuracy level is uncertain and may be imprecise due to the lack of information on the cloud properties (engelsen, brustad, aksnes, & lund, 2005; engelsen & kylling, 2005; webb & engelsen, 2006). results the participants wearing the dosimeters were encouraged to be consistent in their normal outdoor behaviors. this resulted in a range of measurements as some participants reported spending the whole time in the open areas while others spent their recess time near the school building. individual observation was not https://fastrt.nilu.no/ https://fastrt.nilu.no/vitd_quartmed.html assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada 35 permitted by ethics clearance, so locations of students with dosimeters was limited to self-reporting. the location of a student (variable) and time of day (consistent across participants) affects dosimeter readings. range and mean values for each test period are shown in figure 2. comparing our measurements to fastrt, the model estimates were lower than the range of uvb received during overcast conditions (possibly because experienced cloud conditions differed from the model, for example, in density or thickness), but within the range during sunny conditions. sunny days are of the most importance in terms of both erythema and vitamin d production, so we considered fastrt results valid in sunny conditions and used fastrt to estimate for sunny conditions throughout the year—the only conditions consequential for the two dependent variables. figure 2. uvb received by the test participants on each of the test days (range and average values) and sky conditions. values estimated by fastrt are indicated with a filled circle. bars show time to achieve vitamin d synthesis. note: under clear-sky conditions fastrt estimates were within measured ranges. dosimeter data were used to calculate how long a subject would have to spend in the test condition to receive 200 and 1,000 i.u. of vitamin d daily. the values of 200 i.u. and 1,000 i.u. were selected because research suggests that 1,000 i.u. is an appropriate daily intake of vitamin d to achieve vitamin d sufficiency (schwalfenberg, genuis, & hiltz, 2010) and that 200 i.u. is the minimum amount that children and adolescents should receive (gartner & greer 2003). while vitamin d sufficiency can also be achieved via diet and supplements, we considered only the uvb synthesis portion as a consequence of children’s schoolground environments. assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada 36 under overcast conditions participants could spend the whole day during the february research period outdoors and not receive 200 i.u. of vitamin d. on the sunny day with fresh snow on the ground, participants received sufficient uvb to get 200 i.u. of vitamin d after spending 40 minutes outdoors in the morning (that is, twice the morning recess duration) or 26 minutes in the afternoon (six minutes more than the afternoon recess duration). vitd_quartmed estimated that in mid-spring with 25 percent skin exposure (e.g., face, hands, forearms) it would take seven minutes for a person with light skin to obtain 1,000 i.u. of vitamin d under clear skies and 48 minutes under overcast conditions. mid-autumn with 10 percent skin exposure (e.g, faces and hands), it would take nearly two hours under clear skies to provide 1,000 i.u of vitamin d, and no amount of time would provide 1,000 i.u. under overcast conditions. in mid-spring, it would take someone with dark skin tones 17 minutes with 25 percent body exposure to obtain 1,000 i.u. of vitamin d under clear skies and more than 1.75 hours if conditions were overcast. in mid-summer with 50 percent skin exposure (e.g., face, hands, forearms, legs) it would take eight minutes under clear skies and 57 minutes under overcast conditions, while in mid-autumn with 10 percent body exposure it would not be possible to obtain 1,000 i.u. of vitamin d (table 1). table 1. modeled results (vitd_quartmed) of time (minutes) to achieve natural vitamin d production targets for different skin types, sky conditions, and skin exposures for three school seasons in waterloo, canada mid-spring 25% body exposure mid-summer 50% body exposure mid-autumn 10% body exposure clear sky, time to 1000 i.u. light skin 7 3 110 clear sky, time to 1000 i.u. dark skin 17 8 † overcast sky, time to 1000 i.u. light skin 48 25 † overcast sky, time to 1000 i.u. dark skin 107 57 † † not possible to obtain 1000 i.u. in these conditions minimum erythemal dose (med) values were calculated and the amount of time required to receive sufficient daily vitamin d ranged from 17 to 30 percent of the time required to experience erythema throughout the year. discussion the academic year in midto high latitudes typically is from late summer (first week of september) to the summer solstice (third week of june) and students are assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada 37 often required to spend time outdoors daily during recess. in our study these recesses summed to 40 minutes per day. our results based on this small sample at one location suggest that during most of the academic year it might be more important to provide students in southern ontario (or other midto high-latitude locations) uvb exposure than it is to shade them from it. this should be examined in larger cohort studies like that of køster et al. (2016) and more schoolground locations. from late spring to late summer uvb exposure can lead to erythema, but for the majority of the academic year a lack of uvb will limit vitamin d synthesis. deciduous trees and shrubs can be strategically placed to absorb uvb before it reaches the ground in locations where students play during periods of likely elevated uvb exposure (e.g., late spring to late summer). tree species have variable physical characteristics that can be used to affect uvb exposure. species transmissivity values, leafing periods, and other characteristics all affect how much uvb will pass through tree canopies at different times of the year (see brown & gillespie, 1995). ideal species would have late leaf emergence in the spring, an open canopy structure, and senesce early in the autumn (e.g., gymnocladus dioicus—kentucky coffeetree—for southern ontario) to allow uvb to pass. uvb arrives approximately equally from all parts of the sky, so even though a person is under the shade of a tree they can still experience erythema. shrubs, walls, and retractable or movable shade structures (e.g., awnings, extended eaves) can effectively reduce uvb received from all parts of the sky during midsummer, while opening up the area to uvb access during winter. results from our pilot study and literature review reinforce two key concepts for designing for optimal levels of uvb for outdoor spaces that people use in midto high latitudes to maximize uvb exposure in winter and minimize uvb in summer. 1. if a person can see the sky, they are receiving uvb radiation. uvb radiation is mostly diffuse and comes relatively evenly from all parts of the sky (not just the direction of the sun). uvb can lead to erythema even when a person is in a shadow. 2. strategically located deciduous trees and shrubs can effectively intercept uvb during the growing season while allowing the uvb to pass through when the trees have shed their leaves. varying the uvb in this way can help to protect against erythema while promoting vitamin d synthesis. the primary purpose of schoolground shade guidelines is to reduce the threat of erythema which can lead to skin cancer. yet vitamin d deficiency in canada is a common issue causing significant health complications (schwalfenberg, genuis, & hiltz, 2010). the results of this exploratory study suggest that existing schoolground shade guidelines should be further studied to learn if they are suitable for students using midand high-latitude schoolgrounds during the academic year. it might be advisable to modify guidelines to include information regarding the importance of sunlight and vitamin d in the academic year and to promote more access to sunny, outdoor spaces. assessing uvb radiation received by school children in mid-latitude ontario, canada 38 a landscape architecture approach to modification would focus on elements such as trees, shrubs, buildings, or furnishings that intercept uvb. deciduous trees and shrubs are valuable components in the design of schoolgrounds (samborski, 2010) that can flexibly optimize levels of uvb received by children. designed for the appropriate location and sun angle, leafy canopies seasonally block and absorb uvb or allow uvb to pass through. building overhangs and site furnishings can be used to block uvb during times when erythema is a threat, but allow solar exposure during school sessions. shade guidelines that do not explicitly address the need for vitamin d synthesis miss an important opportunity to promote healthy schoolgrounds in all seasons. conclusion the results of this small-sample pilot study indicated that in almost every case, students at a school in waterloo, ontario would not receive recommended levels of vitamin d by playing on a typical schoolground in february. nor would the students be exposed to enough uvb to cause erythema on the schoolground during most of the academic year. with evidence-based landscape architecture (brown & corry, 2010) schoolgrounds can be designed so that students have a low probability of receiving dangerous levels of uvb, but can receive adequate amounts of vitamin d even in midwinter in midto high latitudes . acknowledgements this research was supported in part by a grant from the landscape architecture canada foundation. the manuscript was improved with comments from the editor and two anonymous reviewers to whom we are thankful. victoria cox is a registered landscape architect with the town of caledon in ontario. she has a master of landscape architecture and a bachelor of arts (geography) from the university of guelph, ontario. robert corry is a professor of landscape architecture at the university of guelph. his research field is applied landscape ecology and in particular the stewardship and conservation of habitat and biodiversity in intensively-modified landscapes. robert brown is a professor of landscape architecture at texas a&m university. human thermal comfort and microclimate are his principal 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(2007). solar uvr exposure, concurrent activities and sun-protective practices among primary school children. photochemistry and photobiology, 83: 749-758. http://doi.org/10.1562/2006-08-22-ra-1010 yoshimura, h., zhu, h., wu, y., & ma, r. (2010). spectral properties of plant leaves pertaining to urban landscape design of broad-spectrum solar ultraviolet radiation reduction. international journal of biometeorology, 54: 179-191. http://doi.org/10.1007/s00484-009-0267-7 http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-1097.2006.tb09833.x http://doi.org/10.1562/2006-08-22-rahttp://doi.org/10.1007/s00484-009-0267-7 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand khemporn wirunrapan child and youth media institute of thailand prasopsuk boranmool krongkaew chaiarkhom sribua kanthawong foundation for child development citation: wirunrapan, k., boranmool, p., chaiarkhom, k., & kanthawong, s. (2018). the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 175-186. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract many research studies point out the human rights and labor protection violations suffered by migrant children in thailand including problems of statelessness, educational access, public health access, and lack of safe environments. this study was undertaken as part of the six-country international play association’s access to play in situations of crisis research project. the aims of the thai study were to understand the needs and right to play of children in migrant communities in thailand, explore relevant policies and measures as well as related problems, understand children’s participation in play promotion, understand how children play, and learn about the dynamics between free play undertaken by children for its own sake and play seen a means to an end within programmatic activities of organizations and agencies. this report highlights through case studies the general and special coping mechanisms found among children that enabled them to play despite limitations in their living conditions, restrictions on their everyday freedoms, and hazardous physical environments. the study found that while in the view of children, play is important, adults still have limited understanding of the importance of play for children. keywords: access to play in situations of crisis, migrant children, thailand, coping mechanisms, resilience http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 176 background for many decades, migrant workers from neighboring countries of myanmar1, cambodia and lao pdr have been the main source of informal labor and low-paid employment in thailand. according to the ministry of labor’s statistics (2016), there were 1,435,909 migrant workers—though according to a census in 2010, the number might be as high as 4 million because many migrant workers are nonregistered (department of employment, 2016). despite the labor protection act of 1998, these migrant workers are often not protected nor treated equally to thai workers. for example, migrants often work continuously for longer hours than stipulated in the law and they often work in unhealthy and hazardous environments; they are frequently oppressed, threatened or reported to the police. some companies withhold workers’ passports and work permits to prevent them from leaving (kanchanadit, 2015). among their number are children who came to thailand as workers, children who came with their parents and settled in the community, children who were born in thailand, and children who enter employment as child laborers. many research studies point out the human rights and labor protection violations suffered by children including problems of statelessness, educational access, public health access, and lack of safe environments (chalamwong, 2014). right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities—the study this study was undertaken as part of the six-country international play association (ipa) access to play in situations of crisis research project. the aims of the thai study were to understand the needs and right to play of children of migrant communities, explore relevant policies and measures as well as related problems, understand children’s participation in play promotion, understand how children play, and learn about the dynamics between free play undertaken by children for its own sake and play seen a means to an end within programmatic activities of organizations and agencies. the thai study took place in three areas: • mae sot district, tak province in communities of migrant workers from myanmar, near the northern borders of myanmar and thailand; • saphan pla (fish market) community, muang district, samut prakan province, with migrant workers from myanmar; and • premruethai community in phra padaeng district, samut prakan province, with migrant workers from cambodia. in this report we will highlight, through case studies, findings describing the general and special coping mechanisms we found among children that enabled them to play 1the term “myanmar” is used to refer to the country name while the term “burmese” is used to refer to people from myanmar or to their traditions. the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 177 despite limitations in their living conditions, restrictions on their everyday freedoms, and hazardous physical environments. the three study areas migrant worker community in mae sot, tak province mae sot is a district in tak province in northern thailand (foundation for child development, 2016). its population includes hill tribe ethnic groups and migrants from the muang tak district, as well as burmese people married to thais. sharing the borders with myanmar, mae sot has cross-border trade between thailand and myanmar. most members of the migrant community are burmese and karen, some of whom do not have legal permits to enter thailand. half of them rent houses near industrial factories and the other half reside near a cattle market and work as cattle caretakers as well as in factories. reports prepared by organizations working in the area show that, while some children do not go to the learning centers because they work, the majority gain education due to there being two migrant learning centers in the community. the environment of the community poses risks. the nearby cattle market is active every friday to sunday and there are cattle fighting sessions and gambling. children whose parents work far away from home are left alone and at risk of abuse. alcoholism or drug addiction in families poses further risks to children in the community. saphan pla, muang district, samut prakan province the samut prakan fish market is situated at the mouth of the chao phraya river on 33.2 acres of land owned by the fish marketing organization, a state enterprise under the ministry of agriculture and cooperatives. the migrant worker community in saphan pla is comprised of karen, burmese and tai ethnic groups from myanmar, who live around the saphan pla area but separately and a bit far from the general thai community. their income is uncertain. the residential area floods when the tides are high and there are areas of mangrove. deserted buildings are divided into zones and rented out by room, floor or the whole building. the living conditions in these old buildings are very crowded, household wastewater treatment is inadequate, and there is an abundance of mosquitoes. many parents must work very hard and, as a result, their children are not well taken care of. some children are allergic to chemicals carried in by cargo ships, which causes them to get rashes and wounds. access to public health care is limited since the workers do not understand their rights and dare not go outside the the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 178 community. police officers frequently visit the community for drug and gambling inspection. premruethai community, phra padaeng district, samut prakan province this is a community close to the chao phraya river, where the sand trade for construction takes place. it is also an area for fish transport and for industrial estates. the community is rather large and crowded. community members are a mix of thais and cambodian migrant workers. there are factories around the community. the area is divided into small alleys that are busily frequented by vehicles especially sand transport trucks. community members’ wages, depending on types of work, range from 400 to 450 baht (approximately $12-13 usd) per day. working hours are usually from 5am to 4pm. most workers are informal labor; some work overtime until 8pm. cambodian workers live in rented houses. each house is divided into small rooms. since most of them are informal workers, not certified by employers, they do not have migrant worker registration cards, making them illegal workers. as a result, they cannot go outside of the area. parents must work hard to feed their families. gambling exists in the community, and community members are afraid of being caught by police. many game shops or cafés2 have been opened in the community. challenges encountered, and approaches taken to field work we conducted in-depth interviews with 97 children (47 girls and 50 boys) in three age groups: 6-10 years old, 11-14 years old and 15-18 years old. the additional data collection tools we used in the field research included field visits to observe children’s play, interviews with parents, and interviews with community volunteers, government officials and children’s organization workers. great care was taken to build trust in the communities, to ensure the participants understood the research, gave informed consent and were not put at risk. as the children and families were in particularly vulnerable groups, a number of restrictions were encountered, and the researchers looked for appropriate approaches. briefly, these included the following: while collecting data, the researchers found that many of the informants feared giving information to outsiders due to the government’s policies towards migrant workers. they were constantly afraid of arrest and being sent back to their homelands. the research team engaged with trusted local persons to coordinate and build relationships. data from parents and children had to be collected in short periods of time because the workers work in different places, some outside the communities and some on long night shifts. employers did not let outsiders enter most of the workplaces. 2 a cybercafe or shop catering mostly to people playing online games on computers the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 179 data collection and communication with the target groups required interpreters who spoke their languages as many do not speak thai. in burmese groups, there were interpreters who spoke burmese, karen and tai yai. the research team asked young workers to act as volunteers helping with translating from thai to the dialects and vice versa. due to target areas in the north being large and far apart, the research team chose to collect data from children from different communities attending a learning center. in the saphan pla community and the premruethai community, data collection through child participatory methods was restricted because migrant workers live in small, rented places. there was no room to talk to the children, so data was collected from them in the playground. sometimes, it was hard to prevent passersby, who were not part of the research, from interrupting and listening in, hence interfering with child participatory process. overview of the thai study findings within the situations among legal and illegal migrant workers that affect children’s right to play, the study was able to identify children with the fewest opportunities to play, obstacles and challenges that children face, and both general and special coping mechanisms exhibited by children (table 1). table 1. overview of thai study findings situations that affect children’s right to play • there are two types of migrant workers in thailand: legal and illegal. illegal workers feel constantly unsafe and insecure. fear of being caught and deported restricts them from going outside their communities • workers work hard and do overtime; hence, they do not have time to look after their children as they might wish. the children are left at home and, at a very young age, must live alone, take care of themselves, do housework, and raise their younger siblings. when they are old enough, parents require them to work children with the fewest opportunities to play the play opportunities of children in the three study areas were found to be full of obstacles and challenges. the groups having the fewest chances to play are: • children of 0-6 years age who must accompany their parents to work or are locked up to be kept safe at home while parents are at work • child laborers who must work hard for long hours and have little time to play or are too tired to play • girl child laborers also have domestic duties, and social norms force the girls to become adults more quickly than boys, thus leaving no time to play • some disabled children are kept at home because of stigma • married girls are expected to behave like adults, so they cannot play • children whose parents expect good school performance from them are under pressure and have less time to play [continued] the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 180 table 1, cont. obstacles and challenges to children’s access to play • parents not allowing children to play far from or outside of their home • risk and fear of abduction • physical environments that are unsafe, including risk of drowning, traffic accidents, or poisoning by venomous animals (snakes, centipedes or scorpions) • unhygienic living quarters with standing water, chemicals, trash, etc. • children working • early marriage and teen parenthood general coping mechanisms exhibited by children • sneaking out to play in places prohibited by adults • accepting the limitations and playing only at home or with whatever toys or objects they can put their hands on or with what is allowed • turning to technological objects such as watching television, being absorbed by smart phones, or playing computer games at a game shop special coping mechanisms exhibited by children • improvising play and instruments • increasing risks in play thus increasing fun such as using fantasies or risky types of play coping mechanisms against all the odds, migrant children have ways to cope and play in circumstances full of obstacles. the researchers found distinctive patterns of play, as well as general and special coping mechanisms. the remainder of this report illustrates these patterns and mechanisms through observations and case studies. general coping mechanisms play pattern: sneaking out to play this pattern is found frequently. even though children are not allowed out to play, they sneak out to play in prohibited areas such as in canals, on the road or away from home. there are not enough playing areas that are safe or challenging. for teenagers, they want to play to make friends and to create social life. they do not want to stay in a small room. it is a lot of fun to play at the deserted salt factory. we chase one another and climb on the salt bags. if adults approach, we would hide. when they leave, we start doing it again (boy in saphan pla, age 7). play pattern: accepting the restrictions when they are not allowed to play outdoors, children play inside the house with things they have. they may play in front of the house or at a playground where their parents allow them to go and can supervise them. these are mostly young children, girls, and children who must do housework or take care of their younger siblings at home, so they cannot play anywhere far. the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 181 i have to help my parents doing housework, getting water, washing clothes and cooking before i can play so when i come back from school, i will finish my housework as fast as i can, so i can have more time to play (child in mae sot, age 10). play pattern: playing with technology or games children stay home watching television, playing with smart phones or playing games at game shops. in the premruethai community, there were many game shops run by thai owners and frequented by many cambodian children. in the saphan pla community, there is one game shop. some teenage girls pay more attention to television broadcasts, fashion, and make-up and are more interested in finding a husband and forming a family. play pattern: creating more challenge and risk this pattern of play was found predominantly in the premruethai community. premruethai is a community where playing space is very limited. there is neither playground nor nature in which children may play safely. the area to play inside homes is very narrow and children are seriously restricted from playing outside the house, far from home, or in risky areas, to the extent that some children are locked inside their house. the situation of overcrowding and stress may build to the point of aggressive behavior by parents, such as yelling at, hitting and locking up children. this has an impact on children and many of them turned to aggressive and risky play. the risky play was observed in two patterns. the first was imaginative play, which gives children a thrilled feeling, for example, by playing ghosts or spirits as in “spirit board.”3 in this game, the children play at asking questions of the “spirits” that relate to their fear of accidents in the community and their parents’ worries. this might go something like the following: a child lies down surrounded by his friends. he pretends to be taken by a ghost. his friends try to communicate with the ghost by asking questions. q: who are you? a: my name is… q: how did you die? a: i was hit by a car (or i drowned, etc.) q: will you haunt us? a: yes. everyone runs away. (or if the answer is no, children keep asking questions.) the second pattern was actual risky play and increasing the risk in play through using imagination. this pattern applied mostly to boys, but some girls play in this way as well. actual risk resulted when children went to prohibited places they liked 3 this play relates to what children have seen on television rather than cultural or religious practices related to spirits. the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 182 to go to play such as the river bank or deserted buildings. as an alternative, children looked for a less risky place to play but imagined it to be more dangerous. special coping mechanisms the following brief case studies provide examples of children’s play patterns. case study: creating more challenge and risk the boys in the premruethai community play adventurously and daringly, and express themselves in extreme ways such as hitting each other, yelling, throwing stones at windows, shooting animals with slingshots and taking things to play with from neighbors. they demonstrate strong survival instincts—they are independent, not afraid of strangers, and risk-takers. if they want something, they use violence to get it, even from their friends. there are areas in the community that children are restricted from entering and playing. the more they are prohibited, the more they want to play in those restricted areas. they sneak into construction sites, climb into wood warehouses, and jump into delivery trucks in the parking lot. when adults approach they run away for a while and come back to play soon after. when children play in areas that are dangerous and prohibited or when they have no other choice, they create play formats such that change hazardous areas into a fun place. for example, they would imagine the areas to be an adventure park where they run away from beasts or where they fight as warriors. case study: improvised instrument play a few migrant workers from myanmar live in small shacks made of old pieces of wood, roofed with old zinc sheets and walled with old plywood planks. the properties have a fence to separate the back of the house from a nearby auto-parts shop. thiew4 is a 6-year-old burmese boy, the youngest child in a family of 10 members living under the same roof. thiew does not go to school, but stays home with his mother, who is deaf, while the rest of his siblings go to work. during the daytime, thiew plays with trash found on the dirt track beside his house; for example, he bundles up plastic bags to make a ball. thiew only moves between the house and the dirt track as his parents do not permit him to go far from their sight. every day, for extended periods of time, thiew loves to play with tin cans, glass bottles, old dishes and bowls as if they are musical instruments. in the beginning, he used a wooden stick to beat an imagined drum. later, his father made him sticks improvised from chopsticks, and a wooden box to keep them in. when he uses his sticks to beat the bowls and cans, he pauses and listens to the sound then he nods to the rhythms. 4 all children’s names are pseudonyms. the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 183 case study: improvised play in mae sot children spend their time at home and at a learning center. the children are restricted by their parents from playing away from home because they do not have legal documents for immigration and cannot speak thai. forced to be home, they use bamboo found in the community to invent toys such as piggy banks or human-size wooden shoes and use bamboo for cooking games. some children are not allowed to play so they turn to television or smart phones, especially the early teen groups. their parents buy the smart phones as they feel that these will keep the children safely at home when they are left on their own. in the case of migrant agricultural workers, the children live close to nature and involve nature in their play more than children in urban migrant communities. some children whose parents work in the rice fields or farms work with their parents, as well as go to school. while working, they invent games; for example, during the rice farming season, they use natural materials to make kites, tying the kites to nearby trees so that the kites fly on their own against the wind.5 case study: child laborers and social play win is a karen boy, aged 17. he works in a plastic factory from 8:00 am-5:00 pm though most days he continues until 9:30 pm. sunday is a day off but especially during high season, he works overtime. child laborers who work hard like win make moments of time for playing while at work—drumming on plastic containers or pranking with friends when the employer is not around. win plays soccer after work with friends at a field near the fish jetty. on sundays, he is happy to play soccer as long as he wants, or he swims near the fish jetty. because of soccer, he has met a lot of people—even thai people. “before, there were thai teenagers who came with motorbikes, showing off by riding in a gang but now we are friends,” noted win. win wants to have more freedom. he says that: i love going out. i want to meet a lot of people, making more friends. i’m jealous of a friend who can go out wherever he wants because he has a work permit and his employer is kind. i cannot go anywhere far, only in the community because my mother does not let me. i’m also afraid of being caught by the police. some friends of his tease him saying, “you want to go out, to see girls, right?” 5 instrument-making and kite flying are well documented as pastimes for adults and children in some burmese and thai cultural groups. the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 184 we ask him how important playing is to him, and he answers, “i am happy and i enjoy playing. when i cannot play, it is boring. i am sad and i cannot smile.” asked to compare the play in thailand and in myanmar, his homeland, he says he had more freedom playing in myanmar. he could be with nature. there were flowers and he could get fruits from the forest. he could go as far as he wanted. nothing was dangerous. win’s story shows us that playing soccer for a 17-year-old child laborer is not only a sport, but it also supports his social life. he can make friends or feel as if he is a part of the thai society. the opportunity to play eases him from the repeating stress at work and he can be free from parents. conclusions while children view play as important, adults still have limited understanding on its importance for children. migrant parents and community members do not place an equal emphasis on play. our research found that safe play spaces are an important issue for communities where there are high risk factors. play space could be creatively designed so it responds to the play needs of children of all ages and social status. it may be possible to identify empowered migrant communities that have good management and, in such communities, outside organizations could lend support to community members and promote access to play for their children. it has been observed that children’s access to play is increased in school, but teachers have to be skillful in facilitating children’s play. if employers could be made to see the importance of play and provide play space in migrant communities, it would help increase access to play for children. community child care centers could be a focal point for local government agencies such as municipal and public health offices, to come and provide support. various children’s organizations have policies and funding sources that are not accommodating the work to promote children’s access to play. both factors have contributed to the work being interrupted and to the inability of the players to scale up the initiative. promotion of cultural space in the community could help migrant workers to see the potential and possibilities to integrate play space as part of their livelihoods. recommendations this study arrived at detailed recommendations for the government, government agencies, organizations working for children, organizations for and networks of migrant workers, the business sector and employers. the ipa access to play in situations of crisis toolkit (2017) is a starting point for assisting these organizations and agencies in implementing the recommendations. there are three over-arching recommendations for all sectors: 1. accelerate awareness education among various organizations on children’s right to play according to the un convention on the rights of the child and migrant children’s right to play. the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 185 2. promote understanding and attempts to change societal attitudes towards migrant children, especially towards their right to play. it is of public interest that the thai society understands and accepts the existence of migrant communities and their children. thai society has a duty towards migrant children. there needs to be good management and budgets for activities that will ensure children’s access to basic services, including play. 3. raise awareness and promote understanding of all stakeholders on the importance of access to play for children of all ages, all statuses, and all groups, and on the relationship of play to child development. opportunities to access a greater variety of creative play and the benefits of free play are things that need to be advocated. adults should show their support appropriately, not only by giving children toys or playgrounds. khemporn wirunrapan graduated from thammasat university in political science and completed a master’s degree thesis on immigrant child labor in thailand. beginning in 1985 she served as executive director of the foundation for child development, a non-governmental organization working on child development, promoting educational and play opportunities for child workers and children in difficulties. for the past 10 years, khemporn has managed the child and youth media institute of thailand, which oversees 90 projects focusing on the empowerment of children, youth, families, communities, and society at large. prosopsuk (rose) boranmool graduated in science from suranaree university of technology and joined the foundation for child development (fcd) in 2003. she has been a playworker and advocate promoting the rights to play and well-being for disadvantaged children including children in slum areas, migrant children, and children in conflict circumstances in thailand. rose is the head of the child development section in the fcd and her role includes capacity building and mobilizing collaboration between local agencies to provide play spaces and play opportunities for children in communities across the country, especially in refugee camps and migrant communities. sribua kanthawong graduated in community development from chandrakasem rajabhat university. she is a freelancer trainer in children's rights, leadership skills and youth and children's participation. from working with the foundation for child development (fcd) child labor program, in 1998-2000 she organized workshops on children's rights and child participation for network organizations as a member of the southeast asian child labor network. she was assistant head of child development center, lao pdr from 2004-2005 and from 2009-2016, she worked with fcd designing children's creative spaces, designing activities, and creating engaging children's and youths’ activities. krongkaew chaiarkhom graduated from the non-formal education center in bangkok and is studying toward a bachelor's degree while working at the foundation for child development (fcd). krongkaew is a child laborer and has worked for the child development foundation since 2006, promoting development of child laborers and children of migrants. krongkaew designs activities in the the right to play of children living in migrant workers’ communities in thailand 186 center and in the community and is a mime actor. she campaigns for the development of children and about child labor issues with children's networks. references chalamwong, y. (2014, july). child migrants: no access to education. retrieved from https://tdri.or.th/2014/07/komchadluek-2014-07-25/ department of employment (2016). statistical report on the registered migrant workers in october 2016. retrieved from http://www.doe.go.th/alien foundation for child development (2016). child migrants and their families in mae sod district, tak province. 5 march. (pp. 1-3.) kanchanadit, b. (2015, december). year in review of migrant workers in 2015. retrieved from http://voicelabor.org. king-sheard, m., & mannello, m. (2017). access to play for children in situations of crisis—play: rights and practice—a tool kit for staff, managers and policy makers international play association: promoting the child’s right to play. retrieved from http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/ipa-a4-access-to-play-insituations-of-crisis-toolkit-lr.pdf preechapanich, s. (2015, may). rights of child migrants: little voice that no one hears. retrieved from https://www.tcijthai.com/news/2015/01/scoop/5536 https://tdri.or.th/2014/07/komchadluek-2014-07-25/ http://www.doe.go.th/alien http://voicelabour.org/ http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/ipa-a4-access-to-play-in-situations-of-crisis-toolkit-lr.pdf http://ipaworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/ipa-a4-access-to-play-in-situations-of-crisis-toolkit-lr.pdf https://www.tcijthai.com/news/2015/01/scoop/5536 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 the rise of adventure play provision in north america joan almon alliance for childhood rusty keeler just play project citation: almon, j. & keeler, r. (2018). the rise of adventure play provision in north america. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 67-77. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract play provision, which includes time and space for play, is making a comeback in the u.s. and canada after several decades of serious decline. one indicator is the formation of six new adventure playgrounds in the u.s. in the past five years. they follow the tradition of such playgrounds in the u.k. and provide children with abundant loose parts for play and trained staff who support children’s play without directing it. loose parts and trained play staff are also finding their way into schoolyards and summer camps. the north american adventure play association (naapa) is developing workshops and trainings for play staff, and providing an avenue for play advocates to seek out and help one another. play provision in general, and especially play rich in adventure and risk, is on the rise again. keywords: adventure playgrounds, loose parts, north america http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi the rise of adventure play provision in north america 68 concerns about diminishing opportunities for children to play despite the essential contribution of play to the cognitive, physical, social, and emotional well-being of children and youth, in 2007 the american academy of pediatrics felt compelled to release guidelines in response to the “multiple forces that challenge play.” play allows children to use their creativity while developing their imagination, dexterity, and physical, cognitive, and emotional strength.… play allows children to create and explore a world they can master, conquering their fears while practicing adult roles, sometimes in conjunction with other children or adult caregiver.… because every child deserves the opportunity to develop to their unique potential, child advocates must consider all factors that interfere with optimal development and press for circumstances that allow each child to fully reap the advantages associated with play (ginsburg, 2007, pp. 182-183). the report opened the door to media coverage of the importance of play (e.g., brown, 2014; henig, 2008) and was indicative of a growing awareness that play, especially outdoor play, had significantly declined over one generation. a study of over 800 mothers found that “70 percent of the mothers reported playing outdoors every day when they were young, compared with only 31 percent of their children. furthermore, when the mothers played outdoors, 56 percent remained outdoors for three hours at a time or longer, compared with only 22 percent of their children” (clements, 2004, p. 73). there is a growing level of action in north america to combat the decline in opportunities for play through various programs and initiatives, including training playworkers to support and protect play without interfering unnecessarily, and adventure playgrounds, often seen as the closest experience to the freedom to play that characterized childhood in earlier generations. the development of adventure playgrounds the first adventure playground was created during world war ii in emdrup in copenhagen, denmark, and was called skrammellegepladsen meaning a “junk playground.” in danish, the word skrammel means junk or reusable rubbish and has a positive connotation. lady allen of hurtwood, a british landscape architect, visited emdrup after the war and then developed the first junk playground in britain. she soon came to feel that “junk” had a negative connotation in english and that the playgrounds were worthy of a better name. in 1953, she met with sir george peppler to decide on a new term for playgrounds. they resolved upon adventure playgrounds (dighton, n.d.). when lady allen first visited emdrup, she was inspired to see children playing as she had as a child although with playworkers present. they watched over the children’s play but wore their “cloaks of invisibility” (wilson, 2010, pp. 10-11) so that the children felt free to create their own play scenarios, as children have always done throughout the ages. the rise of adventure play provision in north america 69 adventure playgrounds took hold in north america in the 1970s and in 1976 the american adventure playground association was founded. by 1977, 16 adventure playgrounds in the u.s. had been identified, but it is thought that there were several more, including in canada (frost, 2012). in the 1980s many adventure playgrounds closed for lack of funds, complaints about their junky appearance, or for other mundane reasons. two that remain from that era are in berkeley and huntington beach, california, plus a summer adventure play camp in yorba linda, california. all three now serve a second generation of adventurous players. fortunately, there is growing interest in creating new adventure playgrounds in north america. this has been stimulated in part by an article in the atlantic magazine (rosin, 2014) and a complementary documentary film (davis, 2015) that focused on the land, an adventure playground in wales, uk. in the past decade, six new adventure playgrounds have opened in the u.s., and other communities are interested in opening more, often communicating their wishes on the facebook page of the north american adventure play association (https://www.facebook.com/groups/americanadventureplaygrounds/). for instance a group of mothers in montreal, quebec, canada approached the adventure play project, le lion et la souris / the lion and the mouse, to help them open an adventure playground. there had been a short-lived adventure playground in their neighborhood 40 years ago, and now the mothers were hoping to create a new one. some adventure playgrounds are sponsored by parks departments, such as the new summer adventure playground on mercer island near seattle and the longstanding ones in berkeley and huntington beach, while others are supported by non-profit organizations. common elements of adventure playgrounds there is some debate about what differentiates an adventure playground from a more traditional playground. there are a few important elements that adventure playgrounds have in common and that more traditional playgrounds do not have. one is an abundance of loose parts—open-ended materials, either natural or manufactured, generally discarded by adults but which can be used in a myriad of ways by children. while standard playgrounds with fixed equipment look the same each day, adventure playgrounds change according to the play of the children. the term loose parts was first introduced by the architect simon nicholson who summarizes their importance for play and creativity: in any environment, both the degree of inventiveness and creativity, and the possibility of discovery, are directly proportional to the number and kind of variables in it (nicholson, 1971). https://www.facebook.com/groups/americanadventureplaygrounds/ https://www.facebook.com/lelionetlasouris/?fref=mentions&hc_location=group https://playgroundology.wordpress.com/2015/04/06/embracing-adventure-in-1970s-pointe-st-charles-montreal/ the rise of adventure play provision in north america 70 the other element common to adventure playgrounds is the presence of play facilitators, called playworkers in the u.k., a name that is taking hold in north america as well. in the u.k., playworkers are trained to support children’s play without undue interference. their professional work is guided by the playwork principles, which include statements about the essential nature of play for children and youth and describes play in this way: “play is a process that is freely chosen, personally directed, and intrinsically motivated” (play wales, n.d.). while loose parts and playwork staff are common to all adventure playgrounds, there are other elements found in many adventure playgrounds. for example, zip lines are a popular piece of play equipment, and fire pits are common. many, but not all, adventure playgrounds provide lumber and tools for building play structures. sometimes a basic structure is provided and the children add to it, but at berkeley and on mercer island, for example, the children build their structures from scratch. they look rather tipsy and frail, but the children test their stability as they build and use ample nails. play days a play day is generally a one-day event run by local volunteers or play advocates. it has become a way of introducing children, their families, or their schools to childdirected play with simple loose parts, such as cardboard boxes, tape, fabric, etc. and brings some of the qualities of adventure play to a local community. sarah lawrence college, north of new york city in the u.s., for example, has hosted dozens of play days in nearby communities, especially in low-income neighborhoods. the play days are part of a program called community adventure play experiences (cape). saundra norton of sarah lawrence describes the play days: children today have fewer opportunities to direct their own play experiences than previous generations. many parents who bring their children to the capes share fond memories of their own childhoods spending hours building forts out of cardboard boxes, puppets out of pinecones, or rolling tires on the grass. we provide these opportunities for children at capes where the adults are on the periphery to support and to provide a safe space, and children and their imaginations are at the center of the experience (thompson & bender, 2016). the city of calgary in canada has approached play days in a somewhat different way. in the summer of 2017 the city organized a play truck full of loose parts that visited six parks for two-week periods, giving children in each neighborhood a good chance to engage in play with one another. the city’s website described its mobile play experiences as “dynamic spaces that contain a variety of materials and loose parts such as boards, tires, tape and cardboard that children are free to use to build, demolish, assemble and change their environments as they desire” (city of calgary, 2018). in describing why the city has emphasized play, calgary’s website also mentioned the importance of active outdoor play for children’s health and overall development (city of calgary, 2018). the rise of adventure play provision in north america 71 the canadian branch of the international play association has facilitated play days for several decades. it has produced a manual which is available on its website (ipa canada, n.d.b) it is also facilitating a national playday movement starting in 2018. the chosen date is the first wednesday of august to align with the u.k. national playday (ipa canada, n.d.a). participaction is a canadian organization that has emphasized the need for physical activity and its research has contributed to calgary’s commitment to initiatives such as their mobile adventure playground. participaction’s 2018 report card on time spent by canadian children and youth in active play earned the country a d, meaning that only 27 to 33 percent of children and youth engaged “in active play and non-organized/unstructured leisure activities for several hours a day” (participaction, 2018, p. 31). in its recommendations for increased active play, the participaction report stated there was a positive association between outdoor time and physical activity, and it was important to ensure that adequate outdoor active play opportunities are afforded to children in a variety of settings. destination playgrounds vs. neighborhood playgrounds in the u.k., adventure playgrounds are generally located in places surrounded by housing so that local children can come on their own. playworkers are on hand, but there are very few parents present. many of the playworkers commented that the same children come again and again and play together over a period of years. in contrast, most of the adventure playgrounds in the u.s. and canada are considered destination playgrounds. they are not embedded in neighborhoods, and children generally do not come on their own. they are brought to the playgrounds by adults and often play with children they have not seen before or will not encounter again. such play still offers many advantages, but it does not permit the same development of social play that occurs when children play together over a period of years. adventure play in schoolyards adventure play with loose parts and trained staff has begun entering schoolyards in north america during recess and in after-school programs, where children play together on a daily basis. an example is the parish school in houston, texas. in 2008, the school head asked jill wood, the school librarian, to help establish an adventure playground where the after-school program could take place. jill writes that she was handed a notebook from the houston adventure play association which basically said, “find a bunch of junk, put it out, and let the children take the lead.” that was her starting point, and the children’s play developed from there. the play was complex and inspiring from the start with costumes made from grass, sand volcanoes, freestyle jumping contests from the culverts, and a bucket band called techno and the rock stars. kids carved out space for quiet tinker-y play and built structures for climbing, dancing, and chatting. play schemes could last a few minutes or a semester (wood, 2017, p. 103). the rise of adventure play provision in north america 72 it is hard to estimate how many schools in north america now use loose parts in recess for there is no research on the growth of this approach. two schools wrote about their projects for the book playing it up (almon, 2017), and portland free play has produced a film about its pilot project in a school in portland, oregon. teachers at the portland school were surveyed before the project and again after one month of loose parts play. all reported a significant increase in children’s happiness during outdoor play time (portland free play, n.d.). a pilot project in toronto, canada introduced loose parts in six public schools under the leadership of earth day canada and supported by a u.k. training provider. the website of earth day canada (https://earthday.ca/earthplay/schoolplay/) says it will increase the project to 42 schools by 2020 with an eventual goal of bringing the program to schools across the country. adventure play in camps another popular way to include loose parts and staff for adventure play is during summer camps. the city of yorba linda near los angeles has offered adventure play camps for over 30 years. the camps function like adventure playgrounds with play facilitators, loose parts, and tools for building play structures. the camp’s website (yorba linda, 2018) offers this description of the camp: come join this fun-filled exciting and unique summer adventure where campers will play, imagine, and creatively build all while learning new skills, developing teamwork, building self-confidence and having fun! whether campers are building forts, hammering, sawing, painting, treasure hunting, deciphering clues, completing challenges, playing games, earning ap money, or swimming in the mud pit, the adventure will never stop! play:groundnyc on governors island in new york city uses its summer adventure day camp to help finance “greatly subsidized and free programming to thousands of new york city children in a diversity of neighborhoods all year long through our free summer weekends and off-season programs” (play:groundnyc, n.d.). the financing of staff for adventure playgrounds is always an issue, and play:groundnyc’s approach may become an important model for others. concerns about risk one might think that offering school-age children hammers, nails, saws, and even hatchets would put the children at high risk, but when risk is visible to children they rise to it. playworkers frequently state that children recognize the danger of the tools and exercise caution while using them with purpose and enthusiasm. when introducing parks departments and communities to the idea of adventure playgrounds, there are three concerns that are almost always raised: (1) injury rates will be much higher than on typical playgrounds; (2) there will an increase in lawsuits related to injuries; and (3) insurance rates will become prohibitive. but various studies in the u.s., canada, and the u.k. have not shown these concerns to be justified. https://earthday.ca/earthplay/schoolplay/ the rise of adventure play provision in north america 73 in a paper about the loss of outdoor play, joe frost (2006), professor emeritus at the university of texas, quotes the findings of the royal society for the prevention of accidents (heseltine, 1998) and says: “despite their junk appearance and extensive challenges, ‘the royal society for the prevention of accidents (u.k.) confirms that the accident record of adventure playgrounds is far better than that of other forms of [play] provision’ (p. 3).” a recent study at the parish school in houston compared accident rates on the adventure playground used by the after-school program with the more traditional playground used during recess. researchers compared data for injuries that required treatment outside the school. while accident rates were low in both settings, they found that accident rates on the traditional playground were four times greater than those on the adventure playground (leichter-saxby & wood, 2018). a second common concern is that there will be numerous lawsuits brought against the playgrounds for injuries sustained there. yet when halcyon reese-learned, a playground designer and former director of adventure playgrounds in houston, interviewed the directors of three california adventure playgrounds—each of which had been in existence for over 30 years—she learned that two of them had had only one lawsuit each in all those years, and the third had had none (almon, 2013, p. 27). the third concern is that the insurance for such play spaces will be astronomical. yet conversations with several parks departments that created adventure playgrounds and also had swimming pools or ran boating regattas found their current insurance covered adventure playgrounds without any rise in rates. when huntington beach opened its adventure playground in the 1970s, it specifically asked its insurers to monitor injury rates at the adventure playground and compare them with rates at other city playgrounds. after three years the insurance company found no differences in the injury rates and said no additional insurance premiums were required for the adventure play program (huntington park, n.d.). the future of adventure play provisions in north america there are growing numbers of communities interested in starting adventure playgrounds and related projects, and they are seeking ways to do so while being economically sustainable. a loosely united network of play advocates has formed as the north american adventure association. at this stage of its development, naapa is an informal organization with a facebook page (https://www.facebook.com/groups/americanadventureplaygrounds/). play activists post news of their adventure play activities, ask for advice from other activists, and post links to relevant articles. naapa convenes its meetings during conferences focused on adventure play and playwork. such conferences have taken place several times in ithaca, new york sponsored by the hands-on nature anarchy zone. a new style conference called a campference has taken place twice with a third event scheduled in february 2019 https://www.facebook.com/groups/americanadventureplaygrounds/ the rise of adventure play provision in north america 74 at the parish school in houston. a campference is a conference where most of the participants camp together at the site of the conference. during the past decade there has been a noticeable increase in adventure play provision across north america, supported by new books and reports, videos, and media coverage on play and risk. a major obstacle is to raise funds to sustain such work. most groups begin with dedicated volunteers but find that moving to the next step of hiring paid staff is a challenge. some support their work by charging fees for summer camps and after-school programs, while offering other play provision at no charge. one of the attractive features of providing loose parts during school recess is that staff is already paid for, and most of the materials are donated. there are early signs that insurance companies and health-oriented foundations are seeing the value of child-initiated play and are giving grants to play organizations. a recent document on play and health compiles research on the benefits of play in regard to childhood obesity, attention-deficit/hyperactive disorder, anxiety and depression, and weak bone development (almon, 2018). it is hoped that the document will open doors to more health-related funding for adventure play provisions. across north america there is growing appreciation for the value of child-initiated play, for loose parts, and even for risk. if the next decade sees as much activity on behalf of adventure play provision as the past decade has shown, then children, their families, and communities will benefit greatly. joan almon was a waldorf early childhood educator for over 30 years and cofounded the alliance for childhood in 1999 out of a concern for the decline in children’s health and well-being. she is an international speaker and author on childhood today and strongly advocates for their right to play. among the books she has authored and edited are adventure: the value of risk in children’s play (2013), and playing it up – with loose parts, playpods, and adventure playgrounds (2017). both are published by the alliance for childhood, www.allianceforchildhood.org. rusty keeler is an author, designer, and speaker who works to inspire and collaborate with communities to create beautiful outdoor environments for children. he has designed and built natural play spaces around the world for over 20 years and is the author of the books natural playscapes: creating outdoor play environments for the soul (exchange press: 2008), seasons of play (gryphon house: 2016) and the forthcoming adventures in risky play (exchange press: 2019). for more information visit https://www.justplayproject.org/. references almon, j. (2013). adventure: the value of risk in children’s play. annapolis, md: alliance for childhood. http://www.allianceforchildhood.org/ the rise of adventure play provision in north america 75 almon, j. (ed.) (2017). playing it up: with loose parts, playpods, and adventure playgrounds. annapolis, md: alliance for childhood. retrieved from http://allianceforchildhood.org/sites/allianceforchildhood.org/files/file/playing _it_up.pdf almon, j. (2018). improving children’s health through play: exploring issues and recommendations. alliance for childhood and the u.s. play coalition. retrieved from http://allianceforchildhood.org/sites/allianceforchildhood.org/files/file/improv ing_children_s_health_through_play.pdf brown, s. (2014, june 19), play, spirit, and character. npr interview with krista tippett. retrieved from https://onbeing.org/programs/stuart-brown-playspirit-and-character/ city of calgary (2018). mobile adventure playground. retrieved from http://www.calgary.ca/csps/parks/pages/locations/mobile-adventureplayground.aspx clements, r. (2004). an investigation of the status of outdoor play. contemporary issues in early childhood, 5(1), 68-80. retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.2304/ciec.2004.5.1.10 davis, e. (2015). the land [documentary]. retrieved from http://playfreemovie.com/trailer/ dighton, r. (n.d.). the history of adventure play. retrieved from http://www.adventureplay.org.uk/history.htm earth day canada (n.d.). outdoor play and learning program for schools. retrieved from https://earthday.ca/earthplay/schoolplay/ frost, j. l. (2006). the dissolution of children’s outdoor play: causes and consequences. common good conference, 31(1), 1-26. retrieved from http://fairplayforchildren.org/pdf/1291334551.pdf frost, j. l (2012). evolution of american playgrounds. scholarpedia, 7(12), 30423. retrieved from http://www.scholarpedia.org/article/evolution_of_american_playgrounds ginsburg, k. r. (2007). the importance of play in promoting healthy child development and maintaining strong parent-child bonds. pediatrics, 119(1), 182-191. retrieved from http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/pediatrics/119/1/182.full.pdf henig, r. m. 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(1998). introductory presentation by rospa’s playground safety officer to the ilam training seminar, inspecting children’s playgrounds. liverpool. available from https://www.playgroundprofessionals.com/playground/playgroundsafety/special-feature-revisit-safety-rules-part-ii303 huntington park (n.d.). how-to-manual of the huntington park adventure playground. no longer in print. international play association (ipa) canada (n.d.a). national playday. retrieved from http://ipacanada.org/playdays.html international play association (ipa) canada (n.d.b). playdays canada: event hosting guide. retrieved from http://ipacanada.org/docs/playdays.pdf leichter-saxby, m. & wood, j. (2018). comparing injury rates on a fixed equipment playground and an adventure playground. retrieved from https://popupadventureplaygrounds.files.wordpress.com/2018/02/parishjust-the-facts-final.pdf nicholson, s. (1971). how not to cheat children: the theory of loose parts. landscape architecture, 62(1), 30-34. retrieved from https://media.kaboom.org/docs/documents/pdf/ip/imagination-playgroundtheory-of-loose-parts-simon-nicholson.pdf participaction (2018). the brain + body equation: canadian kids need active bodies to build their best brains. the 2018 participaction report card on physical activity for children and youth. toronto: participaction. retrieved from https://www.participaction.com/sites/default/files/downloads/the_participacti on_report_card_on_physical_activity_for_children_and_youth_2018.pdf play wales (n.d.). the playwork principles. retrieved from http://playwales.org.uk/eng/playworkprinciples play:groundnyc (n.d.). summer camp details. retrieved from https://playground.nyc/summer-camp portland free play (n.d.). what happens when you add loose parts to recess? [video]. retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tikhcndd7wk rosin, h. (2014, april). the overprotected kid. the atlantic. retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2014/04/hey-parents-leavethose-kids-alone/358631/ https://www.playgroundprofessionals.com/playground/playground-safety/special-feature-revisit-safety-rules-part-ii303 https://www.playgroundprofessionals.com/playground/playground-safety/special-feature-revisit-safety-rules-part-ii303 http://ipacanada.org/docs/playdays.pdf https://popupadventureplaygrounds.files.wordpress.com/2018/02/parish-just-the-facts-final.pdf https://popupadventureplaygrounds.files.wordpress.com/2018/02/parish-just-the-facts-final.pdf https://media.kaboom.org/docs/documents/pdf/ip/imagination-playground-theory-of-loose-parts-simon-nicholson.pdf https://media.kaboom.org/docs/documents/pdf/ip/imagination-playground-theory-of-loose-parts-simon-nicholson.pdf https://www.participaction.com/sites/default/files/downloads/the_participaction_report_card_on_physical_activity_for_children_and_youth_2018.pdf https://www.participaction.com/sites/default/files/downloads/the_participaction_report_card_on_physical_activity_for_children_and_youth_2018.pdf http://playwales.org.uk/eng/playworkprinciples https://play-ground.nyc/summer-camp https://play-ground.nyc/summer-camp https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tikhcndd7wk https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2014/04/hey-parents-leave-those-kids-alone/358631/ https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2014/04/hey-parents-leave-those-kids-alone/358631/ the rise of adventure play provision in north america 77 thompson & bender (2016, august 18). sarah lawrence college's child development institute presents “community adventure play experiences.” blog post. retrieved from https://patch.com/new-york/bronxville/sarahlawrence-colleges-child-development-institute-presents-communityadventure-play-experiences walker, n. 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(2021). using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences. children, youth and environments, 31(1), 88-115. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract the aim of this pilot study was to gain new understanding about what types of outdoor play experiences children prefer, and the environmental qualities that enable these activities. using an application of visual q-methodology, children ranked their preferences among a set of paintings depicting play scenarios. factor analysis revealed four distinct typologies of children, each of whom respond to different environmental affordances: nurturers, active children, creators and forest children. findings suggest that this innovative method is an effective and enjoyable technique for gaining insights about the environmental affordances that foster play in natural and urban settings, from the subjective perspectives of diverse groups of children. keywords: visual q-methodology, environmental affordances, play preferences, outdoor play, child-friendly cities, landscape perception http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 89 introduction across the globe, children have been withdrawing indoors to the compelling virtual landscapes of computer games and television; concerns are widespread that today’s children may not develop the physical skills, resourcefulness, independence and emotional capacities that are associated with outdoor activities. safety concerns prohibit many parents from allowing children to spend unsupervised time exploring and playing, circumstances that have been labelled a crisis by play researchers (whitebread, 2015). an additional concern is the loss of suitable play environments, particularly access to natural landscapes. opportunities for children to have immersive experiences in wild, pristine nature become more limited with each generation. widespread attention has been given to “nature deficit disorder”: the societal problems attributed to the decline of play in nature (louv, 2005). active engagement in the outdoor landscape enhances independence and promotes physical and emotional well-being for people of all ages; it is beyond a doubt that frequent access to natural landscapes has a positive effect on children’s health and the development of skills and capacities (chawla, 2015). however, wild landscapes are not the only environments that afford opportunities for children to explore, play and thrive. in the future, the majority of children will grow up in cities where opportunities for frequent immersion in pristine nature are limited; urban landscapes must also afford rich play experiences where active engagement can foster physical and emotional development, build social bonds and support natural connectedness. according to the un convention on the rights of the child, children should have access to environmental resources that allow them to flourish, and the voices of children should be sought in matters that affect them (unohchr, 1989). new methods are needed that improve children’s ability to express their preferences, contribute to environmental shaping and affect decision-making (bishop & corkery, 2017; driskell, 2002), but subjective information is challenging to incorporate into these processes. which scenarios will motivate diverse groups of children to play? what is the relationship between an individual’s preferred play activities and the environments that compel them? we know that a key aspect of play is that it is experienced as joyful (zosh et al., 2017). joy, however, is subjective; why is roughhousing so enjoyable for some yet miserable for others? is painting a picture fun, or a tedious chore? without understanding play preferences from a child’s perspective, we will not understand how environments can best motivate an individual. are there general patterns or typologies to which designers can respond when planning for diverse groups of children, in diverse environments? what methods are well-suited to gain insights from children themselves? q-methodology (q-m) reveals subjective attitudes using a set of statements or visual stimuli that is ranked in order of preference by participants. data analysis provides rich qualitative and quantitative information even with a relatively small sample size. the method is described as child-friendly and the approach well-suited using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 90 for children’s participation (ellingsen, thorsen & storksen, 2014), but visual q-m studies with elementary school-aged children are very rare. this research has two objectives: a) to explore the types of environmental affordances that will motivate and enable diverse groups of children to play outside, and b) to explore if visual q-methodology (vq-m) is a suitable research method to reveal information about outdoor play preferences from a child’s perspective. background play is an essential part of human development; while engaged in play, children are learning to learn while developing important cognitive and emotional capacities (zosh et al., 2017; pellegrini, 2009). different skills and capacities are associated with unique types of play, including physical play, play with objects, symbolic play, pretend play, and games with rules (whitebread et al., 2017). physical play is active and supports the development of gross and fine motors skills, develops coordination, endurance and builds strength. play with objects helps children explore, reason, and promotes problem-solving skills. symbolic play activities help children express their ideas, and include activities such as art creation, music, and language activities. pretend play includes role-playing and fantasy and is associated with social growth and role-modelling. games with rules assist with social development, sharing, and appreciating the perspectives of others. play can include both indoor and outdoor experiences, from guided and structured play to unstructured activities where children have agency to explore and discover with few constraints. this study focuses on children’s perceptions of unstructured outdoor play. the places where children play and explore with increasing independence, usually between the ages of 7 and 11, have been called “primal landscapes”; experiences during this period have a profound formative effect on people’s lifelong environmental attachments and perceptions (gayton, 1996). the attributes of primal landscapes deserve careful scrutiny; places that have a high level of environmental quality are those that support a variety of skill-related behaviors (chawla, 2015). natural landscapes are renown for supporting active recreation, learning, and restoration; health benefits include physical dimensions (e.g., access to fresh air, sunlight, and exercise) as well emotional dimensions (e.g., psychological restoration, stress reduction, and spiritual well-being) (cooper marcus & barnes, 1999; ward thompson, 2011; spirn, 1984). more than 50 years ago, ian mcharg wrote about damage to both human and ecological health resulting from loss of natural landscapes to urban development (1969); in the decades since, the decreasing role of nature in children’s lives has been a central concern of ecologists, geographers and psychologists (chawla, 2015). immersion in nature provides opportunities for exploration, learning, creative play and rich sensory experiences that are considered fundamental to the healthy physical, cognitive and emotional development of young children (ernst, 2018; soga & gaston, 2016; muñoz, 2009); the benefits that arise from contact with nature outdoors “is as important for health and wellbeing as are daily food and sleep for children” (elliot, 2010, p. 62). using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 91 access to nature is generally associated with rural landscapes, while social amenities are associated with urban places, but this characterization is simplistic. both rural and urbanized environments can provide access to nature, support active recreation and restoration, foster learning, and support socializing and inclusiveness. both rural and urban youth identify natural features as important, and environmental affordances that support inclusion and socializing are important to both groups (nairn, panelli, & mccormack, 2003). children show a strong affinity for natural features as well as human-constructed interventions, and they dislike places that are “boring” whether natural or not (mahadin & maulan, 2012). it remains unclear how social factors interact with environmental influences, such as access to greenery and nature, or the prevalence of urban amenities (björklid & nordstrom, 2007). straightforward theories explaining landscape perception are generally regarded as scarce or incomplete, and the topic is rarely approached from the child’s perspective (horelli, 2007). there is no consistent, all-encompassing theory that explains why people prefer certain landscapes; rather, there are theories in planning and landscape architecture that address different aspects and mechanisms of environmental perceptions (hempel, 2017). people’s subjective values, emotions, and cultural orientations affect their cognition of objective physical environmental qualities and features in a “transactive” way (zube, sell, & taylor, 1982). for example, viewing an urban skyline might trigger a personal memory that affects whether it is perceived positively or negatively (relph, 1976). societal values also play a significant role in how we view “natural” beauty; preferences for orderly or tame environments (e.g., neatly mown lawns and trimmed hedges) or wild environments (e.g., tangled gardens, or dramatic mountain vistas) are influenced by cultural learning (nassauer, 1995). others argue that innate processes and evolutionary instinct play a more significant role than learned experiences in our responses to environments. for example, people are attracted to landscapes that provide a view or prospect, and enclosed places that provide shelter, because these are conducive to survival; from these environments people could see predators or prey, and find refuge (appleton, 1975). wilson (1984) hypothesized that people’s desire to connect with living plants and animals, “biophilia,” is instinctive. kaplan and kaplan (1989) proposed that people prefer environmental qualities that are conducive to exploration and gathering of information (legibility, comprehension, mystery and complexity) because of precognitive processes. gibson (1979) theorized that people are instinctively attracted to environmental affordances that suggest opportunities such as sustenance, protection, or movement, explaining that preferences are rooted in safe or fertile environments or habitats that can be accessed by actions of the perceiver. an affordance is “what the environment offers the animal, what it provides or furnishes” (gibson, 1979, p. 127). kyttä uses the concept of affordances to study child-friendly environments, describing them as “the functionally significant properties of the environment that are perceived through the active detection of information” (2002, p. 109). they may include properties from both the environment and the acting individual. for using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 92 instance, a smooth slope affords coasting or skateboarding, shelter affords hiding and a climbable feature affords climbing. other spaces provide opportunities for socializing, such as those that support being noisy or “playing war” (kyttä, 2002). research on children’s play identifies preferences that echo adult attraction to physical typologies: open spaces that afford view and freedom, natural areas with bushes and trees, hard surfaces that afford speed and movement, “cozy” spaces that provide enclosure and privacy, water features, the presence of animals (burke, 2005). environmental affordances are interpreted in a complex way by children: grass might be beloved for its complex texture and detail, but also because a child can do cartwheels and handstands; pets are described as important play “spaces,” and landscape features may be preferred because they trigger memories that relate to play and friendship (burke, 2005). trees afford places to climb, but also afford interest in the details of trunks and leaves (mahadin & maulan, 2012). an assessment of the adequacy of environmental affordances must depend on what individuals wish to do, a concept described as person-environment compatibility (kaplan, 1983). a nuanced understanding of child-friendliness would consider the congruity of the environment with the subjective viewpoints of individual children (kyttä, 2004). haikkola and horelli (2004) undertook an exploration of affordances and person-environment fit from the child’s perspective. at a community or governance level, planning is not aimed at individuals, but at diverse groups of individuals; horelli (2007) suggests that a more ideal model for child-friendly communities is “collective environment fit” for diverse groups of families and children (p. 283). the present research uses a unique methodological approach to explore whether there are groups of children who share preferences for environmental affordances that motivate play. methodology it is well established that children should be able to express their own preferences and opinions about their preferred play spaces, although methods to involve children in research and planning are still evolving. an excellent review of childfriendly methods can be found in chawla’s thorough overview (2015). innovative research work in early explorations of child-environment relationships was conducted in the 1970s; researcher-led methods included interviews of children, observations of children’s behavior outdoors, surveys, photo elicitation, and interviews of parents. child-led methods include tours of familiar landscapes, or the use of materials created or supplied by children such as photographs, drawings, diaries, maps and models. methods that include child-supplied photographs have provided rich qualitative information about their preferred environments (briggs, stedman, & krasny, 2014; mahadin & maulan, 2012). visual methods are especially suitable for studies with children, particularly where there are language barriers; a variety are described in thomson (2008). ellingsen and colleagues (2014) describe research exploring young people’s experiences and emotions using q-m, including a study with adolescents using statements, and a study with 5-year-old children using images. in her doctoral dissertation, the author of the present study undertook a vq-m study using using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 93 watercolor paintings to explore landscape preferences with adult participants (hempel, 2017), and determined that a similar methodology was highly suitable for this child-oriented exploration. introduction to q-methodology q-m is considered an innovative foundational tool for analyzing the beliefs and values of participants in a scientifically interpretable form, providing the richness and diversity associated with qualitative approaches in addition to statistical insights associated with quantitative analysis. although increasingly applied in social science research it is still considered an emergent technique. q-m was developed by william stephenson in 1936 who described the methodology in detail in the book study of behavior (1956). the method was also described by stephen brown in political subjectivity (1980). a detailed explanation of the methodology and instructions for conducting a q-m study are outlined in watts and stenner’s comprehensive guidebook (2012); overviews are available in other books and articles (addams, 2000; mckeown & thomas, 1988). in most q-m studies, participants express their viewpoints on a topic by ranking a collection of statements in order of preference. the results are analyzed using statistical processes to look for common patterns or archetypes among participants, and places where value systems diverge. it is essentially a data-reduction technique; a key expectation of q-m research is the belief that there is “finite diversity” in the subjective belief systems and values among a group of participants (addams, 2000). researchers follow a standardized set of procedures when developing a q-m project. in step 1, the range of opinions and sentiments on the topic being studied, or “flow of communication” (mckeown & thomas, 1988), are reviewed and defined as a concourse (brown, 1993). in step 2, from the concourse, a q-set, or sample of statements, is generated to represent the range of opinions collected from the defined concourse. in step 3, participants perform a q-sort by ranking these statements in order of preference into a grid. it is recommended that during this step, the researcher gathers additional information from participants in the form of an interview or questionnaire that will increase the quality of the data and aid interpretation (watts & stenner, 2012). in step 4, statistical processes called q factor analyses are used to detect patterns or commonalities in participants’ value orientations. finally, in step 5, the researcher interprets the results by examining the q factor analyses. information from the qualitative interviews or questionnaires are used to illustrate and enlighten the results, especially to describe the participants’ viewpoints detected in the analysis. development of a vq-m research instrument the goal of this study was to understand how different types of environments motivate different types of children to play outdoors. the step-by-step process used in the present study, described below, follows that recommended by watts and stenner (2012) using images, instead of statements, to represent play scenarios. step 1: development of the concourse the first step was to define the concourse by detecting a full range of sentiments expressing preferences for diverse outdoor play activities and environments. this using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 94 review began with the development of a conceptual framework from relevant literature that established initial thematic guidelines. there are three main ways to apply a conceptual structure in a q-m study, as outlined in addams (2000). theory may be used in a highly structured way to test a hypothesis; in this application, themes are established from a priori knowledge, and this information is used to guide the review of an opinion domain. alternatively, in a naturalized approach, the review is conducted in an unstructured way (for instance, statements are taken directly from a set of participant interviews) in the hopes that theoretical insights will emerge a posteri from the data. the third approach, chosen for this project, is to apply a conceptual framework in a semi-structured way, providing focus for the initial review, while remaining open to new discourse that emerges. to understand the range of scenario preferences, i began with a review of play types, skill development types, and environmental typologies (table 1). table 1. preliminary themes used to structure review play types capacity development environmental affordances physical play emotional skills human constructed play with objects cognitive skills “tame” nature symbolic play physical skills wild nature pretend play social skills biophilia games with rules creative skills habitat mystery/complexity comprehensibility/legibility prospect-refuge to collect images for the concourse, i reviewed material including illustrated children’s books, children’s movies and advertising material, as well as conducted field observations. images that corresponded to thematic types were copied and collected using photography or by downloading images or capturing frames from movies. each image was inserted into the concourse and tagged with relevant keywords and source material. as the concourse grew, i gathered images with similar keywords and themes into sub-catalogues with new headings. many images were tagged with more than one keyword type, and therefore might be placed in more than one sub-catalogue. representation emerged that did not fit pre-established themes or types, adding new dimensions to the ideas that initially shaped the concourse. significantly, there were many examples depicting characters engaged in contemplation or meditation, capturing an experience distinct from other play types. as hart observed in 1979, “children spend a lot of time alone quietly resting, watching or dabbling in sand or water… such activities have been given little recognition in those reports of using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 95 children’s play prepared for environmental planners” (p. 335, cited in chawla, 2015). kaplan (1983) suggested that activities classified as reflection or contemplation may be considered less significant than other types of activities, but “reflective moments that permit one to organize thoughts and feelings” play a substantially important role in cognitive clarity, restoration and human motivation ( p. 317). thus, in this study i added a sixth play type, “contemplation,” to the original five key types of play identified by whitebread and colleagues (2017) and listed in table 1 above. figure 1. images of contemplation in children’s illustrations: left: pumba, timon and simba gaze at the stars in wonder (allers et al., 2003). middle: children contemplating a distant horizon in the danish picture book “v” (illustration by m. laugesen; eken, 2016). right: thoughtfulness and relaxation in the snow in graphic novel lou! laser ninja (neel, 2009) i considered the concourse to be complete, containing 356 images, when it seemed that no new themes were emerging. after analyzing the imagery, i developed a full matrix (table 2) to cover the range of outdoor play types revealed in the concourse, based on established themes as well as new sub-themes that emerged from the review. using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 96 table 2. full thematic matrix play types skill development environmental affordances physical play • high risk (flying) • high speed – vehicles • high speed – running • low speed (hiking/walking) • climbing • rough play • throwing • swimming • jumping play with objects • play with weapons • construction tools • trading cards • musical instruments • art objects • fishing rods • play with pets • flying kits • play equipment swings symbolic play • drawing/painting • music performance • music (alone) • storytelling • drama/dance performance pretend play • domestic tasks (cooking) • shopping (market) • hunting/fishing • nurturing plants/animals • friendship/partnering • fighting/war • detective play games with rules • physical games (soccer, baseball, basketball • board games • solo puzzles (rubik’s cube) • solo physical games (hopscotch) • trading games contemplation • star gazing • immersion in nature • groups (campfires) • wonder • exploration emotional skills • empathy • attention • bravery • patience cognitive skills • puzzles/games • physical games/strategy • reading • investigation • exploration (urban) • exploration (natural) • trading • music (listening, playing) • watching people physical skills • balance • strength • speed • fighting skills • fine motor skills (artwork) • musical skills • stillness • co-ordination social skills • friendship/loyalty • dancing • group building projects • games with rules • sportsmanship creative skills • street art • music performance • costumes/drama • imagination/fantasy • tinkering (small scale) • building (larger scale) • collecting contemplative skills • alone in nature • isolation • wonder with others • meditation urban • city roads/highways • view over city • bustle/business tame • country roads/paths • park-like environments natural • view over nature • forests (dangerous) • forests (benign) • seascapes sublime • urban (night scenes) • weather/atmosphere • wild forests • wild animals • storms biophilia • love/care of plants • immersion in forest/trees • bonds with tame animals • bonds with wild animals habitat • water • food (found in nature) • food (urban market) • shelter from elements enclosed (shelter) • built spaces (forts) • natural enclosures • urban rooms open (prospect) • view from above (flying • open meadow • view from hill/cliff • view of road wayfinding • roads and paths (forests) • city roads complexity/mystery • natural (tangled garden) • urban complexity • investigation • fascination comprehension/legibility • open field • open roadways • paths using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 97 step 2: creation of the q-set the q-set can be considered as a collection of “carpet tiles” that represents the range of ideas revealed in the concourse (watts & stenner, 2012). i created a preliminary set of illustrations to represent the range of sentiments in the concourse, with the aim of achieving a balanced representation of the matrix described in table 2 with a limited number of images. vq-m researchers frequently use selected photographs as stimuli; although photos can express sentiment and emotion, they are often presented as objective or factual (hempel, 2017). thus, for this study, i chose to use watercolor paintings to illustrate the sentimental quality of play experiences. with paintings, the characters and the iconic environmental types can be intentionally designed. because of the author’s previous painting experience, this was also practical solution. children relate to paintings, such as those used in children’s books, as subjective and therefore they encourage an emotional response. figure 2. left: images from the concourse that were collected into a catalogue, noted with keywords. right: illustration summarizing the sentiments depicted in the images. sources, clockwise from top left: stiller, 2013; hardwicke, 2005; ellemose & ellemose, 2017; groening et al., 2003; ramsey, 2012; donslund, 2013 as watts and stenner advise, “getting other people to look at the items in some fashion is very important” (2012, p. 61). i shared the design of the q-set to other researchers familiar with the topic, to ensure adequate coverage of relevant material. after evaluation, the author selected and painted 22 final images (table 3). i produced a package that included a printed book of larger images, a smaller deck of cards for sorting, and a q-sorting sheet with a preference ranking pyramid. using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 98 table 3. the final q-set. original illustrations by author using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 99 using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 100 step 3: data collection the case study area is located in the province of jutland in denmark. the region hosts a mix of mid-sized cities, small towns, farms and forested landscapes. several large international companies located in the region contribute to a culturally diverse population. a sample of 49 children participated in this study: 24 boys and 25 girls. most were between 6 and 11 years old. all participating children reside in the case study region, but the study sought participants with varied cultural backgrounds. thirteen participants have non-danish parents and moved to the area from other countries. an additional 10 were born in denmark but have at least one non-danish parent. the q-sorts were administered in several locations, and children were recruited from several sources including schools, the public library, at social gatherings for international residents, at local shops, and referrals from other participants. several teachers facilitated the study administration process by providing space, arranging times, and coordinating parental consent. figure 3. left: a 6-year-old participant considers the q-set. right: a 12 year-old child performs a q-sort on a pyramid-shaped sorting grid. the participant places “most preferred” on the far right, and “least preferred” on the far left. left: s. kierkegaard; right: c. hempel after reviewing a printed book displaying the set of images (printed in random order), participants were asked which images looked like fun; a key aspect of the play experience is that it is joyful. participants were given a deck of smaller images to sort in order of preference. two researchers independently administered the q-sorts (one danish speaking and one english speaking). the interviewer suggested that the children sort the images into three piles at first (favorite, medium, and least favored) and then arrange individual images from these piles from +4 (most preferred on the right side) to -4 (least preferred on the left side) using a q-sorting sheet. afterwards, the interviewer asked the participating children to explain their most preferred and least preferred images, whether there were any images they felt were missing, and to provide any other comments about the project that they would like the researchers to know. using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 101 children expressed interest in the subject, understood the objectives of the study, and grasped the ranking process quickly. they seemed to have little difficulty making decisions about their play preferences, and usually completed the sorts in less than 15 minutes, with an additional 5-10 minutes for a brief verbal questionnaire. two children did not speak english or danish but were able to understand and complete the q-sorts without verbal instruction; additional information was added to the questionnaire with the help of a parent translator. the process was engaging for the researchers and participants. both researchers reported similar positive reactions from the children, parents and teachers. although ethical reviews can become cumbersome when researchers work with young participants, the subject matter, the questionnaire and the presentation of picture-book materials designed for this pilot study were determined to be low-risk by the ethical review board. parental permission was obtained for each participant, data was stored securely, and confidentiality guaranteed. parents and children have approved the use of their photos published in this paper. step 4: data analysis factor analysis is used in q-method research in order to reduce a larger set of data into smaller groups (factors) that share patterns or commonalities. the data was analyzed using pq-method software (schmolck, 2012), initially producing eight factors with statistical validity that passed the humphrey’s rule test embedded in the software. the most significant factors were selected from these by using a screen test to plot the eigenvalues; the first four factors provide the most information, where values changed significantly. a centroid analysis was performed on these four factors, and the factors were rotated using varimax. the factor matrix is displayed in a text file (table 4) with defining sorts automatically highlighted with an x. each column represents a factor, hereafter referred to as a “group.” the viewpoint of each group can be represented by an idealized or archetypal q-sort; the software provides a factor array that describes this sort. it bears a “family resemblance” to all defining q-sorts in a group of participants. the archetypical sorts are shown in the interpretation section below, figures 5-8. using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 102 table 4. data analysis output by pq method software step 5: interpretation of results instructions for data input and analysis is embedded within the free software and is quite uncomplicated, but interpretation is more complex. as noted by watts and stenner, “there is material to be found on the principle and theory that tells us what and why we are interpreting, but there is very little that tells anyone how to using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 103 do the job effectively” (2012, p. 148). i followed their very thorough guide for this project and for previous vq-m research (hempel, 2017), but i began by creating an image of each defining q-sort (highlighted with an x; see table 4) identified in each group, and then reviewed the information from each participant’s interview. it is important to note that that the research was enriched by qualitative information provided by all children, but only the defining sorts were scrutinized in detail in order to focus on commonalities. figure 4 displays the 10 individual defining sorts in group 1. figure 4. individual q sorts that comprise group 1 it is standard for q-m researchers to provide a name for each group to help summarize key traits; it arises from the researcher’s interpretation and is supported by qualitative information provided by participants. the preferences held by each group will be discussed in the section below. again, the researcher’s interpretation of the viewpoint was supported by comments made by the children interviewed during the administration of the q-sort. using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 104 group 1 nurturers preferences for the nurturer group of children include settings and activities that are contemplative, creative, tactile and gentle. they value sentimentality, friendship and caring; they enjoy playing the role of a nurturing adult and display empathy for others. significantly, and unlike other factors, all nurturers in this study are girls. out of a total of ten, three were born in europe outside of denmark. the age range is 6-11, average age of 8.9. figure 5. affordances for group 1 nurturers the nurturer loves animals, watching or studying them, actively playing with them, or most of all, touching them: “i have cats at home and i love to pet them.” however, the image of the children playing in the creek was not preferred. as one explained, “i feel sorry for the animals that they come into a net.” activities such as picking berries, growing plants and food, and shopping at a market were more highly valued than for other groups, as was the meadow scene that includes two younger children. two described making jam from berries with a parent or grandparent, and several expressed that they loved to paint and wished for more places in the city to paint, like the one in the picture. participants who identified the rooftop scene as more preferred selected it because of the depiction of friendship and coziness (man hygger) or because the participants appreciated the beauty of the sky. among this group, the playfighting image was least preferred, along with the soccer game and playing with drones. it has been noted by other researchers that rough-housing and rough-and-tumble games are considered a positive play activity for boys, but not girls (zosh et al., 2017), and the results in this study also show that for most of the girls, playfighting was one of the least preferred activities. using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 105 some fear was expressed for activities that appear competitive or harmful, and although some nurturers liked the campfire scene, most did not because it looked dangerous: “i am afraid of fire.” the football scene was generally disliked because of its potential for harm: “i am not into football. i don’t like balls—they hit me in my head,” however one nurturer enjoyed soccer because of the friendship from teammates. bicycling was not perceived by the participants as competitive, so it was preferred, and they also enjoyed climbing in trees. summary of affordances for group 1 nurturers it is important that suitable spaces be provided so that caring relationships can be developed with people (peers, friends and relatives) and also to support bonding with pets, wild animals, and plants. nurturers value connectedness with nature, but urban environments provide many affordances for social and environmental bonding. the concept of “caringscapes” is often used in research on child-friendly environments to describe the qualities of spaces in which adults care for children; it is easy to forget that children develop their own caring practices (bowlby, 2017). nurturers are more likely to be motivated to play by looking after a neighbor’s dog or chatting with a friend in a treehouse than being enrolled in a soccer league. group 2 active children active children like to move, they enjoy physical play and they are “do-ers”; their preferences are strongly associated with activities and sports. activities such as climbing, cycling, skateboarding, playing with drones, playing with animals, playing guitar, and play fighting were most preferred in this group. nine participants in this study factor as active children, three girls and six boys. five are danish children and four are immigrants, with all children reporting travel experience in southern europe. all three boys in the study who spent more than five years in the middle east (two from iran and one from syria) align with this factor. ages range from 5-11, with an average age of 8.25. using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 106 figure 6. affordances for group 2 active children individual responses sometimes varied depending on whether the participant had direct experience with the activity, especially the guitar-playing image: “i like playing music—also my brother plays guitar very good.” activities that were perceived as dull were least preferred: “it’s boring to shop… i don’t like flowers” and “plants are a bit boring.” another child stated that “it’s boring to plant and water things.” the image of children playing by the creek, perceived as fishing, was described as dull: “it takes too long to fish” and “i have tried (fishing) twice and it is really boring and you just waste your time.” the image of playing music, though more sedentary than other activities, was ranked highly by children who desire to play (some inspired by an older sibling) or could already play: “i’m pretty good at guitar.” one active child enjoyed the soccer image not only because of the activity but because of the bond with teammates: “i go to football myself. it’s fun to use all your forces and fight about the ball and you get a lot of great friends.” a young participant (not quite 6 years old) had no experience with many of the play activities she selected as most preferred, such as playing guitar and playing with drones, but stated that they “looked fun”; similarly, other young participants enjoyed the skateboarding image although they had not tried it. however, older children tended to rank activities they consider themselves incompetent at very low. a 10-year-old active child ranked skateboarding at +3 because he has one and enjoys it, but the soccer image -2 because he stated that he is “not very good at playing football.” although this pattern emerged in other groups, low rankings due to perceived incompetence (and vice versa) is very strong for active children. summary of affordances for group 2 active children active children generally ranked images based on the activity depicted rather than using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 107 the place depicted. the forest scenes were ranked more negatively than any other group, although the reasons for this are unclear. it may be related to cultural influences rather than environmental affordances. active children who immigrated to denmark and had previously spent less time in a wooded landscape preferred urban activity, while those who had grown up in the forested trails enjoyed activities in the forest. open landscapes are preferred generally, and confinement or restrictions on activities and range will thwart the motivations of active children. this group is motivated by activities where they can display competencies and will undoubtedly benefit from agency, the freedom to explore, and a large physical range for independent mobility. group 3 – creators creators are imaginative, creative, and enjoy fantasy play. they are visual and enjoy activities that foster artistic expression. the most distinctive preference of this group is their perception of creative art as a play experience. four children in the study align with this factor, two boys and two girls. three are danish children and one immigrated from poland. the group’s age ranges from 6 to 12, with an average age of 9. figure 7. affordances for group 3 – creators generally, creators disliked competitive activities and sports, or running and biking scenes if they were perceived as racing: “i really hate football.” curiously, the playfighting scene was highly preferred, and interpretation of this ranking was aided by referring to comments made during interviews. participants viewed the scene as role-playing or fantasy: “it’s fun to imagine you are in a costume, like a warrior with weapons.” the image of children playing with the drones was ranked highly because they imagined what could be seen from the high view: “it’s fun to see the world from the sky,” and similarly, climbing a tree was enjoyed because of using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 108 the associations with pretend games: “i like to pretend i am a monkey.” summary of affordances for group 3 – creators creators did not express preferences for distinct environmental typologies; the children enjoyed both open and sheltered landscapes, urban and natural. environments that foster their desire to be creative are key: “i like to draw things and i wish there were more places to paint like this.” landscapes should provide opportunities for children to invent their own games and adventures. while creators enjoy wooded settings where there are branches and sticks to construct a fort, a vacant urban junkyard with an enticing collection of refuse might be equally compelling. group 4 – forest children forest children are highly influenced by their environment: they enjoy woodlands, natural landscapes, and play experiences with animals. of the eight children in this group, most are danish; two of the children had one norwegian parent (but were not related to each other). there are six boys and two girls, with ages ranging from 6 to 11, and an average age of 8.12. half of the participants in this group attend a local school that has a strong component of forest activity in the programming. figure 8. affordances for group 4 forest children forest children enjoy sedentary and physical activity in woodland settings: sitting around campfires, climbing trees, biking or running through the forest. they enjoy building and hiding in hules or woodland huts made of branches and brought up fond memories of both hiding in them and building them. they love animals: “i love the cat which is so soft—i am best friends with all of the cats here”; and have a particular affinity for trees: “it is really awful that somebody here has cut down using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 109 the trees where i live.” the open landscapes of fields, meadows and raspberry patches were not as compelling as the forest canopy. interestingly, danger was perceived in the image of skateboarding, or sitting on a rooftop—“you can fall down and hurt yourself a lot”—but biking downhill through a forest on a trail or climbing in a tree was familiar and not seen as dangerous. summary of affordances for group 4 forest children forest children flourish in woodland environments. there is a strong love for living plants and animals, or biophilia (wilson, 1984), expressed by the participants, and a disinclination to urban and human-constructed settings. but, they ranked the activity of petting a cat highly despite the uncompromising hardscape and lack of greenery. for members of this group living in cities, access to wooded and welltreed areas will be highly beneficial, as well as contact with urban pets and wildlife. many cities have strong campaigns to plant more trees, but an immersive, tactile and sensory connection is important for forest children, who need to touch the bark of trees and climb in the branches. conclusions insights on affordances natural landscapes provide motivating play environments for all groups identified in this study, but it would be false to conclude that cities cannot provide spaces for all children to flourish. designed urban environments can provide a variety of landscapes that foster connectedness to nature, complemented by amenities that afford adventure and support a full range of skill and capacity development for each of the groups identified. for some children, the physical qualities of a setting are motivating factors for enjoying outdoor play, while for others the specific activity is most important, and any setting that affords preferred activities will suffice. informal urban spaces support many preferred activities, such as petting animals, gathering with friends, cycling or climbing. as motivating as such places are, activities will be curtailed if children lack access. the negative impact of adult-imposed restrictions on children’s desire to play may be more substantial than the lack of access to pristine natural environments in which they can play. children mentioned their desire for numerous play activities but lacked permission, e.g.: they are not allowed to playfight at school, painting on walls “isn’t legal,” pets are prohibited in their apartments, and parents would get them in trouble if caught climbing trees or visiting rooftops. the image of tree climbing was one of the most highly ranked overall. deep biophilic responses (such as enjoyment felt by touching the bark, or being among the green leaves) were reported by some, others liked the sense of refuge and seclusion offered by the tree, while others were drawn to the action of climbing, imagining tree forts, or attaining the view afforded by height. some participants described their fond memories of a memorable and familiar tree—perhaps one in their grandmother’s garden. but fostering biophilic connections may not require using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 110 vast stretches of pristine nature. urban forest patches or even a single large specimen in the courtyard of an urban housing project can enable tactile connectedness for forest children, the enjoyment of nestling in greenery can be provided for nurturers with ivy-covered walls, adventure playgrounds or abandoned lots can provide settings for creators to build forts, and active children might climb and achieve a view on numerous urban structures. most of the participants love animals, but the naturalness of the setting in which they interacted proved less motivating than close, tactile connection; the image of petting the cat was highly ranked across all categories, despite the unflinchingly urban background (children preferred it to the activity of watching deer in a natural landscape). where children preferred the pastoral scene of playing frisbee with a dog, none spoke specifically about the aesthetics of the park-like scene; they only commented about how much they love dogs. even children who have grown up without access to animals desire a connection: “my mom and dad don’t like animals in our house which is very sad because i’d love to have a dog.” a community response to enhance biophilic connectedness might be to provide more opportunities for children to interact with urban animals. insights on methodology visual q-m is highly suited to research that seeks to understand children’s preferences. although intended for participants age 7-11, younger children easily grasped the sorting process, understood the activities represented in the imagery, and expressed their views eloquently and quickly. older children were equally interested in the subject, considered the topic very relevant, and were happy to offer their time and opinions. some participants did not speak either english or danish but completed q-sorts; they grasped the topic and the ranking process after being instructed with non-verbal gestures. factors arising from the analysis of qsorts of a small number of participants has provided substantial insights into the topic, meaning that a robust study can be conducted with limited resources. some parents were interested in following up with the research and learning more about their own children’s preferences. they responded that the insights were helpful, helping to explain and clarify a child’s eagerness or reluctance for play activities that the parent had encouraged, or the differences between siblings. limitations of the study one of the problems with vqm is that the items in the q-set can have two or more meanings—researchers are instructed to avoid “double-loaded statements” in qsets for text-based q-m research. fewer variables, such as having different activities portrayed in the same environmental type, or the same activity in different environmental types, would have produced clearer results, but would have required larger q-sets and numerous distinct studies. this pilot exploration included a variety of settings and activities to achieve a q-set that represented the concourse, although the items contain numerous sentiments. the interview questions were very important as they clarified what had generated the participants’ responses. using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 111 future research this pilot study suggests some fertile areas for future research. it is not the intention of q-m research to be generalizable, but additional studies in different regions might show whether similar results occur in other places, leading to recommendations that might be more broadly applicable in community design or policy contexts. results suggest that cultural differences play a role in forming preferences, but more research would be needed to understand whether differences arise from environmental exposure and landscape familiarity, or whether they arise from social values, rules and/or teachings. across the globe, cities’ populations are increasing due to immigration from other countries and regions, and vq-m may provide new insights that assist community builders in understanding what affordances motivate newcomers to play—and whether they differ from locals. similarly, vq-m studies might shed light on whether urban, rural or suburban upbringing influences children’s outdoor play preferences. the nurturers in this study were all female, giving rise to questions about gender differences in play preferences, but the sample is too small to draw conclusions. additional vq-m studies may provide insights into gender differences and play motivations; research with very young children (age 3-6) or projects that focus on differences and similarities between siblings may provide additional insights about how preferences are influenced by innate responses or learned experiences. some differences between young children and older children arose from this study. it was only the older children who strongly disliked an activity due to self-described incompetence, while younger children seemed able to imagine themselves enjoying an activity in the future even if they have no current skills. expanding the age range of the study to teenagers and adults might provide knowledge about how preferences evolve, and how learned experiences alter our ability to enjoy play at any age. as one active child commented, “the adults should themselves be outside a little bit more and participate in the game. they should try it and see how fun it is to play!” christine hempel is an urban designer, teacher and landscape researcher. with a background in architecture, planning and architectural illustration, she obtained a ph.d. from the university of guelph, ontario, canada. her doctoral research on perceptions of rural environments included an innovative visual application of qmethodology that employed paintings to elicit landscape preferences. after relocating to denmark in 2017, christine has been involved in numerous ecological urbanism projects as both designer and researcher, with a focus on children’s environmental perceptions, and the development of communication methods to enable children’s participation in planning. using visual q-methodology to explore danish children’s outdoor play preferences 112 references addams, h. 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(1982). landscape perception: research, applications and theory. landscape planning, 9, 1-33. http://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/crc.aspx http://cprtrust.org.uk/cprt-blog/crisis-in-childhood/#comment-7049 http://cprtrust.org.uk/cprt-blog/crisis-in-childhood/#comment-7049 http://www.legofoundation.com/media/1065/play-types-_-development-review_web.pdf http://www.legofoundation.com/media/1065/play-types-_-development-review_web.pdf login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities: playborhood street tokyo hitoshi shimamura tokyo play citation: shimamura, h. (2018). street play in the revitalization of low birthrate communities: playborhood street tokyo. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 58-66. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract by the year 2060 it is estimated that there will be ratio of 10.03 adults to every child aged 0 to 14 in japan, a figure that raises questions about the place of children in society. the playborhood street tokyo project (“street play”), presented here as a photo essay, explores how street play can create a framework for informal communication between generations and neighbors. the playful encounters described suggest that play is powerful enough to connect children and adults, and that a street is the best place for the casual meeting of neighbors through play. tokyo play hopes that street play will become the standard for healthy communities across japan. keywords: intergenerational, play, street play, japan http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities… 59 the ratio of adults to children in japan has been steadily increasing, from a ratio of 1.72 adults per child in 1920, to 6.62 in 2010; it is estimated that by the year 2060, there will be ratio of 10.03 adults to every child aged 0 to 14 in japan (national institute of population and social security research, 2012). we fear children will become a permanent minority in our future society. what will happen then? will children be welcome in their community? will adults treat children fairly and not as nuisance? will opportunities for children’s play continue to exist? tokyo play believes it is not too early for us to start making a movement for playful childhoods in harmonious communities in 2060. the principal reason for our playborhood street tokyo project (“street play”) is not that we need more play spaces or to prevent obesity, but that we need a new agenda to bring back a framework for informal neighborhood communication. in one sense, it is good that nowadays we have many parks in which children can play, but this has also created the phenomenon where adults no longer care about neighboring children in the way they did previously. it has become solely parents’ responsibility to care for children. street play is a project for children and adults to get used to living happily with each other in the same community. the aim of the playborhood street tokyo project is that residents open a local street for a couple of hours to play and get to know their neighbors. mike lanza allowed us to use the word “playborhood,” which he coined for an action in the united states that mixes “play” and “neighborhood.” his influential 2012 book playborhood: turn your neighborhood into a place for play demonstrates innovative solutions to make neighborhoods play-friendly. by the end of 2017, tokyo play had supported 21 groups to start up new street play actions. we provided information sheets, consultation, and demonstration for the first trial, as well as resources such as spinning tops, skipping rope and chalk, and provided an online platform to share practices. in 2012, we initiated a trial of street play at a children’s event at a small local retail street in ishinomaki, a city 250 miles away from tokyo, which had been hit by a 2.5-meter tsunami in 2011. we recycled artificial grass from a baseball stadium to carpet 50 meters of the street for play (figure 1). we were surprised so many adults also came out to join the play, commenting, “i used to play with spinning tops well. there should still be six men whom i know who can play this in the neighborhood” and, “i did not know that there were still so many children in this city even after the earthquake! you should do more of this.” we realized that play is powerful enough to connect children and adults, and a street is the best place for the casual meeting of neighbors through play. street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities… 60 figure 1. people playing in an intersection in a city center our first trial in tokyo was in mitaka city. once a month, the neighborhood organizes a holiday promenade along its commercial street. in partnership with members of the local picture book library, street play started occupying one major street crossing. children and parents rolled out artificial grass of 5m x 10m across the whole intersection, which would usually be busy with cars and bicycles. children started running about and parents sat chatting on the grass; children colored zebra crossings with chalk (figure 2) and made dens from cardboard boxes donated from local shops. street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities… 61 figure 2. children turning the zebra crossing into a rainbow a surprise happened when it was time to brush up the chalk drawings from the street. many children rushed to help, grabbing the brushes for the privilege of the new activity (figure 3). parents started taking photos, impressed by their children cleaning up streets in the middle of the commercial area. local shop owners came out to see the unusual activity happening in front of their shops. the florist enthused, “it is so impressive and fascinating to see children enjoying this. if you need water, use it from our shop! bring all the buckets you have!” street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities… 62 figure 3. 3-year-old having fun sweeping up the chalk on the street it was in this moment that children, by playing, changed the mindset of adults who did not have opportunities to see or communicate with children in their daily lives. the florist chatted with a lot of children and parents shuttling to and from the shop for water, until the street was clean. after that first initiative, a local ngo has organized a street play session there one afternoon every month. the street play in kanda, a small community in central tokyo, is also a unique case. young members of the community organization started their street play by working with the team of volunteers from the local fire brigade. the fire brigade used the street play session as an incentive for families to participate in fire training sessions (figure 4), which had previously been a struggle. an additional benefit was that because of the community fire training and public benefit, it was much easier to obtain a road occupation permit. street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities… 63 figure 4. “fire” creeping toward a child during fire extinguisher training to make the training fun, a father dressed as “fire” in a tight red suit crept towards the children; children needed to properly use a water-filled fire extinguisher to “put out” the fire. the fire brigade took out a street-embedded water hydrant and showed how to set it up to use the emergency water stock. they also ran water down an improvised water slide in the middle of the street, built out of a large sheet of plywood and beer crates from a neighborhood liquor shop (figure 5). through this event, the equipment became familiar to local people, and more people recognized and socialized with each other. figure 5. an improvised water slide made of bottle crates and sheets street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities… 64 finally, a member of the fire brigade sprayed water for the children to play in while the adults received training in the use of the large hose (figure 6). the fire brigade looked proud in the knowledge that they could contribute something else to children in the community and had fun themselves; children became proud of adults in the community too. figure 6. children joining the fire brigade’s large hose training in ouji, in the north part of tokyo, neighborhood shops contributed to street play; the fish shop owner shared a huge ice cube, which was originally used for chilling fish, and a big turtle was taken for a walk (figure 7). figure 7. children meet a turtle on the street street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities… 65 children need to be more visible in our society, particularly in local communities. in japan, in enthusiasm for education, parents prefer to take children to programs under the supervision of professional adults. through street play, however, we have found that ordinary people have many things to offer even if they are not child professionals. through the successful involvement of these people, children would be able to grow up not so much as a minority, but more as a part of the community. on the other hand, there are strong negative voices asserting that street play is not possible in our society because too many young parents are no longer capable of educating children in morals and manners. from time to time, the media covers stories of people being annoyed by children and parents carelessly letting them loose on the streets. however, one of the benefits of street play is the opportunity to educate parents about the morals and manners of the community, in order to pass them on to their children. streets used to be the frontline of informal learning in a community. children learned how to be a part of the community through playing on the street, and adults learned to engage with neighboring children. to bring back this important function of the streets, we need to start using them again to gather, play and get to know each other (figure 8). in a future low-birthrate society, it will be even more necessary that both adults and children are “visible” to each other in communities. figure 8. a neighborhood street becomes a play space for families street play in the revitalization of low-birthrate communities… 66 in 2018, one local authority in tokyo has launched a project to facilitate street play. we have been in contact with other authorities including government agencies, and we hope that this could be a catalyst for street play to become a standard provision for healthy communities nationwide. children were driven off the streets during the last olympics in tokyo in 1964. in contrast, as we awaiting the 2020 olympic and paralympic games in tokyo, we will bring children back to the streets. we will support groups’ and organizations’ efforts to organize street play events and break down barriers and differences between children and adults in communities. we hope a more tolerant and inclusive community life will be the fundamental legacy of the games for our future. hitoshi shimamura is the chief director of tokyo play, a regional play organization. he received a diploma of higher education from leeds metropolitan university (uk) and started a playwork career in 1996 at an adventure playground in tokyo. after working on adventure playgrounds, he started play development work including projects in hong kong and canada. as an active member of the international play association (ipa), he has given lectures and training sessions internationally and served as its regional vice president in east asia (2005-2011). hitoshi is a board member of such organizations as the japan adventure playground association and the japan playwork association. references lanzy, m. (2012). playborhood: turn your neighborhood into a place for play. menlo park, ca: free play press. national institute of population and social security research (2012). population projection for japan: 2011-2016. available from http://www.ipss.go.jp/sitead/index_english/population-e.html http://www.ipss.go.jp/site-ad/index_english/population-e.html http://www.ipss.go.jp/site-ad/index_english/population-e.html © 2022 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments, 32(2), 2022 seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13 in the urban landscape d’arcy hutton susan herrington school of architecture and landscape architecture, university of british columbia mariana brussoni human early learning partnership, school of population and public health department of pediatrics british columbia children’s hospital research institute citation: hutton, d., herrington, s., & brussoni, m. (2022). seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13 in the urban landscape. children, youth and environments, 32(2), 1-34. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract outdoor play is critical for the wellbeing of children. in cities, access to unsupervised outdoor play is limited by a host of obstacles. many of these limiting factors can be mitigated by environmental design. the following identifies seven design principles for urban public landscapes that support play for “tweens” (children 10 to 13 years old). we developed these principles using a mixed methodology that included a literature review, an analysis of qualitive interview transcripts with tweens, and a precedent study of playable urban landscapes. the seven cs for tweens principles include: connectivity, community, cues, character, child agency, challenge, and comfort. keywords: landscape design, outdoor play, children, youth, tweens, neighborhood environment seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 2 background the erosion of unsupervised outdoor free play unsupervised outdoor free play, once a beloved, daily childhood occurrence (thomson & philo, 2004), has been dwindling. playgrounds emerged as an element of city planning in north america nearly a century ago to protect children from the dangers and immoral influence of the streets, and the streets from the hooliganism of wild children (hart, 2002). in an effort to protect the wellbeing of children from a constellation of real and perceived threats, including injury, traffic accidents, and “stranger danger,” the developed world has since accelerated the surveillance and restriction of children’s outdoor play (o’brien et al., 2000). the result has been the decline of children’s free outdoor play (gray, 2011; holt et al., 2016) and independent mobility (karsten, 2005; shaw et al., 2015). this trend imposes many of its own harms on children: outdoor play is crucial for children’s health and development (brussoni et al., 2015; gray et al., 2015), and is often preferred over indoor play by children themselves (glenn et al., 2013; gray, 2011). research has shown that the quality of the built environment and design of public space have a significant effect on both adults’ and children’s attitudes towards outdoor play, and in turn, its prevalence (prezza et al., 2001; schoeppe et al., 2014). however, children’s needs are commonly marginalized in urban planning and design processes (bishop & corkery, 2017). developmental considerations for tweens “tweens,” described here as children between the ages of 10 and 13, have needs distinct from younger children and older adolescents. though tweens enjoy many of the play behaviors as their younger peers, they are also experiencing rapid developmental change. coordination, independence, cognitive capacity, and deepening social relationships are important areas of growth for tweens, and this is reflected in their play (masiulanis & cummins, 2017). masiulanis and cummins (2017) describe this age as one of both “launching” and “retreating” (p. 253), whereby children alternate new skills and ideas with familiar, comforting activities. play “play” is an endlessly diverse set of behaviors that are crucial to children’s learning, development, and wellbeing. for the purposes of this paper, play is defined as child-initiated, without end goal or purpose, undertaken spontaneously and without adult direction (santer et al., 2007). children themselves describe play as something that provides fun, pleasure, and freedom (cummins, 2017). the environment has a profound effect on children’s play. the ubiquitous playgrounds described by woolley (2008) as kfc (kit-fence-carpet playgrounds) provide a limited and prescriptive menu: slides are for sliding, and the design of the structure attempts to exclude any other action (herrington & brussoni, 2015). by contrast, gibson (1979) describes how environments may afford a variety of different opportunities for play. these “affordances” are possibilities, not prescriptions, and their availability varies based on the user’s ability, interest, and inventiveness. for instance, a tree affords a toddler the opportunity to play peek-aboo; the same tree affords a tween a chance to climb. the best play environments are rich in affordances, not prescriptions. seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 3 we sought to develop a set of principles to guide the design of playable urban spaces for tweens. this paper describes the research process, details the emergent design principles, and provides examples of built precedents. intended for designers, landscape architects, planners, and community initiatives, these guidelines are useful for smalland large-scale projects. building upon the seven c’s guide for children’s outdoor play space design (herrington, lesmeister, nicholls, & stefiuk, 2007; herrington & lesmeister, 2006), seven cs for tweens combines research in health, children’s geography, design, and play to identify design principles for playable urban spaces for children aged 10-13 years. methods to establish a set of environmental considerations that designers can employ to create tween-friendly urban spaces, we sought insights from multiple sources to facilitate data triangulation and increase confidence in our findings. we reviewed relevant literature from multiple disciplines, listened to children’s voices through supplementary analysis of existing data on children’s perspectives of their neighborhoods, and examined landscape design precedents that supported play outdoors for the 10-13-year age group. literature review the first author conducted the literature review, which encompassed multiple disciplines: child development, play, public health, children’s geography, childfriendly cities, landscape architecture, and design. in her google scholar search, the term “play” was used alone and in combination with the terms “child,” “middle childhood,” “environment,” and “city.” the review was limited to work that included children within the ages of 10 and 13, and that described play interactions with the environment or children’s preferences for playable environments. relevant citations from work captured in the search were also reviewed. children’s data the authors reviewed qualitative interview transcripts collected for the playability study conducted by the brussoni lab at the university of british columbia. this data collection occurred between 2016 and 2018. in this study, 105 children ages 10-13 living in three municipalities in metro vancouver, canada, including a primarily urban area, a suburban area with primarily multi-family dwellings and abundant natural environments, and a suburban area with primarily single-family homes and cul-de-sacs. we recruited children to the study primarily via social media advertisements and snowball sampling. we did not impose eligibility criteria that would have limited children with any disabilities, as long as they were physically mobile. purposeful sampling ensured equal numbers of boys and girls and participants from each municipality. most children (65%) identified as caucasian and only a small number (>5) identified to us that they had a disability. children took researchers on go-along interviews of their neighborhoods, identifying places they did or did not like to go and elements of their neighborhood they appreciated or wanted to change. detailed data collection and analyses procedures for the study can be seen in (han et al. (2018). study team members analyzed the data to identify the factors that seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 4 facilitate or impede children’s outdoor play (brussoni et al., 2020). for the purpose of this paper, we reviewed the study transcripts describing how children use urban outdoor spaces for play and children’s uses, dislikes, and preferences that related to the design of the environment. data analyses combining the review of the literature and the children’s data, we compiled a set of variables determining the “playability” of urban space. factors identified in the children’s interview data (brussoni et al., 2020; han et al., 2018) (including safety, sociability, feeling welcome, creative agency, and independent mobility) as well as the seven cs guidelines (character, context, connectivity, chance, change, clarity, and challenge) developed by herrington and colleagues (herrington, lesmeister, nicholls, & stefiuk, 2007; herrington & lesmeister, 2006) provided the initial themes by which the literature review was structured. the literature review was used to assess the significance and validity of the initial themes. additional themes were created as the literature was analyzed. a theme’s connection to the design of the built environment provided the criterion for its inclusion in the literature review. for example, the aesthetic tastes of tweens have clear implications for the way physical space is designed; conversely, tweens’ strong preference for friends living within walking distance cannot be addressed through landscape design. we compiled the most recurring and notable trends into seven design principles. the number seven was chosen in reference to the seven cs guidelines to ensure an appropriate level of detail and conciseness. though the original “7 cs” were used as a starting point, the substance of the design principles outlined here emerged from the children’s data and literature review. while some of the original principles remained relevant for older children, these required adapting to tweens’ more sophisticated approach to play based on the data reviewed. the themes derived from the children’s data were all incorporated into the final principles. precedent study after identifying the final seven principles, we undertook a precedent study to identify spatial and material strategies that could support each principle in the design of urban landscapes. we searched online design publications (including landezine, dezeen, and archdaily) using the terms “play” and “child.” we identified firms, collectives, and events specializing in outdoor play in the urban environment, and we reviewed their project portfolios. sites that were not appropriate for 10-13year-olds were disqualified (for example, play spaces that were clearly intended for younger children), as were sites that were too prescriptive (for example, an outdoor climbing wall that affords little other use) or that contradicted the seven cs principles. sites that strongly demonstrated a single principle were analyzed for the ways that the site’s design expressed the principles. we chose a selection of these for inclusion in the finished publication to illustrate each principle. results and discussion the literature review and the children’s data highlighted the importance of non prescriptive, appropriately challenging play opportunities for tweens in the city (masiulanis & cummins, 2017; moore et al., 1997). the data also revealed the seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 5 overarching importance of social life and an environment that encourages independent mobility (sustrans, 2009; wheway & millward, 1997), critical factors for tweens in accessing play opportunities. the precedent study yielded a diversity of strategies to translate the themes in the data and literature review into landscape design principles. seven cs emerged to provide design principles that would address the needs and preferences of tweens, as well as the obstacles to play posed by the environment: connectivity, community, cues, character, child agency, challenge, and comfort. the seven cs informational guide to children’s outdoor play spaces (herrington, lesmeister, nicholls, & stefiuk, 2007; herrington & lesmeister, 2006) provided a useful mnemonic and the basis for this research while considering that as children age, many play behaviors from earlier childhood persist in more sophisticated, challenging forms (masiulanis & cummins, 2017). “connectivity” offers strategies to support movement and independent mobility. “community” describes ways to satisfy tweens’ need for sociability. “cues” examines the mores implicit in urban spaces and suggests strategies to broadcast the message that play is welcome. “character” explores the importance of place-making. “child agency” proposes ways to offer tweens creative control over space. “challenge” describes ways to provide experiences of challenge and risk. “comfort” addresses physical and psychological wellbeing. each c is described in detail below, with the relevant literature and study findings cited to support the results. these principles are overlapping and may be used to reinforce one another. for instance, providing “child agency” within a space will help satisfy the need for “cues.” as a group these principles will be present in any given play space in varying proportions, and one or more may be absent altogether, depending on the priorities and constraints of the community. frank and colleagues (2007) found that having a diverse menu of spaces to choose from was more important than the size of the spaces. when designing play provision using these principles, it may be helpful to think of a neighborhood as a constellation of spaces that together fulfill the principles rather than assessing each play space in isolation. table 1 summarizes the key elements subsumed within each design principle, as well as guiding questions for designers to consider. seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 6 table 1. seven cs design principles: key elements and questions for designers principle key elements questions for designers connectivity • linear spaces: sidewalks, streets, alleys, pathways • play opportunities within 1km of home • barrier-free • embedded within existing pedestrian / active transportation networks • diversity over size • safety from traffic • passing-by play: playable street furnishings and other small interventions • where are tweens coming from, and where are they going? what routes are they taking? • what other locations of interest are nearby? • how are they travelling (on foot, by bike, skateboard, scooter)? • what physical and psychological barriers might they encounter? • are routes and sites populated? • what are possibilities for creative movement? community • social play can be quiet and private; “just hanging out,” people-watching; or louder, performative, active • informal supervision • appeals to a diversity of ages, • prospect and refuge: tween retreats that are private but connected • opportunity for cooperative play between children • opportunity for safe interaction with strangers • accommodate groups of different sizes • spaces for retreat • what is the quality of the circulation near and through the site? is the site populated? • how many people can it comfortably accommodate at once? • is there a hierarchy of social space (places for pairs, places for groups, highly visible spaces for performance, and private refuges)? • are there opportunities for cooperative play between children? seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 7 principle key elements questions for designers cues • use of site is possible within social context • novel and unexpected elements • cues work to validate tweens’ presence and play • tween contribution: hand painted signs, built elements, gardens • cues and affordances match • who currently uses the site, and what are the desires and expectations that these users might have? • what does the existing site communicate about play? • what messages need to be changed, added, or eliminated? • what activities are welcomed, and which feel transgressive? • what can design do to normalize healthy play behaviors that are subject to censure? • what play activities are already taking place that designers can legitimize in the built environment? • what are the best ways to communicate with each of the site’s user groups? character • distinct and recognizable • good maintenance practices • avoids condescension • culturally relevant • acknowledges character of context and site • complexity within orderly frames • multiple senses • seasonal change • beauty • what are the existing aesthetic, tactile, and auditory qualities of the site? what is the cultural and physical context of the site? • how can the design concept be expressed through the site’s sensory experiences? • how does the character of the site differ from space to space within the site? • what are the thresholds, transitions, or overlaps between them? • who will use the site, and how might the character of the site be interpreted or experienced differently? seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 8 principle key elements questions for designers child agency • open-ended • loose parts and the freedom to use them • meaningful participation in design / construction process • are there opportunities to meaningfully engage tweens in the design and build process? • what are the hard social and physical limits of the site? can the context accommodate an adventure playground; a graffiti wall; a temporary interactive light installation; or a hardy, playable planting design? • what elements of the site could be appropriated for other uses? how can design support additional uses of the space? • what kind of loose parts (and how many) are appropriate for this site? consider storage, cleaning, replacement, and potential hazards. • what kinds of specific uses are designed into the site? • what opportunities exist for tweens to manipulate the site? challenge • challenge and risk are healthy • legibility is the difference between risk and hazard • hierarchy of challenges, risks, scales • avoid equipment that restricts use • opportunities to assess and choose from challenges / risks • risks: height, speed, dangerous elements, tools, rough-and-tumble, chance of disappearing / getting lost • challenges: reaching, jumping, climbing, sliding, balancing, cooperative, cognitive • what kinds of intrinsic challenges do the elements of the site offer (hopping from rock to rock, climbing atop a planter, rolling down a hill)? • are there ways to pull and push these elements to provide more / less / different challenges? • are there different intensities of challenge and risk available? • what risks are present? how legible are they? • do challenging elements of the site change / disappear over time? (e.g., a big puddle in spring becomes a slippery surface in winter.) • are there bottlenecks around risks or challenges? • how can the site’s challenges remain compelling for tweens over time? seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 9 principle key elements questions for designers comfort • location • felt safety • informal surveillance • visually connected to surroundings • prospect and refuge • management of microclimates and sensory stimuli • biological needs: water, bathrooms • design with children’s smaller size in mind for sightlines, furnishings • wifi, charging stations, speakers • how does the site sound, feel, smell, and look? do these qualities change over the course of a day, a season, a year? what is it like in the sun, the rain, the snow, the wind? what is it like at night? • does the site feel safe? why or why not? • where are the nearest washrooms, drinking water, charging stations, accessible indoor space? • what are the circulation patterns through and around the site? is it busy? empty? isolated? • how does this change through the course of a day, a season, a year? • what is it like to be in the site? principles 1. connectivity connectivity supports independent mobility and movement as a critical element of play. for tweens, independent mobility is both a developmental imperative and an important dimension of play (sustrans, 2009; wheway & millward, 1997). it is also closely associated with social life: tweens who must rely on a caregiver’s schedule in order to socialize have less interaction with friends and neighbors (page et al., 2010; prezza & pacilli, 2007; wheway, 2015). for a play space to be used, it must be within walking distance and easily accessible on foot (brussoni et al., 2020), or within a tween’s “home territory” (kurka et al., 2015; sanson et al., 2012). children stressed the importance of feeling safe on that journey, particularly from (brussoni et al., 2020). frank and colleagues (2007) found that recreational spaces within one kilometer of home were the greatest predictor of walking among children. connective play landscapes can support independent mobility by retrofitting existing networks of streets, paths, and sidewalks, to “playify” the act of travelling from one place to another. playable benches, bike racks, planters, and other street furnishings promote momentary, unplanned pauses for play that back and colleagues (2018) call “passing-by play” (p. 8). interventions can be as simple as painted patterns on the sidewalk that suggest movement (cummins, 2017). precedents. the speelweefselplan (roughly translated as “play space web”) is a planning and design concept adopted by the belgian cities of ghent and antwerp (figure 1). planners mapped the routes and destinations used by children, implemented mobility-boosting tools such as crossings and separated bike lanes, and embedded play affordances into the streetscape. “it can be something like a seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 10 concrete stepping stone, not even a play device... but when children find it on their route they know that it’s fun, that they can sit on it, lie on it, jump on and off of it— it makes the route more attractive and more child-friendly” (antwerp planner wim seghers quoted in darabi, 2018). figure 1. speelweefsel © city of antwerp tiny wpa (tiny wpa, n.d.) is a non-profit organization that trains and supports communities to design and build projects in their neighborhoods in philadelphia, pennsylvania in the united states. their projects include low-budget interventions that retrofit the existing urban fabric, including playable benches, bike racks, and planters (figures 2-4). seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 11 figure 2. playable bike rack ©tiny wpa figure 3. stair slide ©tiny wpa figure 4. speed bump ©tiny wpa seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 12 2. community community is about the social dimension of play. the importance of social play is hard to overstate (cummins & masiulanis, 2017; lester & russell, 2008; sanson et al., 2012). social play encompasses a diverse set of behaviors, appearing boisterous and active, imaginative and immersive, cooperative or competitive, performative, observant, or secretive. tweens are in the process of identity formation, drawing primarily upon social influences rather than parents or other adult caretakers (o’brien et al., 2000). friends are deeply important to this age group. the availability of nearby friends influences children’s desire and motivation to go outside (brussoni et al., 2020). tweens need neighborhood spaces that facilitate chance meetings with friends (david & weinstein, 1987; moore, 1986). tweens have an acute sense of safety that impacts how they feel and where they go (arup, 2017; titman, 1994); feeling safe is a condition for venturing outside (brussoni et al., 2020). familiar adults, busy spaces, and informal supervision contribute to a felt sense of safety and belonging (brussoni et al, 2020; cunningham & jones, 2006; frank et al., 2007). children are also very adept animators of underused public spaces (kate bishop, personal communication, june 13, 2019). children prefer playing in places where there is the possibility for interaction with others, where they can feel they are a part of things (arup, 2017; forman, 2017). whyte’s (1980) theory of “triangulation” describes how novel, attractive, or compelling features of the landscape can facilitate connection between strangers who interact with them; for example, an unusual fountain or a street performance. these elements can prompt communication among strangers and provide a shared experience. tweens enjoy the presence of children of other ages, too. age groups are often separated by design, and this is exacerbated when play spaces are not challenging enough to interest older children (cunningham & jones, 2006). play provision that appeals to multiple age groups is an important element of community (derr, 2015). tweens are drawn to highly animated, socially active places, but often position themselves at a slight remove (masiulanis & cummins, 2017; sanson et al., 2012). this preference is described by appleton’s “prospect and refuge” theory (appleton, 1975), which describes a profound aspect of psychological comfort derived from landscape. “prospect” is defined as the ability to see one’s surroundings, while “refuge” is the ability to hide. prospect can vary from a peephole to a vista, while refuge is created by variables like light and dark, shelter, or places with multiple exits (stamps, 2008). these can occur together or separately. ideal tween spaces are retreats connected to busy places that offer both prospect and refuge. the spaces can be elevated, partially enclosed, and/or aesthetically distinct. these semi-private places can function as social spaces or as solitary retreats, places of refuge to daydream and reflect (masiulanis & cummins, 2017; moore, 1986; raith, 2018; titman, 1994). precedents. musical swings is a nine-person swing set designed by montreal, canada collective daily tous les jours (daily tous les jours, 2011; figure 5). the swings are installed seasonally in montreal. the movement of each swing generates seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 13 a musical tone based on the height of the swinger’s arc, allowing users to manipulate sound as a loose part using their entire bodies. users can synchronize their movements to create melodies, improvised free jazz, or joyful cacophony. the swings are collaborative, and enjoyed by children and people of all ages, offering the possibility of social connection and play. figure 5. musical swings. ©daily tous les jours 3. cues cues are communication devices that facilitate the sharing of public space, helping children and adults feel comfortable with play. cities are full of messages, both explicit and implicit, encoded in social, environmental, and textual cues. unaccompanied children are often cast as victim or vandal, and society leans towards disapproval as children enter adolescence (matthews, 2003; valentine, 1996). hostility to youth culture is expressed in the built environment in many ways, such as skate stoppers, auditory repellents, and the spatial segregation of playgrounds (armborst et al., 2017). the result is that play is not an expected use of public space, and this expectation affects how and where children play (matthews, 2003). the presence of even a few unfriendly neighbors leads children to experience the culture of their neighborhood differently (brussoni et al., 2020). cues alone cannot change social convention, but they can shift expectations about what can happen in a space (sanson et al., 2012). disruption and novelty within familiar settings are potent cues for play. rearranging or distorting expected forms, repetition, proportions, order, or spatial relationships can dramatically change the messages a site conveys. material, texture, durability, and perceived safety all communicate about what kinds of activities are fun, possible, and appropriate in a site. novelty is a powerful stimulator of play, curiosity, and exploration (higgins, 2002; moore et al., 1997). ephemeral installations or loose parts can be powerful stimulators of play because they are new and unexpected. participatory design processes are a concrete way of validating tweens’ use of public space (bishop & corkery, 2017). tween-designed or built installations can seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 14 range from homemade painted signs to interventions like public art, street furniture, play structures, and gardening projects. simple interventions like signage can include written and visual messages about what a space is for. cues can also function as landmarks, providing informal wayfinding, a place to meet, and information about other relationships in the space (moore et al., 1997). cues speak to children about what kind of activities are possible. they can overlap with affordances, and care should be taken that these are not contradictory (titman, 1994). some healthy play behaviors may contradict adult sensibility or other latent messaging within a site. for example, play that manipulates the environment may be interpreted as destruction or vandalism in the context of a carefully manicured garden (cunningham & jones, 2006; lester & russell, 2008; shell, 1994). cues can help prevent conflicts, but only within the particular limits of each context. precedents. delirious frites by quebec, canada design collective les astronauts provides a temporary intervention so unexpected, delightful, and tactile that it totally disrupts expectations (howarth, 2014). an urban alleyway in quebec city is transformed with thousands of pink and orange pool noodles sprouting from the walls (rawlinson & guaralda, 2012; figure 6). figure 6. delirious frites governor’s island adventure playground in new york city in the united states bursts with endless, thrilling affordances (governors island, n.d.; figure 7). imaginative possibility is advertised everywhere in the fertile disorder of tools, materials, and child-built structures, encouraged by adult playworkers and protected by a fenced boundary: no parents allowed. adult intrusions are explicitly addressed by outward-facing hand-painted signs: “your children are fine without advice or suggestions.” seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 15 figure 7. the yard at governor's island ©play:groundnyc 4. character character is the impression of a place gathered from all the senses. part of the process of identity formation in tweens is the development of aesthetic preferences (cummins & masiulanis, 2017). the character of a site made for tweens—its quality, aesthetic character, thoughtfulness, maintenance—communicates that youth are valued by their community. the inverse is also true: children whose play environments are unattractive or poorly maintained are left with the feeling that they are not cared for (titman, 1994). children have a keen awareness of beauty, and overtly childish aesthetics are often perceived as “babyish” or condescending (titman, 1994) to tweens. the character of a place is particularly important when children are exposed to the same places day after day (kate bishop, personal communication, june 13, 2019; titman, 1994). character is the intentional product of a design team’s vision combined with the innate qualities of the site (herrington & lesmeister, 2006). character turns generic “space” into a distinct and recognizable “place,” but playgrounds are often lamentably bad at this (solomon, 2014). “today, walking on a children’s playground is like exiting the interstate. regardless of where you are, you see the exact same thing” (day, quoted in solomon, 2014, p. 22). however, distinct is not synonymous with unprecedented. character can reference other places or be culturally specific; for example, youth living in the united states with roots in latin america requested fountains in public spaces, reminiscent of a common plaza feature in that part of the world (derr, 2015). playable spaces for tweens can make the urban fabric richer, more vibrant and varied. complexity is an important dimension of a site’s character. children across all age groups are attracted to complex play environments (cunningham & jones, 2006). moore (1986) captures the complexity of a particularly wonderful park in his book childhood’s domain using words like juxtaposition, richness, diversity, variety, and “intermingling of forms.” though complexity is an exciting quality in a play space, it can also be experienced as chaos and disorder by adults (lester & russell, 2008). nassauer’s (1995) concept of “messy ecosystems, orderly frames” is a valuable seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 16 approach that can mediate the effect of complexity on adults. nassauer identifies a pattern of “cues to care” (nassauer, 1995, p. 167), including selective mowing; flowering plants and trees; wildlife feeders; orderly planting designs; and art, ornaments, or architectural features. messy and chaotic complexity can be contained within familiar, tidy frames that signal to others that this is a space that is valued. character transcends the visual. it can involve multiple senses, employing light and shade, movement, sound, tactility, and scent (haider & kaplan, 2004). the use of “natural” features is an impactful way of developing a site’s character and creating play affordances (bourke & sargisson, 2014; herrington & lesmeister, 2006; woolley & lowe, 2013). research has demonstrated that natural spaces are consistently preferred by children (dunnett et al., 2002; sargisson & mclean, 2012; titman, 1994). natural features provide seasonal change, complexity, and mystery, are conceptually open-ended, and supply a renewable collection of loose parts (herrington & lesmeister, 2006). precedents. quartier générale is a play area in a bordeaux, france apartment complex designed by base (base landscape architecture, n.d.; figures 8 and 9). the play space is surrounded by a ring of modern residential towers. externally, the play structure is spare and rigidly geometric, in keeping with its built context. inside, a variety of slides, openings, lookouts, nets, ladders, and perches offer exciting complexity, affordances, prospect, and refuge. a large, reflective steel dome is a durable, modernist, tactile play object. this is an example of a landscape with carefully designed character that does not rely on explicitly childlike aesthetics. figure 8. quartier générale ©base.nl seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 17 figure 9. quartier générale, underside view ©base.nl aspect studio’s ian potter wild play garden in sydney australia’s centennial gardens uses planting, a simple palette of natural materials, and landform to create a complex, beautiful, and immersive spatial experience (aspect studios, 2017; figures 10 and 11). mounds and dense plantings create a diverse hierarchy of spaces connected by winding pathways, and explorers are treated to a series of distinct experiences, generating a sense of mystery and adventure. the landscape provides a variety of sensory experiences using water, plantings, diverse surfaces and textures, multiple levels, and a range of motor challenges. figure 10. water play at wild play garden ©brett boardman, aspect studios seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 18 figure 11. climbing structure at wild play garden ©brett boardman, aspect studios 5. child agency “playgrounds have everything already built but it’s funner to build whatever you want” (joey gunderson, 11, quoted in schiffman, 2019, para 5). child agency is “the degree to which the environment or space permits personalization and territorial claim” (haider & kaplan, 2004, p. 3). it is reliant upon creativity and autonomy, two essential dimensions of play. child agency is exercised through play, artistic production, and social expression, the result of loose parts and the freedom to manipulate them at will (hart, 1982). as tweens begin to assemble their sense of self, creativity is an important way of developing and articulating identity. tweens are also developing critical and abstract thinking, and refining their capacities for logic, planning, and organizing. this developmental stage equips them with the cognitive tools for complex making, building, and planning (cummins & masiulanis, 2017). play is inherently creative and appropriative, and often transcends a designer’s intent. it is very difficult for adults to predict exactly how children will use an environment for play (masiulanis & cummins, 2017). as moore and colleagues express, “the idea of play is to explore and maximize the potential of any play setting,” both physically and conceptually (1997, p. xii). play environments should be places where “meanings are kept open” (moss & petrie, 2005, p. 177). as masiulanis and cummins describe, their task as designers of play spaces was not to anticipate exactly how children might play in a space, “but instead to build a knowledge of what spaces or materials would encourage the greatest number of creative and playful outcomes” (shaw, 2017, p. 189). nicholson’s (1972) influential theory of loose parts describes a quintessentially seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 19 versatile element of creative agency. there are almost endless possibilities for what counts as a loose part: material objects like logs, balls, boxes, construction materials, or paint; media like water or fire; intangibles like sound, music, ideas, or stories; collaborators like plants, animals, and other people; and phenomena like gravity or magnetism (nicholson, 1972). loose parts allow for continual manipulation and reinvention of a place, which is considered by many to be the mark of a successful play space (percival, 2014). participatory design offers tangible ways for tweens to exercise their creative agency and participate in community processes. the right of every citizen to contribute to the ongoing shaping and re-shaping of their environment is a key to developing vibrant cities, and children should be included in this right (robbé, 2017). nicholson (1972) describes a progression from loose parts play to contribution to planning and design: “we can discern a natural evolution from creative play and participation with wood, hammers, ropes, nails and fire, to creative play and participation with the total process of design and planning of regions in cities” (p. 8). both the experiences and outcomes of participatory design are valuable for tweens (bishop & corkery, 2017). mares and stephenson (1988) identified a host of skills developed by children during the design process, including empathy, negotiation, cooperation, perseverance, and compromise. as robbé (2017) observes, children’s contributions to design processes are rarely excessive or unrealistic but often valuable and easy to incorporate into design. importantly, success is contingent upon authentic participation rather than token involvement as the garnish on top of an adult design (hart, 1992). involving children early in the process can bypass this kind of failure. at the “fuzzy front end” (sanders & stappers, 2008, p. 9) of the design process, possibilities are wide open and the quick, creative thinking at which children excel is most valuable (robbé, 2017). precedents. upcycled urbanism was a collaboration in vancouver, canada between the museum of vancouver, happy city, the university of british columbia’s school of architecture and landscape architecture, the vancouver public space network, vancouver maker faire and spacing magazine (happy city, n.d.; figure 12). discarded polystyrene blocks were gathered from a local construction site and processed into three interlock-able shapes. dozens of these pieces were deposited onto a busy commercial street, temporarily closed to traffic, and the public was invited to build at will. this project transformed a familiar space using a simple set of loose parts. seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 20 figure 12. upcycled urbanism ©bill pechet block by block is a nonprofit that has developed a method for community-driven planning and design (block by block, 2020; figures 13 and 14). using the popular computer game minecraft as an accessible tool for communication and visualization, community members can design and propose changes to their neighborhoods. at a workshop in maputo, mozambique, girls used mobile phones to map their neighborhoods and document their favorite places. another project saw a waterfront marketplace in pristina, kosovo designed by over 70 community members, including tweens. “i came up with the skate park idea and some trees surrounding the park. something i worked on is being made in real life!” (lian loxha, age 12; block by block, 2020). figure 13. block by block workshop in maputo, mozambique ©block by block seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 21 figure 14. 3d minecraft model of community-designed public space in pristina, kosovo ©block by block 6. challenge challenge is an intrinsically motivated, highly compelling process of testing boundaries and developing ability. challenges are opportunities for growth (masiulanis & cummins, 2017). for tweens, challenge is implicated in identity formation, development of competence and confidence, and reliance on peers (masiulanis & cummins, 2017). both challenge and risk must be present for a play space to be compelling and developmentally appropriate for tweens (brussoni et al., 2015; brussoni et al., 2012), but these are often banished from play environments as a result of the adult desire to eliminate danger and liability (herrington & nicholls, 2007). children described play equipment as “like for the babies” and expressed their frustration at the limited challenges available in their neighborhoods (brussoni et al., 2020). inadequate challenge is a primary reason that tweens are underserved by many conventional playgrounds, though they try their best to adapt, often by “misusing” prescriptive play equipment (hart, 2002; masiulanis & cummins, 2017), or by seeking out challenge in unconventional and banned places (brussoni et al., 2020). as moore and colleagues (1997) argue, “a risk-free play area is neither possible nor desirable” (p.10). risk is a dimension of challenge that is sought after by children of all ages but may be particularly important for tweens (masiulanis & cummins, 2017). risk refers to the perception rather than the presence of actual danger: a six-inch drop into a shallow puddle from a balance beam is a motivating consequence posing very little danger. healthy risk is fun and developmentally necessary (smith, 1998; suttonsmith, 2001). crucially, beneficial risk is distinguished by the child’s ability to identify, assess, and respond by choice (moore et al., 1997). conversely, risks seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 22 become hazards when they are illegible or pose unacceptable consequences (moore et al., 1997). tweens are a highly diverse group: their interests, abilities, and developmental stages vary widely. children of this age are generally highly coordinated and have mastery over a variety of fine motor skills (masiulanis & cummins, 2017), but not since infancy have tweens experienced such rapid physical growth, disrupting ability and coordination (manning, 1993). for these reasons, children of this age group benefit from a hierarchy of graduated challenges that allow them to start wherever they are comfortable but that remain compelling as they grow (moore et al., 1997). providing these choices also allows tweens to exercise both physical ability and risk assessment (moore et al., 1997). the option to back out easily at the last moment is another important consideration. this can be achieved with a physical layout that avoids bottlenecks and provides multiple exits (moore et al., 1997). sandseter (2007) identified six types of risky play: play at great heights; with high speed; with dangerous tools; near dangerous elements; rough-and-tumble play; and play where the children can disappear/get lost. the sensations of height and speed are popular thrills (bourke & sargisson, 2014; sandseter, 2009). perennially popular risky play activities include swinging, climbing, and spinning (masiulanis & cummins, 2017; talarowski et al., 2019). physical challenges involve reaching, jumping, climbing, sliding, and balancing. challenge and risk can have a social dimension when they require or accommodate multiple people (moore, 1986). challenge can become cognitive by including elements of problem-solving. loose parts provide fodder for children to contrive their own challenges (herrington & lesmeister, 2006). precedents. playislands in the amsterdam forest in the netherlands is a refurbishment project by carve (carve, 2014; figures 15 and 16). floating play islands in an urban lake can be accessed by a wet or dry route, allowing kids to choose their level of challenge. the wet route features balancing on logs, swinging, and hopping over the water. the riskiness of this journey hinges on the obvious consequence of getting wet. this is so dramatic that it remains compelling for a range of age groups, even once the challenge has been mastered. seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 23 figure 15. playislands ©carve.nl figure 16. playislands ©carve.nl the rampart wave by base landscape architecture is a play installation in a public square in lyon, france (base landscape architecture, 2016). the 50-meter-long by 7-meter-high wooden play structure was designed with risk and challenge in mind. it offers a diverse range of challenges and risks, from the variable slope of the wall to the climbing holds, ropes, slides, and tunnels. seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 24 figure 17. the rampart wave ©base landscape architecture 7. comfort comfort refers to both physical and psychological wellbeing. comfortable landscapes avoid or mitigate hazards that contribute to discomfort: busy streets, air and noise pollution, microclimates, or a hostile social environment. the perception that a place is safe is the underpinning of comfort. location is an important determinant of both physical and psychological comfort (haider & kaplan, 2004; sanson et al., 2012; wheway & millward, 1997). busy places with informal surveillance fulfill both tweens’ social need and perceived safety need (forman, 2017). deserted places will feel unsafe almost as a rule. other elements that felt unsafe to children include bullies, unfriendly animals, and traffic volume (brussoni et al., 2020). appleton’s (1975) prospect and refuge theory identifies psychologically comfortable spaces. in cities, refuge can provide a sense of privacy, enclosure, or shelter from the intense stimuli that occur in cities. prospect can incorporate sightlines that provide a feeling of safety or offer opportunities for people-watching. comfortable public spaces are pleasant for children and adults. climate change requires public spaces to function under a widening spectrum of conditions (sanson et al., 2012). microclimates (hyperlocal extremes of heat and cold, shade and exposure, wind and shelter) can be managed with trees and plantings; sheltering structures like pavilions, shade roofs, or walls; water features; topography; and thoughtful use of surface material. these elements can also calm the soundscape of a site by muffling noise or providing an auditory backdrop. comfort also requires support for biological needs like drinking fountains and toilets, and attention to the smaller body sizes and sightlines of children. it can also include amenities like seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 25 charging stations, wi-fi, and wireless speakers. technology is a feature of life for many tweens (mascheroni & ólafsson, 2016; the nielsen company, 2017) and maintaining this link to family and friends is an aspect of comfort (mascheroni & cuman, 2014). precedents. the goods line by aspect studios is a linear public space in sydney, australia’s most densely populated neighborhood (aspect studios, 2015; figure 18). this space offers benches, bleachers, tables, and lawns on which to sit or sprawl to watch passersby; play space; wi-fi; sun and shade; and access to water fountains. this is a lively space with ample passive surveillance. figure 18. the goods line ©aspect studios fareground by dwg is an example of a site successfully managing microclimate and other sensory bombardments for comfort (dwg, n.d.; figure 19). located in downtown austin, texas, this plaza is located below street level, mitigating the noise and visual stimulus of car traffic. the tree canopy and shade pavilion provide visual shelter and privacy from the monolithic scale of neighboring buildings. intense heat and light are softened by a grove of mature oaks, areas of lawn and plantings, a shade structure, and misting water feature. seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 26 figure 19. dappled light and misting water feature at fareground by dwg ©leonid furmansky limitations and next steps our research examined the literature and included research and built precedents geared to children that did not have differential abilities or disabilities. it is critical to ensure that all children feel welcome and able to play in their neighborhoods and cities. disability as a category is extremely diverse, as is the category of “children” or “tweens.” there is no reason to think that as a population, children with disabilities want or need different experiences in play than non-disabled children, but too often an inaccessible built environment means that those experiences are out of reach. while it is true that a child with disabilities may not benefit strongly from one or more of the 7cs principles based on their individual needs and desires, this is also true of all children. these design principles may require modification or elaboration either in substance or in application to ensure inclusion of all children with differential abilities or disabilities within their cityscapes. future research must examine the opportunities and barriers to play faced by children with disabilities in the urban environment, and determine how to deliver exciting, diverse, and abundant play opportunities that are compelling and accessible to all children. conclusion unstructured outdoor play is a critically important activity for children, and this continues to be true for tweens (valentine & mckendrick, 1997). for urban children, this outdoor play must take place in cities, within walking distance of home (frank et al., 2007), but cities are not often designed with children’s needs in mind (bishop & corkery, 2017). this has consequences for independent mobility, play, and children’s social lives (frank et al., 2007; page et al., 2010; prezza & pacilli, 2007; wheway, 2015). further challenges are present for children with different abilities or disabilities. the principles presented here suggest ways to carve out space within cities for play, broadening the scope of what a play space might look like beyond the islands of kit-fence-carpet playgrounds (woolley, 2008). there is an enormous diversity of aesthetics, approaches and affordances that might be embedded or seven cs for tweens: design principles for children aged 10-13… 27 retrofitted into the existing urban fabric. children do not only need places dedicated to their use, but also places of belonging in the public realm. d’arcy hutton is a recent graduate of ubc’s school of architecture and landscape architecture, a student researcher, and landscape designer. her graduate project focused on designing landscapes and processes for mourning and memorial in the anthropocene. she spent over a decade working as a naturebased educator. susan herrington is professor in the landscape architecture program in the school of architecture and landscape architecture at the university of british columbia. she has conducted research on children’s landscapes for the past twenty years. she also led the seven cs guidelines, which have been used in communities throughout the world. mariana brussoni is an associate professor in the department of pediatrics and the school of population and public health at the university of british columbia. she is an investigator with the bc children’s hospital research institute and academic scientist with the bc injury research and prevention unit. references appleton, j. 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ozlemnur ataol, eindhoven university of technology copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial advisory board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; yolanda alicia corona-caraveo, universidad autónoma metropolitana xochimilco, mexico; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image from the field report children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs by rachel konerman, sue elliott, rosanne pugh, tisha luthy, and victoria carr children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii children, youth and environments vol. 31 no. 2 2021 issn 1546-2250 inside this issue, you will find diverse scholarly work that spans across the globe. first, altenburger and wellenreiter compare non-classroom spaces across two different rural high schools to demonstrate how school building type influences place-based authority processes. next, we arrive in northern kenya to visit the archer’s post community where van anda and co-authors investigated the perceptions and values of formally educated youth regarding traditional pastoral livelihoods and non-traditional contemporary income-earning. crossing the globe, we visit to chicago where lee and movassaghi investigate the relationship between greenery at public schools and students’ violent behaviors. these authors also examined the potential benefits and challenges of green space surrounding the schools. heading north, we arrive in northern ontario where scheffel and co-authors discuss three perceived barriers to learning in the outdoors from their in-depth case study of a kindergarten class. additionally, these authors share ways that participants took note and addressed these barriers to benefit the learners. at our final stop, we visit utah where leschofs and christensen observed play behaviors in first and second grade children to uncover which play settings support quality dramatic play for children with and without disabilities. the issue continues with a report from the field where konerman and co-authors share their work across two projects to demonstrate how early childhood educators were able to support the development of young children’s ecologically sustainable practices through a shift in pedagogical practices. we wrap this issue with four book reviews: tranter’s review of urban playground: how childfriendly planning and design can save cities by tim gill, fazio’s review of children, citizenship and environment: #schoolstrike edition by bronwyn hayward, ruiz’s review of latin american transnational children and youth: experiences of nature and place, culture and care across the americas edited by victoria derr and yolanda corona, and gowdar and st. clair bridgman’s review of designing for kids: creating for playing, learning, and growing by krystyna castella. happy reading! children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth and environments vol. 31 no. 2 2021 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles where to hang out: interplay between school building characteristics, authority structures, and school micro-climates elke altenburger and benjamin r. wellenreiter 1-33 changes in livelihood aspirations among formally educated pastoral youth in northern kenya roy van anda, brett l. bruyere, jonathan salerno, alfonso lengima, vivian alinta, and apin yasin 34-53 the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence in the chicago public schools jin lee and katherine s. movassaghi 54-82 learning with wide-open eyes: nudging at perceived barriers to outdoor learning within a kindergarten tara-lynn scheffel, lotje hives, jeff scott and astrid steele 83-104 dramatic play affordances of outdoor settings for firstand second-grade children with and without disabilities nicholas r. leschofs and keith m. christensen 105-138 reports from the field children’s agency and action in nature preschool: a tale of two programs rachel konerman, sue elliott, rosanne pugh, tisha luthy, and victoria carr 139-150 book reviews urban playground: how child-friendly planning and design can save cities, by tim gill reviewed by paul tranter 151-153 children, citizenship and environment: #schoolstrike edition, by bronwyn hayward reviewed by xavier fazio 154-156 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv children, youth and environments vol. 31 no. 2 2021 issn 1546-2250 book reviews continued latin american transnational children and youth: experiences of nature and place, culture and care across the americas, edited by victoria derr and yolanda corona reviewed by karina ruiz 157-158 designing for kids: creating for playing, learning, and growing, by krystyna castella reviewed by matt gowdar and rae st. clair bridgman 159-160 cye_cover_31_2 front matter cye 31 2 2021 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(2), 2019 “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating nature school effectiveness mahala volpe victoria derr environmental studies program, california state university monterey bay steven kim department of mathematics and statistics, california state university monterey bay citation: volpe, m., derr, v., & kim, s. (2019). “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating nature school effectiveness. children, youth and environments, 29(2), 5-26. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract nature school settings provide opportunities for experiential learning across many developmental domains. this study focused on an afterschool nature program in santa cruz county, california, which serves kindergarten through fifth grade students. the study was designed as a pilot to both learn about the program’s effectiveness and to test the feasibility of methods for sustained program evaluation. the study showed that the program produced positive and statistically significant results for most developmental areas and that teachers considered most effective those lessons that engage multiple developmental domains. future program assessments should examine the number of developmental domains lessons engage and should partner with a local university or expert for periodic indepth evaluation. keywords: forest schools, nature schools, outdoor education, child development, children http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 6 introduction forest schools emerged in germany during the initial formation of kindergartens in the mid-19th century, and emphasized the interaction between children and nature (sobel, 2014). forest schools provide an immersive curriculum in which young children would observe nature’s cycles, learn care for animals, imitate their sounds, and walk in and explore nature (sobel, 2014). “rain or shine” schools in denmark emerged more than 40 years ago, and forest schools have spread to norway, sweden, switzerland, the united kingdom, australia and new zealand (elliot, ten eycke, chan, & müller, 2014; o’brien & murray, 2007; knight, 2009). more recently, forest kindergartens and nature schools have emerged in the united states and canada (elliot et al., 2014; kahn, weiss, & harrington, 2018; sobel, 2014). in these settings, young children are fully immersed in nature for most or all of the day, and they largely engage in unstructured free play or in responsive activities guided by teachers (o’brien & murray, 2007; waite, bølling, & bentsen, 2017). forest schools, and outdoor nature schools more generally, draw upon philosopher john dewey’s ideas of experiential learning: children learn well by following their own interests and investigations in local nature through place-based education (änggård, 2010; derr, chawla, & pevec, 2017; miettinen, 2000). the benefits of nature to children’s health are increasingly documented, with access to greenspaces and “close-to-home” nature supporting increased attention, reduced stress, increased physical activity, and improved cognitive function (chawla, 2015; faber taylor & kuo, 2006; faber taylor, kuo, & sullivan, 2001; mccurdy, winterbottom, mehta, & roberts, 2010; wells, 2000; wolch et al., 2011). in addition, children benefit from play in nature for its affordances of imaginative and creative play (änggård, 2010) and increased social interactions (chawla, 2015). in her recent review, chawla (2015) notes that when children are given the appropriate space involving earth, sand, water, and vegetation, there is a dialog that emerges with peers and teachers about the environment through sensory exploration and imaginative play. forest schools have been asserted to provide a wide range of benefits, including motor coordination and physical development, self-awareness and regulation, social skills, academic readiness and performance, self-confidence, empathy, flexibility in thinking, nature relatedness, and environmentally responsible behavior (asah, bengston, westphal, & gowan, 2018; elliot et al., 2014; fjørtoft, 2004; knight, 2009; müller et al., 2017; sobel, 2014). some research suggests that when low-income children attend forest kindergartens there is a “ripple effect” in which children and their families who did not previously have exposure to nature begin to seek nature outside school hours (knight, 2009; o’brien & murray, 2007). perhaps least explored are the benefits of forest schools to children’s environmental attitudes, behaviors, and ways of knowing (chawla & derr, 2012; elliot et al., 2014). kahn and weiss (2017) pose the question why, if we know nature is so important in human lives, are we not doing more to bring people and nature closer together? their belief is that the answer is rooted in “environmental generational amnesia” in which we increasingly tolerate degraded worlds because with each generation, children experience degraded environments as normal and therefore lack the experience, knowledge, or motivation to bring people and nature together “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 7 in more robust and sustained ways. kahn and weiss (2017, p. 10) assert that the primary way to counteract this is through deep engagements with what they call “big nature,” and the associated pleasures and benefits that such interactions yield. they use the term “big nature” to refer to wild places that are long distances from human artifice, places that can be feared, and loved, but they also use the term to refer to what “big” might mean in an urban center—more wild than a child usually encounters. forest schools are one way to provide such exposure, with potentially significant and critical benefits not only for understanding that nature matters for health, but in cultivating children who have the ability to benefit from such spaces in an increasingly urban world: if on a national and global level we lose the ability to embody hundreds if not thousands of these seemingly simple interaction patterns—walking on ground, climbing a hill, holding onto a branch to keep one’s balance for a moment, swimming in ocean waves, digging in soil, identifying wild huckleberries to eat on a hot summer’s day, gazing up at the summer’s night sky—it will continue to set into motion this insidious cycle where less interaction with nature leads to less valuing of nature, which leads to less nature being protected and less nature to interact with, which leads to even less interaction with nature: downward and downward we go (kahn & weiss, 2017, p. 20). it is within this context that we explored how a nature school influences children’s development. we use the term “nature school” because it includes a broader range of physical environments in which children can experience nature than the term “forest schools” implies. the first author, mahala volpe, set out initially to explore the benefits of a specific nature program with which she worked in santa cruz county, california. in theory, accessing nature in santa cruz county should not be difficult because nature is abundant within the region; however, families often have difficulty finding the time to get out into nature. many parents make the effort to go outdoors with their children on the weekend, but it can be much harder for them to do so during the school week. ramblin’ adventure club (ramblin’) is a place-based outdoor afterschool adventure program that picks students up from their schools and then shuttles them to a different natural location every day of the school week. ramblin’ serves kindergarten through fifth graders in families from santa cruz county. the primary objective of the program is for students to gain a sense of appreciation for and awareness of the local ecology of the county by connecting children with the outdoors and teaching science through imaginative play and exploration. like many nature schools, this program lacked systematic methods for evaluation of its effectiveness. after reviewing the literature on both the benefits of nature schools and systematic evaluations, we established a mixed-methods approach to evaluation. while seeking to identify specific ways children were benefiting from nature interaction, we also recognized that children function in a holistic way, and that nature schools support integrated interactions that allow development across multiple domains. methods to assess the program included participant observation, child and parent questionnaires, child interviews, and teacher diaries. this research “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 8 was designed as a pilot to both learn about the program’s effectiveness, and to test the feasibility and effectiveness of methods for sustained program evaluation. nature school evaluation research to evaluate the effects of forest schools began in the united kingdom (o’brien & murray, 2007), including scotland (borradaile, 2006) and england (knight, 2009). consistently, these studies sought to evaluate the effects of forest kindergartens on low-income children who otherwise had little access to nature. the research focused on eight outcomes: confidence, social skills, language and communication, concentration, physical skills, new perspectives, and ripple effects to families (knight, 2009). these outcomes were evaluated through childand parent questionnaires, storyboarding with school staff, and direct observations of children in the outdoor setting. in knight’s (2009) research, parents reported increases in their children’s confidence, social and physical skills, and environmental knowledge. she also found ripple effects, with families seeking out more nature experiences outside of school hours. o’brien and murray (2007) tracked changes within three case study areas over an eight-month period and found similar positive impacts in the same domains. änggård (2010) used an ethnographic approach to study children’s imaginative play in an outdoor classroom over a 10-month period, using participant observation, video observations, informal conversations with children, interviews with parents and staff members, and photographs. in the context of her research setting—a swedish school where children were outside all the time—she found that nature was used in three primary ways: • as a classroom where children learn about nature in different ways; • as a home—a peaceful place in which to eat, sleep, socialize and play; and • as an enchanted world—a fairyland populated by fairy figures and animals with human traits (änggård, 2010). änggård (2010) described how this school provided opportunities for children to learn through active exploration of the natural environment and that these experiences alternated with “a more traditional pedagogical approach in which the leader mediates facts” (p. 12). learning was thus an interplay between children and teachers, with emphasis given to promoting sensory exploration. änggård also described how the school used nature as an outdoor fairyland. in some cases, children ascribed human traits to animals, such as snails, that they encountered in the forest, as well as when teachers drew on cultural stories to dramatize or explain aspects of nature. to änggård, “the stories, songs and imaginary characters help the children create a relationship to nature. they make the forest more exciting and interesting to the children and provide them with symbols they can use in their play” (p. 20). elliot and colleagues (2014) used a “rich documentation” or “pedagogical narration” approach to evaluating a british columbian nature kindergarten’s impact on children’s ecological awareness. while the researchers were interested in the effects of the nature kindergarten curriculum as a pedagogical approach to achieving “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 9 environmental education goals, they also recognized the importance of nature exposure as a means to develop emotional connections to nature, termed “nature relatedness” (nisbet, zelenski, & murphy, 2009). their evaluation methods included observation, interviews, photography by children and researchers, drawings, and children’s narrations of their experiences in nature. they emphasized the importance of the role of children themselves in voicing their perspectives as a means to document their experiences of the environment. this research also evaluated the effects of the nature kindergarten on a range of developmental domains, including social, physical, and environmental. the environmental assessment was designed to evaluate nature relatedness and environmentally responsible behaviors through a game-like assessment that was compared with a control group. nature relatedness was defined as a mix of affective, cognitive, and experiential aspects of a child’s affinity for nature. the qualitative assessment carried out by elliot and colleagues (2014) identified themes as “a community of safety,” “a community of learners,” “empathy,” and “deep engagement.” in the empathy theme, children demonstrated relationships with life forms in the forest and created “kinship relationships” and “rules for sharing and caretaking” (p. 111). deep engagement involved intense play in nature but also practicing compassion for nature and processing death of wildlife, such as a decomposing owl at the side of the trail. children in the nature kindergarten showed significantly higher nature relatedness scores by the end of the school year whereas the control group’s scores actually declined. no effects were detected for environmentally responsible behavior over the course of the year. kahn, weiss, and harrington (2018, p. 1) characterized child-nature interactions in a forest preschool through “interaction patterns: characterizations of essential ways of interacting with nature.” they described these interaction patterns in an effort to understand how experiences with nature in the forest preschool can counteract environmental generational amnesia. drawing from christopher alexander and colleagues’ (1977) seminal book a pattern language to describe patterns in architecture and the built environment, kahn and colleagues identified patterns of interaction between children and nature. they have collectively identified more than 150 such patterns. these patterns elaborate the three primary elements änggård (2010) described as well as the ideas of empathy and deep engagement described by elliot and colleagues (2014). this theoretical approach to describing interaction patterns also gives merit to the qualitative evaluation approaches that identify the diverse ways children interact with nature in forest schools. in a sense, kahn and colleagues (2018) suggest that evidence abounds for the value of these interactions, and that deep and pervasive child-nature interactions can serve to reawaken people to a vital and essential natural world. program background ramblin’ adventure club (ramblin’) began in 2014 and has served approximately 1,000 students since its inception. all ramblin’ activities occur outside and last from about one-and-a-half to four or more hours, depending on the grade and program type. generally, the structured curriculum lasts 20-30 minutes, and the remaining time provides opportunities for unstructured free play in nature. thus, ramblin’ “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 10 provides structure for learning while allowing freedom for exploration, play, and adaptive teaching and learning to the context of the day. locations are rotated quarterly and vary each day of the week, ranging from coastal scrub to redwood forest ecotypes. for example, the kindergarten group attended wilder ranch state park each monday and arana gulch each tuesday within a single quarter. students thus visit new locations each weekday but also repeat these visits for several weeks, developing a degree of familiarity with each location. in a single day, first to fifth grade students spend two hours outdoors with the program (or four hours during the one day a week that students in the county are released early from school), equating to 12 hours of outdoor exploration per week if the student attends five days per week. kindergarten students spend four hours per day with the program, or 20 hours per week if they attend five days per week. most of the kindergarten students attend four to five days per week with the program whereas the first to fifth grade students attend two to four days per week. the program mixes structured program activities with unstructured free time. activities include art, cooking, and place-based nature and science exploration. specific structured activities vary for each grade-level group based on age and abilities. for example, if the activity was to journal about nature, the kindergartens would be expected to draw, the first graders would draw but would also write a basic sentence, and the second to fifth graders would draw and write several sentences. there are three groups comprised of two teachers per group, or six teachers each day. during unstructured time, students are given the freedom to do nearly whatever their imaginations can think of, as long as they follow the three ramblin’ adventure club rules: be safe, be respectful, and have fun. they are taught to play in nature in a respectful way because they understand (or are learning) the impact they have on the environment. for example, if in a moment of destructive fun, they destroy the fallen log in which they love to hunt bugs and jump from, they no longer have that log to play with, and they learn that the other creatures also lose a home or food source. while many terms have emerged to describe these types of programs including forest kindergartens, forest schools, and nature preschools (sobel, 2014), we refer to this program as a nature school whose primary purpose is taking children outdoors for immersive experiences for the entirety of the afterschool day. this is in keeping with waite and colleagues (2016) review of outdoor learning, with the ramblin’ adventure club sharing pedagogical alignment with “forest schools.” however, while some of the environments children visit with ramblin’ are redwood forests of the santa cruz mountains, they also explore many coastal areas with diverse habitats (figures 1 and 2), including oak woodlands, dunes, and coastal scrub. thus, the term “nature school” is more inclusive of the environments and intent of the ramblin’ program. “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 11 figures 1 and 2. diverse habitats that are part of the ramblin’ nature school program setting image: mahala volpe during the 2018-19 school year, there were 74 students enrolled in the ramblin’ program. ramblin’ does not collect demographic data from its students. however, according to the u.s. census in 2018, 57 percent of families in santa cruz county were white, not hispanic or latino; 34 percent were hispanic or latino; 5 percent were asian; 4 percent were two or more races; 2 percent were black or african american, and 2 percent american indian or alaskan native (u.s. census, 2018). according to the same census, 12.6 percent of families lived in poverty within the county; however, census data does not account for the income disparities that some families face from the region’s high cost of living combined with low wage jobs, or those families who are undocumented immigrants, primarily working in the county’s agriculture sector. during the 2018-2019 school year, ramblin’ adventure club had 186 in-session days, with tuition costing $37 per day. tuition for a fully enrolled student would be $8,000 u.s. for the school year. since the program is currently fee-based, it largely serves families with the resources and means to pay for afterschool care, although ramblin’ does provide several full and partial scholarships per quarter. the scholarship form is the only time a family is asked their income, so the only household income data comes from these documents. for scholarship applicants, the household incomes range from $12,000 per year to $67,000 per year. in 2018-2019, there were ten students receiving a full scholarship and two receiving a partial scholarship. there was a disproportionate number of males attending the program compared to females; of the 74 students enrolled, 50 were male and 24 were female. “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 12 methods the goals of this research were to identify the benefits of the ramblin’ adventure club and to pilot evaluation methods that would be feasible for them to carry out over time. we approached our evaluation with two research questions: i) what are the benefits of the nature school for child participants? and ii) which assessment methods are feasible for the program to carry out over time? it was important to develop effective methods that also acknowledge the limited resources of a small nature school. qualitative evaluations are clearly valuable in assessing how nature schools affect children’s development. however, we also wanted realistic methods that we could test and that could be implemented long term by the staff of the ramblin’ adventure club. replicability and analysis time were factors in establishing evaluation protocols as well. therefore, we drew from sara knight’s (2009) evaluation of forest schools in the u.k., and developed questionnaires for both child participants and their parents that we felt could potentially be replicated over time. the first author also conducted interviews with 12 of the participating children: six interviews from the kindergarten group and six interviews from the firstto fifthgrade group. because narrative descriptions such as those provided by änggård (2010) and elliot et al. (2014) provide rich details of children’s engagement with nature, we wanted to provide a source of qualitative assessment as well. in addition to the child interviews, qualitative methods included participant observation by the first author as a teacher in the ramblin’ program (emerson, fretz, & shaw, 2011), and daily teacher journal entries. this pilot research was conducted between august and december, 2018. we issued pre-term questionnaires within the first two weeks of the program in august, and mid-term questionnaires in early november. questions were adapted from knight’s (2009) evaluation and consisted of questions in eight areas including children’s confidence, communication, social skills, concentration, physical abilities, knowledge and understanding, new perspective taking, and ripple effects. knight (2009) developed these eight question areas based on a self-appraisal with forest school providers in the u.k., with one question per area. her instrument was not tested for construct validity. the first author asked eight questions of the group of children using a blind vote process in which the children closed their eyes and raised their hands for a count in response to the questions. our adapted questions were as follows: 1. confidence: how many of you feel confident, like you are able to do the things you try, in your school classroom? 2. social skills: raise your hand if you think you are a helpful group member. 3. communication: how many of you feel comfortable talking with your classmates when there is a problem or challenge or when you don’t agree? 4. concentration: raise your hand if you can focus on things at school when you are asked to. 5. physical skills: raise your hand if you like running/climbing/jumping/swimming/balancing. 6. knowledge and understanding: everyone take a look around you. now, “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 13 raise your hand if you can name three of the trees around you right now? raise your hand if you know the name of a newt that has a yellow tummy? if you know the name of the creek/river we visit when we are at (insert name of location)? if you know the name of the tree that gives us acorns? 7. new perspectives: raise your hand if you know my name? the other teacher? three ramblin’ teachers? five? all? raise your hand if you know your teacher’s favorite food? teacher’s pet peeves? teacher’s favorite thing to do in the forest? 8. ripple effects: raise your hand if you like to go outside when you have free time? such as going into the forest, the beach, the creek, etc. by matching the group of children (by grades and days of the week), the proportion of children who raised their hands in answer to the questions was compared between the pre-term (august) and the post-term (november). a total of 73 children participated in the pre-term questionnaires, and 83 in the mid-term. however, the total sample size was reduced to 72 children due to missing data. the proportions were calculated at class-level (i.e., individual students were not identified), and the sample size in the analysis was n = 8 classes (three kindergarten classes, one first-grade class, and four secondto fifth-grade classes) for the comparison. to test for the change in the proportion of children who raised their hands between the pre-term (august) and the mid-term (november), we used the paired t-test. by denoting the average change in the proportion by µd, the hypothesis testing was formulated with the null hypothesis h0: µd = 0 and the alternative hypothesis h1: µd > 0 (i.e., one-sided right-tailed test) for each of the eight areas. the sample size of n = 8 for each paired t-test is quite small, so the significance level was fixed at α = 0.1 (instead of α = 0.05) as a trade-off between type i error rate and type ii error rate. in addition, we estimated µd using a 90% confidence interval (ci) for each of the eight areas. at the end of the mid-term questionnaire, the first author also conducted two sets of group interviews to supplement the questionnaires. participants were randomly selected, and group interviews were conducted on the program site with six children in each group, for a total of 12. interviews asked children the same five questions, which were: 1. do you know where we are today? 2. what do you like to do here? 3. is there anything about this spot that you do not like? 4. what do you like about ramblin’ adventure club? 5. is there anything you do not like about ramblin’? responses to these questions are included in the results when they help to illustrate findings from the questionnaire itself. the parent questionnaire we administered was also adapted from knight’s (2009) “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 14 evaluation and included 26 scaled questions and two open-ended questions. scaled questions asked parents to indicate if their child’s abilities were increasing, decreasing, or about the same as at the start of the program. questions asked about children’s abilities across social, physical, cognitive, and environmental domains. these domains were not tested for construct validity in knight’s (2009) research. the first open-ended question asked parents to identify the top three benefits their child has received from the list of 23 items and to explain why they identified those three. a second open-ended question asked parents to provide any additional benefits that were not listed. parents were also asked to list the number of years their child had attended the program. parent questionnaires were issued in november. a total of 23 parents completed the questionnaire. all questionnaire data were recorded in an excel spreadsheet, and the raw data were cleaned appropriately to perform statistical analysis. for the statistical analysis of the scaled questions, “+1” was assigned to a positive response (i.e., increased ability), and “0” was assigned to a non-positive response (i.e., decreased ability or the same). the responses of each parent were scored between zero and one by dividing the number of positive responses by the total number of scaled questions in each area (i.e., the proportion of positive responses). to test for the association between the parent’s score and the years of the child attending the program (which is treated as a continuous variable in regression analysis), a generalized linear regression model was used (kutner, nachtsheim, neter, & li, 2004). since the age of child (which is also treated as a continuous variable) was a potential confounding variable, the age was adjusted in the model. for the proportion of positive responses, which is bounded between zero and one, the logistic regression model was used with the linear predictor β0 + β1 x1 + β2 x2, where x1 denotes years of attending the program and x2 denotes the age of child. the hypothesis testing was formulated with the null hypothesis h0: β1 = 0 and the alternative hypothesis h1: β1 > 0 (i.e., one-sided right-tail test). the significance level was fixed at α = 0.05. we also calculated 95% ci for β1. all statistical analyses were performed in statistical software r version 3.5.0 (r core team, 2018). open-ended questions from the parent questionnaire were entered into nvivo, a qualitative data analysis program, and the researchers coded and counted the responses for frequency. we also used nvivo to generate a word frequency graphic (word cloud) of most frequent responses. the study also asked teachers to complete a daily activity journal. this amounted to two teacher journals per group per day because there are two teachers for every class. these short entries asked teachers to rank how successful they felt the activity was using a three-point scale (very successful, somewhat successful, or not at all successful). teachers were also asked to write a short entry reflecting on why they rated each day’s activities the way they did. the entries were treated individually to allow for difference of opinion between the two teachers. teachers completed a total of 142 entries from the middle of august to the beginning of november. “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 15 we input all teachers’ entries into nvivo. based on participant observation and our interest in generating feasible evaluation procedures, we decided to code the data according to four developmental domains: social, physical, cognitive, and environmental. therefore, teacher reflections were coded based on the teacher’s effectiveness score for the lesson as well as for the domains with which children engaged in that lesson. after coding, we sorted the data into the three categories of lesson effectiveness (very effective, somewhat effective, or not very effective) and calculated a mean score for the number of domains coded at each lesson. for example, if a teacher entry described social and physical activities, the lesson would receive a code of “2” for the social and physical domains. if a second teacher entry described activities that primarily involved learning facts about nature, that journal entry would be coded as “1” for engaging a single, cognitive, domain. all teacher entries were coded in this way within lesson effectiveness categories. results children’s questionnaires and interviews when we compared the children’s mid-term to the pre-term responses for each of the eight areas, the observed mean change was positive in all areas except for ripple effects. in particular, at the significance level α = 0.1, the areas of confidence (m = .17, sd = .15, t(7) = 3.16, p = .008), concentration (m = .07, sd = .13, t(7) = 1.59, p = .078), knowledge and understanding (m = .11, sd = .20, t(7) = 1.61, p = .076), and new perspectives (m = .13, sd = .11, t(7) = 3.37, p < .006) were statistically significant based on the sample of n = 8 classes. table 1 provides the statistics from the paired t-test for each of the eight areas. in some areas, such as physical ability and ripple effects, the proportion of children who raised their hands was already high in the pre-term (.94 and .86, respectively), so there could be a ceiling effect. figure 3 graphically shows the comparison between the children’s pre-term and the mid-term responses. table 1. mean change in the proportion of children who raised their hands in each of the eight areas between pre-term and mid-term) area m sd t p 90% ci confidence .17 .15 3.16 .008 [.07, .27] social skills .06 .34 .48 .322 [-.17, .28] communication .06 .22 .82 .219 [-.08, .21] concentration .07 .13 1.59 .078 [-.01, .16] physical abilities .03 .10 .94 .188 [-.03, .10] knowledge and understanding .11 .20 1.61 .076 [-.02, .24] new perspectives .13 .11 3.37 .006 [.06, .20] ripple effects -.06 .24 -.71 .751 [-.22, .10] “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 16 figure 3. comparison of the proportion of children who raised their hands in each of the eight areas between pre-term and mid-term responses the statistical analysis demonstrates generally positive changes, and the statistical results are supported by interviews with the children. for example, an 8-year old boy who had been attending the program for three years stated that his favorite part of ramblin’ is that they get to go to “cool new spots with friends” and that they “get to play.” similarly, a 10-year old boy that has been attending for five years said that his favorite part of ramblin’ is “it’s just fun going to new places every day and hanging out with people.” these interview comments show that the students were engaging in social situations and learning new perspectives through prolonged exposure to different environments. an 8-year-old girl that has been attending the program since kindergarten said that her favorite part of going to wilder ranch state park is that there are “frogs, a lot of cool plants, and an ‘octopus tree’” (figure 4). she said there are also “aloe forts” that are fun to play in (figure 5). this shows her development of knowledge because she is gaining specific knowledge about plants and animals that live within a specific habitat. it also shows her development of physical skills gained by climbing in and navigating the tangled aloe forts and octopus tree. “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 17 figure 4. (left) an “octopus tree” that children like to climb figure 5. (right) “aloe forts” that children found fun to play in image source: mahala volpe parent questionnaire according to the parents’ responses (n = 23), the mean number of years that children had been attending the program was m = 1.29 years with sd = 1.05 years. when the years were rounded to integers, seven parents answered 0 years; five answered 1 year; nine answered 2 years; one answered 3 years; and one answered 4 years. for all four domains (cognitive, social, environmental, and physical), the proportion of positive responses tended to increase with respect to years of attending the program (figure 6). in figure 6, the years of attendance is treated as a continuous variable, and we fixed the children’s age at the sample mean (m = 6.48, sd = 1.01). statistically significant results were observed in the social domain (b1 = .71, se = .27, z = 2.62, p = .004) and physical domain (b1 = .34, se = .21, z = 1.67, p = .048) after adjusting the children’s age (table 2). the statistical significances were relatively weak in the cognitive domain (b1 = .20, se = .15, z = 1.40, p = .081) and the environmental domain (b1 = .43, se = .29, z = 1.47, p = .071). table 2. estimated regression parameter, standard error (se), test statistic (z), p-value, and 95% ci from the logistic regression model for each of the four domains domain b1 se z p 95% ci cognitive .20 .15 1.40 .081 [-.08, .49] social .71 .27 2.62 .004 [.18, 1.24] environmental .43 .29 1.47 .071 [-.14, 1.00] physical .34 .21 1.67 .048 [-.06, .75] “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 18 figure 6. the estimated logistic regression models demonstrate the positive association between the proportion of positive responses from the parents and of the length of time children have attended the ramblin’ adventure club for each of the four domains (cognitive, social, environmental, and physical) the importance of growth in the social domain was supported by the child interviews and parent responses to open-ended questions. parent responses included: improved respecting of boundaries of others, and i attribute this to the wonderful direct communication skills of the teachers. they have increased friendships and social development. they have learned social skills such as storytelling. in the open-ended questions, the two aspects of child development that parents most frequently attributed to the program were an increased level of selfconfidence and increased respect for the environment. this can also be shown by a word cloud generated from nvivo of the most frequent words used in answers to the open-ended question on the questionnaire (figure 7). “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 19 figure 7. key word frequency for open-ended responses to parent questionnaire teacher daily activity journals of the 142 entries from teachers’ activity journals, 90 activities (58 percent) were rated by teachers as “very successful,” 42 (30 percent) were “somewhat successful,” and 10 (7 percent) were “not very successful” (table 3). table 3. teacher activity journal entries, showing teacher ratings of the activities very successful somewhat successful not very successful total entries 90 42 10 percentage of data 58% 30% 7% when we coded the data in nvivo, we marked each entry as meeting one or more of the four domains of study (social, physical, cognitive, or environmental). the activities that were rated “very successful” predominately included the social domain, with 82 of the 90 total entries. the next most common entry was physical with 69 entries, then cognitive with 64 entries, and environmental with 58 entries. the activities that were rated “somewhat successful” predominately included environmental, with 27 of the 42 entries. the next most common was physical with 23 entries, then social with 22 entries, and cognitive with 15 entries. there was no dominant activity type in the “not very successful” ratings. after coding each entry and sorting them into activity ratings (very successful, somewhat successful, or not very successful), mean scores were calculated for the number of domains associated with each success category (table 4). a mean score “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 20 of four, for example, would mean that all activities included development of all four domains. the higher the mean score, the more developmental domains were included in each success category (table 4). table 4. the number of domains coded within each activity “success” category very successful somewhat successful not very successful total domain score 286 82 19 mean score 3 2 1 during coding, we observed the trend that the “very successful” activities also most frequently engaged more developmental domains. in other words, very successful activities often were developing the children’s social, physical, cognitive, and environmental aspects during the outing. calculation of mean score shows this trend, with “not very successful” activities having a mean score of engaging only one developmental domain (table 4). as an example for how “very successful” activities engage multiple domains, one entry described an “art in nature” kindergarten activity: today we talked about art in nature and reviewed what we have done on previous days. then we talked about food being an art form and the different foods in nature we can eat. then we foraged for bay tree nuts to make roasted chocolate treats. this activity was rated by the teacher as “very successful.” breaking it into component domains, the activity engaged all four developmental domains under study, often in such a way that at least two domains are integrated at any given time: social and cognitive: “today we talked about art in nature and reviewed what we have done on previous days.” here, the entry shows that students were having a group discussion, which utilizes the social domain, while reviewing past information which requires pulling information from memory, which is the cognitive domain. social, cognitive, and environmental: “then we talked about food being an art form and the different foods in nature we can eat.” the students were discussing new information as a group (social domain) while encoding new information (cognitive domain). they were also using the environmental domain because they were talking about edible plants that the students could actually see (or smell or feel) while they were learning about them. physical and environmental: “then we foraged for bay tree nuts to make roasted chocolate treats.” the students were physically looking for a plant in their immediate environment, using their bodies in diverse ways to look, peer, and gather, and using environmental knowledge to understand the tree’s shape, smell, form, and its means of reproduction. “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 21 these types of examples abound for the “very successful” activities. we assert that it is the cross-integration of domains within an activity that makes nature schools effective in achieving many of the benefits identified. toward the end of this pilot study, students in the first author’s activity session wrote a collective poem, in which each student contributed a stanza to the whole. this poem demonstrates the ways that children experience nature in the program, and illustrates their own individualized ways of processing what is valuable about nature experiences. it also demonstrates how children themselves experience “big nature” in this program, and the varied ways that this affects their social, cognitive, physical, and environmental development: around the rocky cliffs up the pointy trees i finally get to the top of a mountain. around the pointy rocks there is a tiny river that leads to the ocean. the ocean water is green, my favorite color the cool animals swim. the sun is warming me up, playing in the maze, more than one way makes me happy playing with friends in nature, really makes me happy. because there is always cool things to find like that hollow log that you can jump on. flowers are sweet and we saw animals these animals were great horned owls and rats and we went to a really fun beach and played in the maze they made me feel happy and made me feel good inside. among the trees, lots of flowers bloom and the leaves swaying in the wind across the bay and then out and when people walk by, “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 22 they never hear the rustles, and everyone knows the moon is made of cheese. i saw two great horned owls on our way to the beach we went to play now it is time to go home and say goodbye to the beach. i saw a beautiful sunset, hiking back to the cars. this is from ramblin’ adventure club and for all. discussion this study sought to assess the effectiveness of an afterschool nature program and to test the feasibility of various assessment methods. our evaluation demonstrated the potential effectiveness of a nature school approach that is holistic by intentionally addressing multiple developmental domains while also allowing for flexibility, responsiveness, and learning “in the moment.” this is supported by previous research that identifies social, physical, and cognitive benefits from nature schools or nature play (chawla & derr, 2012; elliot et al., 2014; fjørtoft, 2004; knight, 2009; müller et al., 2017; o’brien & murray, 2007). it also demonstrated a means of assessing children’s learning within the environmental domain, an area less developed within existing evaluation studies (chawla & derr, 2012; elliot et al., 2014). preand mid-term questionnaires showed positive and statistically significant changes in seven of the eight development areas. responses regarding the presence of a ripple effect due to students’ participation in the program decreased slightly. physical activity and ripple effect responses already were high in the preterm assessment, and thus this result could reflect a ceiling effect in which no additional growth can be detected. it is also possible that there is a greater possibility for ripple effects in the summer months when children responded to the pre-term survey, than during the busier school year reflected in the mid-term assessment. all assessment methods pointed to social development as one of the most significant benefits of the nature school. the parent questionnaire found that positive responses to children’s growth in the cognitive, social, environmental, and physical domains tended to increase with the number of years the child had attended the program. thus, continued participation in the program over multiple years may be significant in influencing the benefits children develop. this is consistent with other studies that have found that extended and repeated exposure to nature education increases program impacts (chawla & derr, 2012). analysis of teacher journals showed that the most effective lessons engaged multiple developmental domains. effective lessons should intentionally engage three or more developmental domains “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 23 over the duration of the lesson. the program can collect annual childand parentquestionnaires and engage a local university to assist with analysis. while observations and teacher journals yield rich description, they are also labor intensive to analyze. therefore, these methods could be employed periodically with university or consulting assistance. each of these findings is discussed in turn below. the generally positive program benefits found across methods in part could be due to prolonged exposure to the consistent locations for program outings; children develop relationships with the environment through visits to local places that become familiar to them. each student is also with the same cohort of students in the program for one to five days per week after school, which promotes a connection to the other students. this connection to others and the environment provides a space for children to be confident in their actions, as they continually receive support from their friends and teachers. for example, one student at the beginning of august was a little timid and had never climbed a tree. by october she was running and jumping off trees, rocks, and benches with her friends. that “very successful” program days were those with high engagement of multiple domains for learning supports the development of “nature relatedness” because it can draw upon children’s affective, cognitive, and experiential interactions with nature. our research demonstrates the importance to children of experiencing kahn and weiss’ (2017) “big nature.” children in this program not only developed knowledge of specific plants and animals, but also an affinity for them, similar to the ways that änggård (2010) described for children’s fantasies in nature, with creative names given to special places that children enjoyed visiting, like the “octopus tree” or the “aloe fort.” the collective poem also shows how “big nature” works, with many salient examples, including that it “made me feel good inside.” this evaluation contributes to existing research to support the benefits of nature schools for children: when left to explore on their own, and with adults to guide learning in a child-centered way, nature as a classroom provides rich environments for development. however, to assess this on a regular basis is onerous for programs where the primary focus for staff is taking children outside. we therefore considered the feasibility of each evaluation method. self-reports, particularly by young children, can be limited in effectiveness as a research tool, but in this study, the questionnaires did indicate ways that children and parents perceived the program to be increasing children’s development across various domains. that children and parent reports resulted in a range of both quantitative and qualitative results may suggest that both children and parents are in fact capable of discerning and reporting on aspects of the program that seem more salient or beneficial. this approach to evaluation is also supportive of the push to provide children more “voice” in program evaluation and research (elliot et al., 2014). statistical analysis suggests that the length of time children spend in a program (over multiple years) is positively associated with some domains, if not all. though some results were not statistically significant, the direction of association was fairly consistent with our expectation. for program evaluation, these “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 24 questionnaires were the easiest to conduct, and when collected over time could indicate trends in program effectiveness. like other research on nature schools, this study found some of the program’s benefits are best told through narratives of interactions. qualitative research is time-consuming and can be hard to replicate without a dedicated researcher to analyze and present the data. one approach could be to collect questionnaires and teacher activity diaries each year and to engage a qualitative researcher at intervals for more in-depth documentation, drawing from some of the approaches reviewed earlier in this article. this would also support müller and liben’s (2017) call for more integrative research that could support ways that nature supports children’s development across disciplines. while it was time-consuming to enter all the teacher diaries into nvivo for coding, this coding was useful in thinking about how the program was meeting four developmental domains as a measure of success. one way to simplify long-term evaluation could be to focus on the identification and evaluation of specific program activities and the extent to which they integrate multiple developmental domains. the evaluation would thus consist of ensuring that program activities consistently are meeting the “best practices” in nature school education because research into nature experiences increasingly identifies benefits, and the integration of experience, across multiple domains. this was illustrated by the plant identification and chocolate treat-making example, which integrated two to three domains at any point in time. for small schools and non-profits with budget constraints, assessment of the program in terms of its integration of the four domains into each day’s activities could be a useful tool for evaluation. teacher entries and notes could also be digitized into a survey form in a way that might facilitate easier evaluation, particularly if the focus is given to the documentation of domains, with teacher reflections that provide short pieces of evidence that show how the activity and associated domains led to student learning. we present these results at an exciting time of exploration of the values and benefits of nature schools. nature schools are burgeoning across the globe (kahn et al., 2018), with the paired goals of providing opportunities for children to realize the benefits of nature while also providing an integrated educational approach to fostering nature relatedness and environmental care in children. this article offers a grounded approach to evaluating how programs can demonstrate these benefits, helping to grow our collective understanding of the rich affordances nature schools can offer. mahala volpe studied child development at san jose state university and environmental education at california state university monterey bay, where she completed her b.a. in environmental studies. a childhood spent immersed in the santa cruz mountains fostered her love of the natural world and her passion to share the wonders of nature with others. she has been a teacher at ramblin’ adventure club since 2016. victoria derr is assistant professor of environmental studies at california state university monterey bay, where her teaching and research focus on the “and it made me feel good inside”: initial evidence and future methods for evaluating… 25 intersections between sustainable communities, place-based environmental education, and social justice. for more than 20 years, victoria has engaged children, youth, and communities in participatory research in both rural and urban settings within tribal, spanish land grant, recent immigrant, and international settings. she holds a masters and ph.d. from yale university. steven kim is assistant professor of statistics at california state university monterey bay. he studies and teaches statistical methods and theories. his primary research areas are statistical methods applied to dose-response modeling and experimental designs in small-sample studies. he has collaborated with researchers in various 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(2011). childhood obesity and proximity to urban parks and recreational resources: a longitudinal cohort study. health & place, 17(1), 207-214. http://www.r-project.org/ http://www.r-project.org/ http://www.r-project.org/ https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/santacruzcountycalifornia login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: transport and children’s wellbeing 199 transport and children’s wellbeing e. owen d. waygood, margareta friman, lars e. olsson, and raktim mitra, editors (2019) amsterdam: elsevier, 396 pages $125.00 (paperback or e-book); isbn: 978-0-12-814694-1 transport and children’s wellbeing came out in late 2019, just before the worldwide coronavirus pandemic upended the lives of people everywhere, stopping travel, sending work and school online, and shuttering community gathering places. reading the 19-chapter edited volume a year after its publication, in the context of a transformed global transportation landscape, one can perhaps more fully appreciate the depth and value of the editors’ intentions to offer academic researchers, graduate students, city leaders, and policymakers a new way of conceptualizing the role and impact of transport on the everyday lives of young people. the book is well timed to inspire thinking about how to “build back better” with more resilient, equitable, and child-friendly policies and practices (oecd, 2020). building on the findings of an integrative literature review published in 2017 (waygood et al., 2017), waygood, friman, olsson, and mitra construct a strong armature of theory for their book, providing a structure that allows for a unique synthesis of knowledge across a variety of literatures and disciplines. the editors themselves exemplify cross-disciplinary and international collaboration: owen waygood is a transportation engineer who has studied and worked in canada, the united kingdom, japan, and sweden; margareta friman and lars olsson are swedish professors of psychology who specialize in transportation dynamics; and raktim mitra is an urban planner originally from bangladesh, now based in canada. each contributes to chapters throughout the book, alongside contributions from researchers and practitioners in public health, geography, sociology, education, and the design professions. the book is organized around a conceptual framework that posits three “means of influence” by which transport affects five domains of children’s wellbeing: access (the ability to get to different places), intrinsic influences (those encountered during transport), and extrinsic influences (those resulting from others’ transport behavior) potentially impact children’s physical, psychological, social, cognitive, and economic wellbeing, as initially defined by pollard and lee (2003). each of the chapters in the book engage this conceptual framework, homing in on specific interactions or impacts. the chapters are loosely organized into three themes: 1) relationships between children’s travel behavior and their wellbeing, 2) key externalities or risk factors of transportation that affect children’s wellbeing, and 3) approaches to improving the contexts and conditions of children’s travel in terms of the socioecological framework originally developed by bronfenbrenner (1989). for researchers and policymakers concerned with young people, families, and transportation, transport and children’s wellbeing provides an excellent synthesis book review: transport and children’s wellbeing 200 of research conducted over the past several decades. contributors draw from a wide range of both classic and contemporary studies, methodological approaches, and findings from practice, pointing to a way forward with wellbeing at the center. there is widespread consensus among the book’s contributors that systems-level analysis and policymaking to address the complexity of the contexts of children’s transport is needed, and that local adaptation of international policy frameworks such as vision zero and the unicef child friendly cities approach can help guide innovation focused on the needs and capabilities of young people. most of the book’s chapters are literature reviews that address specific aspects of the editors’ conceptual framework. this leads to a certain amount of redundancy, as some themes—the physical health benefits of walking and bicycling, for example—are more common in the literature than others, such as the connections between children’s travel and the economic aspect of wellbeing. the chapter that addresses the latter domain—chapter 10, by noreen mcdonald, w. mathew palmer, and ruth steiner—is one of the most compelling and concise contributions in the book. the authors bridge the gap between the health benefits of active travel to school and the economic benefits of investing in infrastructure and supports that facilitate it, including reduced pedestrian injuries and school transportation costs. they point to the need for more research in this area, noting that little is yet known about how parents perceive school-related travel costs, or how school systems and municipalities quantify the value of infrastructure for walking and bicycling. there is also a need for more, and more consistent, research that directly engages young people themselves, as demonstrated by the six chapters in the book that report on empirical research or case studies of children’s travel behavior. the chapter that makes the clearest case for authentic child and youth engagement is chapter 11, by karen witten and adrian field, which discusses an 18-month codesign process with students in a suburb of auckland, new zealand. the te ara mua–future streets project involved a “multi-layered participative approach” that resulted in streets and public spaces redesigned to prioritize young people, informed by their knowledge and experience. the authors conclude, “if children’s mobility needs are not taken seriously, transport planning will undermine children’s wellbeing and cast gloom over the urban futures of us all” (p. 213). that is precisely the main point the editors of the book aim to communicate: doing research, planning, design, and engagement processes only with able-bodied adults in mind marginalizes roughly a quarter of the population of any given country (world bank, 2019). children with disabilities are further excluded, as discussed by timothy ross in chapter 15. but countries that have thoughtfully integrated children’s needs and capabilities into urban planning and policy have been able to sustain high levels of walking and bicycling over successive generations, unlike elsewhere. case studies from japan (chapter 16) and the netherlands (chapter 17) detail how supportive environments can foster and nurture child-friendly cultural norms around independent and active travel. as rich as the content of this book is for researchers and policymakers focused on the health, wellbeing, mobility, accessibility, and engagement of children and young book review: transport and children’s wellbeing 201 people, it is diminished somewhat by a lack of editorial attention to detail. the book appears to have been rushed to publication without thorough copyediting. aside from typos and awkward phrasing in several chapters, transport and children’s wellbeing is a valuable volume that brings a new body of research and ideas together under a clear and inspiring theoretical framework that is highly relevant in the current context of planning for a more equitable and sustainable post-pandemic future. review by darcy varney kitching darcy kitching is a ph.d. candidate in geography, planning and design at the university of colorado denver, where she studies participatory data collection in active transportation planning with youth. references bronfenbrenner, u. (1989). ecological systems theory. annals of child development, 6, 187-249. organisation for economic co-operation and development (oecd) (2020). building back better: a sustainable, resilient recovery after covid-19. oecd. retrieved from https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/policy-responses/building-back-better-asustainable-resilient-recovery-after-covid-19-52b869f5/ pollard, e. & lee, p. (2003). child well-being: a systematic review of the literature. social indicators research, 61(1), 59-78. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27527061 waygood, e. o. d., friman, m., olsson, l. e., & taniguchi, a. (2017). transport and child well-being: an integrative review. travel behaviour and society, 9 (supplement c), 32-49. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tbs.2017.04.005 the world bank (2019). population ages 0-14 (% of total population). retrieved from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/sp.pop.0014.to.zs https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/policy-responses/building-back-better-a-sustainable-resilient-recovery-after-covid-19-52b869f5/ https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/policy-responses/building-back-better-a-sustainable-resilient-recovery-after-covid-19-52b869f5/ https://www.jstor.org/stable/27527061 https://doi-org.aurarialibrary.idm.oclc.org/10.1016/j.tbs.2017.04.005 https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/sp.pop.0014.to.zs login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2022 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 32(3), 2022 differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments for children from highand low-income families dan richmond rachel mcgovern taylor wycoff michael froehly meagan ricks jim sibthorp department of parks, recreation, and tourism university of utah citation: richmond, d., mcgovern, r., wycoff, t., froehly, m., ricks, m., & sibthorp, j. (2022). differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments for children from highand low-income families. children, youth and environments, 32(3), 100-123. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this study examined how the covid-19 affected the summer activities and environments of children from highand low-income households. results show that children from high-income households had access to more enriching activities both before and during the pandemic, even though covid-19 restricted access to programming for all children. while all families struggled in many ways to make the most of the pandemic summer of 2020, there were silver linings that included more family time and less hectic schedules. the paper also identifies how work-fromhome arrangements and virtual programming that arose during the pandemic could help bridge the opportunity gap moving forward. keywords: opportunity gap, summertime, children, covid-19, recreation differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 101 the spring 2020 arrival of covid-19 to the united states brought uncertainty and eventual change to the summers of children across the country. the covid-19 pandemic forced school closures and canceled activities and modified programming through the summer and beyond (van lancker & parolin, 2020). in the united states, there remains a considerable “opportunity gap” where kids from highincome households are twice as likely to participate in out-of-school-time activities than kids from low-income households (outley & floyd, 2002; snellman et al., 2015). experts anticipated the covid-19 pandemic to widen social inequality, as low-income households have fewer resources to compensate for a loss of available programming for their children than high-income families (van lancker & parolin, 2020). summertime has extraordinary potential to support positive youth development (sepúlveda & hutton, 2019). while school and school-related extracurricular activities dominate the rest of the year, summer provides freedom for children to explore new opportunities and interests through both structured and less-structured activities. activities like summer camps, sports, arts and music, and family vacations can help children develop self-confidence, independence, and essential relationship skills necessary for success in school and life (vandell et al., 2015). the pandemic affected kids from all income levels, but families with lower incomes were hit especially hard due to the cancelation of many free and low-cost summer programs (ettekal & agans, 2020). this study sought to investigate how the covid-19 pandemic affected the summer activities and environments of children and families from across the united states and identify ways the pandemic differentially impacted families based on household income. the opportunity gap, summertime experiences, and the covid-19 pandemic over the last two decades, scholars have identified a significant difference in access to and participation in out-of-school-time activities between young people from highand low-income households (putnam et al., 2012; snellman et al., 2015). young people from low-income households are much less likely to participate in extracurricular activities, from sports and arts to clubs and academic enrichment, than those from high-income households, with high-income children and youth sometimes participating at twice the rate (snellman et al., 2015). the differences in access to high-quality out-of-school-time activities between kids from highand low-income households extend into the summer months. as sepúlveda & hutton (2019, p. 3) observe, when schools close for the summer, children, youth, and families may lose a number of vital supports, such as access to healthy meals, access to medical care, daily supervision, and structured enrichment opportunities. these losses make summer a time of increased vulnerability for many children and youth—especially those from communities and families with fewer resources. while children from higherand middle-income families may not be affected by these losses, many families with fewer resources cannot fill this gap. differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 102 the covid-19 pandemic had a compounding effect on access to developmental summer experiences, disproportionally impacting low-income families (dunton et al., 2020; ettekal & agans, 2020). impacts of the opportunity gap the term “opportunity gap” refers to how differential circumstances—such as race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, english language proficiency, zip code, community wealth, and familial situations—affect, and often limit, one’s opportunities in life. a similar term, the achievement gap, focuses on outputs like differences in average test scores. conversely, the opportunity gap is an inputs-focused framework that calls attention to the “deficiencies in the foundational components of societies, schools, and communities that produce significant differences in educational—and ultimately socioeconomic—outcomes” (carter & welner, 2013). young people from low-income households have less access to developmentally enriching experiences because many out-of-school-time activities bear additional costs to families (nagaoka et al., 2015). as higher-income families have more discretionary income for these experiences, the difference in spending between families of differing socioeconomic status contributes to the opportunity gap. research has further demonstrated that the opportunity gap persists during the summer months when more affluent children and youth engage in enrichment activities at higher rates than their lower-income peers (mccombs et al., 2017). a report from the national academies of sciences, engineering and medicine (sepúlveda & hutton, 2019) affirms that access to developmentally enriching summer experiences is often dependent on parents’ financial standing. the opportunity gap also highlights environmental stressors and systemic inequities that contribute to constrained access to other developmentally enriching activities like family vacations1 away from home. importance of summertime in youth development out-of-school-time activities taking place during the summer serve multiple purposes for young people, families, and communities (cooper et al., 2000). these activities provide a rich context for development, affecting academic, health, social and emotional, and safety outcomes for children and youth (sepúlveda & hutton, 2019). attention has recently shifted to the needs of children and youth outside of school and the traditional academic calendar and the importance of summer activities and environments2 that may affect their health, well-being, educational attainment, and future college and career readiness (alexander et al., 2016; sepúlveda & hutton, 2019). 1 in this paper, family vacation refers to family time involving travel away from home. 2 in this paper we use the terms “activities and environments” to encompass what children do during the summer and where these activities may occur. for example, summer camp is an environment with many activities and soccer is an activity that may take place in different environments or contexts. differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 103 research has found that participation in structured out-of-school-time activities like day and overnight camps, sports, arts, and music activities contribute to positive youth development. scholars have found connections between participation and improved social skills, independence, self-confidence, and self-efficacy, among others (e.g., durlak et al., 2010; henderson et al., 2007; vandell et al., 2015). another typical summer activity, family vacation, though less structured than organized out-of-school-time programming, is also linked to positive developmental outcomes. family vacations away from home contribute to family bonding and communication (jepson et al., 2019; lehto et al., 2009). pomfret and varley (2019) reported positive health and personal development outcomes stemming from shared family vacation time. summertime affords access to activities and environments that are both distinct and different from the school year for most young people, opportunities for experiential learning, and freedom of choice for both parents and children (sepúlveda & hutton, 2019). for children with access to quality summer activities and environments, summertime can provide opportunities for growth that can complement school-based learning. the impact of covid-19 on summertime activities unfortunately, the covid-19 pandemic reduced or eliminated access to many positive developmental summertime opportunities for children and youth during the summer of 2020, regardless of family income. summer camps were closed, sports canceled or postponed, and leaders shut down neighborhood recreation opportunities to slow the spread of covid-19 (dunton et al., 2020; ettekal & agans, 2020). however, research highlights how the pandemic had compounding effects on families with lower incomes due to increased financial hardship and unemployment (sharma et al., 2020), including further limiting access to community programs and other resources (fortuna et al., 2020). likely, the prepandemic pattern of high-income families having more resources than low-income families to fund more developmental opportunities for their children continued during the pandemic. however, there is only limited research on the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on child activities, as much of the research has focused on physical activities (e.g., dunton et al., 2020) and health outcomes of the pandemic (millett et al., 2020; sharma et al., 2020). the present study this study team aimed to identify the differential impacts of the covid-19 pandemic on the summer activities and environments of children and families from different socioeconomic backgrounds in the u.s., specifically highand low-income households. we sought to a) examine how the covid-19 pandemic affected participation in summer activities like summer camp, sports, arts and music, and family vacation during the summer of 2020 by comparing time use to the summer of 2019 and b) identify participation differences between families with higher and lower incomes. in addition, we examined how the pandemic affected typical child and family activities that can occur in or near the home during the summer, from socializing with friends and playing outside to family time and screen time. we collected rich qualitative data to help explain the quantitative findings. differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 104 methods we employed an explanatory sequential design to address the study aims. an explanatory sequential design has two distinct phases that interact. the first phase collects quantitative data, which serves as the primary source of information to answer the main research questions. the second phase collects qualitative data to help explain findings from the quantitative data (creswell & plano clark, 2011). for this study, an early analysis of quantitative data identified patterns of time use within and between families. researchers then developed questions for the subsequent interviews to gather qualitative data. the analysis of the qualitative data was used to provide context and explain the quantitative results. participant recruitment this study collected survey data from 325 families across the u.s. who had sent their children to camp in the summer of 2018. this sample was originally recruited for a longitudinal study on the impacts of summer camps and other summer activities on child development, but as that study was profoundly impacted by covid-19, it became appropriate for the present study. parents were recruited and enrolled through camps accredited by the american camp association (aca) during the spring of 2018. the purposive stratified sample aimed to represent a range of camp types, geographic diversity, racial and ethnic diversity, and a mix of income levels. demographic information was provided by the aca. at the start of the study in 2018, children were between the ages of 9 and 11 years. children were associated with 48 different day and residential camps from all regions of the u.s. and included for-profit and non-profit camps, agency-affiliated (e.g., ymca, girl scouts), religiously affiliated, single-gender, and co-ed camps. survey drawing from the population of parents who had sent their child to camp in the summer of 2018, the present study asked parents in the fall of 2019 and the fall of 2020 to complete retrospective weekly environment and activity reports (wears) to document their child’s time use in the summers of 2019 and 2020. researchers compared the children’s 2020 wear with their 2019 wear to assess the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on time spent in particular activities and environments. wears gathered information about how many weeks children spent most of their daytime hours in the following activities or environments: home, family vacation, day camp, overnight camp, sports, arts or music, and “other.” the survey then asked parents to provide additional information about the child’s activities when the child was at home. questions asked parents if their child spent more or less time in various activities (e.g., spending time outside, playing sports, hanging out with family, watching tv, playing video games). follow-up questions asked parents to evaluate whether spending more or less time in a given activity was positive or negative for their child. family interviews following wear data collection periods, the research team conducted semistructured interviews with parents and children who agreed to participate in this phase of the study. we conducted 16 interviews with members of low-income households and 34 interviews with members of high-income households. the differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 105 purpose of the interviews was to learn more about summer activities and family decision-making regarding summer choices, and to identify highlights and any salient challenges from the summer. parent interview questions included, “how did you go about selecting activities for your child for this past summer?” and, for 2020, “how did covid-19 affect your summer plans?” child interview questions included, “what were some highlights from your summer?” and “how did covid-19 affect your summer as compared to previous summers?” data analysis the authors analyzed quantitative data using descriptive statistics and a mixed 3x2 manova where we examined differences between the three income groups across the summers of 2019 and 2020. to categorize families into high-, medium-, and low-income groups, we used a tool by the pew research center that takes into account income, family size, and zip code (bennett et al., 2018). for the qualitative data, the authors chose to focus on comparisons between highand low-income households as differences between these two groups were more notable in the quantitative data. also, much of the existing research on the opportunity gap has focused on the differences between highand low-income households (e.g., mccombs et al., 2017; snellman et al., 2015). the researchers coded and analyzed the interviews using a systematic multi-step process that identified significant themes within the responses (miles et al., 2014). first, four members of the research team open-coded the transcripts using in vivo and descriptive codes. next, the research team used more focused coding with constant comparison aided by research notes and memos. focused coding allowed the team to collapse codes and identify themes across coders. we then worked to identify key themes, responses, and quotes that could help explain and contextualize the quantitative data within the explanatory sequential design. finally, we identified representative interview responses and quotes to help explain the quantitative findings in the results section (creswell & plano clark, 2011; saldana, 2013). these analyses included all interviews with lowand high-income households from families that opted into the interview process after completing their surveys during the study period. results three hundred twenty-five parents completed two retrospective wear time diaries, one completed in fall 2019 and the second in fall 2020. based on household income, family size, and zip code, 50 households were categorized as low income, 141 were middle income, and 134 were high income. median annual income was $40,000-$49,999 for low-income households, $100,00-$149,999 for middle-income households, and over $250,000 for high-income households. among participating parents, 80.9% identified as white, 6.8% as black or african-american, 4.3% as multi-racial, 4% as latinx, 2.5% as asian, 0.3% as native hawaiian or pacific islander, and 0.3% as other. however, the low-income group was 58% white and 28% black or african-american compared to 90.3% and 0.7%, respectively, for the high-income group. parents in the low-income group were less likely to have a fouryear degree or higher (36%) than middle(82%) and high-income parents (97%) and more likely to be single parents (60%) as compared to middleand highdifferential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 106 income parents (15.6%, 3%). additionally, parents in low-income households were more likely to be laid-off or furloughed during the pandemic (20%) than parents of middle (12.1%) and high-income households (4.5%). households with low income were also less likely to have at least one parent able to work from home during the pandemic (28%) as compared to households in the middle-income (59.9%) and high-income groups (60.1%). time use data: weekly environments and activities reports data from the weekly environments and activities reports (wears) for the summer of 2019 (pre-pandemic) reveals significant differences in time use across income groups. our initial 3x2 manova indicated a significant interaction effect (pillai’s trace = .144, f(16,632) = 3.1, p < .001, partial η2 = .07) as well as significant main effects for income level (pillai’s trace = .141, f(16,632) = 3.0, p < .001, partial η2 = .07) and time (pillai’s trace = .557, f(8,315) = 49.4, p < .001, partial η2 = .56). we followed up these significant effects using bonferroni corrected 2x3 anovas and post hoc tests. while the time effect indicated the largest effect size, we first examined the interaction effects to see how income level moderated the effects of time during the study period, which includes non-covid (2019) and covid (2020) summers. using bonferroni corrections for multiple comparisons, only the anova’s examining weeks spent at overnight camp (f(2,322) = 8.4, p < .001, partial η2 = .05) and home (f(2,322) = 9.7, p < .001, partial η2 = .06) were significant. post hoc comparisons indicated that high-income families used overnight camp for more weeks than low or middle-income families in 2019, but these differences in overnight camp attendance did not differ significantly by income group in 2020. as expected, due to the covid-19 pandemic, regardless of income, children were home for more weeks in 2020 than in 2019. anovas examining time effects, showed that declines in day camp attendance (f(1,322) = 91.2, p < .001, partial η2 = .22) and family vacation (f(1,322) = 11.2, p < .001, partial η2 = .03) regardless of family income. weeks spent at overnight camp (f(1,322) = 137, p < .001, partial η2 = .30) significantly decreased between 2019 and 2020 and weeks spend at home (f(1,322) = 166, p < .001, partial η2 = .34) significantly increased; however income somewhat moderated these effects, as indicated by the significant interaction terms. testing the main effect of income group alone, only weeks of family vacation varied significantly by income group (f(2,322) = 5.6, p = .004, partial η2 = .03), with higher-income families reporting more weeks of family vacation across both times compared to middleand low-income families. while weeks spent at overnight camp and home also varied as main effects of income group, given the significant interaction terms (time and income) and modest, small effect sizes of income group alone (partial η2 < .04), these effects are best interpreted as interactions rather than main effects. see table 1 for a comparison of means by activity/setting. differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 107 table 1. average weeks in activity/setting for summer 2019 and summer 2020 by income group summer 2019 summer 2020 activity low income (n=50) middle income (n=141) high income (n=134) low income (n=50) middle income (n=141) high income (n=134) school 1.13 1.16 1.43 1.38 0.61 0.77 family vacation2 1.19 1.54 1.973 0.87 1.17 1.363 day camp2 1.94 2.56 2.67 0.60 0.53 0.31 overnight camp2 1.29 1.58 2.441 0.41 0.23 0.37 sports 0.21 0.80 0.91 0.44 1.18 1.07 arts or music 0.28 0.16 0.21 0.22 0.44 0.27 home2 6.20 4.73 2.971 8.34 8.57 8.43 childcare 0.12 0.24 0.14 0.72 0.24 0.21 other 0.64 0.23 0.25 0.02 0.04 0.22 total weeks 13.00 13.00 13.00 13.00 13.00 13.00 weeks at camp, family vacation, sports, arts, music 4.91 6.64 8.20 2.54 3.54 3.37 notes: 1) high-income families report that their child spent more weeks at overnight camp and less time at home in 2019 than middleand low-income families. these differences diminished in 2020. 2) between the 2019 and 2020 summers, all families reported fewer weeks of family vacation, day camp, and overnight camp, and more weeks at home. 3) high-income families reported more weeks of summer vacation than low-income families during both summers. summer weeks were reported based on a 13-week summer between june 1 and august 31. insights from family interviews on summer activities and environments we followed up with families using semi-structured interviews to better understand our quantitative findings. one parent from the low-income group aptly summarized the unprecedented situation brought on by the pandemic, explaining that “it was a summer full of planning and rearranging finances and figuring out what was going to happen and... what was open and what wasn’t open and how to pull things off when the world was shutting down.” replacing summer activities lost during the summer of 2020 parents across income groups discussed their disappointment at the loss of so many summer opportunities for their child and the need to replace many activities from 2019. for some, this meant taking day trips to local sites or visiting family. one parent from the low-income group in upstate new york explained, “my parents live about two miles down the road, so we did get to spend a lot of time on the lake [where they live].” similarly, a low-income parent from philadelphia talked about replacing trips to the park and the beach with cook-outs with nearby extended family. in some cases, visiting family and taking trips looked much different when comparing income groups. several high-income families talked about taking extended road trips across the country to visit family or experience novelty. one high-income family from chicago spent several weeks in a colorado ski town where they enjoyed outdoor family recreation while the parents were able to work remotely. differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 108 high-income parents were also more likely to have their children participate in traveling club sports—teams that come with considerable participation fees. several families from the chicago metro area described talked about how their child’s club soccer, baseball, or softball could practice locally and then compete in indiana, where there were fewer covid-19 restrictions for youth sports. conversely, many low-cost youth leagues run by city parks and recreation departments shut down, leaving many families with limited resources without options for their kids. other high-income families reported participation in soccer and baseball camps, horse riding lessons, and socially distanced dance classes. one parent expressed gratitude for other parents in the community who decided to run informal tennis or golf camps to “provide some type of physical and social activities for the kids, which really helped out a lot.” however, these stories of in-person opportunities were rare in interviews with families in both highand low-income groups. some children could still attend in-person summer camps, though this was rare among all income groups. even if summer camps were open, however, some parents made the difficult decision to not send their child. one high-income father living in texas explained that he had the option to send his 12-year-old daughter to her regular overnight camp, but chose not to send her. he felt that camp was not worth the additional expense because the children would not fully enjoy their time at camp due to onerous covid-19 restrictions that required masks and limited social interaction. adapting to virtual activities it was more common for children to participate in virtual activities during the summer of 2020 if they participated in any activities at all. sports teams offered virtual practices focusing on skills and conditioning using zoom meetings. a girl from a high-income household in illinois who played soccer talked about doing drills in her backyard alone but accompanied by her coaches and teammates by video on her phone. another young woman from a high-income household in san francisco talked about attending rehearsals for a play using zoom before coming together at the end of the summer for an outside performance. she also spoke of taking several improvisation workshops online that she might not have been able to do in person due to the travel time to and from the activity. football players from both highand low-income households talked about how they had virtual training during the summer before convening in the fall for in-person practices in states and municipalities that allowed it. several families talked about finding virtual summer camps for their children to replace canceled summer camps. for example, a high-income parent explained how she enrolled her daughter in five different virtual camps as she “tried to fill in some time so [her daughter] wouldn’t get bored.” yet, virtual programming fell flat for some parents and their kids. a low-income parent lamented that the virtual classes available for her child still cost as much as in-person programming, which was not worth it to her. a high-income parent explained how she decided her daughter’s differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 109 virtual guitar lessons were not of the same quality as an in-person lesson and decided to cancel them. parental work arrangements while financial resources contributed to differences in where children spent their time during the summer of 2020, so did parents' work situations. high-income parents were more likely to hold jobs that allowed them to work remotely. in contrast, parents from low-income households were much more likely to be “essential workers,” working in health care professions or in service-industry jobs that would not allow for remote work. differences between parents who worked at home and those that could not helped determine if families were financially stressed and if kids from these families could participate in activities like family vacation and sports. for example, one high-income parent explained that “a work schedule where i could work from anywhere just really made it a lot easier to spend time with my family [in another state], which was great.” few parents from lowincome households reported opportunities to work remotely, which afforded fewer travel opportunities. changes to normal summer activities at home parents also reported how activities that generally occur at or near home changed during the summer of 2020 due to the cancellation of organized activities outside the home. parents from all income groups said their child spent less time in normal activities like visiting cultural and educational sites, hanging out with friends in person, playing sports, spending time at local recreation facilities, and participating in arts and music activities. rather, parents reported that their children spent more time playing video games, watching shows on tv or online, and hanging out with friends online. most families also spent more time hanging out with family and eating dinner with family. there were a few differences between highand low-income groups, with high-income families reporting that their child spent a little more time in virtual summer camp and spent more time outside. in comparison, low-income families spent less time than families expected in these activities. figure 1 presents the actual time versus anticipated time for each activity by family income group, emphasizing differences between highand low-income households. differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 110 figure 1. actual time in activities vs. families’ expected time in activities during the summer of 2020 by income group note: -2 = a lot less time than expected, -1= a little less time than expected, 0 = about the amount of time expected, 1 = a little more time than expected, and 2 = a lot more time than expected. considerable unstructured time for children interviews gave us additional insight into how children spent their time during the summer of 2020. a mom from the high-income group reported that she could not schedule any out-of-home activities for her children’s days because she and her husband were so busy working from home. this mom explained she “left it up to [the kids] to decide what they wanted to do, whether it was video games, sleeping in, or time with the dog.” the child, when asked to describe his summer, replied, my summer was twelve hours of the day on the ipad and 3 hours on xbox. ninety-five percent of my ipad battery was spent on youtube and disney plus. i pretty much watched youtube and streamed stuff and only played fifa on my xbox. normally, i would spend much less time on video games, more time in the park, and a month at sleep-away camp. considerable downtime at home was typical for families from both highand lowincome groups. the father from the high-income household in texas quoted above differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 111 talked about how his kids did “absolutely nothing” during the summer of 2020, explaining that the family was extra-cautious during the pandemic. parents in lowincome households reported that having to work in person limited what their kids could do, particularly with local covid-19-related restrictions and no organized programming in the neighborhood. several high-income families living in suburban areas described their strategies for letting their children continue to play with friends. sometimes, families would create a “pod” with another family that had kids the same age. in most cases, children were limited to play with one or two other children in the neighborhood. these children often spent time playing outside, riding bikes, hiking on nearby trails, and hanging out in the backyard. another parent explained, “we wanted the kids to be outside and active. a lot of walking and bike riding, no buses. hike to [the] reservoir and play. we had a pretty good summer.” the child of this parent, describing his summer experience, explained, “i played outside with my brother. we came up with new games. we played card games.” there were fewer stories about low-income families creating contained social groups with other families and kids, with many low-income households limiting contact to just family members. however, children from across income groups reported working on projects at home, getting a first pet, or spending time training and playing with an existing pet to fill the unstructured time. parent perceptions of child time use during summer 2020 parents reported that spending less time in normal activities was generally negative for their child. having their child spend less time with friends in person and less exercising were reported as having the greatest negative impact. figure 2 presents how having their child spend less time in normal activities was viewed by parents. figure 2. parent perceptions of their child spending less time in everyday activities during the summer of 2020 differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 112 “how do we keep the kids happy?” parents and children who participated in the interviews tended to express disappointment at being restricted from spending time with friends and participating in everyday activities. one parent from a high-income household explained, “i think the biggest challenge for us was how do we keep the kids happy this summer and occupied when the two of us still have to work?” another parent from a high-income household lamented, “there was no joy at all and if there's no joy, and there's nothing on the horizon and nothing to look forward to, it’s just a real grind.” one low-income parent described how depressed her daughter became over the summer from being kept away from friends and social activities. this sense of isolation was common among many children in the study across all income groups. as one high-income parent explained, there's just such a lack of novelty in our lives these days because you can't really go out and do things that you would normally have done, and [our daughter] can't really be independent the way i would expect a 7th grader to be, you know? i think those are things that lead to growth, and so that's too bad. looking for silver linings during the pandemic when reflecting on activities in which their child spent more time than expected during the summer of 2020, parents reported that more time eating dinner with family, hanging out with family, reading, participating in virtual summer camp, and hanging out with friends online were generally positive. conversely, parents rated more time watching tv shows and playing video games as somewhat negative. figure 3 compares parental evaluations of their children spending more time in particular activities during the summer of 2020. figure 3. parent perceptions of their child spending more time in everyday activities during the summer of 2020 differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 113 across income groups, parents we interviewed expressed joy at spending more time with family. for example, a parent from the high-income group shared the following sentiment: [we spent] lots of home time together with the four of us, which ended up being really nice. like no plans on that friday, saturday, and sunday. it really just forced us to spend time together, which is probably better for me and my husband than it was for the kids. i really enjoyed it. lots of time in the backyard. like that's the most time we've ever spent in the backyard and the pool and the couch outside. we got a ping pong table which my husband and [my son] really love playing together. the best part of the summer was dinners together every night. similarly, another high-income parent explained, “this was the first summer where i actually got to spend time with the boys. this was the first summer that my boys actually got to do what they wanted to do. it was just lovely." that parent’s child shared that "it was really nice just to be at home." several children we spoke with talked about how nice it was to hang out at home and not have their days filled with activities. some even expressed they were happy that their summer camps were canceled. while most parents expressed disappointment at the amount of time their children spent watching television and playing video games, some acknowledged screen time was a necessary distraction for their children. and in some cases, time playing video and computer games turned out to be very positive. for example, one child met a new friend during a virtual camp and spent the rest of summer playing computer games long-distance with the friend until they could finally meet in person at the end of summer. children from both highand low-income households said that online video chats, social media, and playing multi-player video games online helped them stay connected with their friends. one child from a low-income household explained how having an ipad allowed her to pursue her newfound passion for digital art. other parents and children across income groups mentioned how they looked forward to weekly movie nights as a way to combat the monotony of quarantine. unsurprisingly, several children were pleased with the opportunity to spend more time with their video games and other technologies. identifying “silver linings” resulting from the pandemic was an important approach for parents from both highand low-income groups trying to make the best of the time available during the summer of 2020. for example, one low-income parent explained, "we tried to make the best of anything we did—going for walks, playing games—any little thing we did we just tried to enjoy it." and a high-income parent expressed, "a lot of time together was really fun for us… we were really lucky. god was good to us during the pandemic." similarly, another high-income parent explained, “the year has shown us how privileged we are,” even though this family missed seeing family and had to cancel a trip to europe. several parents expressed how nice it was to simplify their lives and not have to worry about scheduling and shuttling their kids to and from multiple activities, differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 114 lessons, and friends’ homes. reduced travel to and from activities opened up time for both children and parents. seeking normalcy during the pandemic in addition to looking for “silver linings” during the pandemic, a few parents across income groups made efforts to create as much normalcy as possible for their families. as one low-income parent described, it was really important for me to maintain some of the normal childhood [things] during this experience. i didn't want this to be a time that they looked back on and remembered being sad or depressed or stuck in the house. so i was seeking out any type of… normal activities that we could. some households were better situated to provide typical summer experiences for their families. for example, one high-income parent explained that even though her child’s activities were canceled, she found ways to fill their summer with alternatives. these alternatives included soccer camps, a personal trainer, and art classes, even though they had to leave the city to find some of these opportunities. another high-income parent described the process of figuring out which activities were safe enough for her child and ended up signing him up for horse riding lessons. a parent from a different high-income family talked about her desire to keep putting activities on the calendar “so [her children] would have something to look forward to.” many families in the study could still plan short vacations and take day trips or visit extended family—outings that made summer seem a bit more normal. a mom from a low-income household arranged a short trip with two other families, staying at a rental house in another state. she explained that she was “really seeking out any type of normal activities we could do.” when normalcy was hard to find, endure unfortunately, some parents felt getting through the summer was a matter of enduring. for example, when asked what they did to create a high-quality summer for their child, one parent from the high-income group expressed a sense of defeat. "i would say survival is the better word than trying to imagine that we could have created a very high-quality summer," she lamented. a low-income parent explained it was more important for her family to stay healthy than to try to plan a summer, so they quarantined through the summer. she explained, “there's been kind of a like a ptsd sort of thing that's happened. so we are more comfortable being homebound right now.” a different high-income parent, although positive, described her strategy to make do and get through the summer: "we all knew this was the best we could do... when you work from home, video games it is. we're doing the best we can. and this summer, it was like, ‘well, this is it.’" discussion the purpose of this study was to identify the differential impacts of the covid-19 pandemic on the summer activities and environments of children from highand low-income households. we were particularly interested in learning how the cancellation of summer programs and the need for covid-19 precautions changed how children spent their time during the summer of 2020 compared to the predifferential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 115 pandemic summer of 2019. data from 2019 revealed a clear opportunity gap between children from highand low-income households, with high-income children spending over three weeks more than their lower-income peers in developmental activities and environments like summer camp, family vacation, sports, arts, and music. the covid-19 pandemic limited options for all children in 2020, with children from highand low-income groups spending more than eight weeks at home during a 13-week summer; yet, children from high-income households were still able to spend significantly more time on family vacations and playing sports. however, what may be most interesting was how families from both highand lowincome groups navigated the challenges posed by the pandemic and what this may mean for families and summer youth programs when summer activities return to normal. in particular, the pandemic revealed the importance of access to resources beyond financial resources, including job flexibility for parents, access to technology for young people, access to family and social networks, and access to neighborhood and community resources. the importance of resources to child participation in summer activities a straightforward interpretation of the findings reveals that families with more financial resources could have their children involved in more developmentally enriching activities during the summer than families with lower incomes, both before the pandemic and during the pandemic when summertime options were more limited. this opportunity gap among families in this study may not be surprising due to the considerable amount of literature that links household income to child and youth participation in out-of-school-time activities (e.g., mccombs et al., 2017; nagaoka et al., 2015; outley & floyd, 2002; putnam et al., 2012; snellman et al., 2015). while money matters to child participation in activities, access to other resources matters as well. job flexibility for parents interviews with families in this study showed that how and where parents worked during the pandemic influenced children's summers. parents with jobs that allowed them to work from home often had more flexibility with their work schedules allowing for more family time and opportunities to work while also taking children on a family vacation. parents from high-income households were more likely to be able to work from home. these income-differentiated patterns of adults working from home parallel other national findings on work during the pandemic (parker et al., 2020). yet, it is important to note that parents from low-income households able to work from home saw some of the same benefits as their high-income peers, like spending more time with their children and making time for activities outside the home. in the post-pandemic united states, workers will increasingly have the option to work from home, at least for some of the workweek (lund et al., 2021). scholars have noted that for some industries, having employees work from home did not affect productivity negatively and that there are many benefits to having a remote workforce (gaskell, 2020). these benefits included reduced commute times and lower overhead costs related to maintaining a shared workspace. this study revealed that there are clear advantages to working from home for families and differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 116 children. the main benefit is time—time to be with family, time to take children to out-of-school-time activities, and time flexible enough to mix work with vacation. unfortunately, many parents from low-income households work in industries like manufacturing, retail, construction, hospitality, and health care where working from home is not an option (lund et al., 2021). this fact underscores the many challenges that face families with low incomes, even in non-pandemic times. not only do these families make less money, but they also have less job flexibility resulting in less time for their children, particularly during the summer when school is out of session. without the “luxury” of time, many parents from low-income households are unable to have their kids involved in certain activities, especially those like highly competitive sports that require shuttling kids to and from multiple practices and games, and vacations that require taking time off work. indeed, many parents who worked from home during the pandemic struggled to provide a summer filled with developmental opportunities for their children. the demands of work paired with the cancelation of most organized out-of-school-time programs limited options for all families. however, as the pandemic recedes, it will be crucial to follow how work-from-home opportunities may disproportionally benefit families with high incomes, potentially widening the already substantial opportunity gap. access to technology for children children from all household income groups spent more time with technology during the pandemic. while parents noted that more screen time watching shows or playing video games was mostly negative, there were some positive outcomes related to having access to technology. social media, video calls, texting, and socializing while playing video games provided opportunities for young people to connect with friends. some out-of-school-time activities, from summer camps and sports to theater and other arts and science opportunities, moved online, taking advantage of interactive video technology. time in these virtual environments cannot capture all the advantages of hosting activities in person, but some benefits may carry over into a post-pandemic world. for example, in this study, many parents and children mentioned that less travel time to and from activities was a silver lining of the pandemic. parents talked about the stress of transporting their children to and from activities during a regular year. virtual activities eliminated the need for travel while also giving children the chance to interact with their peers and stay engaged in activities that they found meaningful. for example, kids involved in theater groups could rehearse using video calls, and those in sports could work on physical conditioning and skills remotely. when it was safe to convene in person, programs could build on what occurred in the virtual environment. out-of-school-time programs may want to consider continuing or creating hybrid models that could reduce barriers to child participation. travel to and from activities is a significant constraint for parents, especially in households with lower incomes (lee et al., 2001; stodolska et al., 2011). as a result, parents often choose to keep their children out of certain activities requiring extensive transportation. however, if some activities move online, transportation to fewer in-person meetings might be more manageable. for differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 117 example, a theater group could hold some auditions and rehearsals remotely and then meet every other week in person. such an arrangement could mean the difference between participation and non-participation for children with parents unable to arrange transportation to and from activities multiple times per week. of course, this can only help address the opportunity gap if all children have access to the technology needed to participate in virtual activities. family and social connections families and social connections were also critical resources to parents and children who navigated a summer during the pandemic. there is extensive research on the importance of these connections for adults’ quality of life and children’s positive development (levula, 2016; smith et al., 2016). extended family members provided vital support for many families during the pandemic, affording needed social interactions when connecting with non-family members was not possible. social connections played a similar role for some families as parents and kids could create a “pod” with a limited group of others. such arrangements provided muchneeded social interaction while also limiting exposure risk to covid-19. our interview data showed a range of interactions between families in the study and their extended families and non-family social networks. family and social connections afford opportunities for socialization, recreation, and play in normal times (graber et al., 2020), and the pandemic only underscored the value of these networks. it is unclear how the use of family and social networks during the pandemic will influence access to summertime opportunities for young people in the future. however, it might be possible for practitioners of youth programming to help parents be more creative in providing positive experiences for kids when they are not in formal programming during the summer. for example, summer camps and local youth organizations could share resources and activities with families so that a collective of parents could facilitate fun and developmentally appropriate activities for kids in the neighborhood. these neighborhood activities could help build a sense of community that may have emerged in “pods” of kids and families during the pandemic. such collaboration between youth organizations and communities, neighborhoods, and families is often noted as essential for supporting lasting developmental outcomes for children and youth (e.g., eccles & gootman, 2002). the impact of where families live on summertime opportunities finally, the pandemic brought attention to the impact of where families live on available summertime opportunities. in the summer of 2020, access to camps, sports, arts, and music near home often depended on where families lived. some states and municipalities were more restrictive on youth activities than others. in this study, there was also a clear difference in access to outdoor recreation opportunities between families living in urban areas and those living in suburban and more rural areas, favoring families in wealthier, non-urban communities in this study. in youth development literature, access to community resources like parks, playgrounds, pools, and recreation centers plays an essential role in supporting healthy child socialization and overall development (crozier kegler et al., 2005; smith et al., 2016). the pandemic once again brought attention to disparities differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 118 between neighborhoods, with high-income communities having considerably more resources, natural or otherwise, than low-income areas. moving forward, policymakers and city planners will need to continue to push for more equitable access to recreational and community resources for communities where families have limited incomes. addressing the opportunity gap: future research and study limitations thus far, the discussion has sought to paint a nuanced picture of how access to resources affects access to summertime developmental opportunities for children. job flexibility for parents, access to technology, family and social connections, and community resources all contribute to whether or not young people can participate in particular activities. ideally, access to these resources would be available for all families, regardless of income. unfortunately, higher-income families often have more and better access to these resources. while we have tried to offer some insights for researchers and practitioners of summertime youth programming, bridging the opportunity gap between young people from highand low-income households will remain a challenge. future research should examine the lasting impact of the covid-19 pandemic on access to opportunities for children from different income groups. it is not yet clear whether highand low-income households will rebound from the pandemic at a similar rate. it may take longer for children from low-income households to have access to opportunities that were available before covid-19 spread worldwide. additional research can also help provide a fuller picture of the impact of access to resources on the opportunity gap than could be provided in this research. this study had several limitations. first, this study used a purposive stratified sample of parents that had previously sent their kids to summer camp, which required parents to opt into the study. this sample is likely not representative of all families in the united states. second, the study gathered wears time-use data at the end of the summers of 2019 and 2020. this process was necessary to minimize the burden on family responses. however, the survey did not collect detailed information about how children spent their days, and such retrospective designs can be susceptible to non-response and recall bias. future studies may want to collect data daily or weekly instead of at the end of the summer to gather more timely data about child activities. third, although efforts were made to ensure the integrity and trustworthiness of qualitative data analysis, interpretations of interview data from parents and children were subject to the research team's perspectives and biases. conclusion the summer of 2020 will remain indelibly etched into the minds of parents and children across the united states. the covid-19 pandemic changed everyday life. some families saw the worst of the pandemic through illness or the loss of family and friends from the virus. other families saw parents lose employment or income. however, for many children, the impacts of the pandemic were less direct, as governments, communities, and their families eliminated traditional summertime opportunities. these children played more video games, consumed increased differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 119 amounts of digital media, and were less able to participate in activities outside their home environments. they also spent more time with their families and turned to technology for socializing with their friends and peers. as parents struggled to navigate this pandemic summer, many came to realize the limits of their resources. income and financial resources helped families adjust, especially for high-income households, but so did access to extended family, proximity to outdoor environments, access to technology, and the ability to work from home. while in some ways covid-19 expanded the opportunity gap between young people from highand low-income households, in other ways it brought attention to these other resources that contribute to whether a child has access to developmental activities during the summer. it is impossible to predict where the united states will head as the pandemic recedes. it is very likely that children from high-income households will once again have access to more out-of-school-time activities than their low-income peers. however, there remains an opportunity to bridge the opportunity gap through innovative thinking as leaders and policy makers consider how to leverage lessons from the pandemic and ameliorate disparities among children and families. dan richmond is a post-doctoral research associate in the department of parks, recreation, and tourism at the university of utah. his research interests include youth development, out-of-school-time, opportunity gaps, outdoor recreation, and college pathway programs. rachel mcgovern is a ph.d. student in the department of parks, recreation, and tourism at the university of utah. her research interests include families and leisure, youth development, and qualitative research. taylor wycoff completed her master’s degree in parks, recreation, and tourism at the university of utah. her research interests include youth development, leisure constraints, out-of-school time, and social justice. michael froehly is a ph.d. student in the department of parks, recreation, and tourism at the university of utah. his research interests include youth development, staff development, out-of-school-time, and social justice. meagan ricks is a ph.d. student in the department of parks, recreation, and tourism at the university of utah. her research interests include lgbtq youth, youth development, qualitative research, out-of-school-time, and social justice. jim sibthorp is a professor in the department of parks, recreation, and tourism at the university of utah. his research interests include youth development, summer camps, and outdoor adventure education. differential impacts of covid-19 on summer activities and environments… 120 references alexander, k., pitcock, s., & boulay, m. c. 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(2020). covid-19, school closures, and child poverty: a social crisis in the making. the lancet: public health, 5(5), e243– e244. https://doi.org/10.1016/s2468-2667(20)30084-0 vandell, d. l., larson, r. w., mahoney, j. l., & watts, t. w. (2015). children’s organized activities. in r. lerner, m. bornstein, & t. leventhal (eds.), handbook of child psychology and developmental science (vol. 4, 7th ed.). https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118963418.childpsy408 https://doi.org/10.1016/s2468-2667(20)30084-0 https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118963418.childpsy408 a journal of research, policy and applications children, youth and environment network university of cincinnati volume number 2021 3 31 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati i editors: dr. victoria carr, dr. rhonda brown, and dr. vikas mehta, university of cincinnati managing editor: leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati assistant managing editor: ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book+media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and ozlemnur ataol, eindhoven university of technology copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial advisory board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; yolanda alicia corona-caraveo, universidad autónoma metropolitana xochimilco, mexico; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image from the field report forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers for outdoor environmental education by jack burnett and catrin edgeley children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii children, youth and environments vol. 31 no. 3 2021 issn 1546-2250 we are delighted to announce that children youth and environments has signed a new deal with university of cincinnati press (https://ucincinnatipress.uc.edu). our backlist will continue to be available through jstor. the university of cincinnati press is committed to publishing rigorous, peer-reviewed, leading scholarship accessibly to stimulate dialog between the academy, public intellectuals and lay practitioners. the press works with authors and editors to erase disciplinary to address common problems in our global community. uc press looks for projects across the humanities, social sciences and stem fields focusing on social justice and community engagement. inside this issue, you will find diverse scholarly work that spans across the globe. first, schoeppich and co-authors critically review 14 studies focusing on children’s participation in playground creation to reveal gaps, inconsistencies and benefits associated with child participation. next, we arrive in a small rural town in upstate new york where andrews investigated a 7-year-old girl’s conceptions of what counts as science in an everyday context. expanding our regional focus, we visit new york state as well as, maryland, virginia, and washington d.c. where ibes and co-authors conduct intensive semi-structured interviews of local community leaders and leaders of nature-oriented organizations to enhance understanding of the barriers to nature engagement by yoc. crossing the globe, we arrive in iran where manouchehri and co-authors investigated schoolchildren’s views of favorable and unfavorable attributes of their neighborhood environments. heading south, we arrive in porto alegre in brazil where rosa and co-authors interviewed healthcare experts to identify interventions that would respond to children's needs, and architecture and mental health experts assessed their potential to improve children’s pwb to reveal that the hospital environment may stimulate all components of pwb, especially environmental mastery, personal growth, and self-acceptance. at our final stop, we head back the united states where pic and han explored peer conflict among preschoolers during indoor and outdoor free play in a nature-based preschool to reveal that outdoor nature environment seems to provide children more meaningful conflict situations around play ideas rather than the mere possession of material. a position paper by gecker and co-authors helps us with understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath of a mass shooting in parkland. the issue continues with three reports from the field. first, burnett and edgeley describe ways to overcome barriers to outdoor education. next, tarrío describes the interactions between children and pocket parks. then, gravil and co-authors describe the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool classrooms at two universitybased programs. we wrap this issue with two book reviews: chawla’s review of the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal development: a discussion paper by suchitra sugar, and maclure’s review of the youngest citizens: children’s rights in latin america, by amy risley. happy reading! children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth and environments vol. 31 no. 3 2021 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles children’s right to participate in playground development: a critical review amy schoeppich, donna koller, and coralee mclaren 1-25 nature’s role in young children’s everyday science learning: a case study kathryn j. andrews 26-48 barriers to nature engagement for youth of color dorothy c. ibes, donald a. rakow, and chris h. kim 49-73 creating a child-friendly neighborhood: iranian schoolchildren talk about desirable and undesirable elements in their neighborhoods bahar manouchehri, edgar a. burns, and julie rudner 74-97 designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing of pediatric patients valentina marques da rosa, priscila g. brust-renck, and leandro miletto tonetto 98-115 meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool during outdoor and indoor play annette pic and myae han 116-136 position paper eyes on parkland: understanding youth civic engagement in the aftermath of a mass shooting whitner gecker, astraea augsberger, mary elizabeth collins, and kelsey barber 137-147 reports from the field forest fridays: leveraging land manager-educator partnerships to overcome barriers to outdoor environmental education jack burnett and catrin edgeley 148-157 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv children, youth and environments vol. 31 no. 3 2021 issn 1546-2250 reports from the field continued children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children carolina tarrío 158-169 exploring the use of citizen science and technology to connect preschool classrooms at two university-based programs meg gravil, tamala north and rebecca crawford 170-179 book reviews the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal development: a discussion paper by suchitra sugar reviewed by louise chawla 180-182 the youngest citizens: children’s rights in latin america, by amy risley reviewed by richard maclure 183-186 cye_cover_31_3 front matter cye 31 3 2021.pdf  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape sue schlembach leslie kochanowski rhonda douglas brown victoria carr university of cincinnati citation: schlembach, s., kochanowski, l., brown, r. d., & carr, v. (2018). early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 82-101. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract play serves an important function in early childhood, and more specifically, play in nature provides an optimal venue for holistic development. teachers play a critical role in providing and protecting these experiences for young children. this study aimed to understand and make more explicit the perceived benefits of a nature playscape from the perspective of teachers. participants in this phenomenological study were preschool teachers at an urban midwestern university early childhood laboratory school (n=13). surveys and interviews were used to answer the central research question: what benefits do early childhood educators attribute to experiences in an urban nature playscape for children and teachers who regularly access this environment? findings suggest that both children and teachers demonstrated more relaxed behaviors in the playscape than the classroom, that children’s holistic development was supported within the playscape environment, and that the playscape affordances fostered freedom and autonomy that sparked meaningful play and inquiry. keywords: nature playscapes, early childhood education, play, teacher perceptions http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 83 during the early childhood period, children spend many of their waking hours at play (pellegrini, 2013). although play is often depicted as merely recreational, developmental psychologists conceive of play as serving important functions in our evolutionary history, specifically in early childhood as a preparatory mechanism for adulthood (for a review, see bjorklund & beers, 2016; bateson, 1976; gopnik, griffiths, & lucas, 2015; nielsen, 2012; pellegrini, 2013; weisberg, kittredge, hirsh-pasek, golinkof, & klahr, 2015). child development experts, parents, and educators have long recognized that play promotes children’s social and cognitive development (e.g., piaget, 1962; vygotsky, 1978). in their declaration on the importance of play, the international play association states “play is a fundamental part of life; it is a biological, social, cognitive necessity for individual children, but also has benefits for society and the human species” (2014, p. 1). research has shown that play, particularly imaginary play, stimulates children’s brains, strengthening focus, attention, and self-regulation (berk, mann, & ogan, 2006). play serves a role in facilitating understanding of other people’s feelings and beliefs (astington & jenkins, 1995; youngblade & dunn, 1995), spatial perspective taking (matthews, beebe, & bopp, 1980), language and literacy skills (pellegrini & glada, 1991), causal mapping and counterfactual reasoning (buchsbaum, bridgers, weisberg, & gopnik, 2012), and executive function abilities (carlson, white, & davis-unger, 2014; carr, brown, schlembach, & kochanowski, 2017; diamond, barnett, thomas, & munro, 2007; pierucci, o’brien, mcinnis, gilpin, & barber, 2014; thibodeau, gilpin, brown, & meyer, 2016). put simply: through play, children experience the world around them, learning critical information about people, objects, and actions in their environments. play in nature provides an ideal context for children’s development and learning. (kloos, waltzer, maltbie, brown, & carr, 2018). children are inherently attracted to living things and natural patterns and processes (i.e., the biophilia hypothesis; see kellert, 2018; kellert & wilson, 1993; wilson, 1984). van wieren and kellert (2013) called attention to the diversity of plant and animal life, geology, weather, and landscapes present in the natural world and noted that nature, in fact, is the most information-rich and stimulating environment a child ever encounters...these dynamic elements command a child's attention, have the capacity to promote adaptive behavior, and often provoke opportunities for challenge and adventure (p. 262). research indicates that interaction with the variation and diversity of living and nonliving things in nature provides important learning opportunities (beery & jørgensen, 2018) and that, like play, children’s experiences in nature may have adaptive benefits for brain and cognitive development (dadvand et al., 2017; kahn & kellert, 2002) and enhance attention (e.g., berman, jonides, & kaplan, 2008). while the benefits of nature are well known (bratman, daily, levy, & gross, 2015; chawla, 2015; dennis, wells, & bishop, 2014; ginsburg, 2007; ward, duncan, jarden, & stewart, 2016), louv (2008) documented the lack of contemporary children’s free play in nature, coining it “nature deficit disorder.” to counteract this national concern, grassroots efforts, such as leave no child inside, and a dramatic early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 84 increase in nature preschools and forest schools (naaee, 2017) have spurred programming aimed at connecting children to nature; however, these are not yet the norm. although not to the same extent, an increasing number of early childhood programs are enhancing the flora on their playgrounds with the intent of “greening” their playgrounds, which has been met with positive learning and developmental outcomes (dennis et al., 2014). nature playscapes are also growing in number across the country (keeler, 2008). nature playscapes are intentionally designed, dynamic, sensory-rich play environments that support children’s biophilia (wilson, 1984; carr & luken, 2014; keeler, 2008). playscape principles and design elements, defined by educators and landscape designers and supported by research, include affordances that elicit play and inquiry in young children (cosco, 2007; carr & luken, 2015; elliott, 2008; luken, carr, & brown, 2011; moore, 2014). as defined by gibson (1979), affordances speak to the functional possibilities inherent in an environment. within the context of a nature playscape, affordances are designed to foster children’s active play and participation in healthy risk-taking, problem-solving, inquiry, experimentation, and learning—the essence of informal science learning and environmental education for young children (nrc, 2009; naaee, 2010; 2016). details among playscape design differ across biomes as the plant-rich environments should reflect local habitats, but elements are included to engage children in playful ways as they explore and investigate these natural environments. these elements include circuitous paths, digging pits, water features, sensory-rich plantings, hiding and gathering spaces, uneven topography, boulders, gardens, and structures (carr & luken, 2015). well-designed nature playscapes offer environments that support both play and learning in ways that are grounded within a pragmatic and constructivist epistemology (dewey, 1938; piaget & inhelder, 1969; vygotsky, 1962). carr and colleagues’ (2018) seminal investigation supported by the national science foundation (#1114674) described how playscapes support science literacy, executive function, and self-determination while serving as a “third teacher” for young children (carr et al., 2017; carr & kochanowski, 2014; kochanowski & carr, 2014). the third teacher, a term popularized by the schools of reggio emilia, suggests that the environment plays an important role in learning. the first of the teachers is the child, whereby he or she constructs knowledge, integrating new knowledge into existing schemas. the second teacher is the adult who poses questions and makes comments to deepen thinking and expand experiences, and the third is the environment that provides important messages and cues for exploring and understanding (carr & kochanowski, 2014; carter, 2007; gandini, 1998; heft, 1988). as gandini (1998) suggests, “in order to act as an educator for the child, the environment has to be flexible: it must undergo frequent modification by the children and the teachers in order to remain up-to-date and responsive to their needs to be protagonists in constructing their knowledge” (p. 177). change and flexibility are inherent in natural environments and provide optimal levels of stimulation (kloos et al., 2018). a well-designed nature playscape harnesses the naturally occurring benefits of nature along with intentionally designed affordances, such as forts, hiding places, and digging pits, that stretch children’s intellect through discovery, observation, classification, understanding of environmental transformations, and creation and testing of hypotheses (meier & sisk-hilton, early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 85 2013). in this dynamic view of the environment, it is necessary to acknowledge the teacher as a mediator of the space. specifically, in the case of nature playscapes, teachers dictate how the space is allowed to be interacted with—that is, they influence the structure of the play environment. the possibilities within a nature playscape are therefore shaped by not only what is physically available, but by how teachers regulate children’s interactions with the space. teachers’ guidance is based largely on their own set of beliefs, values, pedagogical content knowledge, and comfort levels with regard to play in natural environments. it is critical to decipher these in order to inform instructional practices that can empower children and lead to quality learning experiences in playscape environments. this study aimed to understand and make more explicit the perceived benefits of a nature playscape from the perspective of early childhood educators who regularly access this unique learning environment. teachers from an urban, midwestern university laboratory preschool, who had access to an intentionally designed nature playscape located on campus, were surveyed and interviewed about their perceptions of the space and what the experiences meant for both the children and themselves as teachers. teachers were asked to provide examples of children’s play and inquiry for the various affordances within the built environment and describe instances of children’s learning. they were also asked to talk about social and emotional attributes of the playscape and what the playscape represented to them within the scope of their teaching day. teacher responses were supported by the researchers’ collection of observational data, and video and photo analyses of children’s play in this environment. this phenomenological study documented teachers’ perceptions regarding children’s experiences in a playscape, including the importance of nature play for young children, how play in nature contributes to informal learning and inquiry, and the teacher’s role in supporting and facilitating play and inquiry in the playscape. to uncover the intrinsic nature of this phenomenon, this research addressed the question: what benefits do early childhood educators attribute to experiences in an urban nature playscape for children and teachers who regularly access this environment? these personal accounts are meant to bring awareness to practitioners, program directors, and landscape designers, and promote the significant role of playscapes as a new paradigm for playgrounds and informal learning. methodology this study utilized a phenomenological approach informed by moustakas (1994). the goal of phenomenological research is to uncover the essence of lived experiences related to a specific phenomenon. for this research, an online survey and in-person interviews, supplemented by observation, field notes, and video and photo documentation were used to gather descriptive details of early childhood educators’ lived experiences of an urban nature playscape.1 1 the laboratory preschool is housed at a research one-designated university. approval for the research project was granted from the university institutional review board. consent early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 86 setting and participants in 2010 a 0.23-acre nature playscape was created on a public midwestern university campus. the playscape was designed for use by the children at the university laboratory preschool but is also open to the public. the preschool is funded through both head start and tuition fees and serves a culturally, ethnically, and socioeconomically diverse population of approximately 160 children of university faculty, staff, and students, as well as from families in surrounding communities. classrooms are inclusive, blended settings serving children ranging from ages three to five. teachers and children at the preschool have regular access to the nature playscape throughout the school year, during all four seasons. the nature playscape is a 10minute walk through campus from the preschool center, and teachers include classroom visits to the nature playscape as part of their weekly plans. as informed by the design principles of moore (2014), the fully enclosed playscape was intentionally designed for young children with both natural and fabricated affordances. the playscape includes a spigot-fed creek, platform deck centered in a canopy of maple trees, a circular log play space, a tunnel, a curriculum headquarters (storage for tools and supplies), shrubs, herbs, trees, a grape arbor, a map of the playscape, a grassy hill, and primary, secondary, and tertiary paths. see figure 1 for rendering and detail of playscape. figure 1. left to right: sketch of playscape; image of playscape; view of urban campus where playscape is located employing a purposeful sample, all teachers working in full and half-day classrooms were invited to participate in this study. thirteen out of fifteen teachers participated. table 1 provides an overview of participant demographics. and permission to participate was obtained prior to data collection, from all participating preschool parents, children and teachers at the beginning of the school year. early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 87 table 1. participant demographic information participant demographics: n= 13 gender male female 1 12 age range 30-39 40-49 50-59 60+ 4 2 5 2 education level associate’s degree bachelor’s degree enrolled in master’s master’s degree 2 1 4 6 years in ece 0-5 6-10 11-15 16-20+ 0 4 5 4 researchers conducted an online survey and in-person interviews. eight of the teachers completed both the anonymous survey and the in-person interview; five teachers participated in the in-person interview only. the preschool consisted of five classrooms, with three teachers per room. two teachers, from separate classrooms, chose not to participate in the interview due to scheduling conflicts. four teachers (two from one classroom and two from another), requested they be interviewed together for scheduling purposes. the remaining nine teachers elected to be interviewed individually. for the purpose of this study, the survey responses and interview data were combined to provide rich, first-hand descriptions of the experiences and impressions teachers encountered during regular visits to the nature playscape. data collection data collection was completed over an eight-month period, beginning with the anonymous online survey in the fall of 2014 followed by the in-person interviews conducted in late spring of 2015. this procedure provided a forum for memberchecking survey findings. the online survey included 10 open-ended response items. the survey was distributed to teachers via survey monkey, a free online platform for developing and distributing surveys. the researchers employed an interview guide designed by the first and fourth authors to elicit teachers’ perceptions of experiences in a nature playscape for themselves and the children in their classrooms. teachers were interviewed at the university campus in one of the researcher’s offices at a time determined by participants. the 17 semi-structured interview items were nearly identical to the 10 online survey items, with the addition of probes and prompts interjected to elicit clarification and elaboration when necessary. permission to audio record interviews was granted by each teacher. interviews lasted approximately 45 to 60 minutes. the interviewer took brief notations during each session to record salient ideas, questions, and contextual nuances. immediately following each interview, the early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 88 interviewer reviewed their notes and completed detailed memos in order to document emerging themes related to the research question. survey and interview items focused on teachers’ perceptions of experiences in an urban playscape. items included questions and prompts related to teachers’ perceived differences in children’s play at the nature playscape, center playground, and center classroom (e.g., talk in general about how (if) children’s play on the playscape differs from their play on the playground or in the classroom). survey and interview items also focused on the value the teachers attributed to experiences in the space, and what the experience meant for both the children and themselves as teachers (e.g., describe what the playscape has meant to you as a teacher and what you believe it means to the children). teachers were also asked to provide anecdotes of children’s play and inquiry with the various affordances found in the nature playscape, and examples of specific learning experiences (e.g., talk about how you have seen children play in or near the stream; talk about a few (if any) powerful incidences where you saw play as learning in the playscape.). the researchers collected supportive supplemental information during eight data collection sessions, approximately 30 to 60 minutes in length. the sessions were conducted by the first author at the nature playscape during the fall, winter, and spring seasons of the school year. the eight data collection sessions were conducted after teachers completed the online survey and prior to the in-person interview. observations, field notes, and visual documentation in the form of video and still photographs were employed to gather supplemental data during regularly scheduled classroom visits. the additional field data provided direct experiential information, capturing interactions of teachers and children in the playscape environment, and served to corroborate findings from survey and interview data. data analysis data analysis was informed by moustakas’ inductive data analysis method (1994). initial coding consisted of reading and indexing raw data. survey data, audio recordings, interview notes and memos, and the supplemental data from detailed field observations were reviewed and indexed by the first author. indexing entailed interpretation of raw data for meaning, and summarizing salient key words, quotes, and phrases. this first-cycle coding of raw data followed an inductive process (miles, huberman, & saldaña, 2014). inductive coding allowed the researchers to hear, and later reflect on, participants’ rich descriptions of nature playscape experiences. in vivo codes emerged during the first-cycle coding, derived directly from survey and interview data (e.g., different, peaceful, calm, free, opportunity, learning, space, and nature is the teacher). second-cycle coding consisted of systematically analyzing summaries and codes for patterns, and eliminating codes unrelated to the phenomenon being studied, resulting in meta codes (miles et al., 2014). analysis during second-cycle coding was informed by findings from the literature review spanning topics of early childhood education and development, informal learning and inquiry, and the importance of nature play for young children. meta codes were clustered based on related meanings. the first author condensed clusters into themes representative of teachers’ perceptions. the second author reviewed and nested themes within three a priori categories based on relevancy. early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 89 these categories emerged from findings in the literature and field observation data and consisted of: the importance of nature, learning through play, and facilitating play and inquiry in nature. reliability and validity the researchers established reliability through documentation of detailed field notes and audio recording of interviews. validity is said to be established through prolonged engagement in the field and the triangulation of multiple sources of data (creswell, 2013). as discussed above, the present study utilized a variety of data sources including an online survey and in-person interview, and visual documentation of field observations conducted at the nature playscape site. results one overarching theme and two sub-themes capturing the overall essence of teachers’ perceptions of benefits of nature playscape experiences for children and themselves emerged from the thematic data analysis process. freedom and autonomy emerged as the primary theme; play and inclusion, and learning and inquiry surfaced as sub-themes. teachers perceived freedom and autonomy for children, as well as themselves, to be the paramount benefit gained from experiences in the nature playscape; thus, the concept of freedom and autonomy is a common thread running through each of the three a priori categories. the following section offers a discussion of the primary and sub-themes nested within the three a priori categories of the importance of nature, learning through play, and facilitating play and inquiry in nature. the importance of nature teachers understood that children’s sense of confidence and competence are facilitated by the freedom and autonomy they experience in the playscape environment. children challenge themselves in the wide-open green space, which invites them to test, for example, their agility, coordination, and strength. figure 2. examples of challenge and independence on the playscape the clusters of bushes, small trees and shrubs nestled along the playscape perimeters often serve as a space for children seeking solitude. teachers early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 90 commented that through experiencing opportunities where they can choose to isolate themselves from peers and adults while remaining within the safe confines of the playscape environment, children gain a sense of independence and confidence. teachers communicated that playscape visits also had the effect of freeing children from their daily patterns, that it, “pops them out of routines, ruts they can get into,” and that at the playscape, “children dictate their experiences” rather than an adult. teachers related that they personally felt more free in the playscape as compared to the classroom, gross motor room, and playground because the need for micro-managing children’s behavior generally decreased. teachers viewed the playscape as a safe haven, an unencumbered green space where children had “room to roam and explore” and relax in nature, and that it was “a little piece of the wild world in a safe space.” figure 3. examples of children relaxing in the playscape teachers’ attributed this decrease in micro-managing to several factors, one being the freedom to explore the novel features inherent in the environment, which kept children’s interest and prolonged their engaged attention. secondly, teachers believed the children inherently felt the playscape was their space, that it was seen as a safe space where they could “follow their own agenda,” and this sense of ownership and belonging influenced children’s behavior. findings from observations across the eight field sessions provided concrete examples signifying that children perceived the playscape as a safe, peaceful, calm environment. for example, it was common to observe a child sitting quietly on a rock or soft mulch among a small grove of cedar trees, or lying on the grass staring up at the sky, or perched on the wooden floor of the tree house looking out across the playscape. during this time, children typically did not seek attention from others, and seldom did teachers or peers interrupt. learning through play teachers conveyed how the playscape environment met the needs of each child, stating, “the features are just the right size, just the right challenge” and that there were “opportunities for all children to be successful...to experience being competent at something.” teachers noted that children with challenging behaviors in the classroom often exhibited less challenging behaviors while at the playscape. they discussed how the playscape offered positive stimulation and is a less overwhelming environment than the classroom, playground, and muscle room. teachers stated, “...it is a natural healer...offers positive stimulation… seems to be early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 91 less restrictive than the playground...children are less likely to try to exclude others from participating, as it is a wide-open environment.” teachers viewed the playscape environment as one that supports the development of the whole child, proclaiming that there is “not a lesson down there that can’t be learned.” play at the playscape quickly evolves to more purposeful play where inquiry and deep learning take place. teachers observed that when children are given opportunities to play and connect with the space and materials at the playscape, “...that’s when the magic happens”; it is a time when more complex play and creative problem-solving occurs. field notes and visual documentation from playscape observations revealed multiple examples of complex play. children were observed in problem-solving, negotiating, creating and collaborating with peers. during play, children were involved in construction activities such as removing rocks and sand from the streambed to create a “swimming pool,” and transporting large logs by hand or with wheelbarrows to build a “campfire.” children also demonstrated complexity in play, when experimenting with mixing natural loose parts such as twigs, dirt and leaves in a pail of water to create a “stew,” or when gathering various sized leaves, twigs, and small insects to make a “salad” for squirrels they had noticed visiting the playscape. teachers reported that compared with experiences at the center’s playground where the features are primarily closeended, “materials are open-ended at the playscape,” enabling children to engage more frequently in “goal-oriented collaborative play to complete a task.” teachers shared anecdotes of children who explored water movement, transportation, force, and gravity during playscape visits, gaining conceptual awareness they aptly applied to activities in the classroom. for example, during playscape observations, children were often observed experimenting with rolling objects down the grassy hill. teachers reported that, “[the children] stand or sit at the top of the hill to roll logs, tree cookies, rocks, and twigs down the hill”; and that the children observe which objects roll fast, slow, or do not roll at all, and hypothesize about the reason for the different outcomes among the various objects. teachers expressed that these rich, child-directed experiences “carried over to the classroom and developed into work with ramps.” figure 4. examples of child-directed inquiry at the playscape early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 92 in sharing another example of learning and inquiry, teachers discussed the process of a child in the classroom who used a measuring tape to measure themselves, and then asked to measure a tree at the playscape. teachers reported that the child “measured and recorded the circumference of the tree throughout the school year.” the tree-measuring activity was directly observed and documented in field notes and video by the first author during a data collection session. facilitating play in nature when the idea of a playscape was first introduced at the preschool center, several teachers expressed feeling anxious about safety issues. the teachers thought the playscape would pose an increased potential for injuries, liability, and behavior management issues. a teacher spoke about the need for learning to “let go of the worries, of the what if’s” associated with the playscape. anxiety soon melted into the background and was replaced by an evolving understanding of just how capable children were of navigating the space. “we anticipated the need to more closely monitor children’s behavior, their safety...[but] found [that we] didn’t actually need to monitor as much as initially anticipated.” during several field observation sessions, the first author observed children climbing on the tree fort—a grouping of logs set vertically in the ground at varying heights in a semi-circle formation. children climb up on top of the tree fort by pulling their bodies up onto the lowest logs and work their way up onto the taller logs, where they then sit or stand. some of the children were not yet tall enough and/or strong enough to pull themselves up on the logs. teachers standing in close proximity to the log fort supervised the children’s activities but did not intervene. when children requested help in getting up on the logs, teachers positioned themselves next to the fort, but did not directly assist children with climbing up. rather than picking children up or giving them an object to stand on to reach the logs, teachers offered verbal support, encouraging children to continue trying on their own, stating for example, “try and get up by yourself.” the teachers facilitated the children’s problem-solving strategies for getting themselves up on the logs without the teachers’ help. in some cases, teachers and children concluded that they needed to grow taller in order to reach and pull themselves up on top of the lowest log. at other times, teachers prompted children with open-ended questions, inspiring them to think about their options, such as what materials in the playscape could assist them in climbing the log fort. field observations highlighted that children did not always immediately ask for help from teachers when confronted with problems (e.g., transporting heavy objects, not sharing tools with peers, or even skinning a knee or elbow). children often solved issues on their own or obtained assistance from peers. teachers positioned themselves in the playscape so that they were within eyesight of children whenever possible. teachers typically did not intervene in children’s activities unless (on the rare occasion) a safety issue was involved. however, findings from field observations revealed the teachers did engage children in facilitating higher-order thinking and problem-solving by building on children’s interests and ideas. for example, during an investigation of worms, teachers would thoughtfully scaffold children’s critical thinking skills, prompting them to contemplate about where early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 93 worms might live, or suggest children speak with peers who had found worms on the playscape in the past. after several visits to the playscape, teachers began to realize the environment was actually a calm, peaceful escape from the rigors of daily classroom life. teachers expressed that the playscape elicited a sense of freedom, calm, and escape for themselves and the children. the playscape’s serene, open green space with rich vegetation, water features and other natural elements was said to offer respite for the teachers. it allows time to relax, recharge and experience an “escape from the ordinary.” teachers felt that when at the playscape they gained a heightened sense of peacefulness, stating, “we have a chance to breathe,” that “i feel better outside and the children do too,” and “a calm teacher equals calm children.” teachers viewed the playscape environment as a mediating mechanism for children’s behavior. teachers observed distinct differences in children’s play behaviors at the playscape. teachers noted that children behaved more calmly and engaged more purposefully with the affordances found at the playscape, than when playing at the center’s playground, gross motor room, or in the classroom. further, the composition of groups that children formed on the playscape differed from groups that formed during play in the classroom and on the playground. teachers reported that children invited peers to enter into play whom they normally did not invite to play while in the classroom or on the playground. the differences in play group composition was seen as stemming from the amount of space available and the affordances associated with materials at the playscape. this led teachers to intentionally include playscape visits in their weekly plans. one teacher stated that, “no matter how challenging my class was, i would take them to the playscape once a week. i decided to do this because of the enormous social-emotional benefits the children receive while interacting with nature.” figure 5. examples of teachers interacting on the playscape teachers noted that children with challenging behaviors in the classroom often exhibited less challenging behaviors while at the playscape. they discussed how the playscape offers positive stimulation and is a less overwhelming environment than the classroom, playground, and muscle room. teachers stated, “...it is a natural healer...offers positive stimulation…. seems to be less restrictive than the playground...children are less likely to try to exclude others from participating, as it is a wide-open environment.” one teacher reported that the playscape, “provides a early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 94 space where children with special needs can be successful,” commenting that, “children with sensory issues, aggressive behaviors, have less problems regulating at the playscape.” the teacher explained that when they observed a child with particularly challenging behavior having a “rough day,” they would include a class visit to the playscape that day because it has a restorative effect and “is a perfect place for a child to regroup.” discussion the current study provides a rich description of preschool teachers’ perceptions of the benefits of experiences in an urban nature playscape for children and themselves. a consistent theme that emerged from teachers’ responses across the three a priori categories of the importance of nature, learning through play, and inquiry in nature is that the playscape provides opportunities for children to experience freedom and autonomy, which was also supported by observational field data. one quote in particular speaks to a teacher’s feelings about the playscape: it is “like a backyard where children have freedom to play and roam.” this quote reflects an image of the playscape as a safe space where children’s need for selfdirected, uninterrupted play is met. the inherently diverse and flexible qualities of the playscape provide an environment that teachers perceive as being both an extension of the classroom and a welcome change from the daily routines and expectations associated with the classroom. consistent with previous literature related to affordances and scaffolding (cosco, 2007; carr & luken, 2015; elliott, 2008; luken et al., 2011; moore, 2014; vygotsky, 1978), teachers understand that being in nature with close access to supportive adults offers children a space where they are free to act as independent, autonomous individuals beyond the boundaries associated with the classroom environment. yet, in order to fully embrace all the playscape had to offer, teachers had to first learn to let go of the “what ifs.” by “letting go,” teachers broadened their comfort zones, thus making the full range of playscape affordances more accessible for each child. once empowered by coming to terms with the “what ifs,” teachers were freed to view the playscape environment as a space “that draws the most power out of children” (curtis & carter, 2003). the teachers view the playscape as a resource, one where children can independently explore, investigate, collaborate, and engage in creative problem-solving. in this sense, the early childhood professionals in this study utilize the playscape as a mechanism for protecting young children’s right to play (ipa, 2014) and promoting their learning and appreciation of the natural world around them. overall, the findings reported here indicate that teachers believe the playscape environment has the capacity to meet the individual developmental needs of the whole child—social, emotional, cognitive, and physical. consistent with pragmatic and constructivist epistemology (dewey, 1938; piaget & inhelder, 1969; vygotsky, 1962), teachers realize that children learn foundational knowledge about themselves and the world around them when given uninterrupted time in nature to follow their interests, to follow their sense of wonder and curiosity, and independently explore in the playscape environment. teachers’ responses clearly depict children not only thriving at the playscape, but gaining a deep awareness of early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 95 how to negotiate and collaborate with others while there. children were observed practicing skills of negotiation and collaboration with peers during dramatic play episodes and while working with materials and tools. teachers reflected that children who are typically marginalized in the classroom are often included in play with peers at the playscape. this inclusion mediates a sense of being successful at something—fostering children’s sense of belonging, self-confidence and competence. children were observed, for example, enlisting peers to help move logs and rocks to build a dam at the stream. during this activity, children had to cooperate to engage in planning and problem-solving in order to remain an active participant in the play (see carr et al., 2017). teachers’ comments about the minimal need for micro-managing behavior issues while at the playscape align with their responses related to children’s growing capacity for creative problem-solving, negotiation, and collaboration. thus, teachers’ perceptions are consistent with research indicating that play is related to the development of children’s learning and self-regulation (berk et al., 2006), understanding of other people’s feelings and beliefs (astington & jenkins, 1995; youngblade & dunn, 1995), reasoning (buchsbaum et al., 2012), and executive function abilities (carlson et al., 2014; carr et al., 2017; diamond et al., 2007; pierucci et al., 2014; thibodeau et al., 2016). future research findings from observational data gathered in the playscape implicate teachers taking on the role of facilitator more often than the role of supervisor, directing children’s play experiences. teachers appeared to interact with children by employing purposeful scaffolding strategies that respected the child’s play agenda, such as asking open-ended questions, prompting and making suggestions, and remaining in eyesight of children, yet distant enough so as not to interrupt the flow of the play. with this in mind, future research needs to target early childhood professionals’ pedagogical practices in nature playscapes. the topic of risk in play is currently being debated in the literature (see gill, 2007). future studies need to investigate how teachers assess risk versus hazards as well as how child care licensing might modify guidelines accordingly. teachers’ comments regarding “letting go of the ‘what ifs’” is a testament to the ingrained fear of risk and prohibitions on opportunities in the natural world that promote adventurous play and learning. additionally, it may be advantageous to explore educator perspectives and practices of “letting go of the what ifs” from a framework informed by the literature on educator playfulness. finally, investigations into foundational skills, attitudes, and dispositions important for early science learning and nature education are needed to ensure that play and learning environments are accessed or thoughtfully designed to support whole child development. this needs to become the norm in early childhood education. sue schlembach, ph.d., is an assistant professor in the annual adjunct early childhood education and human development program at the university of cincinnati. sue is a researcher at the arlitt center for education, research, and early childhood educators’ perceptions of play and inquiry on a nature playscape 96 sustainability, at the university of cincinnati. she is co-project coordinator and researcher for a national science foundation grant funded project, stem in the playscape: building knowledge for educational practice. dr. schlembach’s current interests focus on adults’ perceptions and practices associated with young children’s play and learning in nature, positive struggle, and risk taking. leslie kochanowski, m.a., is a doctoral candidate and academic researcher with the arlitt center for education, research, and sustainability at the university of cincinnati; and project coordinator for a national science foundation-sponsored project, stem in the playscape: building knowledge for educational practice. she serves as managing editor for children, youth and environments. rhonda douglas brown, ph.d., is an associate professor of early childhood education and human development and cognitive developmental psychology, and director of the developmental & learning sciences research center at the university of cincinnati, and co-editor of the journal children, youth and environments. she is the author of the recently released book neuroscience of mathematical cognitive development. dr. brown has a profound interest in how children's environments affect their brain development, cognition, and learning. her current research, sponsored by the national science foundation, examines how intentionally designed 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(1995). individual differences in young children’s pretend play with mother and sibling: links to relationships and understanding of other people’s feelings and beliefs. child development, 66, 1472-1492. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.1995.tb00946.x https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jecp.2016.01.001 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2016.04.015 https://doi.org/10.1177/0031721715583955 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.1995.tb00946.x login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing of pediatric patients valentina marques da rosa universidade federal do rio grande do sul priscila g. brust-renck leandro miletto tonetto universidade do vale do rio dos sinos citation: marques da rosa, v., brust-renck, p. g., & tonetto, l. m. (2021). designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing of pediatric patients. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 98-115. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract the hospital environment may either positively or negatively affect patient experience. the potential of the hospital environment to stimulate children's psychological wellbeing (pwb) is yet to be fully understood. this paper aims to describe how interventions in the hospital may improve the pwb of pediatric patients (including self-acceptance, positive relations, autonomy, environmental mastery, life purpose, and personal growth). we conducted interviews with healthcare experts to identify possible interventions that would respond to children's needs, and architecture and mental health experts assessed the proposals’ potential to improve children’s pwb. results indicate that it is possible for the hospital environment to stimulate all components of children’s pwb, especially environmental mastery, personal growth, and self-acceptance. keywords: healthcare design, hospitals, wellbeing, psychological wellbeing, pediatrics http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 99 introduction many components of healthcare environments have the potential to positively affect patient wellbeing (diener et al., 2018). healthcare environments that meet users’ needs can improve not only their physical but also psychological health (bosch & lorusso, 2019; carrus & pirchio, 2019; felippe et al., 2017). there is an increasing interest in understanding the impact of healthcare environments on patients’ emotional responses in order to better align design strategies with users’ needs (capolongo, 2016; gharipour & trout, 2020). healthcare facilities can meet pediatric patients’ needs for autonomy (e.g., lambert et al., 2013; peditto et al., 2020), reduce their feelings of isolation (e.g., bosch & lorusso, 2019; lambert et al., 2013), and create a more positive hospital experience by stimulating social engagement, interaction, entertainment, and learning (lambert et al., 2013). such environments are commonly referred to as “child-friendly.” they may help lessen the patients’ suffering (hamdan et al., 2016) and support children’s wellbeing (ford, 2011). healthcare providers are commonly invited to be part of the process to design hospital environments since their opinions are based on observations and daily interaction with the patients (mourshed & zhao, 2012). following this approach, we propose the following research question: based on experts’ assessments, how may interventions in the built environment improve the wellbeing of pediatric patients during hospitalization? this paper contributes to the state-of-the-art in healthcare design by understanding how the built environment may impact the psychological wellbeing (pwb) of hospitalized children. our perspective targets specific components of pwb: selfacceptance, positive relations with others, autonomy, environmental mastery, purpose in life, and personal growth (ryff’s model of psychological wellbeing; ryff, 1989; ryff & keyes, 1995). the novelty of our study relies on discussing how specific interventions in the built environment may stimulate each component of pwb. the interventions proposed in this paper were directed to the brazilian universal healthcare system, which means that they are context-specific, although hopefully they can inspire similar work in other countries. our study was divided into two stages. in the first, we conducted in-depth interviews with seven volunteers with experience in pediatric inpatient care who shared their proposals to stimulate children's wellbeing. in the second stage, eight mental health and architecture professionals linked the proposed interventions to the six components of pwb described in the following section. designing hospitals to improve children's wellbeing subjective wellbeing is a broad concept that includes a person’s “emotional responses, domain satisfactions, and global judgments of life satisfaction” (diener et al., 1999, p. 277). it relies on individuals’ subjective appraisals of their own lives (keinonen et al., 2013) based on two sources of information: cognitive evaluations and emotional assessments (veenhoven, 2010). such evaluations refer to several life domains, including one's health. designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 100 psychological wellbeing (pwb) is a construct that entails more than emotion and life satisfaction. ryff (1989) describes six core dimensions of pwb: • self-acceptance (thinking positively about oneself) • positive relations with others (loving others, being empathic, having affection for others) • autonomy • purpose in life (feeling that there is purpose in and meaning to life) • personal growth (development of one’s potential, growing and expanding as a person) • environmental mastery (participating in and mastering the environment, being able to choose or create settings suitable to their psychic conditions) in healthcare settings, the physical environment may have an impact on patient wellbeing and psychological health (alzoubi & al-rqaibat, 2015; bosch & lorusso, 2019; carrus & pirchio, 2019; water et al., 2017; shepley et al., 2012). hospital environments can promote patient engagement in their treatment by providing “physical comfort, sense of control, access to social support, and access to positive distractions” (bosch & lorusso, 2019, p. 82). such distractions have the power to enhance positive feelings and to hold a person's attention (ulrich, 1991). distractions may help hospitalized children stay occupied and positively engaged, reducing their risk of becoming bored and experiencing negative feelings about their situation (bishop, 2017). hospital environments that do not have the capacity of igniting children’s imagination and help them deal with being in the hospital can lead to absenteeism from outpatient appointments. adding positive distractions and features to the environment may not only help with absenteeism but also benefit pediatric patients’ wellbeing and help reduce their resistance to treatments (mclaughlan et al., 2019). overall, the hospital environment directly affects patients’ health and recovery, with a healing environment helping reduce their stress while hospitalized (douglas & douglas, 2014). pediatric patients also desire to control their surroundings to have a greater sense of autonomy (peditto et al., 2020; sherman et al., 2005). built environment features that may improve the experiences of hospitalized children include: spaces that facilitate patient interaction (asfour, 2019; peditto et al., 2020; mclaughlan, 2017; nasab et al., 2020); cheerful colors (e.g., light blue, light green, and light yellow) that help diminish the clinical and scary character of the built environment (water et al., 2017; nasab et al., 2020); colorful decor and furniture; natural light, green spaces, and water features (nasab et al., 2020); pictorial interventions (monti et al., 2012); temperature control; personalizable rooms; and kitchen access (peditto et al., 2020). the built environment is crucial to achieving successful treatment outcomes; healthcare based solely on a biomedical perspective does not lead to satisfactory care from the patient’s perspective (edvardsson et al., 2006). thus, to design hospitals to enhance children's wellbeing, it may be valuable to bring a wide variety designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 101 of experts’ ideas and perceptions into the design process. our methods, presented in the following session, include data collection and analysis based on the opinions of experts including physicians, nurses, child life specialists, mental health professionals, and architects. method this study used a qualitative research design divided into two stages to identify the potential of interventions in hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing (pwb) of pediatric patients.1 first stage in the first stage of the study, the researchers conducted individual in-depth interviews, in a semi-structured format, with seven healthcare professionals during the participants’ working hours. the interviews took place at hospital de clínicas de porto alegre, in the pediatric unit where patients aged 0-17 years old are treated. the authors invited the interviewees in person or via email to take part in the study. in case of an agreement to participate, interviews were booked according to the participants' schedules. interviewees signed an informed consent form, which was followed by the interview. the researchers presented participants with three open-ended questions investigating their ideas for interventions in the built environment to stimulate the wellbeing of hospitalized children: 1. what could be improved in the hospital rooms? (for example, colors, stickers, and the like) 2. what could be improved in the children’s experience when they are submitted to radiology exams? (for example, the temperature of the gel used during exams, or equipment sounds) 3. what could be improved in the children’s experience when they are submitted to laboratory exams? (for example, they may feel uncomfortable with intravenous (iv) lines or the mobility of iv poles) the interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed. we analyzed the interview contents using thematic analysis, with responses grouped by similarity into categories (e.g., design, co-creation, and play). when data saturation was achieved (i.e., additional interviews stopped bringing new content), the interviewer stopped inviting experts to participate. to preserve participants’ anonymity, they are presented in the results section as hc1 to hc7 (hc indicating healthcare professional). second stage in the second stage of the study, we engaged with four mental health professionals and four architects. participants were approached by email. similar to the first stage of this study, research aims were explained, and informed consent forms 1 this study was approved by the institutional review board of the clinical hospital of porto alegre (caae # 94028918.5.0000.5327). designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 102 were collected prior to data collection. using an online platform, the eight participants reviewed the interventions proposed by the healthcare professionals in the first stage of the study and evaluated their potential to stimulate children's pwb during hospitalization. logging in to the online platform at a time of their preference, participants first watched a 5-minute video recorded by the researchers explaining the task and related contents: (i) the participants were expected to connect the six components of pwb, which were explained in the video, to the categories of design interventions to stimulate the pwb of pediatric patients during hospitalization that were put forward in the first stage of the study (table 1). (ii) each participant had a color assigned to them, displayed on the left of the page, and several sticky-backed notes identifying the components of pwb in their color. they were instructed to use only the sticky notes of the color assigned to them. the large sticky notes indicated primary (more substantial) connections, and small sticky notes meant secondary connections (i.e., relevant but less meaningful than the primary one) (figure 1a). (iii) they were instructed to place their sticky notes on the top of the categories of design interventions presented in green in the center of the page (figure 1b). they were asked only to connect the pwb components they felt were relevant to the categories of design interventions. they were asked to connect only one primary component of pwb to each category, but they could also link secondary components to the categories. (iv) they should provide explanations to each connection made, using the sticky notes available on the right of the page (figure 1c). even though the task was performed asynchronously by the participants, they were each stimulated to log in many times to the online platform, see what other participants had responded to, and complement their responses. in some cases, when researchers were unclear about the explanations provided on the right-hand sticky notes, participants were asked to log in and provide further information. figure 1. task displayed in the online platform participants’ responses were organized in a spreadsheet indicating the frequency in which each pwb component was connected to each category, as primary or secondary connection, as seen in the following section. to preserve participants' designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 103 anonymity, they are presented in the results section as mh1 to mh4 (mh indicating mental health professional) and a1 to a4 (a indicating architect). results the seven healthcare professionals (three physicians, two nurses, and two child life specialists2 who are physical educators), four mental health professionals, and four architects had, respectively, mean ages of 42, 47, and 40 years old and 14, 22, and 19 years of experience. using thematic analysis, we clustered the responses to each of the open-ended interview questions into themes. within each theme, we grouped all professionals’ responses by similarity, forming a total of eight categories of interventions in the built environment to promote the pwb of hospitalized children. in response to the first interview question regarding possible interventions in the hospital rooms, all participants stated that they perceived the current rooms as ordinary and plain, with no fun elements such as color. the lack of photographs, toys, and colorful walls was deemed unsuitable given the age of patients usually occupying the rooms. some interviewees said that there should be enough space to play in (hc1 and hc6) and that the rooms should be customizable (hc1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7). on the other hand, all participants followed up these negative comments justifying that rooms were configured to be easily sanitized and non-customizable due to the high turnover of patients and the possibility of spreading diseases. even though participants were not asked about sound, one of them (hc6) brought attention to the matter. “if you have a small baby and you play a soothing song, like one of those baby cd’s, you know, like bach for children... i think that it would help them calm down even when going through something, like when they have to fast, it may bring them peace.” our thematic analysis of participants’ responses revealed three categories of interventions related to hospital rooms: design, co-creation, and play. answers given by participants are summarized in table 1, organized into these three categories. 2 child life specialists are educated and trained to deal with the impacts of illness and injury on patients. certified child life specialists provide evidence-based interventions to infants, children, youth, and families, such as therapeutic play, preparation for procedures, and education to reduce distress. designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 104 table 1. theme: hospital rooms and corridors categories suggested interventions quotes design • more attractive accessory table to make the food look more appealing • fun decoration of the room • stickers on walls that could be transferred with patients when moved to another room • colorful rooms with painted walls or decorated with stickers and bright closets • white walls with colorful details • images projected on the ceiling for children to look at while in bed • more joyful corridors • plants projected on the walls, showing the process of life and death through the changing of seasons “it is such a sad room. a child's room is not a sad room, right? children's rooms at home have their toys, there are the things they like, things that their parents make for them, so i just miss that. i think it could be a little more [joyful].” (hc7) “some children have to be isolated, they cannot leave the room, and having a more colorful room, with more engravings, would be even better for them, they would feel cozier.” (hc2) co-creation • common areas where patients could display drawings, pictures, and writings • displays on each hospital room door for children to hang their drawings • virtual panels for each child, which they could bring to the hospital with them • pictures of something children like to look at to be projected on the walls, with images changing every day (e.g., a place, an object, the sun) • customizable hospital rooms. “[having their pictures and drawings may] even facilitate conversation, you know? then we would say ‘cool pictures, who are these people? don't you want to introduce them to me?’ so, it even would be a way for us to interact better with them.” (hc3) “they could bring photos to be projected on a wall in the unit. these photos could change every day, like one day it would be someone’s photo, the next day another’s, creating an expectation, with people leaving their rooms and going there to look at what it will be that day.” (hc6) play • hard-shell accessory boards for children to put toys on top while playing in bed • mobile whiteboards they could draw on while in bed • more suitable play-on boards to be used in bed while keeping the bed’s hygiene • spaces to play on for those who cannot leave their beds • colorful tatami mats on the floor by the bed to play on “this is a pediatric unit. there should be things that stimulate these children. things for them to play in the rooms and corridors.” (hc3) “maybe create something that has a board for them to write on, these whiteboards, a movable board, like a tray, that you put on the table, that way you have some playful structures for them so that they can play in a interesting way while in bed.” (hc1) designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 105 the interview question concerning children’s experiences when submitted to radiology exams brought a variety of answers. some professionals (hc1, 5, 6, 7) argued that, since the entire hospital uses the same radiology unit, innovations to make it more child-friendly could not be implemented. however, one of the participants (hc6) said that it is always possible to plan interventions in the environment and take them to the management to check whether they agree to implement the ideas. table 2 presents the two categories of ideas generated by participants: the patient journey to the exam and the exam room itself. table 2. theme: radiology exams categories suggested interventions quotes patient journey to the exam • child-sized wheelchairs, with safety belts and fun design • remote-controlled miniature cars • wheelchairs that resemble cars or space rockets “maybe it would be something that would help them accept and want to go to the exam.” (hc5) "going to the supermarket is an extremely boring thing, but sometimes they have a miniature car for the children to sit in the shopping cart. the child wants to go in; time flies for them while you shop.” (hc1) exam room • box of toys for children to play with while waiting for the exam • fun walls (e.g., turn them into a forest or aquarium through painting or stickers) • virtual reality or dvds for them to watch on the equipment’s top shell during the exams (e.g., movies, landscapes, nature sounds) “they could get a headphone, which could play songs or the soundtrack for the thing they are watching. there can even be landscapes, with sounds of places, things like that.” (hc6) “there could be some toys so that they can be entertained while waiting for the exam.” (hc2) in response to the third interview question, ideas to improve children's experiences with laboratory exams, participants concentrated their responses around improvements to iv poles and ways to distract children during the exams (hc2 and 4). our thematic analysis classified their answers into three categories: improvements to the iv poles, ways of distraction, and rewards (table 3). designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 106 table 3. theme: laboratory exams categories suggested interventions quotes improvements to the iv poles • iv poles with animals faces and paws • medication encapsulated in a superhero or princess logo • iv poles lighter in weight “i think that the pole could have covers, things that were colored to cover what they are carrying [the iv attached to the pole]. they could say: 'today i'm going to go with the spiderman cover'.” (hc7) “the pole could be different. something to do with the fact that the nurses started calling it “puppy,” because it has a collar and all, so i don’t know, making a pole in the shape of a dog or something.” (hc4) ways of distraction • toys to distract them during the exams • virtual reality for them to visualize something more pleasant than the exam "i think that something more entertaining could be done, you know, having something to distract them while they underwent the procedure." (hc2) “so, these virtual reality glasses are things that can be interesting when taking the child to another place, for them to stay put.” (hc6) rewards • “courage badge” stickers that could be accumulated towards a prize “you create a little book for them to glue their stickers on… the exam stickers, the medication stickers, and then when the child fills it all, the parents convert that act of courage of the child to something they want.” (hc1) in the second stage of the research, mental health professionals and architects with experience in healthcare design classified how each one of the eight categories of interventions might stimulate children's psychological wellbeing (pwb) during hospitalization (table 4). the values displayed in table 4 are the number of connections made by participants. we weighted primary connections as 1 and secondary connections as 0.5 and calculated how much all interventions may stimulate each component of pwb (total score by column), as well as how much each intervention may stimulate pwb overall (total score by row). table 4 presents the eight categories of intervention in descending order according to their total scores. designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 107 table 4. connections made between categories of design interventions and pwb components pwb components number of connections (primary and secondary) quotes e n v ir o n m e n ta l m a s te ry p e rs o n a l g ro w th s e lf a c c e p ta n c e a u to n o m y p o s it iv e re la ti o n s h ip s p u rp o s e t o ta l s c o re f o r e a c h c a te g o ry categories of interventions p ri m a ry s e c o n d a ry p ri m a ry s e c o n d a ry p ri m a ry s e c o n d a ry p ri m a ry s e c o n d a ry p ri m a ry s e c o n d a ry p ri m a ry s e c o n d a ry hospital rooms and corridors: co-creation 7 1 1 1 2 2 11 “i like the idea of bringing something of theirs to the hospital. also, in the common areas, present drawings or writings of those who recovered, who've been there and overcame it.” (mh1) “the mastery of the environment (...) encourages the child to feel at home in a space that they helped to design, leaving their mark and identity on it, making them part of the environment and the environment part of them.” (a3) laboratory exams: rewards 6 2 1 2 1 10 “not only they will be rewarded for putting together an 'x' number of stickers, but they will also, above all, show how brave they were to complete this journey.” (mh2) “the award, although symbolic, stimulates self-esteem, promotes individual growth and gives the feeling of victory. 'i did it. i won. i did the exam.’” (a3) hospital rooms and corridors: play 1 4 3 1 2 1 9.5 “playing is a form of expression of not only of the conscious but also of the unconscious mind (...). this would allow the understanding of the hardships that the child goes through at that moment.” (mh3) “i believe that play is a part of human development. many toys stimulate the child and should not be left aside due to hospitalization. the proposed intervention brings children closer to this activity and empowers them as human beings.” (a4) laboratory exams: improvements to the iv pole 2 2 3 1 1 1 1 1 9.5 “in this moment of so few choices in life, even small opportunities to choose [such as personalizing the iv poles] are meaningful.” (mh3) designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 108 “the child can feel special with these playful elements. i think that they can create the feeling of power, strength, and enchantment that are so needed at that moment.” (a4) hospital rooms and corridors: design 7 1 2 1 9 “the idea of being able to choose stickers allows the children to express their mood. taking the stickers with them to another room gives them the feeling of belonging.” (mh2) “considering the difficult and confusing time for these children, it is important to make them feel at home. playful elements may make them feel welcome amid the discomfort of an unknown place that can be frightening.” (a4) radiology exams: journey to the exam 3 1 2 2 1 1 1 9 “the 'exam situation' can be felt as a loss of control: 'something is going to be done to me and i have no idea what'; therefore, an activity that allows the experience of having some control, such as driving a car, could reduce anxiety related to loss of control.” (mh3) “[corridors should be] pleasant, with colorful paths. passing through corridors where their creations, drawings, and texts are found to stimulate their desire to reach further [is important for them], avoiding the feeling of a journey into the unknown.” (a3) radiology exams: exam room 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 9 “everything that is playful allows children to express themselves naturally, showing their anxieties and feeling protected and welcome. watching movies during the exam is a perfect distractor for such an anxiogenic moment.” (mh2) “it is important to distract the child, who is likely to be anxious before an exam, not quite knowing what to expect. i think that in addition to toys, it would be nice to explain to them what is coming, through animations, trying to convey the message that the exam is important for their treatment.” (a4) laboratory exams: ways of distraction 3 3 1 1 1 7 “any activity that makes the child look outside and not the disease certainly facilitates the exam. in addition, the child will be conditioned to perceive the exam as more fun.” (mh2) “virtual reality can be a great alternative to distract the child. making them feel part of something magical, for example, can diminish the fear/pain of the exam.” (a4) total score for each pwb component 28.5 15.5 12 7 6 5 designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 109 discussion there are three different ways to interpret the results reported in table 4. it seems that mental health professionals and architects assessed all of the proposed interventions as beneficial to promote the pwb of hospitalized children, aligned with many previous studies on the topic (e.g., bosch & lorusso, 2019; carrus & pirchio, 2019; water et al., 2017; alzoubi & al-rqaibat, 2015; edvardsson et al., 2006). observing results by column in table 4, it is noticeable that the proposed interventions stimulate the components of pwb in different ways and to different degrees. environmental mastery had the highest score, followed by personal growth and self-acceptance—meaning interventions to hospital processes and environment are able to have the greatest impact on these aspects of pwb. interviewers affirmed that, due to the high number of patients to which healthcare professionals must attend, the staff might merely go through the motions and not explain directly to patients where, how, and what is going to happen in the exams they will experience, negatively affecting the patients’ ability to master the environment (i.e., choosing and creating settings suitable to their needs). similarly, procedures are often explained to parents while in the children’s presence, but without explicitly addressing the children, making it challenging for them to grow personally (i.e., have positive feelings about themselves). patients, who should be active in their treatment since their bodies are the ones being treated, sometimes are just spectators, watching while their bodies are poked, moved around, and touched daily by several people, making it hard for the children to understand their diseases and accept themselves and their life as it is (i.e., think positively about themselves); (definitions of pwb components in parentheses by ryff (1989) and ryff and keyes (1995)). observing the total scores in table 4 by row, the results indicate that most categories of intervention have similar potential to stimulate children’s pwb (scores range from 9 to 11), except for “laboratory exams: ways of distraction.” these scores suggest that the proposals to stimulate children’s pwb put forward by healthcare professionals in the first stage of the research were accurate, according to the mental health professionals and healthcare architects that assessed such ideas in stage 2. moreover, their responses were aligned with results from previous relevant studies: (peditto et al., 2020; asfour, 2019; mclaughlan, 2017; nasab et al., 2020; water et al., 2017; monti et al., 2012). the proposal regarding distraction during laboratory exams was the lowest ranked by mental health professionals and architects; the literature reviewed in this paper also did not provide strong evidence to support the assumption that ignoring any negative impact of the medical treatment would be beneficial to the pwb of children. considering individual scores for all categories in table 4 (column “total score”), those with the most potential to stimulate pwb were “hospital rooms and corridors” both “co-creation” and “design” to stimulate environmental mastery, and “laboratory exams: rewards” to stimulate personal growth. also, interventions can be tailored to target specific aims by observing how each category impacts the different pwb components separately (e.g., “laboratory exams: improvements to the iv pole” as the most adequate intervention to stimulate self-acceptance). designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 110 the participants pointed out several features that may make the hospital a more child-friendly environment and enhance children’s pwb. cues that may help distract children, such as adding color to the walls, can positively impact their experience as inpatients. displayed artwork may help them stay occupied and not feel bored while appreciating decor on the walls (bishop, 2017; mari ruberg ekra & gjengedal, 2012). as proposed by bishop (2017), children enjoy being distracted to avoid thinking about their situation and feeling uncomfortable with the hospitalization. as found by mari ruberg ekra and gjengedal (2012), children might want to go home while hospitalized because they see the hospital as boring and too different from their daily lives, even feeling like time slows down there. thus, the scores assigned by the professionals in stage 2 to the proposed interventions indicate that such changes to the hospital environment may stimulate children’s pwb. the reduction of stress may consequently speed patients’ health and recovery (douglas & douglas, 2014). it should be noted that a friendly pediatric environment embraces not only children’s but also adolescents’ needs. the interventions proposed by our study participants were focused on young children and thus may not be suitable for adolescents. according to bishop (2017), both children and youth enjoy having varied artwork as part of the aesthetics of the hospital environment, helping them feel that it is appropriate for them. thus, corridors and walls may present everchanging art stimuli, appropriate for different demographics. having ageappropriate activities and feeling welcomed by the staff are also central to childfriendliness for both hospitalized children and youth (bishop, 2017), as all patients expect to feel that there is something appropriate for them. conclusions this research aimed to identify the potential of the built environment to enhance the psychological wellbeing (pwb) of pediatric patients during hospitalization. toward that end, we carried out interviews with healthcare experts to collect their ideas on interventions in the built environment that would meet patients’ needs. in the experts’ view, the hospital room environments in which patients sleep and spend most of their days do not resemble children’s bedrooms and should be made more fun and child-friendly to improve children's pwb. even small interventions in their hospital rooms could bring more joy to them, enhancing the patients’ wellbeing. when the healthcare professionals’ ideas for interventions were submitted to the evaluation of mental health professionals and healthcare architects, it became evident how influential healthcare environments can be on children’s pwb. more specifically, our research advances the state-of-the-art by addressing specific pwb components and indicating design interventions that can target each of them. in total, 36 different ideas for intervention in the environment of pediatric hospital units were brought to light in the interviews with the group of experts. some of the suggested interventions may lead to design solutions that enhance children’s wellbeing. however, other ideas may not be feasible due to context, for example, designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 111 having something for children to watch while being submitted to radiology exams. even though this might have the potential to keep them still and make them feel less anxious about the exam, it may also affect their brain activity while in the mri scan, leading to changes in the results. thus, a thorough analysis of such interventions is required to identify viable ideas. all ideas should be adapted to local needs and contingencies. for example, hospitals with limited funding may explore the aesthetics of the ward, possibly engaging patients themselves in the process of creating their environments. adding children’s artwork to walls and corridors or even asking them to develop specific work to display is a low-cost, high-involvement alternative. cultural preferences should also be taken into consideration in tailoring child-friendly environments. thus, even though the suggestions might be universal (e.g., playing soothing music), they should be tailored to specific pediatric populations (e.g., playing distinct music genres to children from different cultural backgrounds. it is important to highlight that all professionals seemed worried about maintaining a sterile environment and ways that innovations could be implemented without exposing children to infection. proposed interventions using technology and virtual reality could be a feasible solution to the sanitization problem. similarly, ideas such as projections on the walls could bring life to corridor walls, hospital rooms, and ceilings without harming patients. there were limitations to this study. first, it focused on professionals recruited in a single hospital. their broad understanding of pediatric environments, denoted by their average time of experience, suggests that their responses were not limited to that specific institution. nevertheless, their current work environment may have created a bias by focusing their attention on current issues they observe in the hospital where they currently work. second, we limited the interviews to three specific topics (i.e., ideas of interventions in hospital rooms and corridors, radiology exams, and laboratory exams). although our choice of having them focus on particular issues could help direct their attention toward a specific topic for innovation, that may have limited their answers and ideas, and not given them space to come up with their own scenarios. third, this study is focused on adults’ perspectives and we did not explore children’s perspectives on patient friendliness. further exploration of the topic may assist academics and practitioners in understanding how to help children master settings by making them more suitable to their needs. fourth, discussions on gender, accessibility, and inclusion were not addressed in this paper but would potentially contribute to understanding pediatric patients’ psychological wellbeing in further research. we would also like to note that the participants in stage 2 of our study were able to see each other’s replies on the online platform. on one hand, this may have had a positive impact since it added a sense of co-creation to the process, as if they were all part of a design workshop, discussing opinions. on the other hand, it may also be seen as a limitation of the research because participants may have influenced one another. designing hospital environments to improve the psychological wellbeing… 112 the design process will continue in the next steps of this study when experts from both inside and outside of the hospital will be invited to participate in a two-day workshop with architects and healthcare professionals. together, they will detail and develop the ideas explored in this paper into actual interventions in the built environment. valentina marques da rosa has a master’s degree in design (universidade do vale do rio dos sinos, brazil) and a master's degree in fashion (ryerson university, canada). she is a ph.d. candidate in industrial engineering (universidade federal do rio grande do sul, brazil). she studies the relationships between users and artefacts, focusing on subjects related to wellbeing and health. priscila goergen brust-renck has a ph.d. in developmental psychology (cornell university, usa). she currently works as an assistant professor at the graduate department of psychology at universidade do vale do rio dos sinos (brazil). her main research interests are in the areas of health and clinical psychology, behavioral economics, and medical decision making (in particular, cancer research). leandro miletto tonetto has a ph.d. in psychology (pontifícia universidade católica do rio grande do sul, brazil) and post-doc experience in healthcare design (georgia institute of technology, usa). he works as a professor of design and psychology at universidade do vale do rio dos sinos (brazil). he studies design for wellbeing as a means to foster human wellbeing and health. references alzoubi, h. h., & 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(2017). participatory art-based research with children to gain their perspectives on designing healthcare environments. contemporary nurse, 53(4), 456–473. https://doi.org/10.1080/10376178.2017.1339566 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10902-010-9204-z https://doi.org/10.1007/s10902-010-9204-z https://doi.org/10.1080/10376178.2017.1339566 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play and independent mobility christina s. han british columbia children’s hospital louise c. mâsse school of population and public health, university of british columbia british columbia children’s hospital andrew wilson british columbia children’s hospital ian janssen school of kinesiology and health, queen’s university nadine schuurman department of geography, simon fraser university mariana brussoni department of pediatrics and school of population and public health, university of british columbia british columbia injury research & prevention unit british columbia children’s hospital the playability study research team citation: han, c. s., mâsse, l. c., wilson, a., janssen, i., schuurman, n., brussoni, m., & the playability study research team (2018). state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play and independent mobility. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 194-231. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract our research goal is to define the “playability” of local neighborhood outdoor environments for children aged 10-13 years, indicating how friendly these environments are for children’s outdoor play and independent mobility. to understand children’s actual behaviors, we used the technology of gps and accelerometers to collect mobility and physical activity patterns among 105 children for one week. we also employed various participatory research methods to better http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 195 garner children and their parents’ perceptions of their neighborhood for children’s outdoor play and independent mobility. in this paper, we describe the methodology and methods used in our research, and share pivotal lessons learned. keywords: neighborhood environment, mixed-methods research, independent mobility, physical activity, playability, child-friendly participatory methods state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 196 background play is crucial for a child’s healthy development and well-being. outdoor play (op), in particular, affords many benefits to children (brussoni et al., 2015; gray et al., 2015), including better physical health (larouche, garriguet, & tremblay, 2016; stone & faulkner, 2014; tremblay et al., 2015; janssen, 2014), as well as mental and psychosocial benefits (janssen, 2016; larouche, garriguet, gunnell, goldfield, & tremblay, 2016). despite the numerous benefits, the literature documents a steady decrease in the amount of op among children across generations (gray, 2011; holt et al., 2016; pooley, turnbull, & adams, 2007). notably, this trend coincides with the decrease over the past 40 years in children’s independent mobility (im) (karsten, 2005; kyttä, hirvonen, rudner, pirjola, & laatikainen, 2015; shaw et al., 2015). while there are a myriad of multi-level and interconnected socio-ecological factors that influence children’s op and im (badland et al., 2016; christensen & o’brien, 2003; page, cooper, griew, & jago, 2010), gender seems to exert a critical influence (carver, timperio, & crawford, 2008; carver, timperio, hesketh, & crawford, 2010a; mitra, faulkner, buliung, & stone, 2014; valentine & mckendrickt, 1997). literature consistently reports boys spending more time outdoors, engaging in more physically active and structured-sport activities, and having higher im than girls (carver et al., 2008; hillman adams, & whitelegg, 1990; larson, green, & cordell, 2011; leung & loo, 2017). in addition, while the literature does not show consistent patterns, girls and boys may benefit differently from such experiences (brussoni et al., 2015; leung & loo, 2017). for instance, piccininni and colleagues (2018) found that among girls, spending around a half-hour per week outdoors on average was associated with lower prevalence of psychosomatic symptoms, compared with those who had no time playing outdoors. interestingly, no such relationship was observed among boys. in addition to child’s gender, children’s op and im also appear to be heavily influenced by neighborhood physical (built and natural) environments (fjørtoft, 2001; prezza et al., 2001; schoeppe, duncan, badland, oliver, & curtis, 2013; schoeppe, duncan, badland, oliver, & browne, 2014). numerous research has found that having accessible, aesthetically child-friendly, and multi-use parks and play spaces in close proximity were associated with an increased number of children playing outside, as well as their physical activity levels (bohn-gauldbaum et al., 2013; fair, kaczynski, hughey, besenyi, & powers, 2017; mitchell, clark, & gilliland, 2016; veitch, ball, crawford, abbott, & salmon, 2012; žaltauskė & petrauskienė, 2016). in the same vein, kurka and colleagues (2015) reported that children living in neighborhoods that were more walkable had higher outdoor physical activity levels than children living in neighborhoods that were less walkable with less street connectivity. parents’ critical role in influencing children’s op and im is also well-evidenced in the literature (ferrao & janssen, 2015; kercood et al., 2015; mcfarland, zajicek, & waliczek, 2014). for instance, findings confirm how parental perception of their neighborhood safety served as the key predictor of children’s active transport and im (carver et al., 2010a; veitch et al., 2017); similarly, the attitudes and state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 197 perceptions that parents had towards nature and their neighborhood influenced the amount and quality of time children spent playing outdoors (ferrao & janssen, 2015; kercood et al., 2015; mcfarland et al., 2014). this is particularly the case for younger children and adolescent girls, where parents’ fear of strangers, and concerns about social and physical environments can significantly limit children’s im (carver et al., 2008; carver, timperio, hesketh, & crawford, 2010b; foster, villanueva, wood, christian, & giles-corti, 2014). in the past few decades, the topic of children and their environments has increasingly gained research attention from diverse disciplines. however, much of the research with children tends to rely on parent (or proxy) report, observations, or using methodologies that are not child-friendly (christensen & james, 2000; hill, 1997). as yarwood and tyrrell (2012) have argued, children’s perceptions of place are diverse and differ from adults’ perceptions, highlighting the need for research focused on children’s perspectives and sensitive to their realities. therefore, in designing and conducting a mixed-methods study to define the “playability” (i.e., how friendly these environments are for children’s outdoor play and independent mobility) of local neighborhood outdoor environments for boys and girls between the ages of 10-13 years, we adopted multiple child-friendly participatory research methods to better understand—hence better cultivate—children’s perceptions of their neighborhood, specifically in the context of their op and im. playability: mixed-methods study theoretical underpinnings primarily informed by ecological systems theory (bronfenbrenner, 1986) and the social construction of gender framework (alberico, schipperijn, & reis, 2017; ridgeway, 2009), we developed a mixed-methods study, similar to christensen and colleagues’ (2011) and loebach and gilliland’s (2016) research. bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory emphasizes that proximal contexts that occur in the home and immediate social environments affect health behaviors, such as op and im. however, behaviors are also affected, more distally, by the larger cultural and societal contexts in which children live. contexts are both dynamic and interactive, such that shifts and evolution in one social context have implications for other social contexts. from this theory, we considered the interactions between individual and social factors as well as characteristics of the built and natural environment in relation to children’s op and im. the social construction of gender framework (alberico et al., 2017; ridgeway, 2009) understands gender to be relational, dynamic and contextually sensitive rather than biologically or evolutionarily determined. scholars have advanced the idea that gender—masculinities and femininities—is shaped through exposure to the gender norms of community and society (connell, 1995; connell & messerschmidt, 2005). this framework provided a lens to look at children’s op and im as a gendered practice, which may be structured by parental beliefs, social norms about gender roles and idealized cultural practices. state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 198 overarching research aims the overarching goal of the playability study is to understand the determinants of op and im, develop an index of playability, and determine if playability is associated with children’s behavioral, physical and psychological health. we are guided by three specific aims. • aim 1: to assess how individual, social, and builtand natural-environment factors facilitate or impede children’s op and im in their neighborhood. • aim 2: to develop gender-sensitive indices of playability to measure different environmental characteristics that determine how playable a neighborhood environment is for children. • aim 3: to validate how neighborhood playability relates to children’s actual physical activity behaviors, as well as their physical and mental health. aim of this paper the aim of this paper is to describe the methodology and participatory research methods we used for aim 1 of our research. it also provides an overview of the process, while drawing on broad methodological and ethical insights and our reflections on lessons learned exclusively in conducting this arm of the study. we begin with an outline of our research to provide the context for our overarching aim and data collection process to explain the use of each method we employed in our research. study neighborhoods we strategically selected three metro vancouver area neighborhoods to include in this study, namely, vancouver’s grandview-woodland, north vancouver’s lonsdale and richmond’s steveston (figure 1). figure 1. map of the three study neighborhoods state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 199 we chose these to be our target communities because they have very different physical environments, population densities, ethnic make-ups, and populations of children (table 1) and thus would ensure sufficient variability and diversity of the study population. table 1. characteristics of the three study neighborhoods study area & boundaries north south west east vancouver† north vancouver§ richmond‡ grandviewwoodland burrard inlet. east broadway st. clark dr. nanaimo st. lonsdale trans-canada hwy. burrard inlet. westview dr. grand blvd. steveston william rd. fraser river. strait of georgia. no. 2 rd. neighborhood type urban urban-suburban mix suburban geography east of downtown vancouver. bound by water on one side and urban neighborhoods on the other three. geographically unique due to the neighborhood’s proximity to the north shore mountains. suburb in the city of richmond bound by water on two sides and on agricultural land on another. street network gridiron/fused gridiron and middensity residential curvilinear and culde-sac recreational/green spaces/protected areas† 14% 49% 13% ~ population per km2 5492.6† 4465.1§ 1534.1‡ population under 15 years old (%) 11.2%† 13.4%§ 13.7%‡ median household income (after tax) $56,908† $58,415§ $57,779‡ single-family homes 11%† 31%§ 30%‡ †statistics canada (2017a) §statistics canada (2017b) ‡statistics canada (2017c) participant recruitment following ethics review and approval by the university of british columbia/children’s and women’s health centre of british columbia research ethics board, we recruited participants using a number of strategies. study collaborators and community partners posted and distributed study flyers at their facilities or online. we also used social media channels and sent notices through our networks. in the early stage of recruitment, facebook ads proved the most efficient and convenient medium to reach potential participants based on geographical location, age, gender and interest. in the latter stages of recruitment, snowball sampling was most effective, with families who participated in our study referring state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 200 friends, classmates, and neighbors. each participating child received $100 and each participating parent received $50 in cash for their time and contribution to our study. participant inclusion/exclusion criteria in this study, we targeted children aged 10 to 13 years because this age range has been shown to be the most dynamically shifting period in terms of children’s play and im (matthews, 1987; o’brien, jones, & sloan, 2000). eligible children and their parents were required to speak, read and understand english, and reside in one of the three target neighborhoods in metro vancouver. in addition, participating children must have spent the entire study participation week in their home, meaning no sleep-overs, weekend trips, or shared custody arrangements during the week. we also ensured that children had at least some im granted in their neighborhood, as our main research interests focused on children’s unsupervised op and im. specifically, we asked the parents, “in the past months, how far has your child roamed on her/his own (or with friends)?” and provided six options with differing degrees of im. further, in order to be eligible to participate, children must have been able to roam unsupervised at least within his/her yard and/or driveway. we did not impose eligibility criteria that would have limited children with any disabilities, as long as they were physically mobile. only one child per family was allowed to participate to ensure we received parental input specifically on their participating child, not general input about their children as a whole. figure 2. participant screening questions 1 1. my child has not been out alone; 2. within my yard and/or driveway; 3. within my street; 4. within 2-3 streets from my home; 5. within a 15 min walk from my home; 6. more than 15 min walk from my home. 1 • is your child between the ages of 10-13 years? if yes, proceed to the next question. if no, your child is not eligible. 2 •does your child reside in one of the target neighbourhoods in metro vancouver? if yes, proceed to the next question. if no, your child is not eligible. 3 •will your child spend the entire study week in one household in one of the target neighbourhoods in metro vancouver? if yes, proceed to the next question. if no, your child is not eligible. 4 •can your child speak, read and understand english? if yes, proceed to the next question. if no, your child is not eligible. 5 • is your child able to participate in physical activities at the time of the study? if yes, proceed to the next question. if no, your child is not eligible. 6 • in the past months, how far has your child roamed on her/his own (or with friends) without adults?1 if option 2 to 6 is chosen, your child is eligible. if 1 is chosen, your child is not eligible. state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 201 screening was completed online through fluidsurveytm and qualtricstm, except for a few cases done over the phone. recruitment ads (e.g., facebook ads, posters, emails) provided a link to our screening survey page where interested participants could complete the questionnaires to determine eligibility (figure 2). eligible candidates were invited to share their email address so we could send them copies of consent/assent forms and coordinate a date and time for an initial meeting. participants one hundred and five children (50.4 percent girls; m age = 11.4 years, 65.7 percent caucasian) participated in our study—35 from each of the three selected neighborhoods (table 2). at least one parent/legal guardian per family participated (m age = 45.5 years, 72.6 percent caucasian). thirty-four families (32.4 percent) had household incomes of $130,000 or more, and the majority resided in a singlefamily detached home (52.4 percent). table 2. participant demographics child variables (n=105) north vancouver (n=35) vancouver (n=35) richmond (n=35) total (n=105) age 10 11 (31.4%) 8 (22.9%) 7 (20.0%) 26 (24.8%) 11 10 (28.6%) 9 (25.7%) 9 (25.7%) 28 (26.6%) 12 9 (25.7%) 7 (20.0%) 10 (28.6%) 26 (24.8%) 13 5 (14.3%) 11 (31.4%) 9 (25.7%) 25 (23.8%) gender male 19 (54.3%) 16 (45.7%) 16 (45.7%) 51 (48.6%) female 16 (45.7%) 18 (51.4%) 19 (54.3%) 53 (50.4%) other (genderqueer) 0 (0%) 1 (2.9%) 0 (0%) 1 (1.0%) race/ethnicity caucasian 21 (60.0%) 25 (71.4%) 23 (65.7%) 69 (65.7%) asian 6 (17.1%) 3 (8.6%) 4 (11.4%) 13 (12.4%) mixed (caucasian/asian) 2 (5.8%) 2 (5.7%) 5 (14.3%) 9 (8.6%) other 6 (17.1%) 5 (14.3%) 3 (8.6%) 14 (13.3%) state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 202 parent variables (n=135) north vancouver (n=46) vancouver (n=48) richmond (n=41) total (n=135) age 30-40 3 (6.5%) 2 (4.2%) 6 (14.6%) 11 (8.2%) 40-50 35 (76.1%) 31 (64.5%) 28 (68.3%) 94 (69.6%) 50-60 8 (17.4%) 15 (31.3%) 7 (17.1%) 30 (22.2%) gender male 13 (28.3%) 16 (33.3%) 8 (19.5%) 37 (27.4%) female 33 (71.7%) 32 (66.7%) 33 (80.5%) 98 (72.6%) race/ethnicity caucasian 32 (69.5%) 36 (75.0%) 30 (73.2%) 98 (72.6%) asian 9 (19.6%) 6 (12.5%) 6 (14.6%) 21 (15.5%) mixed (caucasian/asian) 1 (2.2%) 1 (2.1%) 2 (4.9%) 4 (3.0%) other 4 (8.7%) 5 (10.4%) 3 (7.3%) 12 (8.9%) marital status married 17 (37.0%) 18 (37.4%) 12 (29.3%) 47 (34.8%) common-law 26 (56.5%) 24 (50.0%) 28 (68.3%) 78 (57.8%) separated 2 (4.3%) 1 (2.1%) 0 (0%) 3 (2.2%) divorced 1 (2.2%) 2 (4.2%) 1 (2.4%) 4 (3.0%) other 0 (0%) 3 (6.3%) 0 (0%) 3 (2.2%) education less than college graduate 8 (17.3%) 3 (6.3%) 4 (9.8%) 15 (11.1%) college graduate 9 (19.6%) 9 (18.7%) 11 (26.8%) 29 (21.5%) university graduate 16 (34.8%) 20 (41.7%) 17 (41.4%) 53 (39.3%) post graduate degree or higher 13 (28.3%) 16 (33.3%) 9 (22.0%) 38 (28.1%) employment employed 25 (54.3%) 31 (64.6%) 21 (51.2%) 77 (57.0%) self-employed 8 (17.4%) 11 (22.9%) 11 (26.8%) 30 (22.2%) homemaker 4 (8.7%) 4 (8.3%) 7 (17.1%) 15 (11.2%) other 9 (19.6%) 2 (4.2%) 2 (4.9%) 13 (9.6%) family variables (n=105) north vancouver (n=35) vancouver (n=35) richmond (n=35) total # of participating parents 1 24 (68.6%) 22 (62.9%) 29 (82.9%) 75 (71.4%) 2 11 (31.4%) 13 (37.1%) 6 (17.1%) 30 (28.6%) # of children in household 1 9 (25.7%) 10 (28.6%) 3 (8.6%) 22 (21.0%) 2 20 (57.2%) 18 (51.4%) 18 (51.4%) 56 (53.3%) 3 6 (17.1%) 6 (17.1%) 9 (25.7%) 21 (20.0%) >= 4 0 (0%) 1 (2.9%) 5 (14.3%) 6 (5.7%) state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 203 net household income less than $50,000 6 (17.1%) 4 (11.4%) 1 (2.9%) 11 (10.5%) $50,000 $89,999 7 (20.0%) 8 (22.8%) 5 (14.3%) 20 (19.0%) $90,000 – 129,999 9 (25.7%) 10 (28.6%) 7 (20.0%) 26 (24.8%) $130,000 or more 8 (22.9%) 12 (34.3%) 14 (40.0%) 34 (32.4%) prefer not to answer 5 (14.3%) 1 (2.9%) 8 (22.8%) 14 (13.3%) home dwelling structure single-detached house 13 (37.1%) 21 (60.0%) 21 (60.0%) 55 (52.4%) semi-detached house 3 (8.6%) 9 (25.7%) 4 (11.4%) 16 (15.2%) row house 6 (17.1%) 2 (5.7%) 5 (14.3%) 13 (12.4%) apartment/condo 7 (20.0%) 1 (2.9%) 3 (8.6%) 11 (10.5%) other 6 (17.2%) 2 (5.7%) 2 (5.7%) 10 (9.5%) research methods in recent decades, giving children a voice in research and researching with them in the tradition of participatory research approaches has been recognized as important (christensen & james, 2000; greene & hogan, 2005). particularly in the context of our study where we explored children’s space, it was imperative to invite them as experts to provide their own perspectives on how they perceived and utilized their environments (christensen, mikkelsen, nielsen, & harder, 2011; christensen & o’brien, 2003; clark, 2010). in designing the study, we consulted a group of youth between 14-17 years of age via the kidscan advisory group at bc children’s hospital. to develop playability indices, we used a concurrent triangulation model, as illustrated in figure 3. thus, we collected the qualitative and quantitative data concurrently, privileging the qualitative data in guiding analyses, while also being guided by the theoretical perspectives previously described (castro, kellison, boyd, & kopak, 2010; hanson, creswell, clark, petska, & creswell, 2005; janssen & leblanc, 2010; žaltauskė & petrauskienė, 2016). we used a variety of participatory research methods, quantitative and qualitative, to investigate children’s lived experiences in a holistic manner (table 3). combining multiple research techniques served to increase the validity of research findings and address limitations inherent in each data collection tool (denzin, 1989). qualitative research methods, including in-depth interviews and visual research methods (e.g., map drawing, photo taking), were used to capture more comprehensive details, as well as children’s perceptions and personal insights, that would have otherwise been difficult to acquire. state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 204 figure 3. playability mixed-methods model data triangulation data triangulation • child go-along interviews • child go-along photos • child neighbourhood map drawings • parent in-depth interviews qualitative data collection and analysis playability (aim 1) a concurrent triangulation model quantitative data collection and analysis • parent demographic questionnaires • child demographic questionnaires • parent scales • child scales • child gps logger data • child accelerometry data • child after-school activities schedules • child daily diaries • parent daily diaries • child 7-day portfolio cleaning exercise merge the results child 7-day portfolio interpretation • to better understand how the builtand natural-environments and other socioecological factors facilitate or impede children’s outdoor play and independent mobility in their neighbourhood. • identify key determinants of children’s outdoor play and independent mobility to inform the next aim to develop gender-sensitive indices of playability. aim: to quantify children’s activity and mobility patterns, focusing on children’s location-based outdoor play and independent mobility in their neighbourhood. aim: to understand children and their parents’ perceptions of their neighbourhood in the context of children’s outdoor play and independent mobility. social construction of gender framework (johnson et al., 2009) ecological systems theory (bronfenbrenner, 1986) grounded by state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 205 table 3. summary of data collected method [quantitative or qualitative data] purpose parent demographic questionnaire [quan] to collect demographic information from parents. child demographic questionnaire [quan] to collect demographic information from children. gps monitor [quan] 1] to collect children's location coordinates during the 7-day data collection period in order to quantify mobility patterns; 2] to record go-along interview routes. accelerometer [quan] to collect data relating to children's physical activity patterns – for example duration, frequency and intensity. child daily diaries [quan + qual] to collect children’s daily activities based on the 5 w’s (i.e., where they were, what they were doing, with whom, when and why) for each activity they engage in. parent daily diaries [quan + qual] to log their child's unsupervised outdoor time based on the 5 w’s (i.e., where they were, what they were doing, with whom, when and why) for each unsupervised activity their child engages in – to the best of their knowledge. child map drawing exercise [qual] 1] to understand children’s perception of the neighborhood they live in 2] to help guide the go-along interview. child go-along interview [qual] to understand children’s perception toward outdoor play and physical environments, as well as how different factors impact their outdoor play and independent mobility. parent individual interview [qual] to understand parents' perspectives toward children's outdoor play and their perceptions of physical environment, as well as how different factors impact children's outdoor play and independent mobility. child 7-day portfolio cleaning exercise [quan] to fill any data gaps that remain after comparing the 7-day portfolio of gps and accelerometry data with the child and parent daily diaries. parent survey [quan] to gain insight on parent' behaviors and perceptions surrounding risk, outdoor play, independent mobility, neighborhood makeup, and the built environment. survey includes: • social danger perception scale (prezza et al., 2001) • perception of positive potentiality of outdoor autonomy for children scale (prezza et al., 2005) • neighborhood relations scale (prezza et al., 2001) • licenses for independent mobility (shaw et al., 2015) • neighborhood environment walkability scale – youth (rosenberg, 2009) • the tolerance of risk in play scale (hill & bundy, 2014) • parental perception of independent mobility scale child survey [quan] to gain insights on children’s perceptions surrounding their outdoor play, their overall physical and mental wellbeing, as well as their neighborhood. survey includes: • attitudes towards outdoor play scale (modified from beyer et al., 2015) state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 206 data collection process and methods similar to other canadian studies on the physical environment and travel behavior of children (e.g., stone, faulkner, mitra, & buliung, 2014), we collected data from 2016 to 2018 during the spring and fall months (april through june, september through october) of the canadian school year to account for the effect of school on children’s op, while avoiding the rainy season in metro vancouver (i.e., november through march), which can significantly limit outdoor activities. initial meeting a researcher visited participants’ homes to explain the study and obtain participant assent/consent. the researcher also explained how to wear and operate the study devices, as well as how to complete the daily diaries, demographic questionnaires, and scales—for which online and printed options were available. the researcher asked children to draw a map of their neighborhood (see below), and participating parents to complete their child’s after-school structured activities schedule. throughout the study period, daily reminders, either via email or text message, to wear the study devices and to complete the daily diaries, were sent to those who requested them (the child, the parent or both). children’s map of their neighborhood at the initial meeting, the researcher instructed the participating child to draw a map of their neighborhood (béneker, sanders, tani, & taylor, 2010; sobel, 1998). we provided only a brief instruction sheet (figure 4) to explain the purpose of this map drawing exercise, making it largely free-format. children had at least one week to finish the drawing. • neighborhood social capital scale subscales selected from health behavior in school-aged children (elgar et al., 2010; freeman et al., 2015) • independent mobility (modified from page et al., 2009) • nuisance (page et al., 2010) • social norm (page et al., 2010) child after-school activities weekly schedule [qual] to collect children’s weekly after-school structured activities (e.g., math tutor, soccer practice, piano lesson, etc.). go-along photos [qual] to document locations of significance can be documented during children’s go-along interviews. state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 207 figure 4. instruction to map drawing exercise children’s seven-day activity and mobility portfolio we used different quantitative methods (i.e., global positioning system (gps) and accelerometry data, demographic questionnaires, scales, daily diaries, after-school activities schedule) to generate an objectively measured overview of children’s everyday outdoor activities and mobility patterns. children were instructed to wear a gps logger (garmintm forerunner 230) and an accelerometer (acticaltm by philips respironics) for one week during waking hours, except when engaging in activities that required the removal of any of the study devices (e.g., showering, swimming). this served to capture a comprehensive representation of children’s physical activity and mobility patterns over the course of seven days, which we hereafter refer to as the seven-day portfolio. daily diaries (see appendix a) that detailed every activity (e.g., walking to school, chatting with friends, doing homework) in which children engaged during the study participation week, were completed separately by children and their parents, and were critical for interpreting children’s seven-day portfolio. for example, the diaries allowed us to isolate data that represented when and where children engaged in unsupervised op. in addition to state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 208 daily diaries, participants completed a demographic questionnaire, an after-school activities schedule, and a series of scales. at the end of the study week, researchers collected the study devices and materials for pre-data cleaning. to construct each child’s seven-day portfolio, the gps and the accelerometry data were processed and merged through the personal activity and location measurement palmstm software (center for wireless and population health systems, university of california, san diego, ca). based on each 15-second accelerometer epoch, palms provided a preliminary preview of each child’s timebased gps latitude and longitude coordinates during the study week along with a corresponding physical activity reading for each epoch. palms also identified periods of time with missing gps coordinates, and vehicle and non-vehicle trips. (for more details on how we used palms to link gps and accelerometer data to identify trips, see borghese and janssen (2018)). we then used children’s and parents’ daily diaries to fill in data gaps in the child’s seven-day portfolio and to identify activities of interest. that is, each activity during each 15-second epoch of children’s seven-day portfolio was coded as supervised/unsupervised, inside/outside/both, trip mode, and number of trips. this process was crucial because gps or accelerometry data separately could only give a fragmented picture of children’s physical activity and mobility patterns. outstanding enquiries were flagged for clarification during interviews with the participants. go-along interviews the map drawings the children were asked to complete at the initial meeting were used as a guide when they led us on a go-along interview to visit places that were important to them. as the name implies, the go-along interview method involves researchers visiting and touring participants’ familiar places, in our case children’s neighborhoods (carpiano, 2009). this method helped us minimize the researcherparticipant power dynamic, and also provided a glimpse of each child and family’s everyday experiences in vivo. the go-along interviews occurred after we had collected all the data needed to create each child’s seven-day portfolio and had the opportunity to review their map drawing. during the go-along interview, we posed questions about their perceptions towards their neighborhood, op and im. these were guided by semi-structured interview questions, as well as specific prompts that their data had highlighted for us (see appendix b for the interview guide). interviews were typically conducted within two weeks of completing seven-day portfolios. two researchers visited each participating family to conduct interviews with the child and the participating parent(s) separately. children’s go-along interviews lasted 45-60 minutes and were audioand gps-recorded. each go-along interview was geographically tracked using a gps logger. additionally, children wore a lapel microphone to ensure clear recording despite background noises, and were given the option of bringing a friend or parent along with them on the goalong interview (13 children requested this). following the interviews, we reviewed the child’s seven-day portfolio (i.e., child seven-day portfolio cleaning exercise), while showing gps visuals of his or her study participation week through google maps, hosted on the garmin website. this was done to fill in any data gaps identified from the pre-data cleaning step, in addition to clarify inconsistencies state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 209 between children’s daily diaries and their gps and accelerometer data. following the completion of interviews, researchers completed field notes to document the setting and the general mood, their own reflection and impression of the interviews, and anything else they deemed notable (emerson & baines, 2011). children’s photographs during the go-along interviews, we provided children with a digital camera (with built-in gps function) and asked them to take photographs of places and routes reflecting their interest. both visual research methods used in our study—the map drawing exercise (béneker et al., 2010; sobel, 1998) and photo taking (bignante, 2010; fusco, moola, faulkner, buliung, & richichi, 2012; harper, 2002)—served as reflexive and representational tools and artifacts that aided children in more fully constructing and expressing their realities. in addition, children’s gps-tagged photographs helped us to pinpoint and visualize locations of their places of interest. the photographs and map drawings could then be overlayed onto each child’s goalong interview route on a web mapping service, such as google mapstm. parents’ perceptions of their neighborhood concurrent with the go-along interview, another researcher conducted individual semi-structured interviews with the child’s parent in order to capture his or her perceptions of the neighborhood and perspectives on the child’s op and im. at the end of the interview, parents were presented with printed maps of their neighborhood and asked to mark their child’s boundaries, usual hang-out places and the farthest places they had ever been without adults—to the best of their knowledge. post-data cleaning for analyses each child’s seven-day portfolio was finalized according to participant feedback. at this stage, additional “time” information was merged into the master file, including: 1) the sleep and weather data in the daily logs; 2) the start and end times of the school day and school recess times; and 3) whether each day represented a school day or a non-school day (weekend or holiday). cleaned data were then uploaded into arcgistm (esri, redlands, ca) and processed to visualize periods of inside/outside/both, school, sleep, physical activity intensity (e.g., light, moderate, or vigorous intensity) and supervised/unsupervised time on color-coded maps layered over different map stratums (e.g., crime data, park). see gps-related issues under study limitations below for more information on gps data cleaning. de-identified interview transcripts were entered into nvivo 10tm (qsr international pty ltd, melbourne, australia) to facilitate coding. anonymized visual data—by blurring faces included in photos and stripping identifiable details from map drawings—were also included in the transcripts, and researcher field notes were linked to each participant. children and their parents’ qualitative data are currently being examined to develop a “big picture” sense of the data as well as identify emerging patterns of built and natural environments and socio-ecological factors recognized as important to children and their parents. this iterative process will lead us to identify key determinants of children’s op and im to inform aim 2 of our study, which is to develop gender-sensitive indices of playability. state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 210 in retrospect: what worked well and what we have missed the value of mixed-methods research: what worked the mixed methods used for aim 1 of the playability study enabled us to examine the issue from multiple perspectives for a socio-ecological understanding and triangulation of data—while simultaneously being child-friendly in order to facilitate gathering the child participants’ perspectives. in particular, narratives collected during the go-along interviews along with the photographs children had taken provided rich context and unique insight into their lived experiences, beyond what traditional interview methods could ever afford. for instance, a 13-year-old girl (1005_1) took a picture (figure 5) of an otherwise ordinary-looking tree by her old school and explained what this tree meant for her: figure 5. 1005_1’s tree 1005_1: so i used to climb this tree a lot all the time, yeah. researcher: it is a really nice tree. 1005_1: yeah, it’s really nice and it’s really easy to climb up like you can just like… oh, i’m actually terrified of heights but i try to push myself so i went up to like way up there. i was like at the top. researcher: really? 1005_1: yeah, the top of the tree where i sat after school, waiting for my mum to pick me up. this excerpt revealed multiple realities for this child, encompassing builtand natural-environment elements to the child’s developmental journey. this tree (aesthetically child-friendly) in her old school yard (accessible) was easy to climb (playable) and afforded her a chance to test her limits and overcome her fear of heights (risky play), while she also used it for perspective to see her mom coming state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 211 to pick her up (prospect). there are hundreds of pictures of trees collected in our study; however, each tree bore different and multiple meanings to each child, serving a multitude of purposes (e.g., shading, climbing, affixing a swing set) and with different emotional sentiments and storytelling attached to it (e.g., confidence, sense of achievement, feeling of safety). likewise, very effective was the data-triangulation of interview narratives, children’s seven-day portfolios, and the daily diaries. together, these provided optimal synergies, strengthening most of the methodological limitations typically encountered when resorting to a single research method. in particular, the gps tracking made it possible to explore children’s daily op and im in real time and space. for instance, figure 6 shows the exact route an 11-year-old boy (1014_1) had chosen to get to “p” park, along with his physical activity level during the trip. figure 6. 1014_1’s journey to “p” park state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 212 added from the child’s daily diaries were rich contextual details, revealing that he was on his scooter with his friend, without an adult, scooting through sprinklers at the park for an hour. in addition, 1014_1’s seven-day portfolio revealed that he had a greater im range than his mother had indicated (i.e., within two or three streets from their home). during the go-along interview, we discovered he had been going beyond his mother’s boundaries since age 10, and he had no intention of telling her about it. as evident, these data produced a fuller understanding of children’s daily op and im, as well as broader socio-ecological determinants of their activities. study limitations despite the successful aspects of this study, we have encountered a number of methodological and ethical issues—both anticipated and not—that have the potential to inform similar research. gps-related issues the use of location data collected with gps loggers presented multiple limitations and issues throughout the data collection phase of the study. as a result, there were instances that required assumptions and discretionary decisions in order to clean and finalize the dataset. we list a summary of these issues below, but will provide detailed technical limitations and the protocols we implemented in a subsequent publication. first, the coordinates recorded by the gps loggers were subject to error when children were in urban areas with tall buildings (i.e., urban canyons) and indoors. at times, errors were straightforward to detect, as gps coordinates jumped around to locations or at speeds that would be impossible to travel under the circumstances (i.e., gps jitter). at other times, however, these errors were very difficult to sort out. for example, a four-hour time period spent at home may show coordinates both inside and outside of the house (i.e., gps drift). if children do not recall specifically remaining indoors for the entire period, or if they are unable to recall the exact times that they were outdoors in the yard, it becomes difficult to know which coordinates are accurate and which are not. therefore, in circumstances in which children spent a period of time at home but did not recall specifically when they were indoors or outdoors, only that they were frequently back and forth between the two, we allowed them to indicate on their daily diary that an activity period took place both inside and outside. having identified this issue as a limitation early on in the data collection process, we were able to streamline the data cleaning and interview processes by including the “both” option, which was clarified with children and/or their parents during the interview process, if required. from all 105 children, there were 4,167,053 15second epochs collected; and, excluding sleep time, there were a total of 2,456,740 15-second epochs—of which 54.5 percent were categorized as inside, 11.4 percent as outside, 4.5 percent as both, 28.6 percent as school and 0.9 percent as unidentified. in addition to inside/outside/both, each epoch was also coded with multiple descriptors, including description of the activity, supervised/unsupervised, physical activity intensity, as well as trip number and mode of transportation, if applicable. this strategy allowed for flexibility in including or excluding criteria in the analysis, as deemed appropriate. for instance, to examine children’s state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 213 unsupervised op and im, we could include 1) “unsupervised” and “outside” time; or, 2) “unsupervised,” “outside” and “both” time. another methodological challenge resulted when there were discrepancies between the gps data and children’s daily diaries. since the seven-day portfolio data cleaning exercise happened after we examined their data, it provided an opportunity to clarify these discrepancies. errors typically resulted from children forgetting to wear the gps logger, or making mistakes in logging daily activities, such as forgetting to include certain activities or logging incorrect times. these errors were relatively easy to rectify during the seven-day portfolio data cleaning exercise, as gps data provide a time-stamped account of the child's whereabouts. gps data was privileged over the child’s daily diary if the researcher could determine that an activity matched with an entry from the child’s daily diary. otherwise, further clarification was sought during the interview. additionally, gps error was problematic for the trip detection feature in the palms software. rapid movement and large jumps in the gps signal could trigger potentially false identification of trips. therefore, while palms facilitated identification of children’s physical activity and mobility patterns, considerable data cleaning was needed to manage missing or inaccurate gps coordinates and miscalculated trips or false trips. when possible, missing geospatial coordinates were imputed by the research team with the help of google maps and the information from palms and daily diaries that both children and their parents filled in. as a result of problems with trip detection, gps error, and inconsistent daily diary data, a series of revisions were made to daily diaries to ensure we collected all the information needed to understand the “five ws” (i.e., where the child was, what she or he was doing, with whom, when and why) on each activity outside school hours. while the initial version of the daily diaries required children to detail only unsupervised periods and physical activity, the updated version asked them to provide an outline of their full day, detailing each discrete activity, from the time they awoke until bedtime. this gave us a better understanding of children’s daily life, allowing us to fill any data gaps while having to rely less on children’s retrospective memories of the event as recalled during the seven-day portfolio cleaning exercise, as well as helping to reduce the time required for that exercise. children were also more likely to recall specific details of a day when provided with their own play-by-play accounts versus when they were only provided with detail of their independent or physically active time. ethical issues ethical dilemmas emerged during the study related to respecting children’s privacy, ensuring their safety and collecting accurate data. for example, our data made it evident that one participant regularly skipped school. in this instance, we shared our information with the child while on the go-along interview, when their parents were not present. the child informed us that his parents were aware of his absences from school and we did not pursue this issue further. our protocol was to respect children’s privacy unless there was an imminent danger to the child, their parents and/or the researcher. for instance, we did not inform 1014_1’s parents about 1014_1 roaming outside his mother’s boundaries because we did not state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 214 perceive any looming danger for the child. fortunately, we did not run into any case that necessitated disclosure. however, we did encounter a case in which we suspected child abuse or neglect. our study procedures required the interviewer to first determine that there was no imminent harm to the participant. once that was established, the interviewer reported the case to the ministry of children & families development. this is standard recommended practice at the university of british columbia, in addition to including information on the consent form indicating that potential harm to children represents a time when we would have to violate confidentiality. this incident served as an important reminder of the extra care and vigilance needed when researching with children so as to ensure their safety and well-being, as well as that of the interviewer. as a result of this incident, we refined our protocol regarding reporting suspected child abuse and neglect to outline step-by-step instructions, and provided a training session to all the interviewers discussing how to recognize child abuse and neglect, what to report, and how different agencies and organizations work together to respond to suspected child abuse and neglect. data quality assurance as expected, the quality of children’s data varied despite using a standardized protocol for initial meetings where study logistics were explained. some children provided a complete dataset to create a perfect seven-day portfolio while some submitted gps and accelerometry data with gaps, along with the daily diaries that did not coincide with their gps maps. however, our study protocol and procedures helped to ensure that 95 percent of the quantitative data (i.e. no less than 10 hours per day of gps and accelerometry wear time during waking hours, and at least four days a week including one weekend day) was valid for analysis. similarly, the quality of children’s go-along interviews varied depending on the child’s motivation and personality, the researcher’s interview skills, and the weather. to minimize the potential effect due to different interview skills and approaches, only eight researchers were involved in the interview process. researchers were trained by dr. mariana brussoni, by shadowing at least one interview she conducted, then being shadowed by dr. brussoni before conducting interviews alone. however, factors that were difficult to control, such as each child’s level of interest and energy, had a direct impact on the quality of their data. children with a strong interest in participating in the study tended to have higher quality go-along interviews compared to those participating at their parents’ request. interview quality was also affected by the personalities of participants, as well as researchers’ ability to establish rapport with the participants. finally, weather played a role in go-along interview quality, as adverse conditions such as rain and cold were more likely to have children rush through the interview than when conditions were warm and sunny. in addition, interviews tended to be shorter during the fall months when the sun sets early compared with spring months. conclusion: looking ahead in recent years, there has been an increase of research into children’s op and im across a variety of disciplines, each with its own focus and interest, such as for state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 215 promoting physical activity, learning, mental health, a healthy gut microbiome, or to prevent myopia (burdette & whitaker, 2005; finlay & arrieta, 2016; tremblay et al., 2015; whitebread, 2017; yang et al., 2018). this increased interest provides an unprecedented opportunity to consider children’s play from multiple angles, as befits its complexity. however, it is also critical that children and childhood are not lost in this increasing instrumentation of play, necessitating studies that use childfriendly methods and fundamentally privilege children’s and parents’ perspectives. our experiences with the playability study have taught us much about designing and conducting research to examine the physical and social determinants of op and im in children’s neighborhoods. these lessons have been practical as well as philosophical. the use of gps and accelerometer technology is challenging given the rapid advances in technology that render items obsolete almost from the moment of purchase. however, our experiences serve to illustrate the value of combining these data with qualitative data collected using diverse methods in order to develop a powerful dataset that can be interrogated to provide deep insight into multiple socio-ecological layers that influence children’s op and im. while we sought to include families from a variety of socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds in this study, it is clear that our dataset includes mostly middleand upper-middle-class families from predominantly caucasian backgrounds. we approach our data understanding that any interpretations will be limited to families from similar backgrounds. there is research suggesting that the limits to children’s op and im are particularly acute among families of higher socioeconomic backgrounds (aggio et al., 2017; malone & rudner, 2011; wijtzes et al., 2014), thus, this is an important population to study. however, it is important to consider op and im experiences for children from all backgrounds, particularly lower socioeconomic and cultural minority backgrounds, as communities include diverse populations. a limited sample will only shed light on a limited experience. furthermore, there is a danger that subsequent interventions to increase op can unintentionally increase inequities if they are primarily informed by research data that do not include diverse perspectives. we are motivated by the current intellectual climate that is interrogating op and im from diverse disciplines and anticipate that our powerful dataset will provide an important contribution to building the literature and highlighting the importance of supporting children’s op and im. it is particularly important for investigators to share lessons learned at this time to ensure that future research benefits from and builds upon previous experiences, helping to move the science forward and influencing policy with high-quality research. acknowledgments we thank the participating children and parents for their generosity with their time. this study was funded by the canadian institutes of health research, grant #mop-142262. drs. brussoni and mâsse are supported by salary awards from the british columbia children’s hospital research institute. in addition to the authors listed above, the playability study research team includes the following members, listed alphabetically: jaspreet dhillon, guy faulkner, pamela fuselli, brent hagel, susan herrington, amalie lambert, yingyi lin, state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 216 michelle o’kane, ian pike, negin riazi, mark tremblay, heather turner, leigh vanderloo, janae vlaar, morgan yates. christina han is a social science researcher working on the playability and go play outside! projects with drs. brussoni and mâsse. she is interested in understanding how children feel about and manage their boundaries, and finding emerging patterns across different age groups, genders, and physical environments. dr. louise mâsse is a professor in the school of population and public health at the university of british columbia. her research focuses on understanding the determinants of behavior change as it relates to physical activity and nutrition behaviors. her research integrates both population-based strategies (environmental and policy strategies) and behavioral strategies (individual-based psychological strategies) to address the complexity of factors associated with childhood obesity, including physical activity, sedentary, and dietary behaviors. andrew wilson holds a b.a in geography from simon fraser university. he is a research assistant working on the playability project with dr. brussoni. he helps with conducting research interviews and running quantitative data analysis of the findings. dr. ian janssen is a professor and crc chair in physical activity and obesity at queen’s university, where he has appointments in the kinesiology and public health departments. his research focuses on the surveillance, determinants, outcomes, and measurement of physical activity with pediatric populations. his populationbased research program examines the role that physical inactivity and obesity play in the development of poor health in both child and adult populations. dr. nadine schuurman is a giscience researcher with broad ranges of interest in spatial epidemiology, health informatics, and critical giscience. her research has focused on the application of gis to better our understanding of health conditions and health services resources allocation. with her research outcomes, nadine focuses on generating policy-relevant evidence to assist health policy makers to understand and rationalize choices in support of access to health care, treatment of disease, and improved prevention. dr. mariana brussoni is an associate professor in the department of pediatrics and the school of population and public health at the university of british columbia. she is an investigator with the bc children’s hospital research institute and academic scientist with the bc injury research and prevention unit. mariana investigates child injury prevention, perceptions of risk and safety and the developmental importance of children’s risky play. state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 217 references aggio, d., gardner, b., roberts, j., johnstone, j., stubbs, b., williams, g., . . . smith, l. 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(2016). associations between built environment and physical activity of 7–8-year-old children: cross-sectional results from the lithuanian cosi study. medicina (lithuania), 52(6), 366–371. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.medici.2016.11.002 https://doi.org/10.1016/s2352-4642(17)30092-5 https://doi.org/10.1016/s2352-4642(17)30092-5 https://doi.org/10.1186/s12966-014-0155-3 https://doi.org/10.1038/s41433-018-0015-5 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.medici.2016.11.002 state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 226 appendix a. daily diaries state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 227 state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 228 appendix b. interview guides interview guide – children instruction for researcher: • bring a separate set of gps camera and take pictures to highlight places you visited with children during the interview. these photos are in addition to children’s photos. • place a lapel microphone on children and record the interview. • state the date and time of the interview, researcher’s name, participant id. interview: general background and children’s drawing of their neighborhood: • can you tell me a little bit about yourself? • how long have you been living in this neighborhood? • do most of your friends live in the same neighborhood as you? do you all go to the same school? • what are some of your favorite fun things* to do after school and on the weekend, and how much time do you spend doing these? (query indoors vs. outdoors activities, with who). • in a typical week in spring and summer, how much time do you spend doing fun things with your parent(s)? (if necessary, query weekday vs. weekend; ask how typical weekday or weekend looks like, if needed). • where do you usually go to hang out or play outside? what do you do? with who? • can you tell me about your map? • where is your favorite (or least favorite) place to go in your neighborhood? is it on your map? • other questions when necessary (e.g., choice of color) *fun thing means any kind of activities that you find enjoyable and amusing. this may include but not limited to playing at the playground, drawing or painting, playing a sport together, taking a hike, working a puzzle etc. children’s unsupervised outdoor play: • in a typical week in spring and fall, how much free time do you have after school? how about on the weekends? do you think you get enough free play time? does that work for you? • how much time do you spend outside playing? how much of this time is ’unsupervised’? • what does ‘unsupervised’ mean to you. • then, how do you feel about playing outside ‘unsupervised’? • do you think you get enough unsupervised time? • how far from home are you allowed to go without your parent(s) or another adult around? do you ever go past that point? • what kinds of things are you allowed to do without your parent(s) or another adult around? state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 229 • what kinds of things are you not allowed to do without your parent(s) or another adult around? • all these places you can’t go and things you can’t do, who set these rules? are you happy with them? (if not, how would you like to change them?) • is there anywhere you’d like to go or anything you’d like to do without your parents or another adults that you are currently not allowed to? • how do you feel about playing outside without your parent(s) or another adult around? • what would make you feel more comfortable going outside without your parents or another adult around? • do boys and girls play outside differently? what do boys like to do? what do girls like to do? do you hang out with opposite gender peer? • when knowing that there are adults around, do you think children play or behave differently than when they are by themselves? • has anything scary or weird ever happened to you in your neighborhood or elsewhere? (if necessary, ask if they have ever been lost) [how did you deal with it?] • how do you feel about playing outside after dark? • at what age do you think you should get a cell phone? [prompt: how is it being used; sense of safety; do you feel more independent; parental control issue, etc.] • how different do your parents seem to feel about you being unsupervised and being more independent? [do you think your mom and dad are different in their comfort levels and styles?] children’s perceptions of their neighborhood and built environments: • are there things you’d like to do that you don’t have a chance to do? what are some of the things that make it difficult for you to do these things? • do you feel safe playing outside in your neighborhood? what concerns you the most? • do you find your neighbors friendly? go-along interview questions: objective: ask children to take you on a tour around their neighborhood, and take pictures of places they want to tell you about. record the interview and wear a gps monitor for the tour. • where: where do you usually hang out? your favorite or least favorite place to hang out? places that are meaningful to you? any of your friends live close to you? is there any place in your neighborhood, you don’t like to go? why you don’t like this place? • who: who do you usually play with here (friends, siblings, parents, by yourself)? • what: what do you usually do when you hang out here? favorite thing to do when hanging out here? things that you would like to do but you can’t? • why: why do you like/dislike this place? what is special about this place? how does it make you feel when you play here? • why: [when children take pictures of places/things that they have not talked to] why are you taking a picture of this place/thing? state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 230 interview guide – parents objective: • this is to better understand parents’ perspectives towards children’s outdoor play (independent or supervised) and their perceptions of built environment – as well as how different factors (e.g., individual and social factors) impact children’s outdoor play. • these questions are designed to better understand your thought process so they can seem repetitive or probing. please be aware that you do not have to answer any questions that you are not comfortable answering and you can stop the interview at any time without any penalty. general background: • can you give us a brief introduction about yourself? we are especially interested to know about your own childhood and your general philosophy around children’s outdoor and unstructured play. • how would you describe your child? (probe child’s personality and maturity) • what are some of your favorite things to do with [child]? (if necessary, query indoors vs. outdoors activities). • in a typical week, how much time do you spend doing fun things* with [child]? (if necessary, query weekday vs. weekend, summer vs. winter). • are there things you’d like to do with [child] that you don’t have a chance to do now? what are some of the things that make it difficult for you to do these things with [child]? *fun thing means any kind of activities that your child finds enjoyable and amusing. this may include but not limited to playing at the playground, drawing or painting, playing a sport together, taking a hike, working a puzzle etc. children’s unsupervised outdoor play: • in a typical week in spring and fall, how much time does [child] spend outside playing after school hours? on the weekend? how much of this time is unsupervised? what does it mean to you? • do you think [child] has a good balance between structured and free play time? • [skip if not relevant] where do you think [child] is when [child] is playing outside unsupervised? what do you think [child] is doing? • how do you feel about [child] playing outside without you or another adult around? • [skip if not relevant] how do you encourage your child to be more independent? • what things concern you about [child] going out unsupervised? • would you feel differently if [child] was a [opposite gender]? • what age does it seem to be appropriate for [child] to get her/his own cell phone or some sort of mobile technology? [probe: main purpose of getting it; safety issue; indirect supervision; a new mode supervision; etc.] state of play: methodologies for investigating children’s outdoor play… 231 • has any frightening thing ever happened to [child] in your neighborhood or elsewhere? parents’ perceptions of their neighborhood and built environments: • what things would make you more comfortable in allowing [child] to go out unsupervised? (if necessary, query attitudes toward neighborhood, social circumstances, built environment). • do you feel connected to your neighbors? (i.e. would someone be there to help you child if they needed something while they were playing in your neighborhood?) • do you feel safe in your neighborhood? do you feel safe for [child] in your neighborhood? • what types of crime concern you for [child]’s safety? is there is a lot of such crime in your neighborhood? • if there was suddenly a lot of break and enters in your neighborhood, would this make you worry about [child]’s safety? • if there was suddenly a number of assaults in your neighborhood, would this make you worry about [child]’s safety? independent mobility • how far from home is [child] allowed to go without supervision? • what kinds of things is [child] allowed to do without supervision? • “have thoughts about judgement by others ever affected your decisions regarding your children being outside unsupervised?” [on the neighborhood map] can you mark on this map, a) places where [child] usually go and hang out in your neighborhood; and, 2) farthest places they have been to on their own in your neighborhood. [note: this is to develop a quantitative radius (e.g., in km or blocks)] • how do you and [child’s other parent] differ in your approach to [child’s] unsupervised outdoor play? • [looking at the child’s weekly calendar] just to confirm, is there anything different this week/the study week? • what made you decide to participate in our study? how do you find it? • has participating in this study changed your or your child’s behavior in any way? o for instance, have you allowed your child to do things you wouldn’t normally allow to do during the study week? • is there anything else you would like to add to our interview? login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(1), 2021 disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city maria alvim leite preventive medicine department, medicine school, university of são paulo maíra macário de assis ariene silva do carmo thales philipe rodrigues da silva postgraduate program in child and adolescent health, medicine school, federal university of minas gerais mário círio nogueira collective health department, medicine school, federal university of juiz de fora michele pereira netto nutrition department, federal university of juiz de fora renata bertazzi levy preventive medicine department, medicine school, university of são paulo larissa loures mendes nutrition department, nursing school, federal university of minas gerais citation: leite, m. a., de assis, m. m., do carmo, a. s., da silva, t. p. r., nogueira, m. c., netto, m. p., levy, r. b., & mendes, l. l. (2021). disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city. children, youth and environments, 31(1), 146-164. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract the food environment around schools may influence the food consumption and health outcomes of children and adolescents. we conducted a cross-sectional exploratory census study in juiz de fora, minas gerais, brazil, to investigate the food environment in the neighborhoods of schools. schools were classified according to administration (public/private), location (central/peripheral), and neighborhood socioeconomic vulnerability. the density of food stores around schools was divided into four categories: i) only or mainly selling unprocessed or minimally processed food, ii) mixed, iii) only or mainly selling ultra-processed food, and iv) supermarkets and hypermarkets. we calculated the euclidian distances (m) from schools to each nearest establishment category and plotted circular buffers of http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 147 250, 500, and 1000 m radius around schools to evaluate the density of food stores inside the circular areas. a total of 316 schools and 4,690 establishments were included in the study. we found that the closest establishment category around schools was those selling only or mainly ultra-processed food. schools were situated where there was a concentration of food stores; being in the central district was the most influential factor with regard to their presence around schools. moreover, the density of food stores around schools decreased as the district’s vulnerability increased. to fight against an obesogenic environment around schools, public policies are needed to regulate the commodities being sold nearby. keywords: food environment, geographical variations, schools, socio-economic inequalities, ultra-processed food disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 148 background traditional efforts toward obesity prevention and treatment focus on changes in individual behavior; more specifically, attitudes toward energy intake and expenditure (reed, viola, & lynch, 2014). however, the increasing prevalence of obesity and other chronic non-communicable diseases worldwide indicates an association with other determinants beyond genetics and individual choices, such as social and environmental factors (penney, almiron-roig, shearer, mcisaac, & kirk, 2014). more than two decades ago, egger and swinburn developed an ecological model to better understand the determinants of obesity. they realized that the traditional view of obesity as a personal disorder that requires treatment was not containing the obesity pandemic and a shift was needed (egger & swinburn, 1997). this broad perspective resulted in the concept of “obesogenic environments” in which the sum of the surroundings, opportunities, or conditions of life promote obesity in individuals or populations. this paradigm helped in developing theoretical models that consider the characteristics of built environment, culture, and socioeconomic factors as population health determinants (swinburn, egger, & raza, 1999). today it is known that environmental or contextual characteristics, such as urban infrastructure, location of food-related establishments, traffic, crime, and others, influence dietary and physical activity patterns. boclin, faerstein, and ponce de leon (2014) found that residents in neighborhoods with higher social development indices have more leisure-time physical activity, showing that the environment influences the promotion or prevention of obesity in several ways. it is important to note that some social vulnerability markers, such as race and ethnicity, must be considered in analyzing the role of the environment in health outcomes. kumanyika and colleagues suggested that high-risk populations, such as african american communities, are understudied and need target interventions to have a greater impact on preventing obesity and promoting health (kumanyika, swank, stachecki, whitt-glover, & brennan, 2014). children and adolescents worldwide spend a significant part of their time in and around schools, often consuming one to three meals a day during school hours. thus, the quality of food available within and surrounding schools can significantly influence the health outcomes of this population (o’toole, anderson, miller, & guthrie, 2007; story, nanney, & schwartz, 2009). recognizing the prevention of childhood obesity as a global priority, penney and colleagues (2014) argue that interventions in this area, including social marketing campaigns with a focus on environment and policy changes, can show promising results. in brazil, there are public and private schools. the municipality, state, or federation manages the public schools. in all public schools, the most important policy for protecting children and adolescents’ eating is the national school feeding program (programa nacional de alimentação escolar), which has existed since 1955 and consists of food supply and food and nutritional education for students at all stages of basic education (ministério da educação do brasil, 2008). disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 149 the regulation of food sales at school canteens and at establishments around schools, however, is incipient in brazil. the first law prohibiting the sale of unhealthy food in school canteens was passed in 2001 (são paulo, 2001). there are some laws spread across brazilian states and municipalities prohibiting certain food sales inside schools (gabriel et al., 2012) and a few regulations on food sales in the neighborhoods of schools. few studies have been conducted in brazil or other latin american countries concerning the characteristics and distribution of food stores around schools. therefore, this study aimed to investigate the community food environment in school neighborhoods in urban districts in a large brazilian city, evaluating the differences in the food environment according to school characteristics and location. methods study design and setting this is a cross-sectional exploratory census study, whose analysis unit is the territory around public and private schools in juiz de fora in 2016.1 juiz de fora is a large city located in the zona da mata mineira, in the southeastern part of the state of minas gerais. in 2010, it had a municipal human development index (mhdi) of 0.778, placing it among brazilian cities with high levels of development (mhdi between 0.700 and 0.799) (ibge, 2010). however, its gini index of 0.58 (atlas do desenvolvimento humano no brasil, 2013) shows high intraurban social inequality. according to the 2010 census data released by the brazilian national institute of geography and statistics (ibge, 2010), the municipality had a population of 516,247 inhabitants, with 98.86% of the residents in urban areas. sidewalks are present in 88.38% of the urban area, closed sewage in 99.16%, public lighting in 99.24%, and 56.03% of the urban area is green space (ibge, 2010). data considering school territories as units of analysis, we evaluated environmental variables concerning the food environment and the health vulnerability index. we extracted the complete list with data of all schools in juiz de fora in 2016 from the open-access website of the secretary of state for education, government of minas gerais. the relevant information for the study was as follows: name (for identification), full address, administration (federal, state, municipal, or private), and education level provided by the school. the inclusion criterion was urban schools that offered at least one of the following levels of education: preschool, elementary school, or high school. 1 this study is part of the project, “built and social environments: relationship with overweight, obesity, and food consumption by children and adolescents of juiz de fora, minas gerais,” developed by universidade federal de juiz de fora and approved by the research ethics committee (protocol number 522.694/ 2014). disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 150 from the complete addresses of the schools, their geographical coordinates (latitude and longitude) were obtained through the find latitude and longitude website. we used the geographic information system qgis 2.8.6 for the school georeferencing. in order to characterize the community food environment around juiz de fora schools, we utilized a secondary database containing the full addresses of all establishments in the food retail sector in juiz de fora in 2016. we obtained this database from the minas gerais state secretariat of finance. the secretariat is a governmental body that has information on the location of commercial establishments described according to the national classification of economic activities. this is comparable to a label that describes and categorizes the different types of commercial establishments according to their main economic activity (ibge, 2016). we obtained data on street food vendors and farmers’ food markets from the secretariat of urban activities of juiz de fora (juiz de fora, 2019). the food establishments were georeferenced following the same methodology used for schools. because of incomplete addresses, we lost 139 food stores from the study. we grouped the establishments according to their main economic activity and the nature, purpose, and degree of processing of the predominant food sold, based on the nova food classification2 (monteiro et al., 2019; table 1). supermarkets and hypermarkets (i.e., “superstores”) were analyzed separately from other establishments, considering their large sizes and the lack of consensus in the literature regarding the influence of buying food from supermarkets on consumer attitudes because of the wide range of food available in these spaces (machado, claro, canella, sarti, & levy, 2017; larson, story, & nelson, 2009). table 1. classification of food establishments according to the main activity and types of food sold a. only or mainly selling unprocessed or minimally processed food: butchers, vegetable and fruit stores, farmers’ markets, fish markets, dairy markets, and street vendors mainly selling unprocessed and minimally processed food* b. mixed: restaurants and bakeries c. only or mainly selling ultra-processed food: candy shops, snack bars, minimarkets, street vendors selling solely or mainly ultra-processed food** d. supermarkets and hypermarkets * coconut water, garlic, spices, fruits, cane juice, raw beans, pineapple, green corn, and/or honey ** biscuits, hot dogs, burgers, fried savories, pastries, popsicles, industrialized potato chips, confectionery, and/or chocolate 2 the nova food framework has been proposed as an approach to classify all foods and beverages into four groups according to the nature, extent, and purpose of their processing: (i) unprocessed or minimally processed foods; (ii) processed culinary ingredients; (iii) processed foods; and (iv) ultra-processed foods. disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 151 we used the health vulnerability index to categorize the various districts within the urban area according to socioeconomic deprivation levels. for juiz de fora, this index was constructed using data from the 2010 census (ibge, 2010) following the methodology elaborated by the municipal health secretariat of belo horizonte (belo horizonte, 2013). this is a synthetic indicator that associates different socioeconomic and environmental variables and is useful for analyzing health events. it allows us to analyze the characteristics of population groups living in certain geographic areas, identify inequalities in the epidemiological profile of social groups, and point out intra-urban socioeconomic differences (friche, 2011; barbosa, 2011). the index comprises eight indicators grouped into two dimensions (sanitation and socioeconomic conditions).3 by applying the vulnerability index to the districts of the urban area, we classified the districts, as well as the school and food establishments within them, as low, medium, high, or very high risk (belo horizonte, 2013). data analysis in order to explore the food environment in school neighborhoods, we calculated the euclidian distances (meters) from schools to each nearest food establishment category using arcgis 10.5. we also plotted circular buffers of 250, 500, and 1000 m radius—equivalent to 5, 10, and 20 minutes of walking around each school (chiang et al., 2011)—and evaluated the density of food stores inside the circular areas using qgis 2.8.6. we performed all descriptive analyses using the statistical software for professionals (stata), version 14.1. the planimetric reference system used in spatial data manipulation was the geocentric reference system for americas (sirgas 2000), which is a geodetic reference system officially adopted in brazil. we categorized the schools according to administration (public or private), location (central or peripheral), and neighborhood socioeconomic vulnerability. no statistical tests were conducted to compare the descriptive characteristics of schools or buffers because this is a census study. figure 1 is an illustration of the food environment around two of the schools studied. 3 more information about this index is available at https://prefeitura.pbh.gov.br/sites/default/files/estrutura-degoverno/saude/2018/publicacaoes-da-vigilancia-em-saude/indice_vulnerabilidade2012.pdf https://prefeitura.pbh.gov.br/sites/default/files/estrutura-de-governo/saude/2018/publicacaoes-da-vigilancia-em-saude/indice_vulnerabilidade2012.pdf https://prefeitura.pbh.gov.br/sites/default/files/estrutura-de-governo/saude/2018/publicacaoes-da-vigilancia-em-saude/indice_vulnerabilidade2012.pdf disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 152 figure 1. visualizing the food environment in the neighborhoods around two of the schools studied source: authors (2020), based on data from minas gerais (2016), and juiz de fora (2016). results the study included 316 schools attended by children aged 4 to 17 years. of the total studied schools, 179 (56.64%) were private. most schools were in peripheral locations (91.14%) in medium vulnerability (44.94%) districts. the study included 4,690 food establishments (table 2). disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 153 table 2. average distance from schools to food establishments in meters in juiz de fora, minas gerais, brazil (2016) school types n (%) average distance (m) from food establishments: only or mainly selling unprocessed or minimally processed food mixed only or mainly selling ultraprocessed food supermarkets and hypermarkets mean (sd) all schools 316 (100.00) 205.47m (244.55) 96.60m (108.59) 76.11m (99.69) 569.66m (634.28) separated by administration public 137 (43.35) 231.81m (292.75) 111.61m (119.02) 85.32m (122.34) 681.44m (763.50) private 179 (56.65) 185.30m (198.53) 85.11m (98.69) 69.07m (77.70) 484.11m (499.59) separated by address downtown 28 (8.86) 94.18m (53.73) 57.31m (47.20) 40.92m (39.13) 201.79m (126.37) peripheral districts 288 (91.14) 216.29m (253.07) 100.42m (112.11) 79.54m (103.11) 605.43m (652.36) separated by socioeconomic vulnerability of district low vulnerability 107 (33.86) 144.19m (114.24) 67.84m (56.86) 58.78m (60.47) 321.82m (206.69) medium vulnerability 142 (44.94) 218.67m (216.56) 92.09m (73.86) 71.04m (56.18) 493.78m (361.12) high vulnerability 67 (21.20) 275.35m (390.99) 152.07m (186.89) 114.56m (181.04) 1,126.20m (1,070.70) * sd = standard deviation table 2 shows that the establishments closest to schools sold only or mainly ultraprocessed food. smaller distances to all food stores were noted for private schools and those located downtown and in low-vulnerability districts. food stores only or mainly selling unprocessed or minimally processed food as well as supermarkets and hypermarkets were more distant from schools than other types of establishments. the higher the district vulnerability, the greater the distance from schools to all types of food stores. disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 154 table 3. mean density of food establishments by category (number per km²) in school neighborhoods in juiz de fora, minas gerais, brazil (2016) school types establishments only or mainly selling unprocessed or minimally processed food mixed establishments establishments only or mainly selling ultraprocessed food supermarkets and hypermarkets distance from the school: distance from the school: distance from the school: distance from the school: 250 m 500 m 1,000 m 250 m 500 m 1,000 m 250 m 500 m 1,000 m 250 m 500 m 1,000 m mean (sd) all schools 19.3 (31.63) 14.23 (19.77) 10.53 (11.56) 45.33 (49.05) 37.87 (37.59) 29.67 (27.17) 72.93 (97.89) 58.68 (69.89) 46.56 (46.74) 2.39 (4.48) 1.87 (2.24) 1.25 (1.27) separated by administration public 19.67 (41.30) 13.71 (23.57) 8.59 (10.58) 39.63 (58.20) 31.66 (38.97) 24.02 (24.83) 73.49 (133.22) 53.93 (79.61) 38.10 (43.06) 2.19 (4.61) 1.63 (2.10) 1.02 (1.23) private 19.03 (21.56) 14.63 (16.35) 12.01 (12.08) 49.68 (40.26) 42.62 (35.89) 34.00 (28.13) 72.52 (58.34) 62.33 (61.41) 53.03 (48.5) 2.59 (4.36) 2.06 (2.33) 1.43 (1.28) separated by address downtown 68.03 (76.33) 56.61 (41.21) 39.42 (5.82) 125.32 (92.20) 113.09 (42.82) 88.33 (15.10) 245.55 (237.28) 219.18 (121.88) 161.44 (25.07) 6.91 (7.23) 6.28 (2.77) 4.42 (0.71) peripheral 14.57 (17.16) 10.11 (8.79) 7.72 (7.36) 37.54 (33.95) 30.56 (27.8) 23.97 (20.50) 56.16 (45.12) 43.09 (34.73) 35.39 (30.43) 1.98 (3.86) 1.45 (1.65) 0.94 (0.80) separated by vulnerability index of district low vulnerability 29.9 (46.91) 25.22 (29.13) 20.21 (13.99) 77.62 (67.38) 71.30 (45.51) 57.07 (27.88) 121.21 (149.22) 109.37 (98.42) 89.34 (53.76) 3.41 (5.30) 3.00 (2.84) 2.38 (1.46) medium vulnerability 15.89 (19.66) 10.13 (9.10) 6.57 (6.13) 33.41 (23.89) 24.87 (15.29) 18.50 (12.35) 53.48 (39.27) 37.27 (23.21) 28.50 (22.67) 2.24 (4.33) 1.64 (1.72) 0.82 (0.60) high vulnerability 9.68 (10.29) 5.33 (3.92) 3.44 (2.64) 18.95 (15.89) 12.04 (8.19) 9.60 (7.31) 37.08 (28.21) 23.16 (13.06) 16.50 (10.05) 1.12 (2.65) 0.57 (0.94) 0.37 (0.45) * sd = standard deviation table 3 shows that the predominant type of food establishment around all schools was that which sold only or mainly ultra-processed food. higher densities of all food stores were noted for private schools and those located in downtown and in lowvulnerability districts. furthermore, the density of food stores around schools decreased as the district’s vulnerability increased. as the size of the analyzed area increased, the density of establishments decreased, indicating that there is a concentration of food establishments closer to schools. location appeared to more strongly influence the food environment in the school neighborhood than whether the school was public or private. specifically, being disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 155 located in the central district, among the analyzed characteristics, was the factor that most influenced the presence of food establishments around schools. supermarkets and hypermarkets were the establishments least frequently found around schools and the most distant to them. discussion this study sought to provide some answers about the community food environment surrounding schools in a large brazilian city. the food environments vary according to the schools’ administration, location, and district socioeconomic vulnerability. as socioeconomic vulnerability increases, there is a decrease in the density of all types of food establishments in school neighborhoods. therefore, students at schools located in less-fortunate districts have fewer choices about where to eat or buy food (ford & dzewaltowski, 2008; beaulac, kristjansson, & cummins, 2009). this might happen because higher-vulnerability districts are less attractive for operating food establishments because of precarious infrastructure, higher crime rates, and lower purchasing power of consumers (sharifi et al., 2017; duran, diez roux, latorre, & jaime, 2013). consequently, students might have different relationships with the food environment around their school, depending on the school neighborhood’s level of vulnerability. while those who studied in the poorest regions might have fewer options of where to eat, the ones who studied in richer regions—and especially downtown—are hyper-exposed to a wide range of food stores, although these do not necessarily provide many options for healthy food. however, studies show that a lack of options for where to buy and eat healthy food can be associated with negative health outcomes (dubowitz et al., 2012; courtemanche & carden, 2011; prince et al., 2012). it is not new that socioeconomic inequities related to the individual and their context interfere with food consumption and nutritional status (black, macinko, dixon, & fryer, 2010). according to the “deprivation amplification” hypothesis, socially disadvantaged individuals experience a further contextual disadvantage regarding their access to health-promoting resources due to their coexisting place characteristics (macintyre, 2007). people who live, work, and study in deprived urban areas are disproportionately affected by stress and risk factors for obesity, such as higher crime rates, discrimination, social vulnerability, reduced access to healthcare resources, lower access to healthy food establishments, and limited opportunities to practice safe physical activity (garasky, stewart, gundersen, lohman, & eisenmann, 2009; dawson-mcclure et al., 2019). the distribution of food establishments can reinforce community inequities in relation to access to healthy food and limited food choices (day & pearce, 2011). it is noteworthy that low-income people, at all ages, have many more barriers to access healthy food, either because of lower purchasing power or limited access to healthy food in the neighborhood where they live, study, and work (duran et al., 2013). in addition, other factors, such as less time available to devote to practices related to food preparation and consumption, lower access to information regarding healthy eating, and greater stress, also have an effect (drewnowski, 2009). disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 156 the most abundant establishments in school neighborhoods in juiz de fora are those selling only or mainly ultra-processed food. proximity to unhealthy food establishments is considered a risk factor for weight gain in this population (fiechtner et al., 2015; macintyre, mckay, cummins, & burns, 2005). our findings are in agreement with other results reported in the literature that show that the low quality of food sold around schools exposes children and adolescents to a lowquality food environment (day & pearce, 2011; austin et al., 2005; kipke et al., 2007; engler-stringer, shah, bell, & muhajarine, 2014; morin, demers, robitaille, lebel, & bisset, 2015; leite et al., 2012; missbach, pachschwöll, kuchling, & könig, 2017; day, pearce, & pearson, 2015). studies conducted in the u.s. and brazil showed that children and adolescents had easy access to establishments that offer fast food or ultra-processed food at a short distance from schools and were exposed to low-quality food environments (austin et al., 2005; kipke et al., 2007). in new zealand and canada, this exposure was more intense in regions with lower socioeconomic levels (day & pearce, 2011; engler-stringer et al., 2014; morin et al., 2015). schools are located in places where there is a concentration of food stores. the schools may have been a magnet for the attraction of different food establishments to their neighborhoods, or perhaps schools are built in places where this concentration already exists. defending the first hypothesis, due to the high circulation of children, adolescents, and parents or guardians around schools, these areas might be perceived as interesting niches for operating food establishments (day & pearce, 2011; austin et al., 2005; gilliland et al., 2012). people tend to consume what is easier to reach (bucher et al., 2016), and if ultraprocessed foods are more easily available, it is easier to choose these foods. for example, in quebec, canada, researchers found that greater access to fast-food restaurants around high schools was associated with a higher consumption of junk food during lunch after controlling for variables related to the student (e.g., age, gender, and health perception), their family (parents’ level of education), and school characteristics (urban/rural and area deprivation) (cutumisu et al., 2017). usually, ultra-processed products are more convenient to transport to establishments located in distant and less affluent urban areas because they are standardized formulations with long-term stability and often do not require special transportation, storage or marketing (monteiro et al., 2019). it is important to note that establishments in the category “only or mainly selling unprocessed or minimally processed food” (such as butchers, vegetable and fruit stores, fish markets, and dairy markets) will not usually be frequented by children and adolescents, especially to buy food to be consumed during school hours. however, as noted above, the school neighborhood is a live territory where children and adolescents’ guardians also circulate and buy food that will be part of the family diet. a systematic review by karpyn and colleagues showed that increasing access to healthy food products in stores, particularly while utilizing promotion strategies, increases healthy food sales and purchase and improves dietary outcomes (karpyn, mccalllops, wolgast, & glanz, 2020). disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 157 the findings of this study can be extrapolated to cities similar to juiz de fora and help to explain the food environment scenario in school neighborhoods in brazil and other lowand mid-income countries. to fight against an obesogenic environment around schools, public policies are needed to regulate what is being sold around these institutions. a possible intervention could encourage healthier food retail to be set up a short distance from schools. other interventions such as ultraprocessed food taxation, limitations on marketing strategies, especially those targeting children and adolescents, warning labeling on the front of packages, and food and nutritional education are also important in inhibiting the consumption of ultra-processed food by young people. our study methodology raises possible limitations. using secondary data sources may have led to inaccurate results. however, we audited a sample of food establishments and tested the database quality. we found the data of 78.6% of establishments to be consistent. in addition, we used euclidian distance and buffers to determine paths and school territory, which are virtual boundaries in the school neighborhood. the choice of this territorial cut was based on previous studies already conducted and published in peer-reviewed scientific journals (austin et al., 2005; kipke et al., 2007; laska, hearst, forsyth, pasch, & lytle, 2010). despite these limitations, this census study considers all schools in the city and gives us a macro view of the territory. conclusions the findings demonstrate that schools and food establishments seem to have spatial correlation; socioeconomic vulnerability is inversely proportional to food establishments’ density in the school neighborhoods, and the closest and densest establishments in school neighborhoods are those selling only or mainly ultraprocessed food. this poor-quality food environment around schools exposes children and adolescents to risk factors for the overconsumption of ultra-processed food and, consequently, obesity and other negative health outcomes. students’ experiences with the food environment around schools differ according to school characteristics, such as administration, location, and neighborhood socioeconomic vulnerability. public policies are needed to regulate the food environments in school neighborhoods and ensure equitable access to healthy food. acknowledgements we thank the brazilian national council for scientific and technological development and brazilian coordination for the improvement of higher education personnel for financial support. maria alvim leite is a ph.d. student in public health at the university of são paulo, where she is also a member of the center for epidemiological research in nutrition and health (nupens). prior to earning a master’s degree in public health disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 158 at the federal university of juiz de fora (ufjf) in february 2017, she worked as an editorial assistant at the world public health nutrition association journal. she completed part of her undergraduate degree at the university of porto (portugal), and graduated in nutrition at ufjf in august 2014. maíra macário de assis is a ph.d. student in health sciences in the area of child and adolescent health at the federal university of minas gerais, where she is also a member of the group of studies, research and practices in food environment and health. she earned a master’s degree in public health and an undergraduate degree in nutrition from the federal university of juiz de fora. she has worked with groups of overweight and obese adolescents and in nutritional assistance in daycare centers. ariene silva do carmo has a ph.d. in health sciences child and adolescent health from the faculty of medicine of the federal university of minas gerais. she is a member of groups recognized by the national council for scientific and technological development, including group of interventions in nutrition; study, research and practice group in education, food and nutrition; and the center for studies in food and nutrition in the life cycles. she is also a member of the study group on nutritional epidemiology and of the study group on research and practices in food environment and health. thales philipe rodrigues da silva is a nurse who earned a master’s in health and nursing from the graduate program of the school of nursing at the federal university of minas gerais in 2018, and graduated from the school of nursing at ufmg in 2016. he is currently a doctoral candidate in health sciences child and adolescent health at the medical school of ufmg. mário círio nogueira, ph.d., has been a professor in the department of collective health at the faculty of medicine of the federal university of juiz de fora (ufjf) since 2013. he earned his ph.d. in brazilian health at ufjf in 2018. he was recognized as a specialist in homeopathy in 2010 and family and community medicine in 2004 by the brazilian medical association. he specialized in homeopathy at instituto hahnemanniano do brasil (2006) and completed his residency in general and community medicine at state university of rio de janeiro in 1998. he is a 1996 graduate in medicine from ufjf. michele pereira netto, ph.d. is currently an adjunct professor at the federal university of juiz de fora. she earned her doctorate in health sciences at the federal university of minas gerais in 2010, a master’s degree in nutrition science (2005) and an undergraduate in nutrition (2003) from the federal university of viçosa. she has experience in the area of nutrition, with emphasis on nutritional analysis of the population. renata bertazzi levy, ph.d. is scientific researcher vi in the department of preventive medicine in the faculty of medicine of the university of são paulo (usp) and collaborating researcher at the center for epidemiological research in nutrition and health at usp. she is also an advisor to the postgraduate program in nutrition disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 159 and public health and the postgraduate program in preventive medicine. her doctorate (2007) and master’s (2002) degrees are in public health from the faculty of public health at usp. her undergraduate is in nutrition from the pontifical catholic university of campinas. she has experience in the area of public health with an emphasis on nutritional epidemiology. larissa loures mendes, ph.d. is currently an adjunct professor in the department of nutrition at the federal university of minas gerais (umfg), collaborating professor of the umfg postgraduate program 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(2020). improving consumption and purchases of healthier foods in retail environments: a systematic review. international journal of environmental research and public health, 17(20), 7524. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17207524 kipke, m. d., iverson, e., moore, d., booker, c., ruelas, v., peters, a. l., & kaufman, f. (2007). food and park environments: neighborhood-level risks for childhood obesity in east los angeles. the journal of adolescent health: official publication of the society for adolescent medicine, 40(4), 325–333. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2006.10.021 kumanyika, s. k., swank, m., stachecki, j., whitt-glover, m. c., & brennan, l. k. 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(2005). out-of-home food outlets and area deprivation: case study in glasgow, uk. international journal of behavioral nutrition and physical activity, 2(16). https://doi.org/10.1186/1479-5868-2-16 macintyre, s. (2007). deprivation amplification revisited; or, is it always true that poorer places have poorer access to resources for healthy diets and physical activity? international journal of behavioral nutrition and physical activity, 4(1), 1-7. missbach, b., pachschwöll, c., kuchling, d., & könig, j. (2017). school food environment : quality and advertisement frequency of child-oriented packaged products within walking distance of public schools. preventive medicine reports, 6, 307–313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pmedr.2017.03.021 monteiro, c. a., cannon, g., levy, r. b., moubarac, j.-c., louzada, m. l., rauber, f., … jaime, p. c. (2019). ultra-processed foods: what they are and how to identify them. public health nutrition, 22(5), 936–941. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1368980018003762 morin, p., demers, k., robitaille, é., lebel, a., & bisset, s. (2015). do schools in quebec foster healthy eating? an overview of associations between school food environment and socio-economic characteristics. public health nutrition, 18(9), 1635–1646. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1368980014003139 o’toole, t. p., anderson, s., miller, c., & guthrie, j. (2007). nutrition services and foods and beverages available at school: results from the school health policies and programs study 2006. the journal of school health, 77(8), 500– 521. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1561.2007.00232.x penney, t. l., almiron-roig, e., shearer, c., mcisaac, j.-l., & kirk, s. f. l. (2014). modifying the food environment for childhood obesity prevention: challenges and opportunities. the proceedings of the nutrition society, 73(2), 226–236. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0029665113003819 prince, s. a., kristjansson, e. a., russell, k., billette, j.-m., sawada, m. c., ali, a., … prud’homme, d. (2012). relationships between neighborhoods, physical activity, and obesity: a multilevel analysis of a large canadian city. obesity, 20(10), 2093–2100. https://doi.org/10.1038/oby.2011.392 https://doi.org/10.2223/jped.2210 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2017.05.027 https://doi.org/10.1186/1479-5868-2-16 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pmedr.2017.03.021 https://doi.org/10.1017/s1368980018003762 https://doi.org/10.1017/s1368980014003139 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1561.2007.00232.x https://doi.org/10.1017/s0029665113003819 https://doi.org/10.1038/oby.2011.392 disparities in food availability around schools in a large brazilian city 164 reed, s. f., viola, j. j., & lynch, k. (2014). school and community-based childhood obesity: implications for policy and practice. journal of prevention & intervention in the community, 42(october), 37–41. https://doi.org/10.1080/10852352.2014.881172 são paulo (2001) portaria 11, de 15 de fevereiro de 2001. dispõe sobre a proibição de comércio e venda de alimentos aos alunos da rede municipal de ensino, e dá outras providências. diário oficial do município. sharifi, m., sequist, t. d., rifas-shiman, s. l., melly, s. j., duncan, d. t., horan, c. m., … taveras, e. m. (2017). the role of neighborhood characteristics and the built environment in understanding racial/ethnic disparities in childhood obesity. preventive medicine, 91, 103–109. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2016.07.009 story, m., nanney, m. s., & schwartz, m. b. (2009). schools and obesity prevention: creating school environments and policies to promote healthy eating and physical activity. the milbank quarterly, 87(1), 71–100. swinburn, b., egger, g., & raza, f. (1999). dissecting obesogenic environments: the development and application of a framework for identifying and prioritizing environmental interventions for obesity. preventive medicine, 29(6 pt 1), 563–570. https://doi.org/10.1006/pmed.1999.0585 https://doi.org/10.1080/10852352.2014.881172 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2016.07.009 https://doi.org/10.1006/pmed.1999.0585 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book and film reviews 132 designing cities with children and young people: beyond playgrounds and skate parks kate bishop and linda corkery, editors (2017) new york: routledge, 278 pages $59.95 (paperback); isbn 978-1138890824 this important publication on urban planning and design for children and young people, edited by kate bishop and linda corkery, brings together a significant number of viewpoints on issues relating to the re-thinking and re-designing of our cities with children and youth in mind. this publication aims to represent an interdisciplinary and international body of work by researchers and practitioners to set out suggestions that will inform policy-making and design around the world. the editors are taking up a very ambitious endeavor at two levels: first, by attempting to address the paramount goal in childhood and youth studies, namely to include children’s and youths’ own views and perspectives in policies that affect them (askins & pain, 2011; nolas, 2015; valentine, 2004); and second, by balancing being both a scholarly work of high quality as well as a policy-informing document that aims to address policies on change in urban planning and design. the volume is separated into four sections, complimented by a very significant appendix which presents particular case studies of the issues discussed. the first section of the book addresses global and general issues on the topic of children’s and youths’ engagement in urban design within the frame of sustainability—in social as well as environmental terms—and functions largely as an introduction of the debates discussed across the rest of the book. a number of innovative methods are discussed, if briefly, as in the chapter by derr, chawla and van vliet--. the second section of the book addresses the very issue of research with children and youth, setting forth among others, questions that relate to difficulties and particularities of such research, as well as how to conceptualize findings and reach the right audiences. chapters in this section aim to demonstrate the potential of research to inform urban planning and design. the last two chapters of the section, following up from two more generic chapters, discuss siteand project-specific examples, and thus bring the section’s overall argumentation forward. for instance, a very interesting chapter by carroll and witten explores the significance put forth by children on accessible urban public space, drawing on a project of redesigning urban spaces facilitated by the authors in auckland. the third section of the book explores questions of impact, with experts discussing policies and the impact of research, raising significant points on both state-level as well as more grassrootsinitiated discussions on policies. the chapters of this section aim to demonstrate how, when state-level political processes take into consideration the views of children in a substantial way, political ground could be gained that might set forth socio-political change, as is demonstrated in the chapter by corkery and bishop in a study of how this has functioned in a particularly persistent way in a case from new south wales. beyond state-level policy making, the chapter by wooley explores how similar political pressure and social change may be set forth through grassroots activism—drawing from a case study of campaigners for the use of book and film reviews 133 outdoor environments in the uk. the fourth section of the book presents the perspective of practitioners working in the field, focusing on participatory and action research projects. the contribution from dimoulias in this section addresses a significant issue that is characteristic of the often-problematic gaps that may exist between policy makers and young people, namely in this case the influence that the young can have on the design of community youth centers. on a methodological level, the book authors suggest a number of useful innovative methods for researching with children and youth, as well as a number of suggestions for actively engaging participants on redesigning spaces in the urban environments. epistemologically, perhaps more ethnographic approaches that focus more on children’s actual views and uses of existing urban environments (varvantakis, 2018; ward, 1979) might have benefited the overall project. additionally, while the chapters of the book address an impressively international range, the foci remain to a large extent within the western world. the book could benefit by including more research from the non-western world, as such perspectives might inform our usual assumptions about children’s meaning-making and use of public space. it must be noted that the book has a truly stunning design, which to my view benefits the aim of addressing policy-makers beyond a usual scholarly audience. the high-quality illustration and design helps bring forth the concepts and projects discussed by the authors, as well as helps highlight their relevance for wider audiences. the structure of the book is particularly well thought out, and assists non-specialists navigating the research findings and suggestions that are put forth by the authors. to this end, the appendix at the end of the volume provides a very comprehensive selection of examples of projects that make use of research to impact urban design. the volume is thus addressed on one hand to scholars of education, social sciences and urban studies who focus on childhood and youth, and on the other hand on professionals working in urban planning and design. this volume constitutes a very significant and welcome step forward towards rethinking the ways we engage children in the design of our cities. it is but a step, however, and in the progress of “decolonizing” urban spaces for children, we need to remain critical of our projects, self-reflexive, and conscious of the fact that even the term “child-friendly cities” is one coined by adults. references askins, k., & pain, r. (2011). contact zones: participation, materiality and the messiness of interaction. environment and planning d: society and space, 29(5), 803-821. nolas, s.-m. (2015). children’s participation, childhood publics and social change: a review. children and society, 29(2), 157–167. book and film reviews 134 valentine, g. (2004). public space and the culture of childhood. aldershot: ashgate publishing. varvantakis, c. (2018). like the palm of my hand: children and public space in central athens. livingmaps review, 4(spring), 1-12. available from http://livingmaps.review/journal/index.php/lmr/article/view/99/156 ward, c. (1978). the child in the city. london: pantheon books. review by christos varvantakis dr. christos varvantakis is an anthropologist, working as a researcher at goldsmiths college, university of london. he completed his ph.d. at the freie universität berlin and he has undertaken research in germany, south india and greece. his research focuses on childhood, politics, urban environments and visual and multimodal research methodologies. editors’ response by kate bishop and linda corkery the editors would like to thank christos for his generous and comprehensive review. we were particularly delighted that he picked up on so many of our deliberate editorial decisions. the design and full illustration of the book is indeed meant to increase its appeal, breadth of potential readership, and help to animate the research and practice discussions within the chapters, as are the case studies at the end of the book. the main emphasis for us was on acknowledging the expansive body of participatory research work with children and young people that now exists in the western world and the contributions this work has made, as well as the challenges still needing to be addressed. another central aim was to shift urban design and planning focus from designated and sanctioned environments, routinely allocated and associated with children and young people, to the broader envelope of urban public space and young people’s everyday use of it. we certainly recognize that there are cultural stories in this space that are not included in our book and are eager to extend our networks for this kind of work throughout southeast asia, china, japan and india, for example. no doubt there will be much shared experience and many internationally relevant themes that could advance the discussion on participatory work with children and youth in city design. we would like to thank cye for enabling this review of the book and for allowing us to respond. we hope its readers find the book beneficial whether they are new to this field of work or well experienced in it. lastly, we would also like to publicly thank all the authors for their interest and commitment to the book and for their generosity in sharing their research and practice worlds with us. http://livingmaps.review/journal/index.php/lmr/article/view/99/156 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. tf_template_word_windows_2016 © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(2), 2020 attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health and risk perception survey of massachusetts childcare providers ryan m. bouldin helen meldrum danielle blanch-hartigan department of natural and applied sciences and bentley health thought leadership network, bentley university jordan mccormick school of public health, university of california, berkeley vanessa coloma department of natural and applied sciences, bentley university citation: bouldin, r. m., meldrum, h., blanch-hartigan, d., mccormick, j., & coloma, v. (2020). attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health and risk perception survey of massachusetts childcare providers. children, youth and environments, 30(2), 147-164. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract over half of all children in the united states aged 3-5 spend time in preschool settings and are exposed to a disproportionately high level of toxic chemicals compared to other age groups. long hours at childcare facilities can be a source of exposure to hazardous chemicals in household and children’s products. we surveyed 638 childcare providers in massachusetts to assess their perception of toxic chemicals in their facilities to determine whether exposure concerns influenced their product purchasing behaviors and actions to reduce children’s exposure. childcare providers reported low levels of worry about children’s exposure to toxic chemicals, but considered themselves able to make well-informed, healthy purchasing decisions. the strongest predictor of whether a provider was willing to seek safer products was a strong belief that exposure to chemicals is harmful to children. results suggest that interventions designed to educate childcare providers of chemicals’ potential harm to children may be most successful in provoking safe purchasing behavior. interventions that highlight low-cost solutions that are free of harmful chemicals are likely to provide the highest benefit. keywords: childcare, toxic chemicals, flame retardants, risk perception, environmental health http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 148 introduction as of 2019, approximately 88 percent of 5-year olds, 69 percent of 4-year olds and 40 percent of 3-year olds attend preschool in the u.s. (snyder, de brey, & dillow, 2019). over the last four decades, enrollment in half-day kindergarten and nursery school has varied, but an average of 3.4 million children participate. full-day enrollment numbers have increased steadily from approximately 1.5 million in 1980 to about 5 million in 2018. today, greater than 50 percent of children in the u.s. attend full-day childcare for eight hours or more each day (mcfarland et al., 2019). therefore, naturally occurring (e.g., lead) and synthetic (e.g., flame retardants) chemicals present in childcare facilities represent an important source of chemical exposure for children’s developing bodies. according to the 2016 targeting environmental neuro-developmental risks (tendr) consensus statement, children in the united states face widespread exposure to toxic and endocrine-disrupting chemicals (bennett et al., 2016). exposure to harmful chemicals, like flame retardants, can occur in homes, childcare facilities, and from the natural environment. while blood serum sampling reveals that u.s. residents exhibit significantly higher concentrations of polybrominated diphenyl ethers (pbde) flame retardants compared to global residents (guvenius, aronsson, ekman-ordeberg, bergman, & norén, 2003) children bear the highest body burdens, showing greater concentrations than infants or adults (butt et al., 2016; hoffman, webster, sjodin, & stapleton, 2017; toms et al., 2009). as a result of their exposure, children are at greater risk to numerous negative health impacts from flame retardants, including impaired neurological development (eskenazi et al., 2013) and cancer (national research council, 2000). state regulations, such as those of california, have been enacted to protect children and have demonstrated some success towards lowering the use of flame retardants in children’s products (bureau of electronic and appliance repair, 2013). however, due to their persistent characteristics (de wit, 2002), flame retardant exposure is still common in childcare facilities. furthermore, many childcare providers continue to use and purchase products containing flame retardants and other toxic chemicals (stubbings et al., 2018). a california study demonstrated that 51 percent of the 40 childcare facilities examined in the state exceeded the “no significant risk” level for flame retardant concentrations in indoor air (bradman et al., 2014). high concentrations of flame retardants are found in polyurethane foam products common in childcare settings, including nap mats or changing pads, produced prior to 2015. a 2011 study by stapleton and colleagues found flame retardants present in 80 of 101 baby products tested (stapleton et al., 2011). studies have also shown a strong association between children’s exposure to flame retardants and dust present in indoor environments (stapleton, eagle, sjödin, & webster, 2012; stapleton, misenheimer, hoffman, & webster, 2014). reducing childhood exposure to harmful chemicals should involve a targeted effort directed at childcare providers. childcare workers directly observe many behaviors that make children more vulnerable to environmental toxins, including hand-tomouth transfers and spending time on the floor. however, because research suggests the average american adult has a very limited understanding of attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 149 environmental risks (cranor, 2017), childcare workers may not perceive these actions as opportunities for exposure to harmful chemicals. additionally, few studies have directly examined the link between exposure and health outcomes in children (sugeng, de cock, schoonmade, & van de bor, 2017). in this study, we sought to identify predictors of childcare providers’ knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors surrounding exposure to flame retardants and other toxic chemicals in their facilities. childcare providers may exhibit similar behaviors to the general public when evaluating risk. it is known that people tend to overvalue their own abilities, even in areas of which they have little direct knowledge (dunning, 2011). as a result, they are likely to use sensory information, such as something they can see or feel, to determine what they deem safe versus unsafe. this may lead to risk perceptions that are not based on scientific evidence (brown, 2014), and childcare providers may not always make appropriate choices that minimize exposure to toxic chemicals for the children in their care (kraus, malmfors, & slovic, 1992). furthermore, childcare providers may not have any environmental science education beyond high school, since many have not completed an undergraduate degree (phillips, austin, & whitebook, 2016). additionally, head start classroom teachers have indicated their self-efficacy is highest for teaching basic literacy skills and significantly lower for science. in part because providers report lacking adequate self-confidence as science educators, childcare workers tutor students in language learning far more often than science (gerde, pierce, lee, & van egeren, 2018). in order to design an intervention that will promote healthier decisions and behaviors by childcare providers, it is important to determine if childcare providers’ perceptions of risk of chemical exposure stems from their perceived knowledge of environmental health. if so, do they feel adequately informed to change their behavior (ferrer & klein, 2015)? risk perception includes both worry about chemical exposure (does the provider feel the children in their facility will be exposed to toxic chemicals?) and perceived severity (does the provider believe chemical exposure causes real harm?). meta-analysis demonstrates that interventions targeting affective risk perceptions, such as increasing worry, can be effective at producing preventative behavioral change (ferrer & klein, 2015; hay, mccaul, & magnan, 2006). however, according to fear appeal theory, just increasing worry may not be enough; increasing perceived behavioral control is also necessary for behavior change (witte & allen, 2000). if an intervention is successful at increasing both individuals’ risk perception and their perceived behavioral control, those individuals’ intentions to change their behavior and their subsequent positive health actions should also increase (sheeran, harris, & epton, 2014). we surveyed childcare providers to assess their risk perception of toxic chemicals in their facilities to understand whether concerns about exposure to chemicals influenced their purchasing of safer products and taking actions to reduce children’s exposure to chemicals. we wanted to understand 1) do childcare providers feel knowledgeable enough about environmental health issues to make healthy product purchasing decisions? 2) given the opportunity, would a childcare provider be willing to participate in a program to improve the environmental health of their attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 150 facility? the key factors behind these questions are whether providers feel they have behavioral control over their product purchasing decisions and whether they have the behavioral intention to remove toxic chemicals from their facilities. methods survey development and distribution we distributed an online survey to 4,796 massachusetts childcare providers whose email addresses were provided by the massachusetts department of early education and care. the email list was originally developed for the market rate assessment survey (branscome, giapponi, cohen, & corso, 2011). this market rate assessment survey estimated there were 11,428 childcare facilities in ma; thus, we estimate that our survey was distributed to approximately 42 percent of childcare facilities operating in massachusetts. facilities within the survey included those with infants through preschool classes, with approximate age ranges from 6 weeks to 5 years old. responses were collected over a six-week period between late february and early march 2016.1 research subjects and data quality we received 753 survey responses; 638 of these were fully completed for a completion rate of 86 percent. overall response rate was 13.3 percent of the 4,796 solicitations. approximately half of respondents were home-based care providers (53.9 percent) and cared for less than 10 children (43.8 percent). the survey respondents represent a fairly even distribution of geographic locations across massachusetts with no region representing more than 18.5 percent and no region representing less than 6.4 percent. table 1 depicts the demographics of the survey respondents. table 1. characteristics of participating childcare facilities type of childcare facility frequency (n = 747) percent (%) family care (home-based) 403 53.9 group care (center-based) 318 42.6 missing 26 3.5 number of children < 10 327 43.8 10-25 101 13.5 25-50 120 16.1 50-100 98 13.1 >100 60 8 missing 41 5.5 1 the university’s institutional review board approved study materials and procedures. a full copy of the survey emailed to providers and the complete data set are available at doi:10.13140/rg.2.2.23033.70242 https://www.researchgate.net/deref/http%3a%2f%2fdx.doi.org%2f10.13140%2frg.2.2.23033.70242?_sg%5b0%5d=sq9xngb3d9wzlgao1ruia46xgmx_dpi6i2c-4cjk0uvfwd-hj0pw6awuxo2umexggw5umyjlzaydh0z_ns0v7xwhew.royeuxvmgocdcz6xrbxba7zhitcvwhk7zz_delltvpmzrr4aosgvwmqf23tnemtzgcfrd0ebgukq6qpqs10uxa attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 151 measures perceived environmental health to measure participants' perceived knowledge of environmental health, we asked providers to “classify [their] knowledge of environmental health issues (such as climate change, exposure to chemical hazards, blood lead levels, etc...)” and “how [they would] describe the environmental health of [their] childcare facility.” response options were: excellent, good, average, fair, and poor. risk perception a series of questions assessed the degree to which providers worried children were at risk from chemicals in consumer products while in their care. we asked, “how much do you worry about chemicals in childcare items such as highchairs, children’s furniture, changing pads, crib mattresses, etc... harming children in your facility?” response options were: never, hardly ever, occasionally, frequently, and almost always. to further investigate levels of worry about chemicals, we asked providers how concerned they were about six different sets of chemicals in their facilities: parabens, flame retardants, bisphenol-a, formaldehyde, cleaning products, and phthalates. response options were: chemicals unknown to me, not at all, a little, some, and a lot. next, we assessed providers’ perceptions of the severity of the harm to children’s health caused by chemical exposures by asking how much they agreed or disagreed that exposure to certain chemicals could cause: 1. behavior problems in children, 2. disruption of endocrine (hormone) function in children, and 3. cancer in later life. response options were: strongly disagree, disagree, no opinion/uncertain, agree, and strongly agree. the risk perception questions were modelled after the environmental risk questions used for the second cycle of the fourth administration of the health information trends survey (hints 4 cycle 2; https://hints.cancer.gov) (nelson et al., 2004), but adapted for the context of childcare facilities. behavioral control the behavioral control measure defined the degree to which a provider felt they had sufficient knowledge to inform their purchasing behaviors. providers were asked, “do you consider yourself informed enough to make purchasing decisions for healthier and safer products for your facility?” response options (very informed, usually informed, can’t self-assess, somewhat informed, not adequately informed) were recorded, then dichotomized for further analysis as very informed/usually informed and can’t self-assess/somewhat informed/not adequately informed. behavioral intention we measured behavioral intention by asking providers how likely they would be to participate in a project to make their childcare facility healthier and to learn about safer replacements for items containing toxic chemicals. response options included: extremely unlikely, unlikely, neutral/undecided, likely, extremely likely. responses were dichotomized as extremely likely/likely and extremely unlikely/unlikely/neutral/undecided for further analysis. attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 152 purchasing barriers all providers were asked “what is the biggest barrier for you to purchase safer alternative products for your facility?” response options included: price, time, lack of knowledge, lack of availability of safer products, and other. childcare facility characteristics providers also reported facility type (family vs. center-based care), number of children at the facility, and geographical area. after pilot discussions with childcare providers who were concerned about confidentiality, no additional demographic information was collected. data analysis we calculated bivariate (pearson) correlation coefficients between all variables. multivariable binary logistic regression models, with variables of perceived knowledge, self-reported facility environmental health, exposure worry, harm severity, and facility type, were used to predict behavioral control and behavior intention of the providers. results environmental health knowledge and worry providers reported high levels of environmental health in their facilities with roughly 74 percent ranking their facility as being in excellent (24.1 percent) or good (50.5 percent) condition. the childcare providers ranked their own environmental health knowledge slightly worse, with over 75 percent reporting having an average (40.5 percent) to good (35.6 percent) understanding of environmental health issues (table 2). less than 2 percent of respondents reported having inadequate knowledge or poor environmental health in their facilities. in general, childcare providers reported low levels of worry about potential chemical exposure in their facility from childcare items such as highchairs, furniture, changing pads, and mattresses; nearly 90 percent expressed never (37.6 percent), hardly ever (31.5 percent), or occasionally (19.9 percent) worrying about chemicals in children’s products (table 2). only 11 percent of childcare providers frequently or almost always worried about chemicals in childcare products. providers’ level of worry about specific chemicals/chemical groups was similarly low and exhibited strong internal consistency (cronbach’s alpha of 0.899) across chemicals. parabens and flame retardants invoked the least amount of concern, as 58.35 percent and 62.19 percent of respondents were either unaware of or had no concerns about them, respectively. chemicals in cleaning products, bisphenol-a (bpa), and phthalates had the highest levels of concern among providers with 30.1 percent, 26.3 percent, and 26.2 percent reporting either a lot or some concern, respectively. bpa was the chemical that had the highest level of awareness with only 3.2 percent of providers responding they were unaware of the chemical.2 2 all data is available at doi:10.13140/rg.2.2.23033.70242 https://www.researchgate.net/deref/http%3a%2f%2fdx.doi.org%2f10.13140%2frg.2.2.23033.70242?_sg%5b0%5d=sq9xngb3d9wzlgao1ruia46xgmx_dpi6i2c-4cjk0uvfwd-hj0pw6awuxo2umexggw5umyjlzaydh0z_ns0v7xwhew.royeuxvmgocdcz6xrbxba7zhitcvwhk7zz_delltvpmzrr4aosgvwmqf23tnemtzgcfrd0ebgukq6qpqs10uxa attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 153 table 2. survey outcomes facility environmental health responses (n = 691) percent (%) excellent 180 24.1 good 377 50.5 average 112 15.0 fair 16 2.1 poor 3 0.4 perceived environmental health knowledge responses (n = 699) percent (%) excellent 78 11.16 good 251 35.91 average 282 40.34 fair 77 11.02 poor 11 1.57 product worry responses (n = 640) percent (%) never 219 34.2 hardly ever 208 32.5 occasionally 135 21.1 frequently 48 7.5 almost always 30 4.7 behavioral control over purchasing responses (n = 631) percent (%) yes – very informed 146 23.1 usually informed 273 43.3 can’t self-assess 57 9.0 somewhat informed 119 18.9 no – not adequately informed 36 5.7 behavioral intention to participate responses (n = 628) percent (%) extremely unlikely 19 3.0 unlikely 40 6.4 neutral / undecided 208 33.1 likely 233 37.1 extremely likely 128 20.4 perceived severity of harm from exposure to chemicals despite low levels of worry about chemicals, the vast majority of providers agree or strongly agree that exposure to chemicals can lead to negative health outcomes (table 3). most providers agreed or strongly agreed that exposure to chemicals as a child could cause behavior issues (62 percent), endocrine disruption (55 percent), and cancer later in life (69 percent). provider responses were internally consistent (cronbach’s alpha = 0.799) across the three exposure outcomes. attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 154 table 3. providers’ perception of the severity of harm caused by exposure to certain chemicals responses exposure to certain chemicals can…. cause behavior problems in children (n = 642) disrupt endocrine function in children (n = 636) lead to cancer later in life (n = 629) strongly agree (%) 21.65 17.92 23.69 agree (%) 39.72 36.95 45.47 no opinion/uncertain (%) 34.11 41.82 28.78 disagree (%) 2.49 2.36 0.95 strongly disagree (%) 2.02 0.94 1.11 behavioral control and intention childcare providers generally felt very informed (23.1 percent) or usually informed (43.3 percent) about the purchase of safer products in their facilities (table 2). only 5.7 percent felt they were not adequately knowledgeable about purchasing safer products. providers also expressed high levels of behavioral intention as they reported being extremely likely (20.4 percent) or likely (37.1 percent) to participate in a program to learn about safer replacements for items containing toxic chemicals. only 9.4 percent of the childcare providers surveyed said they would be unlikely or extremely unlikely to participate in such a program. predictors of behavioral control over purchasing and intention to purchase safer products environmental health knowledge, facility environmental health, product worry, and perceived severity of harm were all significant predictors of behavioral control over purchasing. facility type was not predictive of behavioral control. table 4 presents a summary of the model’s results. table 4. multivariable binary logistic regression models results variables in behavior models behavioral control over purchasing behavioral intention to participate b exp(b) p b exp(b) p family vs center-based care -0.255 0.775 0.180 0.084 1.087 0.627 facility environmental health 0.648 1.912 0.000 -0.023 0.977 0.853 perceived environmental health knowledge 0.577 1.781 0.000 0.011 1.011 0.915 product worry -0.183 0.833 0.039 0.104 1.110 0.196 harm severity 0.384 1.468 0.007 0.625 1.868 0.000 behavioral control over purchasing ---0.086 1.090 0.650 attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 155 perceived severity of harm due to chemical exposure was the only predictor of intention to participate in a program to improve childcare facility environmental health. facility type, environmental health knowledge, facility environmental health, product worry, and behavioral control were not predictive of behavioral intention. barriers price was viewed as a barrier to purchasing safer products by 42 percent of responding childcare providers (figure 1). lack of knowledge and the unavailability of safer products were also reported as barriers by more than 20 percent of respondents. several childcare providers who selected “other” as a barrier noted that current massachusetts early education and care regulations restricted their purchasing behavior, particularly around the directed use of bleach for sanitation. figure 1. barriers to purchasing safer alternative products discussion understanding the predictive factors of childcare providers’ purchasing decisions is an important first step in efforts to decrease exposure to toxic chemicals in young children. results of this survey of massachusetts childcare providers suggest that their belief that chemical exposure can lead to harmful health outcomes in children predicts childcare providers’ intention to take action towards purchasing safer products for their childcare facilities. targeting affective risk perceptions thus can lead to changes in health-related behaviors (hay et al., 2006; sheeran et al., 2014). learning more about potential chemical exposures in their own classrooms might turn childcare providers into advocates for improving the physical environment of childcare settings. many states in the u.s. have begun to embrace the goal of transforming early childhood workforce training and qualifications, even if opportunities for advancing skills and knowledge are still limited (whitebook, mclean, & austin, 2016). the type of educational intervention we envision could include customized professional development training in applied environmental science. r es p o n d en ts ( % ) attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 156 our findings demonstrate that worry about exposure from products in their facility was not a significant predictor of childcare providers’ behavioral intentions. however, it is not surprising that some providers still have lingering concerns about the endocrine disruptor bpa. a decade ago, children’s products containing bpa emerged as and continue to be a major media topic (brewer wise, & ley, 2013; mello, 2013). studies have shown that if a topic can be readily recalled in a person’s mind, then they assume it must be important (gilovich, griffin, & kahneman, 2002). experienced childcare providers are likely to recall the news that the united states food and drug administration banned bpa in baby bottles and sippy cups in 2012 and in infant formula containers the next year. what many in the general public do not realize, however, is that bpa is often replaced with lessstudied and potentially more toxic chemicals, such as 4,4'-sulfonyldiphenol, commonly known as bps. these “regrettable substitutions” are also common in the flame-retardant industry. research has shown that people are not fully rational in their product purchasing behavior and are influenced by irrelevant factors such as product labelling (scherer, maynard, dolinoy, fagerlin, zikmund-fisher, 2014). this could lead to childcare providers believing that products labelled as bpa-free or as compliant with flame retardant standards are safer choices, when in fact this may not be true. nearly 70 percent of providers in our study reported that they do not ever or hardly ever worry about chemical exposure from products in their facilities. this is comparable to nationally representative u.s. data from the 2004 hints 4 cycle 2 survey which estimated that only 13.4 percent of the u.s. adult population worried a lot about the harmful health effects of chemicals in household items (nelson et al., 2004). similarly, childcare providers’ low levels of worry over chemicals like flame retardants may indicate that they do not fully understand exposure probability and therefore overall exposure risk. childcare providers may be unaware that products in their facilities contain harmful chemicals or may lack an understanding of potential toxicity. the low levels of worry also suggest that childcare providers may be overestimating their own environmental health knowledge. only 2 percent claim to have poor environmental health knowledge, but 10 percent report being unaware of flame retardants. additionally, if as a peer group, childcare providers do not feel concerned about chemicals or do not experience pressure from a social normative perspective, they may not feel the need to change. previous analysis of mothers' behaviors have shown that perceived norms are highly correlated with exposure reduction behaviors (mello & hovick, 2016). despite growing news coverage of the negative health impacts of chemicals like flame retardants (callahan, roe & chicago tribune reporters, 2012; shemkus, 2017), there are not many specific guidelines and regulations available for childcare providers. for example, current massachusetts department of early education and care regulations (606 cmr 7.00) on the safety requirements for equipment, materials, and furnishings contains ambiguous language, merely stating items must be flame retardant; it does not note if the standard may be met without flame retardant chemicals (state of massachusetts, n.d.). moreover, the prevailing attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 157 nationwide flame retardant standard, california’s tb-113-2017, exempts many childcare items, including nap mats, changing pads, and play yards from the flame retardant standard all together (bureau of electronic and appliance repair, 2013). the lack of clear and accessible information from massachusetts regulations likely lead to confusion. our survey results suggest that respondents’ perception of the severity of the harm from exposure rather than worry about the likelihood of exposure, may be driving childcare providers’ behavior, and impacting their motivation to change it. that is, childcare providers may not fully appreciate the exposure potential associated with chemicals in their facility, or their concept of risk is not motivating them to take action due to several potential barriers. these findings are consistent with other studies examining risk avoidance, and follows a trend known as the “risk perception paradox,” which describes inconsistencies between risk perception and riskavoidant actions (wachinger, renn, begg, & kuhlicke, 2013). our reasoning is in line with wachinger and colleagues’ (2013) reasons why an individual's comprehension of risk does not always lead to appropriate riskavoidance behaviors: 1) providers may not believe harmful chemicals exist in their childcare products, and therefore perceive no risk from their use; 2) they may not feel purchasing alternative products will lower their risk; or 3) they may feel powerless to change their facilities due to additional factors, such as cost or regulations. in our survey, childcare providers overwhelmingly expressed an understanding of the severity of harm to children due to exposure to toxic chemicals. they also generally expressed an interest in learning more about how they can shift their purchasing habits to safer products. given these positive indicators, providers are likely to overcome the risk perception paradox when exposed to an appropriately designed intervention. interventions should be specifically designed for two groups of providers: those already willing to take action and those that are initially more hesitant. for the more hesitant group, interventions should be directed specifically toward education about the potential severity of the harm that toxic chemicals pose to children. if behaviors remain consistent with our results, this should motivate more of these providers to action. for those already willing to act, interventions should focus on raising awareness to the presence of chemicals in childcare facilities and on overcoming potential barriers to purchasing safer alternatives. there is evidence that collaborative campaigns between scientists and citizens are effective in the push for more stringent chemical regulations (lubitow, 2013; mello, bigman, sanders-jackson, & tan, 2016). these educational interventions could present simplified results of the many peer-reviewed studies that identify chemicals in childcare products, while also highlighting known cost-effective, safer alternative products that are currently available in the marketplace. attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 158 the providers who purchase on behalf of the childcare facilities must trust the science that identifies the environmental problems and the claims made by the manufacturers. professional development interventions in this area would do well to target those who may be overwhelmed trying to understand complex information about what is truly a better product (macdonald & she, 2015). simply giving providers a list of products to mitigate chemical exposure will not be enough, nor will a simple fear campaign on the dangers of chemical exposure (witte & allen, 2000). the goal of any professional development intervention would be to assist childcare providers in devising a comprehensive and actionable strategy that integrates preventive measures and addresses environmental health issues. furthermore, since providers feel adequately informed to make purchasing decisions, interventions that highlight low-cost products free of harmful chemicals as examples may provide the greatest impact. conclusions childcare providers in massachusetts exhibit a risk perception paradox about chemical exposures in their facilities; although they are largely aware of the health risks associated with chemical exposure, very few report high levels of worry about children’s exposure to chemicals in their childcare facility. although childcare providers’ perceptions of the severity of harm from chemicals predicted their intention to participate in a risk-reduction program, worry about exposure to chemicals did not. there may be some advantages to our findings. scholars interested in environmental education have cautioned that being overwhelmed by complexity creates too much anxiety, thereby resulting in problems in making decisions about environmental risks. any intervention designed to raise awareness in childcare providers will need to be sensitive to this defined ability to process information (kaplan, 2000). because the educational attainment of the childcare workforce may not be higher than the average american, programs for professional development need to be innovative (gomez, kagan, & fox, 2015). pre-service and in-service professional development programs should provide childcare workers with both content and practice in environmental science (powell, diamond, bojczyk, & gerde , 2008). additionally, there should be a thoughtful plan regarding the balance of emotional and logical appeals presented to inspire behavior change (slovic, finucane, peters, & macgregor, 2004). recent results show that interventions targeting the replacement of products that contain toxic chemicals like flame retardants can be successful at lowering children’s exposure to those chemicals in childcare settings (stubbings et al., 2018). since providers already feel adequately informed to make purchasing decisions, interventions that raise awareness through environmental education and highlight solutions that overcome the cost barrier are likely to provide the highest benefit. study limitations and future research this study was influenced by demographic constraints, due to a regional focus on childcare facilities in massachusetts. we also acknowledge a selection bias towards attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 159 childcare providers that utilize electronic mail. respondents were overly representative of childcare providers in western massachusetts (18.5 percent of respondents) compared to the boston area (6.7 percent of respondents) which may mean this data is more generalizable to childcare providers in more rural and less populated regions. additionally, the survey design was constrained by an effort to preserve providers' privacy; therefore, we were unable to follow-up with respondents and were unable to collect more demographic details. additionally, perceptual and behavioral constructs were measured with single items and may not align with the conceptualization of these variables in various behavior change theories. for example, perceived behavioral control was operationalized in this study as feeling adequately informed to make good purchasing behaviors. we also modelled predictors of perceived behavioral control separately because we were interested in what may influence providers feeling sufficiently knowledgeable. however, in most behavior change theories, perceived behavioral control is modelled as a predictor of intention. we look to expand future studies to a broader, more nationally representative demographic, assess perceptions and behaviors in a more theoretically rigorous way, and to evaluate long-term health and economic outcomes of the behavioral interventions suggested here. for example, an examination of childcare providers’ actual knowledge of environmental health issues would build on this research and identify correlations that exist between a provider’s actual versus perceived knowledge. acknowledgements this work was funded by the massachusetts toxic use reduction agency (lowell, ma) community grants program, bentley university summer research grant program, and the department of natural and applied sciences at bentley university. ryan m. bouldin, ph.d. is an associate professor of sustainable chemistry and associate director of the honors program at bentley university. he holds a ph.d. in chemical engineering from the university of massachusetts lowell. his research emphasizes the use of green chemistry for the development of advanced materials, sustainable polymers, and safer products. he serves as the chair of the board of directors for the environmental health strategy center in portland, maine. helen meldrum, edd, educator and consultant, is an associate professor of psychology at bentley university in waltham, massachusetts. prior to joining the bentley faculty, she was an associate professor of psychology and communication at the massachusetts college of pharmacy and health sciences. helen has also taught in graduate programs at babson college, the university of rhode island and northeastern university. her areas of expertise include: interpersonal and group dynamics, psychology of adulthood, mental health services, and communicating about sensitive issues. professor meldrum has a particular strength in teaching “teaching skills,” having facilitated many professional train-the-trainer programs in the u.s., canada, europe and israel. attitudes and actions towards toxic chemicals: an environmental health… 160 danielle blanch-hartigan, ph.d., mph is associate professor of health studies in the department of natural and applied sciences and director of the health thought leadership network at bentley university in waltham, ma. she holds a ph.d. in psychology from northeastern university and an mph from harvard th chan 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(2000). a meta-analysis of fear appeals: implications for effective public health campaigns. health education & behavior, 27(5), 591– 615. https://doi.org/10.1177/109019810002700506 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(1), 2019 expanding the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability through family education programs konstantinos stavrianakis james farmer school of public health, indiana university, bloomington citation: stavrianakis, k., & farmer, j. (2019). expanding the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability through family education programs. children, youth and environments, 29(1), 84-104. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract limited outdoor residential spaces and the cost of high-quality, sustainably grown vegetables have led families to engage in community gardening. the educational and recreational opportunities provided by community gardening make the settings an appealing location for families to learn and share leisure time together. we used a mixed-methods approach to investigate the impacts that gardening education workshops in community gardens can have on family members and their environmental behaviors. we used a case study approach to analyze the data from observations, drawings and interviews in which participants reported a variety of positive impacts from the gardening workshops including socializing, health benefits and acquired knowledge. however, there was limited evidence of pro-environmental behavior change beyond gardening. keywords: community gardens, families, sustainability, mixed methods, education http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 85 introduction community gardens have been utilized in different periods of history by individuals to produce fresh fruits during a crisis (okvat & zautra, 2011; robinson & farmer, 2017). such gardens were used during the great depression, and they were a great relief during and after world war i and ii (armstrong, 2000; lawson, 2005). guitart, pickering, and byrne (2012) suggest that there has been a global increase in urban community gardens, signifying their importance to modern societies, which was also underscored by turner, henryks, and pearson (2011). there are a variety of community garden types and systems. veen and colleagues (2015) differentiate between allotments in community gardens managed by multiple people through collective action, and allotments managed by individuals or family-style units. additionally, ferris, norman, and sempik (2001) distinguish community gardens based on function, such as food gardens, leisure gardens, healing and therapy gardens, and crime diversion gardens. the continuous increase of vegetable prices, the scarcity of vegetables, and the poor quality of commercially available vegetables, particularly in food-insecure regions, have been found to be some of the reasons that lead individuals to engage in community gardening (hendrickson, smith, & eikenberry, 2006). there are inconclusive studies suggesting that food habit changes towards a vegetable-rich diet with less meat and dairy consumption could result in a more environmentally sustainable lifestyle (macdiarmid, 2013). while eating healthy and sustainable foods is possible, barosh, friel, engelhardt, and chan (2014) point out that for households with certain socioeconomic characteristics, adopting such a diet may be unaffordable. community gardening can be a solution to that problem by providing individuals with access to a more sustainable—and affordable—diet (algert, baameur, & renvall, 2014; turner, 2011). our study used the brundtland report’s description of sustainability: “sustainability is concerned with the well-being of future generations and in particular with irreplaceable natural resources.” further, this paper uses the definition of proenvironmental behavior by kollmuss and agyeman (2002) as “the behavior that consciously seeks to minimize the negative impact of one’s actions on the natural and built world” (p. 240), such as limiting the usage of plastic bags. turner (2011) discusses how communities can come together through food systems by engaging in community gardening. furthermore, scholars have posited that community gardens promote sustainability, environmental stewardship, and education (krasny & tidball, 2009), as well as offer a range of ecosystem services such as biodiversity and decomposition (ferris et al., 2001; middle et al., 2014). okvat and zautra (2011) include in their study two ways that gardening can specifically mitigate climate change; the first is through direct impacts, such as mitigation of greenhouse gasses, and the second is via indirect impacts such as “urban lifestyle change and education” (p. 380). the aim of our research is to investigate whether educational gardening workshops offered in community gardens can bolster pro-environmental behaviors among the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 86 family members and promote sustainable ways of living. our hypothesis is that the educational workshops will have a positive impact on the family members participating in them. many studies that have investigated the educational role of community gardens have focused on the individual and her/his experiences rather than the family unit and how they experience and learn together (corkery, 2015; walter, 2013). recently, research has centered on the cognitive development of the individuals involved in community garden projects, with little attention directed towards families and their conceptual change regarding issues of sustainability. the importance of the family unit is underscored by macdonald and maurer (2015) who proposed that family knowledge acquisition can be achieved in an informal setting while engaging in enjoyable activities together. damerell, howe, and milner-gulland (2013) suggested that parents can learn from their children while they are engaged together in environmental education activities, but they suggest that further empirical evidence is needed on the matter. a critical gap in scholarship centers on the family and the factors contributing to the family unit’s experience, their attitude towards sustainability and how their behaviors change while engaging in community gardens. scholars propose that the family unit is the most important social structure for children, with respect to behavioral and attitude changes (patterson, 1975). several studies have commented on the influence that parents have on their children. for example, (lauricella, wartella, & rideout, 2015), reported that children’s screen time was associated with their parents’ screen time; meeusen (2014) suggested that parents have a significant impact on the environmental concerns of their child. as children are the adults of the future who will be making conscious decisions, it is important to understand the best ways to educate them and raise their environmental awareness. family interventions may be a way to achieve that, however we must first understand how families function and behave, how the members of families interact, and the different ways they socialize. recent literature indicates that more empirical research in community gardening is needed in order to further explore family sustainability. for example, guitart et al. (2012), examined 89 community garden research publications and found that environmental sustainability was discussed in 19 of the papers but demonstrated in only two. multiple studies investigated the role of families and community gardens from a health perspective (e.g. vegetable intake and obesity) (carney et al., 2012; castro, samuels, & harman, 2013; zick, smith, kowaleski-jones, uno, & merrill, 2013), but the sustainability aspect of community gardens tends to be addressed more in school environments (williams & brown, 2013). consequently, the present study investigated individual plots managed by families in community gardens. methods study location the community garden investigated in our study is part of hilltop garden and nature center (hilltop) on the indiana university-bloomington campus, in the the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 87 midwestern u.s. bloomington is a city in south-central indiana with a population of 83,093 people (“us towns in profile,” n.d.). it is a college town with 32,924 undergraduate students and 10,289 graduate students (“indiana university,” 2016). the average household income in 2016 was $31,254 and 56.5% of the people above 25 years of age had a bachelor’s degree or a higher qualification (united states census bureau, 2017). in addition to hilltop, there are four more community gardens in the town that are open to the public. we chose the study location because the agency offers family educational workshops and participants included both members of the public with no affiliation to the university, as well as employees/students of the university. hilltop was established in 1948 with a focus on youth gardening. through the years, hilltop’s educational programs have evolved and they now offer workshops for children, adults, and families. their education program is not curriculum-based and the teaching methods and objectives change based on the instructor.1 there are specific topics that community gardeners learn every season, such as soil quality, pest identification, water conservation, weeding and mulching. instructors embed experiential, interactive activities into their educational workshops. children’s activities include coloring with leaves and flowers, building birdhouses, insect observation under the microscope, and the like. the content of the workshops does not explicitly include sustainability nor the role that community gardens may play; rather, workshops focus on organic vegetable and fruit growing practices. although the vegetable gardens in the nature center do not have an organic produce certification, the practices they follow and teach in gardening are in accordance with organic agriculture practices. in addition to the educational programs and the instructors, the nature center also provides the gardeners with all the gardening supplies they need such as compost, seeds, and gardening tools. approach2 we used a sequentially embedded mixed-methods study to allow for one phase to inform proceeding phases (creswell & plano-clark, 2007). we followed a case study approach, utilizing both qualitative and quantitative analytical methods (stake, 2005).data were collected in three different phases with three different methods between may 2017 and september 2017. we started by conducting family observations and transitioned to interviews with the older family members and drawings completed with the younger family members. this allowed us to study the phenomenon of family community gardening from multiple lenses, gaining greater depth and understanding of the lived experience (creswell, 2013). thirteen total families were involved in the study, which included 39 individual participants. the families had diverse experience with and knowledge about community gardening. participation in this study was voluntary and each family received a $50 gift card incentive to participate. we collected quantitative data through ethogram observations that were later quantified, while the qualitative data were collected via informal, in-depth interviews and drawings. for the purpose of the observations, we 1 the researchers did not contribute to any educational material or instruction. 2 the independent research board at indiana university, bloomington, approved the study (irb #1709177902). the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 88 constructed an ethogram according to bernard (2006) and nippert-eng (2015); its development is explained below. our interview protocol was open-ended for the purposes of the informal interviews that elicited the experiences and perceptions of both adults and children during their participation in the community gardening (tracy, 2012). the drawings included the experiences and perceptions of the younger participants during their engagement in gardening, as per hsu (2014). we also collected demographic data about the participants. to analyze the data, we followed characteristic procedures of a case study method, including naturalistic generalizations, direct interpretation, categorical aggregation and correspondence and patterns (stake, 1995). for the analysis of our data we focused on individual experiences and what individuals made of the education workshops, as well as the aggregation of individual meanings in order to understand the larger relationship between hilltop nature and garden center and the participants. for that reason we analyzed our data both through the aggregation of cases and individuals’ direct interpretation (stake, 1995). observations stage 1 of the data collection was the family observations. the observation process was based on an ethogram we developed during two pilot visits in the community gardens where we identified the main behaviors in which we were interested (see an example ethogram in appendix a). the main reason for using an ethogram was to be able to compare behaviors among family members to see whether there were any correlations or differences among them. the four main themes of the codebook were: 1) environmental knowledge (five behaviors), 2) emotions (four behaviors), 3) engagement (five behaviors), and 4) environmental behavior (12 behaviors). the individual behaviors that were coded for these four themes can be found in appendix b. the duration of the observations varied between 20 and 45 minutes with an average duration of 41.4 minutes. in total, we completed 39 observations of the 13 different families. the family observations took place one at a time, ensuring that the observer captured most of the behaviors developing in the observed period. the total number of observations varied between families. in addition to the behaviors, we also recorded: a) the subject of the education workshop, b) the weather conditions, and c) the time and date of the observation. once all observations were complete (n=39), each individual observation theme was given a separate score, one for the parents’ behaviors and one for the children’s behaviors. scoring the observations was important for making our data continuous and appropriate for the statistical analysis. we used knowledge and engagement as our predictor variables for environmental behavior. we used spearman’s rank correlation coefficient to determine the relations between parents’ and children’s environmental behavior scores with engagement and knowledge scores; p<0.05 was considered statistically significant. drawings stage 2 of the data collection was the children’s drawings. although drawing is not a methodology widely used in research, it is becoming more popular with research involving children (tracy & redden, 2016). drawings are used by children to the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 89 represent what they learn in their daily life through memories, events and realworld observations (hsu, 2014). in her paper, (yuen, 2004) discussed four contexts where drawing can be helpful: “a) to facilitate a relaxed atmosphere, b) to gain insight into the children’s perspective, c) to provide structure and focus the discussion, and d) to recognize and reduce the potential of group-think” (p. 461). in this study, the children produced their drawing at their house and returned it to us at the community garden. the prompt for the drawing was, “please draw your experience from the community gardens. you can include plants, animals, people and anything else you want.” we used an adapted version of the draw-and-explain method used by günindi (2017); our participants verbally explained their drawings during the interviews, rather than writing their explanations. discussing the drawings with the children and their parents while we interviewed them together served as a triangulation method (copeland & agosto, 2012). further, recognizing the young ages of some of the participants, this approach allowed them to better express their experiences, and helped guide the discussion according to what the children had experienced and wanted to share with the family and the researcher. informal interviews stage 3 of the data collection was the on-site informal, in-depth interviews conducted with the families. the main purpose of the interviews was to find emerging themes on the experiences and motivations that led families to engage in the community garden programs and the educational workshops. not all 13 families participated in the interview process. in total, we conducted seven individual family interviews (n=7). all family members that participated in the educational workshops were present during the interviews, which took place at the community garden. the duration of the interviews was between 14 minutes and 19 minutes with an average duration of 17 minutes. we followed a focus group openended interview protocol, as we were interested in family interactions and experience sharing (tracy, 2012). the interview questions focused on three main themes that emerged throughout the observations: 1) the positive or negative impacts that the community garden had on the family; 2) the reasons for participating in the specific community garden and if they would continue engaging in community gardens; and 3) the experience of the children participating with their family in community gardening. results our study participants included 39 (14 male (36%) and 25 female (64%)) parents (n=39) and their children (n=14) engaging in community gardening. the mean age for parents was 34.75 with the majority being full-time employees and holders of at least a bachelor’s degree. the average number of children in the participating families was 1.5, and 73.5% of the child participants were girls. the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 90 observations correlation analysis of the observations suggests children’s environmental behavior was significantly correlated with their parents’ engagement (p<0.001), and their family combined engagement3 (p<0.041) (table 1). table 2, in contrast, shows that parents’ environmental behavior was not found to be correlated with their children’s engagement, but it was correlated with parents’ engagement (p<0.023). combined family environmental behavior was significantly correlated with parents’ engagement (p<0.000), family combined engagement (p<0.027), parents’ environmental behavior (p<0.000), and children’s environmental behavior (p<0.000) (table 3). we did not find any significant correlations between environmental behavior and environmental knowledge, neither for parents nor for children. table 1. spearman's rank correlation between children’s environmental behavior and engagement children’s environmental behavior parents’ engagement family engagement correlation coefficient .504** .329* sig. (2 tailed) 0.001 0.041 n 39 39 **. correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) *. correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed) table 2. spearman's rank correlation between parents' environmental behavior, parents’ engagement and combined family environmental behavior parents’ environmental behavior parents’ engagement family environmental behavior correlation coefficient .364* .766** sig. (2 tailed) 0.023 0.000 n 39 39 **. correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) *. correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed) 3 engagement refers to specific actions as found in the ethogram’s codebook in appendix b the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 91 table 3. spearman’s rank correlation between families’ environmental behavior, engagement and parents' and children environmental behavior families’ environmental behavior parents’ engagement combined engagement parents’ environmental behavior children’s environmental behavior correlation coefficient .625** .354* .766** .713** sig. (2 tailed) 0.000 0.027 0.000 0.000 n 39 39 39 39 **. correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) *. correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed) drawings in total, we found 29 codes and six themes from analyzing the children’s drawings (table 4). the majority of the drawings included people such as themselves and their family members; plants such as tomatoes, apple trees, and potatoes; and animals such as the resident cat, rolly-pollys (pill bugs), worms, and birds. an example of the drawings with a brief description can be seen in figures 1, 2 and 3. table 4. themes and codes derived from analyzing the drawings themes codes knowledge blue carrot watering sun emotions love family father mother brother me produce/plants tomatoes lettuce potato kale pepper apple tree peer tree blueberry bush animals cat bird worm rolly polly bunny infrastructure classroom tool fence plot bucket shovel wheelbarrow the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 92 emotions and knowledge figure 1. drawing capturing emotions and knowledge a 6-year-old girl created the drawing in figure 1. based on the illustration, we can see that the child loves peppers and carrots. the interview with the child and the parent allowed us to get a more in-depth understanding of the drawing and the child’s experience in community gardening. the child pointed out that carrots are not necessarily orange, but can be blue as well. the child also said that she drew tomatoes, and she loved gardening because she can grow food and eat it. garden production figure 2. garden produce and gardening tools the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 93 figure 2 is a 6-year’s old boy’s drawing illustrating his experiences in community gardening. from the drawing, we can see that the child has drawn different types of plants. the shapes of the plants drawn are relatively realistic and can be defined in the picture. in the interview, he explained that he drew weeds and that he did not like weeds. in the drawing, both large trees and small plants had fruit. he also drew several different types of gardening tools and seem to know the function of at least one, the watering can, by representing water. he drew a fence, but it was not clear what the function of the fence was in either the interview or the drawing. he also drew a rabbit and explained that the rabbit was stealing the apples. from this data, we can infer that the child knows that different plants produce different types of food, that different types of tools are needed to tend the garden, and that he possibly understands some of the requirements of plants and that some plants are desirable in the garden and some are not. family time figure 3. family time figure 3 presents a 4-year-old boy’s representation of his family time at the community garden. in this picture, all the members of his family are represented, and he shows them walking together in the garden on a multi-colored path. his representation shows the garden separated into different sections. he has drawn several different animals that they came across in the garden—a rolly-polly, a snail and a one-eyed ant. he shows his brother interacting with a rolly-polly. his representation of himself, his mother and his father are in one color, while his brother is in a different color. it is interesting that there are no obvious representations of vegetables, only animals. he includes everyone in the family, which could possibly be interpreted as he perceives the community garden to be a family experience rather than an individual experience. the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 94 family interviews the family interviews sought to identify families’ motivations for participating in community gardening, the experiences of parents and children during the educational workshops in the community garden, and any benefits they gained. excerpts from the interviews, along with their codes and themes, can be seen in appendix c. parents reported a range of motivations for participating in the hilltop community garden and their educational workshops. first, most parents gave financial reasons for participating. they noted that produce is expensive in grocery stores. however, families were reluctant to invest money into garden infrastructure at their house without being certain that it would be successful. thus, they sought education about gardening. some families reported that after gaining the necessary practical skills and knowledge from hilltop community garden, they would attempt growing vegetables in their home garden. second, limited space at their residence was another reason that led families to community gardening. one family had the idea of growing hydroponically at their house because of their limited space. this family pointed out the importance of the education workshops. third, socializing played an important role in families’ engagement in community gardening. one family mentioned that they were moving away from bloomington but that finding a new residence near a community garden was of great importance to them not only for food access but for socializing as well. finally, knowledge and recreation were also important factors for the families’ participation in community gardening. most of the families identified time spent in the community gardens as both educational and recreational. in contrast to our hypothesis, none of the participants reported changes in pro environmental behaviors during or after the workshops. both parents and children had a very positive opinion about the educational workshops held in the hilltop community garden. during the interviews, participants often illustrated positive impacts with events that took place while gardening. all families mentioned that they learned a lot from the instructors themselves, and some families identified an associated knowledge development in their children. another positive impact that parents reported was the fact that their children started eating healthier and increased their vegetable intake. in conjunction with their drawings, children were encouraged during the interviews to talk about their special memories from the community garden. the majority of the special memories reported included animals rather than plants. the animals were a resident cat of the community garden, birds, insects, moles and bunnies. two families made comments for improving the education program. three families commented that their children did not participate in the classroom activities but the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 95 enjoyed the outdoor work. all families identified that this is a family program and acknowledged the limitations that instructors had working with both adults and children. discussion the aim of this study was to investigate the impact of community gardens’ educational workshops as an intervention to foster sustainable lifestyles among family members. the majority of the participants did not have any gardening experience preceding the intervention. our initial hypothesis was that after the educational workshops, families would report more pro-environmental behavior. families identified specific knowledge gained while participating in the community garden, e.g. knowledge of pollinators. although our quantitative data analysis could not determine causality, the data indicates that these changes were because of the educational workshops provided in the community garden. our findings through the ethogram on the significant positive correlation between parents’ and children’ behavior is supported by other research suggesting that children follow their parents’ behavior when it comes to sustainability (grønhøj & thøgersen, 2009). we also found a significant positive correlation between environmental behavior and engagement in gardening. this could be interpreted to mean that the more one works in nature, the more pro-environmental behavior one is likely to have and develop. as discussed above, there was no reported evidence of increased proenvironmental behaviors attributed to the workshops. although participants increased their knowledge, they did not necessary act more sustainably, which could be a future implication for such workshops. investing more in developing experiences and emotions as a mode to raise pro-environmental behaviors has been discussed in other studies as well. the lack of correlation between environmental knowledge and behavior and the need to use emotions to develop pro-environmental behavior has been discussed in multiple studies, such as those by carmi, arnon, and orion (2015), and pooley and o'connor (2000). none of the interviewed families reported that their environmental orientation had changed through participation in the community garden or the educational program. some of the interviewees discussed some environmental challenges that were brought to their attention during the workshops, but they did not report undertaking any actions to mitigate these challenges. the codes from our interviews suggest that families received and perceived the direct benefits from engaging in community gardening such as increased socializing, knowledge expansion, monetary benefits and family time through recreation, but participants did not make the connection with environmental behaviors and sustainability. we suggest that in order to establish that connection, educational workshops should have a more specific and constant orientation toward sustainability rather than just gardening practices. the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 96 studying and observing how families engage together in community gardens, we can concur on the importance of families as a social unit. from a practitioners’ perspective, it is important to structure future family education workshops in ways that enable both parents and children to make the most of them, despite their age differences. nonetheless, several families participated in the educational workshops as an introduction to gardening and vegetable growing. this introduction was very important to them, as they could later transfer these skills to their home vegetable garden. this transfer of skills signifies the importance of gardening-related education in community gardens. if families have their own home vegetable gardens, then the need for vehicle use to acquire food can be minimized. it is thus possible that community gardens could act as a stepping-stone to more residentialbased food production (when lack of gardening space is not an issue), thereby leading to more sustainable cities. limitations there are limitations to our study and our analysis. hilltop community garden may not represent the typical community garden setting in the u.s. as they offer structured educational programs while the majority of community gardens do not. further, our participants were only from one community garden. finally, due to the fact that the ethogram was developed by a single researcher, it was not possible to run an inter-rater reliability test, and such a test would have strengthened the reliability of the instrument used in this study. future research despite the limitations in our study, we believe that the methodologies presented are a great tool for future studies, allowing researchers an in-depth understanding of participants’ behaviors. in her paper, hsu (2014) suggested that interviews should be incorporated with drawings in future studies to allow researchers a more holistic understanding of participants’ drawings. our study has exhibited this importance and the results of having interviews with children to discuss their experiences with the aid of their drawing. future research in community gardens and family sustainability should focus on larger participant sample sizes and should compare findings from community gardens that offer structured educational workshops to community gardens that do not offer educational workshops. conclusion the findings of our study indicate that families engaging in community gardening can promote city sustainability in two ways. one way is by developing the skills and knowledge needed for growing vegetables and directly growing food in the garden, and the second way is by families transferring these skills and knowledge to their home gardens and incorporating vegetable gardening in their everyday life. the interview findings suggest that families have experienced several different direct benefits from engaging in community gardening, and thus they would continue engaging in this activity. although families’ reasons for participating in community the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 97 gardening was not directly due to environmental concerns, rather due to the direct benefits they receive such as socializing, health benefits and financial motives, the families are still making a contribution to city sustainability by participating in community gardening through practices such as organic farming and on-site compost production. among the 13 families that participated in the hilltop program, two of them traveled regularly to and from the community gardens on their bicycles, while the other 11 used their personal cars. creating a network of community gardens that are easily accessible on foot, by bike or with public transportation could create more sustainable cities. another important finding from our study was that the educational workshops provided a platform for the families to learn together and engage in activities that resulted in spending “quality time, a valuable outcome (mcdonald & maurer, 2015; freeman & zabriskie, 2002). konstantinos stavrianakis is a ph.d. student in leisure behavior at the school of public health at indiana university, bloomington. he specializes in research into how environmental education influences environmental behavior in urban 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(2013). harvesting more than vegetables: the potential weight control benefits of community gardening. american journal of public health, 103(6), 11101115. doi:10.2105/ajph.2012.301009 the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 101 appendix a. example ethogram the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 102 appendix b. codebook for the ethogram the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 103 appendix c. examples of interview quotes with themes interview quotes codes themes mother: “i wish i could think of specific examples, but i hear the, say things that they have learned or pick up bugs that they have seen here in the gardens and they know things about them, they know things that i am sure they have learned here…” father: “i have heard them talking outside of this context, like about, pollinating and stuff like that and it is on their mind in a way that it was not before…they see insects coming from flower to flower and talk about pollinating them.” talking, learned, know, pollinating • knowledge • transferring skills mother: one thing i was hoping for, is to get more vegetables in our garden and in our diet…and we were walking through bloomingfood (local food retailer with organic produce) just this week and tina (daughter) said now that we have our garden i am interested in eating vegetables…yeah! but that was something that i hoped would happen.” interested in eating vegetables, diet, more vegetables • knowledge • transferring skills father: “too expensive…we buy organic, so we figure if we buy, we might just grow it ourselves.” oldest child: “that way we do not spend so much money” expensive, not spend so much money • financial motives mother: “i told george (husband) that i was debating on whether it would be worth build a plot at our house, but i did not want to invest in building a raised bed and doing all of it and i thought that this is a perfect opportunity to not only educating them (children) but also try it out without investing a lot in our home.” investing, educating, build, perfect opportunity • knowledge, financial • motives • transferring skills father: “we are limited living in an apartment, we can’t grow vegetables, so this provides an opportunity to grow vegetables” limited living in apartment • financial motives researcher: ok, so, after the community gardens here in hilltop, do you think you will try again and do it in your house? father: “yes, during the program actually we tried to create our own hydroponics in our house…it did not work with mint, but it did work with peppers. we want to expand that and try different things. hydroponics inside the house.” researcher: “do you think what you were taught in hilltop helped you?” father: “yes, it was very helpful.” researcher: “although you did not do hydroponics? father: “yes. it needs specific treatments, but in general, they will be the same. probably we need more…the food for hydroponics is different but in tried, helpful • knowledge • transferring skills the contribution of community gardens to city sustainability 104 general it will be the same way we treat normal plants we treat hydroponics.” father: “i would like to say…stepping back one question, i was surprised how much a community it feels like, i am not that talkative person with other families, but i noticed how joyce (daughter) started talking with other kids and then occasionally dona (wife) would get in a conversation and so, i like that, it was like having another community to be part of. i think if i lived in bloomington, i would still come to the community gardens here and have still have my own garden somewhere else.” surprised, community, talking, conversation, own garden somewhere else • socialization • transferring skills mother: “well, it is really important to me that they (children) have a good understanding of the where the food comes from, and i wanted them to not only know the vegetables we grow from the ground but that we can produce the food we eat. but also, i wanted them to have that hands-on inquiry experience of growing food.” good understanding, vegetables grow, produce food, inquiry, experience • knowledge researcher: “and would you consider that as a recreation time? with the family”? mother: “yeah” father: “mostly recreation” mother: “also education” researcher: “so, you can combine education with recreation?” mother: “yes, but i think it is also a quality family time, so it is something we can do the three of us together” mostly recreation, education, quality family time • recreation • knowledge login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(1), 2021 green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes and proenvironmental behavior wanlu liu jin chen chinese academy of sciences key laboratory of tropical forest ecology xishuangbanna tropical botanical garden citation: liu, w. & chen, j. (2021). green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behavior. children, youth and environments, 31(1), 55-87. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract previous research has asserted that promoting connection to nature can enhance children's environmental attitudes and cultivate their pro-environmental behavior. school green spaces and educational programs have been recognized as important interventions toward this goal, although empirical study examining their effectiveness, especially in china, is rare. this study collected data from 1,597 students (9−12 years old) in southwest china. the study used the two major environmental values scale to measure two dimensions of children’s environmental attitude—preservation and utilization—and used a project-specific proenvironmental behavior scale to measure children’s self-reported pro-environmental behavior. the results found that students' perceived school environment is consistent with objective measures of “green space quality.” meanwhile, students’ perception of their school environment and their interactions with natural elements have a positive correlation with students’ preservation attitude and proenvironmental behavior. school green activities have a negative correlation with a utilization environmental attitude. this study thus highlights the value of green campuses, and when supplemented by environmental pedagogical activities, they could significantly contribute to equipping children with environmental literacy. keywords: school green space, perception, environmental attitudes, pro environmental behavior http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 56 introduction interacting with nature benefits children in several ways (chawla, 2015; gill, 2014), including improved physical flexibility and balance (fjørtoft, 2004; sando & sandseter, 2020), cognitive function (dadvand et al., 2015; ulrich et al., 2008), creativity (samborski, 2010), social interactions (baines & blatchford, 2011; titman, 1994), and mental health (chawla, keena, pevec, & stanley, 2014). childhood interactions with nature also cultivate pro-environmental behavior (peb) during both childhood and adulthood (li & chen, 2015; whitburn, linklater, & abrahamse, 2020). because of this, an increasing number of initiatives aim to enhance children’s peb by promoting natural observation, camping, exploration (zhang, zhao, & chen, 2019), and the like. however, although children benefit from experiencing nature, today they have fewer opportunities to experience it (louv, 2008). rapid urbanization (miller, 2005), changing lifestyles that prioritize computers and mobile phones over outdoor activity (pergams & zaradic, 2008), and parents’ worries about outdoor safety (dyment, 2005), lead to a deficit of nature experiences in children’s lives. the deficit may lead to a lack of basic familiarity about the natural environment (atran, medin, & ross, 2004; nabhan & trimble, 1994) as well as physical and cognitive problems (bell, wilson, & liu, 2008; dadvand et al., 2015; huh & gordon, 2008). school campuses are vital to ameliorating this problem; school-age children spend most of their active time (eight hours per day on average) at school (guo & yang, 2008). studies have shown that children who attend schools with green grounds have more opportunities to play (boldemann et al., 2006; jansson, gunnarsson, mårtensson, & andersson, 2014; malone & tranter, 2003; moore, 1996; zamani & moore, 2013), enjoy safer and less hostile outdoor environments (dyment, 2005; evans, 2001), develop enhanced social relations (baines & blatchford, 2011; maller & townsend, 2006; titman, 1994), and have better cognitive development (dadvand et al., 2015) and academic performance (li, chiang, sang, & sullivan, 2019; kweon, ellis, lee, & jacobs, 2017). studies have also shown that teachers working at greener schools are more creative while designing their curriculum (dyment, 2005; moore, 1996). other research has shown that green space provides important physical and psychological benefits to campus residents (scholl & gulwadi, 2018; wee, 2017). global green school efforts in recent decades, school green space development initiatives have been promoted around the world. in 1994, the foundation of european environmental education developed the “ecological school plan,” which encourages energy-efficient and sustainable schools and emphasizes student-led management of the school environment to transform student behavior (lysgaard, larsen, & læssøe, 2015). other initiatives, such as the u.s. green building council’s leadership in energy and environmental design (leed) for schools in the united states, green star education in australia, and the deutsche gesellschaft für nachhaltiges bauen in germany, emphasize schools’ physical environments (meiboudi, lahijanian, shobeiri, jozi, & azizinezhad, 2017). these efforts include increasing green space, improvement of indoor air quality and classroom acoustics, removal of toxic materials, sustainable waste management, and the like (zhao, he, & meng, 2015). green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 57 china began to promote green schools in 1996, when the government mandated their establishment to foster environmental education (tan, chen, shi, & wang, 2014; wu, 2002). china’s green schools project emphasized both the physical environment, including energy saving and sustainable development, and environmental education in schools (wu, 2002). by october 2000, there were 3,207 schools at various levels in 16 provinces named “green schools” (zhiyan, hongying, & xuhong, 2004). however, few studies have evaluated whether the program’s outcomes have been successful. potential benefits of school green space on students’ environmental orientation studies investigating the relationship between general school green space with students’ environmental orientation are limited. a study that investigated the routines of students from 134 preschools in stockholm found that among schools with similar demographics and teaching philosophies, those closer to urban green spaces had children who were more empathetic and concerned for other life forms and were more aware of human–nature interdependence (giusti, barthel, & marcus, 2014). a quantitative study showed that in a school ground greening process, children’s physical use of the school ground was important for establishing a positive and caring relationship with the landscaped area (jansson et al., 2014). another study found a positive relationship between sustainable facilities at school campuses and students’ environmental attitudes and behavior (tucker & izadpanahi, 2017). other research has demonstrated that students at an ecoschool often showed higher environmental attitudes than students at a control school (boeve-de pauw & van petegem, 2013b). studies that have included the school physical environment as a variable have discussed the area of green coverage at the school (dadvand et al., 2015), the existence of a school garden (blair, 2009), or the green landscape visible out of the school windows (kweon et al., 2017). to our knowledge, there is a deficiency of investigations on the effects of other potentially important variables such as degree of plant diversity (lindemann-matthies, junge, & matthies, 2010; sivarajah, smith, & thomas, 2018), diversity in vegetation structure, or landscape richness (määttä et al., 2019). likewise, few studies have examined whether variations in a school’s physical environment affect students’ perception of green space (but see akoumianaki-ioannidou, paraskevopoulou, & tacho, 2016; li, ni, & dewancker, 2019; hart, 1979). more empirical studies are needed to understand the specific features that make a green school most effective and the ways a green environment affects students’ environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behaviors. in this study, we aimed to add to the understanding of these processes by expanding the school green space variables into a more comprehensive perspective, considering variables such as plant species diversity, vegetation structure diversity, and landscape possibility (richness). in addition, we hypothesized that other features such as potted plants in classrooms and corridors (van den berg, wesselius, maas, & tanja-dijkstra, 2017), and the existence of green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 58 recreational facilities (akoumianaki-ioannidou et al., 2016) are also important variables for the school physical environment. considering these variables in combination, our aims for this study are to provide a clear vision on what makes a “good” school green space, and thereby to deliver suggestions on school green space practices. potential variables connecting school physical environment and proenvironmental behavior environmental perception people make sense of the objective environment through their own perceptions. environmental perception is an integral component of human-environment interaction, providing a link between the physical context and individuals’ subsequent cognitive, affective, and behavioral responses (ittelson, 1976; stokols, 1978). environmental perception has commonly been defined as awareness of, or feelings about, the environment, and as the act of apprehending the environment by the senses (zube, 1999). it is also the first step in the process of developing environmental knowledge and awareness (albuquerque & alves, 2016). studies have shown that a well-designed school environment can foster a dynamic relationship between students and the environment (orr, 1997; taylor, 1993). the school physical environment has the potential to train and sharpen students’ perception, enhance their sensitivity, and allow them to develop an aesthetic sense of the environment (demirbaş & demirkan, 2003). an empirical study found that students’ aesthetic perception of green space is positively correlated to the students’ feelings of security (karimian, samiei, & kazemi, 2017). students’ perception of their school environment is a potential variable between the physical school environment and students’ environmental attitudes and peb. interaction with natural elements at school research suggests that adults’ pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors are largely shaped by childhood experiences in nature (chawla & cushing, 2007; hinds & sparks, 2008; li & chen, 2015). experiences in nature may consist of any number of interactions with natural elements, such as catching fish in a creek, observing a caterpillar on a leaf, smelling flowers, etc. a green environment at school may provide children such opportunities to interact with elements in nature, observing insects or plants in the parterre, reading books under the shadow of a tree, or growing plants in the school garden (akoumianaki-ioannidou et al., 2016). these kinds of activities may allow students to develop an emotional affinity to nature (collado, staats, & corraliza, 2013), which in turn can enhance their positive environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behavior. environmental attitudes environmental attitudes refer to a person’s psychological tendencies when evaluating an environmental object (e.g., environmental protection, appreciation of nature, or the human-environment relationship) (kaiser, hartig, brügger, & duvier, 2013; milfont & duckitt, 2010). many studies have reported strong correlations between environmental attitudes and peb (bamberg & möser, 2007; johnson & green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 59 činčera, 2015; pooley & o’connor, 2000); however, a few other studies have found weak correlations (gifford & sussman, 2012; müderrisoglu & altanlar, 2011). there are two dimensions of environmental attitudes: preservation and utilization (milfont & duckitt, 2004; wiseman & bogner, 2003). the former refers to “a biocentric dimension that reflects conservation and protection of the environment,” while the latter refers to “an anthropocentric dimension that reflects the utilization of natural resources” (wiseman & bogner, 2003, p.787). studies have shown that the preservation dimension of environmental attitude has a positive relationship with peb (i.e., students who scored higher on the preservation dimension performed more environmentally friendly behaviors in their daily life), while the utilization dimension has a negative relationship with peb (i.e., students who scored higher on the utilization dimension performed fewer environmentally friendly behaviors in their daily life) (johnson & činčera, 2015; pooley & o’connor, 2000). environmental education in chinese schools students’ environmental attitudes and peb depend not only on students’ perception of their school environment and their interactions with natural elements, but on other variables as well. among these, environmental education activities may have a positive influence on students’ environmental attitudes and peb (collado et al., 2013; soga & gaston, 2016). environmental education began to be integrated into china’s basic education curriculum in 1987, and the country is experiencing a rapid growth in the field of environmental education (tian & wang, 2016). the “green school program” has been promoted throughout the country since 1992. the ministry of education requires schools to integrate environmental knowledge, attitudes, and values into the compulsory school curriculum, for example, by offering environmental education courses as an independent subject, fully integrating environmental education into school schedules, offering teacher training, and conducting research on environmental education pedagogies (tian & wang, 2016). in addition to the efforts of the government and formal education systems, some chinese schools also have opened their doors to environmental non-governmental organizations. according to an incomplete investigation, as of 2018, there were nearly 400 environmental education organizations in china, of which 54% were commercial companies and 21% were non-government organizations. fifty-six of the organizations were newly established (feng, xiao, zhou, & wu, 2018). these environmental education organizations provide schools with more professional environmental-focused resources, such as natural observation tour guides in schools, themed course implementation, and undertaking school outings. thus, a growing number of children have chances to participate in environmental education activities both within and outside of school, and we assume that chinese children have benefited from this process. research questions previous studies have outlined the relationship between school environment attributes and environmental attitudes and peb (tucker & izadpanahi, 2017). however, few studies have explained the mechanisms by which this relationship can be built, and which factors among the campus green space variables are green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 60 significant predictors of educational outcomes. this study aimed to fill this gap and examine whether and how a school green environment impacts students’ environmental attitudes and peb. here, we propose the following hypotheses: • hypothesis 1 (h1): a green school environment has a direct and positive influence on students’ perception of their school environment (pse). • hypothesis 2 (h2): students’ pse and their interaction with natural elements (ine) have a direct positive effect on the preservation dimension of students’ environmental attitude. • hypothesis 3 (h3): students’ pse and ine have a direct negative effect on the utilization dimension of students’ environmental attitude. • hypothesis 4 (h4): students’ pse and ine have a direct positive effect on their peb. materials and methods geographic context and school selection this study was conducted in the city of chongqing, which is a central municipality city in southwest china in the yangtze river upstream region. chongqing has a humid subtropical monsoon climate, with an annual average temperature ranging from 16–18℃ and an average annual rainfall of 1000–1350 mm. chongqing has more than 30.5 million permanent residents, and the urbanization rate is about 62.6%. the main body of the city includes nine districts with a total area of 5,472.68 km2, and there is a 39.8% green coverage ratio as of 2016 (chongqing statistics bureau, 2018). in 2017, there were 425 primary schools in chongqing, including 146 in rural areas and 279 in urban areas (chongqing statistics bureau, 2018). based on the school list from the local education department website, we randomly selected 20 schools for participation in this study. we then contacted the principal of each school, explained the purpose and contents of our study, and asked permission for surveying their schools. three schools declined participation because of conflicts in schedule or distrust of us. we then selected another three to replace them. figure 1 shows the geographic location of each school (red solid circles). (see table 3 in appendix a for basic information about the 20 participant schools.) green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 61 figure 1. map of participating schools data collection physical environment based on the findings of previous studies (burns, 2010; china green building council, 2013; voigt, kabisch, wurster, haase, & breuste, 2014), we investigated eight variables regarding the school physical environment. 1) green space area (gsa) according to the green campus evaluation criteria (csus/gbc 04-2013) (china green building council, 2013), school green space refers to “all kinds of green space within the scope of school land, such as public green space, dormitory green space, etc. the green space of primary and secondary schools should include concentrated green land, scattered green land, water surface, plantings for teaching practice, and small animal feeding gardens” (china green building council, 2013, p. 33). we used google earth to calculate the area of the large green spaces at each school and field measurements to calculate the area of smaller green spaces. the total green space area (gsa) equals the area of the large green spaces plus the area of smaller green spaces. 2) green space area per student (gsa/stu) green space area per student (gsa/stu) measures the ratio of total green space area to the total number of students at each school. this indicator can show how crowded green space is at a given school. green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 62 3) plant species diversity (pd) studies have found that plant diversity has a positive influence on the perceived restorative properties and self-reported benefits of urban green spaces (carrus et al., 2015; zhao, wu, & wang, 2019). a more plant-diverse school ground has also been demonstrated to be more aesthetically appealing for students (lindemannmatthies & köhler, 2019). in this study, we identified every plant species surrounding each school, including trees, shrubs, vines, grasses, aquatic plants, and herbs. we then took photos of each species to facilitate identification, which was accomplished with the help of a plant taxonomist. 4) vegetation structure diversity (vsd) vegetation structure diversity (vsd) refers to the different types of plant communities on a school ground: a single large tree, a single small tree, groups of trees, rows of trees, lawn, flower beds, low vegetation, natural shrubs, aquatic plants, vine plants, and potted plants (voigt et al., 2014). we counted the number of vegetation structure types for each school. 5) landscape possibility (lp) nature realizes children’s ten “central capabilities” in several ways (chawla, 2015, p. 3; nussbaum, 2011). the richer the interaction possibilities with the environment, the more likely children can benefit from it. landscape possibility (lp) refers to the landscape’s affordances of a wide variety of children’s activity (burns, 2010). according to kyttä’s definition, affordances are “the functionally significant properties of the environment that are perceived through the active detection of information” (kyttä, 2002). affordances include properties from both the environment and the acting individual, which means affordance is unique and relative for each child (gibson, 2014). researchers have found that each child adopts a different sensory learning modality (smith, 1998). for example, according to mahdjoubi and akplotsyi (2012), children with a visual learning style prefer places with flowers, trees, landscaped fields, and multi-colored scenery. meanwhile, children with an auditory learning style prefer environments such as bushy areas, where they can interact with their peers while remaining out of sight, and children with a kinesthetic learning style prefer spacious environments that encourage active exploration and movement. children’s perception of the environment is also affected by their social and cultural context (kyttä, 2002; albuquerque & alves, 2016), so the same environment may have different affordances for different children. we assumed that a school with more landscape possibilities will meet more children’s physical and psychological needs. we recorded the following landscape possibilities at each school: small gardens, woods, vegetation fields, roof gardens, pools, meadows, theme parks, vegetation gardens, backyard gardens, and single big trees. these landscape types are “non-prescriptive”; they stimulate the imagination and can be used in multiple ways. 6) recreation facilities (rf) for the purposes of this study, we included the following as recreation facilities, and counted the types at each school: flower beds with seats, stools, chairs, open-air theaters, reading galleries, calligraphy galleries, pergolas, terraces, and pavilions. green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 63 7) green area of corridors (gac) we measured the green areas of the school’s interior corridors (gac) using tape measures. this includes the area of planted plants as well as potted plants in the corridors of the school buildings. 8) indoor plants (iplant) we recorded the number of indoor potted plants in classrooms at each school and used the average to represent the indoor plants in the entire school. school green activities school green activities (ga) refer to educational activities related to the environment or nature, organized by schools with the goal of improving students’ environmental literacy. in this study, the following types of activities are included: natural notes activity, cleaning hosted by the school, art performances related to the environment or environmental protection, lectures, science competitions, handwritten activities (such as themed compositions or freely designed hand-written papers), and recycling projects. we conducted interviews with teachers to record the number of green activities held in the last two years at each school. participants we conducted a survey of two randomly selected grade 5 classes at each school from september to november 2017. the informed consent protocols were approved by the participating schools, and school principals provided approval to approach classes. students had the freedom to choose whether to complete the questionnaire or not, and only students who agreed to participate were handed the questionnaire. a total of 1,860 students finished the questionnaire; we excluded 170 invalid questionnaires, resulting in a validity rate of 90.8% and a sample size of 1,690. we also omitted the results of students who had been in the school for less than a year (n = 93); we felt that it was too short of a time for them to be affected by the school. this resulted in a final sample of 1,597 valid responses: 829 boys and 861 girls ages 8–12 (97.8% were ages 10–11). of these, 89.9% had been at their current school for at least four years. self-reported variables the survey asked students to report on their perception of the school environment, their interaction with natural elements at school, other environmental activity in which they participated outside of school, their environmental attitudes, and their pro-environmental behavior. each of these variables is described below. 1) perception of the school environment (pse) environmental perception is the organization, identification, and interpretation of sensory information in order to represent and understand the environment (gärling & golledge, 1989). we relied on existing literature (collado & corraliza, 2012) to develop four items measuring students’ perception of their school’s physical environment (table 1). green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 64 2) interaction with natural elements (ine) at school interaction with natural elements at school refers to activities related to the natural environment in which students engage during school free time. we used four items to measure ine (table 1). 3) other environmental activity (oee) apart from school, students’ environmental attitudes are influenced by their environmental education activities or experiences outside of school. to measure this, we included five items to measure the environmental education activity students joined outside of school (table 1). 4) environmental attitudes we used the two major environmental values model (2-mev) scale developed by bogner and wiseman (2006) to measure students’ environmental attitudes. this scale consists of two subscales: preservation and utilization. it has been determined reliable and valid in multiple countries (braun, cottrell, & dierkes, 2018; castéra, clément, munoz, & bogner, 2018; johnson & manoli, 2010; boevede pauw & van petegem, 2013a). liu and chen (2020) developed a modification of this scale for us in china, and in this study, we use their 16-item chinese version. 5) pro-environmental behaviors (peb) we used existing scales to develop a project-specific pro-environmental behavior scale to measure children’s self-reported peb (liu & chen, 2020). this scale consisted of ten items and measured children’s pro-environmental behaviors such as energy saving, resource saving and recycling, persuasion, and asking a teacher about environmental issues. previous studies have reported on the reliability and validity of this scale (liu & chen, 2020). for all five scales mentioned above, we used a 5-point likert-type scoring system with responses ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). data analyses we used principal component factor analysis to extract major factors of the eight school physical environment variables. we calculated the score of each school’s principal factors based on an spss regression method and used these scores in linear regression models. to explore the influence of school environment and green activity on students’ perceptions, we calculated the mean scores of students’ perceptions of each school. we used linear regression models to test the standard estimate and significance of the influence. furthermore, to understand how students’ perceptions, interactions with natural elements at school, and other environmental activities affected their peb, we developed a pathway model using amos software. we used a bootstrap method with 5,000 resamples and bias-corrected 95% confidence intervals to estimate whether environmental attitudes significantly mediate the relationship between perception of the school environment, interaction with natural elements, and other ee activities and peb (preacher & hayes, 2008). we assessed the model’s green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 65 goodness-of-fit using chi-square, root mean square error of approximation (rmsea), and comparative fit index (cfi) (hooper, coughlan, & mullen, 2008). table 1. constructs and measurement items construct item code measurement items perception of school environment: do you agree or disagree with the following statements? (strongly disagree to strongly agree) pse1 i feel there are diverse species of plants in our school pse2 i think the plant species diversity in school is very high pse3 i think the vegetation structure in school looks rich and beautiful pse4 i think the environment of our school is very natural interaction with nature environment in school: please indicate your frequency of conducing the following activities in school in your spare time (never, seldom, sometimes, often, always) ine1 observing small animals ine2 closely observing plants ine3 playing under tree shadows ine4 staying quiet and enjoying the tree shadows other environmental education activity: please indicate your frequency of participating in the following activities in the past year (never, seldom, sometimes, often, always) oee1 participating in environmental education activities not organized by school oee2 going to the countryside or natural places oee3 going to city gardens oee4 the time spent in housing estate gardens on average every day (zero, <0.5h, 0.5~1h, 1~1.5h, >1.5h) oee5 times visiting a zoo last year (zero, once, twice, three times, more than three times) environmental attitudes—preservation: do you agree or disagree with the following statements? (strongly disagree to strongly agree) p1 it upsets me to see the countryside taken over by building sites p2 i enjoy trips to the countryside (woods, meadow) p3 humankind will die out if we do not live in tune with nature p4 sitting at the edge of a pond watching dragonflies in flight is enjoyable p5 i save water by taking a shower instead of a bath p6 we must set aside areas to protect endangered species p7 it is interesting to know what kinds of creatures live in ponds or rivers p8 dirty industrial smoke from chimneys makes me angry green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 66 environmental attitudes—utilization: do you agree or disagree with the following statements? (strongly disagree to strongly agree) u1 we need to clear forests in order to grow crops u2 our planet has unlimited resources (e.g., potable water, wood, coal, or oil) u3 nature is always able to restore itself u4 only plants and animals of economic importance need to be protected u5 humans have the right to change nature as they see fit u6 people worry too much about pollution u7 human beings are more important than other creatures u8 we should remove garden weeds to help beautiful flowers grow pro-environmental behavior: please indicate your frequency of doing the following activities in the past year (never, seldom, sometimes, often, always) (liu and chen, 2020) peb1 when i played outside, i bought bottled water peb2 i bought more food than i really needed at a restaurant peb3 i consciously picked up the garbage on the playground or corridor peb4 i looked at books about the environment (nature, trees, and animals) peb5 i collected and recycled used paper peb6 i consulted my teacher about the environment peb7 i helped clean the neighborhood in my free time peb8 i talked with friends about problems related to the environment peb9 i pointed out unecological behavior to someone peb10 i paid close attention to environmental issues in the media (newspapers, magazines, and tv) reliability of scales we applied descriptive analysis and reliability analysis to the five scales used to measure students’ self-reported variables. the cronbach’s alpha of pse is 0.710 (m = 3.89), of the ine is 0.773 (m = 2.75), of the oee is 0.670 (m = 2.98), and of the peb is 0.770 (m = 3.02). for the 2-mev scale, which measured students’ environmental attitudes, the cronbach's alpha of the preservation subscale was 0.636 (m = 4.20) and of the utilization subscale was 0.682 (m = 2.28). school environment among the 20 schools sampled, there was great variation in the schools’ physical green environment: green space area ranged from 1,155 to 19,080 m2, the number green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 67 of plant species ranged between 21 and 135, and the vegetation structure diversity ranged between 4 and 11. other variables are shown in table 4 in appendix b. we found high correlations between gsa, gsa/stu, pd, vsd, and lp; the correlation coefficients ranged between 0.48 and 0.85 (see table 5 in appendix c). our principle component analysis showed two principal factors (eigenvalue > 1). we used the kaiser−meyer−olkin (kmo) measure of sampling adequacy and bartlett’s test of sphericity (bts) to verify that the data was amenable to being factor analyzed, and confirmed the suitability of the ensuing factor model with a kmo measure of 0.643 and a significant bts statistic (approximately χ2(28) = 96.40, p < 0.001). the principal component 1 (pc1; “green environment”) represented gsa, gsa/stu, pd, vsd, lp, and rf and explained 50.16% of the variance. the principal component 2 (pc2; “indoor green”) represented green corridor area and indoor plants and explained 21.13% of the variance. we calculated the scores of each principal factor for each school based on the regression method, and we used these scores to replace the original school physical environment in the following analysis (table 2). table 2. component matrix of principal component analysis of environmental variables variable pc1 (green environment) pc2 (indoor green) gsa 0.92 0.22 gsa/stu 0.799 −0.047 pd 0.887 0.14 vsd 0.79 0.079 lp 0.877 0.236 rf 0.538 0.014 gca −0.033 0.908 inplant 0.244 0.856 proportion explained 50.16 21.125 cumulative proportion 50.16 71.285 we used regression models to determine whether green environment (pc1) and indoor green (pc2) affected students’ perception of the school environment. the results showed that pc1 had a significantly positive effect on students’ perception of school environment, with a standard estimation β = 0.46 (p = 0.04, r2 = 0.17). as figure 2 shows, the greener the school environment, the higher students’ perception of the environment. however, pc1 has not had any significant effect on the students’ interaction with natural elements (β = –0.05, p = 0.86, r2 = –0.04). pc2, meanwhile, had no significant effect on either students’ perception of the school environment (β = 0.15, p = 0.53, r2 = –0.03) or interaction with natural elements (β = –0.14, p = 0.56, r2 = –0.04). green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 68 figure 2. the influence of green environment on students’ perception of the school environment and preservation score (n = 20) note: every black spot represents one school with school code shown on the right; the error bar represents standard error; the estimation in the equation is nonstandard). school green activity our interviews with teachers provided a list of 223 activities related to environmental protection held in schools over the last two years. each school had held 2–25 green activities (see appendix b for more details). the most popular type of activity was talking (26% of total activities), followed by hand-written activities (15%). cleaning was least popular, only accounting for 6% of the total activities. the proportion of each activity type is shown in figure 5 in appendix b. we built three regression models to determine whether the number of green activities at a school affected students’ perception of the school environment and environmental attitudes. the results showed that green activities did not have any significant effect on the perception of the school environment, with β = 0.07 (p = 0.78, r2 = –0.05). green activities also did not significantly affect the preservation score, with β = 0.03 (p = 0.91, r2 = –0.05). however, these activities significantly affected the utilization score, with β = –0.51 (p = 0.02, r2 = 0.22). in other words, the more green activities, the lower the perception of nature as something to utilize (figure 3). green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 69 figure 3. the influence of green activities on students’ utilization value (n = 20) note: every black spot represents one school with school code shown on the right; the error bar represents standard error; the estimation in the equation is nonstandard) students’ environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behavior we developed a pathway model to understand how perceptions of the school environment and interaction with natural elements at school affect students’ environmental attitudes and peb. the fit indices for the pathway model are χ2 = 0.193, df = 3, χ2/df = 0.064 (p = 0.979), rmsea = 0.000, cfi = 1, nnfi = 1, and indicate a good model fit. as figure 4 shows, perception of the school environment has a direct positive influence on students’ preservation score (β = 0.14, p < .01), which in turn significantly increases peb (β = 0.22, p < .01). meanwhile, perception of the school environment has a direct effect on peb (β = 0.08, p < 0.01), as does interaction with natural elements at (β = 0.37, p < 0.01; figure 4). neither perception of school environment nor interaction with natural elements in school have a significant influence on the utilization score. the overall model explains 14% of the variance in preservation, 1% of variance in utilization, and 40% of variance in peb. tables 6-10 in appendix d show the mean, standard deviation, correlations between constructs, standardized regression weights (direct effects), correlations, squared multiple correlations, and standardized regression weights (indirect effects) for the pathway model. green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 70 figure 4. pathway model showing the influence of students’ perceptions of school green space, natural activity within school, and ee activity out of school on environmental values and pro-environmental behavior (n = 1,597; number on the pathway represents path coefficient) discussion this study explores the influence of school green space on students’ environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behaviors. the results show that students’ perception of their school environment is positively correlated with the objective attributes of the school’s green environment. students’ perception of the school environment and their interaction with natural elements at school have a direct, significant positive effect on their preservation environmental attitude and peb. among the four hypotheses we proposed, hypothesis 1 (a green school environment has a direct and positive influence on students’ pse), hypothesis 2 (pse and ine have a direct positive effect on preservation), and hypothesis 4 (pse and ine have a direct positive effect on peb) have been supported, whereas hypothesis 3 (pse and ine have a direct negative effect on utilization) has been rejected. the research thus has indicated that the green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behavior. the study indicated that the school environment is perceptible. this result is consistent with some previous studies, which found that students can perceive the quality of a school’s physical environment (akpinar, 2016; collado & corraliza, 2012; samborski, 2010). children can learn through the physical environment: it sharpens students’ perception, enhances their sensitivity, and assists them in developing an aesthetic sense (demirbaş & demirkan, 2003). this study further demonstrates that children’s perception of the school environment has a positive relation with peb. in other words, students who attend a school with more green space, plant diversity, and landscape possibility will exhibit more pro-environmental behavior. previous studies also showed that an green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 71 adult’s perceptions of a natural element’s restorative qualities can predict the individual’s environmental behavior (hartig, kaiser, & bowler, 2001). although the positive correlation does not necessarily mean a cause-effect relation, this study suggests that school managers and designers could construct the school green environment in ways that positively impact students’ environmental orientation and behavior (kong, yaacob, & ariffin, 2015). our results also indicated that students’ interaction with natural elements at school was an important factor in cultivating students’ environmental attitudes and peb. because school is the place where children spend the majority of their time when not at home, opportunities to experience and learn from nature provided at school can promote students’ affinity with nature (collado, evans, corraliza, & sorrel, 2015). therefore, teachers should consider how to promote students’ interaction with the outdoor environment at school. as learning does not only happen in the classroom, teachers should try to encourage students’ free-choice learning on the school ground, providing them with various opportunities to interact with natural elements while at school. psychological studies show that children have different learning modalities (smith, 1998). children of different genders, ages, and personalities have different preferences for how they engage with different environmental characteristics and activities (barbour, 1999; bell et al., 2008). schools must therefore seek to meet the needs of all children; the richer the environmental structure, the stronger its affordances, which can enable more children to enjoy the school green environment. this study found that students’ pse and ine can explain their attitude toward preservation of the environment, but cannot explain their attitude toward utilization of the environment. the logic behind this might be that students’ preservation attitude originated from their appreciation of the beauty of their school green space, and this appreciation stimulated them to have more interaction with the environment. people tend to protect what they find beautiful or perceive to be good. regarding students’ attitude toward utilization, pse and ine cannot explain the variations in it, but the school’s green activities can (with a r2 = 0.22). this “contradictory” result could be attributed to the lack of one variable in the pathway model: students’ self-reported gains from the green activities held in school. previous research on the pedagogical approach of eco-schools found that they had an impact on students’ attitude toward utilization (boeve-de pauw & van petegem, 2013b), which is consistent with our results. eco-schools’ pedagogical approach involves school-based educational projects or activities that are related to the sustainable development of the school environment, which are similar to the green activities in this study. together with the results of previous studies, this study has surfaced some interesting implications: to improve the preservation dimension of students’ environmental attitude, an appreciation activity such as experiencing nature might be effective. at the same time, to improve the utilization dimension of students’ environmental attitude, more pedagogical activities should be added, such as lectures, hands-on activities, and eco-school-like projects. we can perhaps better understand this from the psychological essence of the two environmental attitudes: green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 72 the preservation attitude is a positive mental activity, often conveyed as “make the good things stay”—that is, because nature is beautiful, we should protect it. on the other hand, utilization of nature is an antidromic mental activity that requires denying primitive human desires—“we should not eat wild animals,” or “we should not use too much of the woods.” to overcome these, more mental strength is needed, so more intensive, pedagogical interventions must be applied. preservation and utilization are not contrary to each other (johnson & manoli, 2008; liu & chen, 2020; wiseman & bogner, 2003), so we cannot judge environmental education’s success solely on the basis of students having improved preservation attitudes. to some degree, beautiful school environments and educational approaches are equally important for cultivating students’ environmental literacy. this study did not find any strong relationship between green activities and students’ perception of the school environment or interaction with nature at school. this presumably indicates problems with the current green activities at schools: our interviews show that most of the green activities were not based on school grounds, such as lectures or hand-written activities. instead, the activities were disconnected from the school environment. previous studies have shown that school grounds and classrooms are powerful tools that influence teaching and learning (orr, 1997). the physical environment and environmental education should not be two separate identities; teachers and school managers may need more training on how to use the school environment as a teaching tool. despite many interesting findings in our research, this study also has some limitations. first, we used principal factor analysis to reduce the school physical environment variables and obtain the principal component factor of the “green environment.” this included many interesting variables, such as landscape possibility, plants species diversity, plant structural diversity, etc. however, this method does not indicate the potential influence of any individual attribute on students. future studies could dive into these individual attributes, and we expect such research will lead to more suggestions about the design and construction of school environments. second, the reliability of the oee and 2-mev scale used in this study has not met the often cited standard (< 0.7) (nunnally, 1978), but they were very close to 0.7, hence still tolerable; however, we assume that those two scales need further improvement with reference to the reliability coefficient in future studies. third, the 20 primary schools randomly sampled do not represent the current trends in school environment innovation. most studies have focused on innovative school design, including participatory (wake & eames, 2013) and permaculture design (holmgren, 2002; skanavis & manolas, 2015). such studies find that these designs may provide a better environment for children (macnab et al., 2014). future studies should engage in more detailed comparisons of schools with different design philosophies and explore the roles of different spaces in the school environment. in addition, some schools in our study were more restrictive of students’ activities due to safety considerations, which greatly affects the role of the school environment (wang, 2013). future studies could pay more attention to this factor. green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 73 despite these limitations, our findings indicate that a school’s physical environment does have a positive influence on students’ environmental attitudes and peb via their perceptions, as does students’ interaction with natural elements at school. these findings highlight the importance of the school physical environment and students’ interactions with the environment. school designers, principals, and teachers should consciously include the school physical environment in their pedagogy to better cultivate students’ environmental literacy. acknowledgments we greatly appreciate the help and support of the schools, children, and their families. wanlu liu earned a master’s degree in environmental education from the xishuangbanna tropical botanical garden, chinese academy of sciences. her research interest is how informal education integrated with formal education enhances students’ environmental attitudes and behaviors. jin chen is a professor and the director of xishuangbanna tropical botanical garden, chinese academy of sciences, and principal investigator of ecology and evolution of plant animal interaction (eepai). his research interests are frugivoreplant interactions and environmental education. he focuses on fundamental ecological research and practical activities of links between biological and social problems, and makes flora conservation and education more effective by implementing multidisciplinary methods. references akoumianaki-ioannidou, a., paraskevopoulou, a. t., & tachou, v. 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(1999). environmental perception. in c. w. finkl (ed.) encyclopedia of earth science (pp. 214–216). new york: springer. green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 83 appendix a. table 3. basic information about selected schools school code district funding year* number of students number of classes school area (m2) 1 shapingba 1966 570 12 4,071 2 jiangbei 2008 1200 36 23,847 3 shapingba 1936 (2010) 1150 24 12,446 4 yubei 2005 1665 37 32,966 5 shapingba 1970 (2011) 1170 23 18,182 6 yuzhong 1957 1158 47 7,072 7 jiulongpo 2008 1600 27 14,540 8 jiulongpo 1998 1552 32 13,120 9 jiulongpo 1988 1398 27 10,755 10 dadukou 1963 (2013) 2098 42 11,294 11 jiangbei 2002 721 17 5,503 12 yubei 1993 1442 26 13,306 13 banan 2015 1055 25 11,959 14 nanan 2006 3100 74 30,091 15 banan 1941 (2007) 934 20 5,035 16 yubei 2013 1198 33 21,716 17 nanan 1999 572 23 3,597 18 yuzhong 1911 1090 26 7,055 19 yubei 1922 (2010) 1500 30 19,308 20 beibei 2007 480 12 10,589 *renovation year shown in parentheses green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 84 appendix b. table 4. environmental variables and green activities (ga) held in the last two years at each school school code gsa (m2) gsa/st u (m2) gr (%) pd vsd lp gca (m2) rf inplant ga 1 1,155 2.03 28.4 21 7 1 0 1 3.5 5 2 11,192 9.33 46.9 74 10 4 0 2 6.5 11 3 4,129 3.59 33.2 76 6 6 0 2 2.5 10 4 17,677 10.62 53.6 135 9 7 230 8 17.5 8 5 6,726 5.75 37.0 88 9 6 0 8 3 14 6 2,775 2.40 39.2 50 5 0 35 1 0 10 7 4,375 2.73 30.1 43 9 3 15 4 0 7 8 4,714 3.04 35.9 61 7 4 50 4 22.5 25 9 2,811 2.01 26.1 80 4 2 55 3 4.5 2 10 2,623 1.25 23.2 56 7 4 156 7 2.5 12 11 2,211 3.07 40.2 52 7 2 102 2 12.5 6 12 3,480 2.41 26.2 55 7 2 15 3 4 9 13 3,165 3.00 26.5 47 7 3 473 0 24 4 14 19,080 6.15 63.4 113 11 10 203 3 17.5 23 15 1,462 1.57 29.0 41 6 1 15 0 1 4 16 6,760 5.64 31.1 86 7 4 64 3 6 9 17 1,855 3.24 51.6 67 8 3 105 4 8 20 18 2,450 2.25 34.7 47 6 3 313 5 1 25 19 8,246 5.50 42.7 92 9 6 9 4 2.5 9 20 4,490 9.35 42.4 59 7 3 0 0 0.5 10 figure 5. proportion of each type of green activity held in schools green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 85 appendix c. table 5. correlation coefficients of environmental variables (the upper triangle represents the coefficient of significance) gsa gsa/stu pd vsd lp rf gca inplant gsa 1 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 0.06 0.25 0.04 gsa/stu 0.75 1 0.001 0.003 0.007 0.23 0.43 0.21 pd 0.85 0.68 1 0.015 <0.001 0.01 0.35 0.08 vsd 0.73 0.59 0.48 1 <0.001 0.07 0.45 0.11 lp 0.83 0.55 0.81 0.70 1 0.01 0.22 0.05 rf 0.35 0.17 0.52 0.34 0.49 1 0.34 0.431 gca 0.16 -0.04 0.10 0.03 0.18 0.10 1 0.003 inplant 0.41 0.19 0.33 0.28 0.37 0.04 0.59 1 green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 86 appendix d. table 6. means, standard deviation, and correlations of constructs in the pathway model construct mean sd pse ine oee pre ut pse 3.89 0.73 1 ine 2.75 0.93 0.26** 1 oee 2.98 0.84 0.29** 0.40** 1 pre 4.23 0.55 0.23** 0.34** 0.22** 1 ut 2.28 0.80 0.02 −0.01 0.09** −0.18** 1 peb 3.02 0.66 0.28** 0.53** 0.39** 0.43** −0.16** ** means <0.01 table 7. standardized regression weights (direct effects) for the pathway model, with 95% confidence intervals (ci) and p-values independent variable dependent variable estimate lower 95% ci upper 95% ci p-value pre <--pse 0.142 0.092 0.193 0.004 pre <--ine 0.272 0.228 0.319 0.004 ut <--ine −0.053 −0.112 0.003 0.075 ut <--out 0.112 0.052 0.169 0.004 ut <--pse −0.003 −0.069 0.05 0.814 pre <--out 0.07 0.014 0.119 0.013 peb <--pse 0.081 0.032 0.123 0.004 peb <--ine 0.368 0.336 0.399 0.004 peb <--out 0.179 0.136 0.226 0.004 peb <--pre 0.217 0.199 0.234 0.004 peb <--ut −0.135 −0.179 −0.095 0.004 table 8. correlations for the pathway model, with 95% confidence intervals (ci), and p-values parameter estimate lower 95% ci upper 95% ci p-value pse <--> ine 0.259 0.221 0.296 0.004 ine <--> out 0.403 0.361 0.445 0.004 pse <--> out 0.288 0.247 0.328 0.004 e1 <--> e2 −0.196 −0.245 −0.146 0.004 green spaces in chinese schools enhance children’s environmental attitudes… 87 table 9. squared multiple correlations for the pathway model, with 95% confidence intervals (ci) and p-values parameter estimate lower 95% ci upper 95% ci p-value ut 0.011 0.003 0.024 0.004 pre 0.14 0.113 0.173 0.004 peb 0.401 0.365 0.44 0.004 table 10. standardized regression weights (indirect effects) for the pathway model, with 95% confidence intervals (ci) and p-values independent variable dependent variable mediator standardized regression weight lower 95% ci upper 95% ci p-value out peb pre 0 -0.017 0.015 0.978 ut ine peb pre 0.066 0.052 0.081 0.004 ut pse peb pre 0.031 0.017 0.046 0.004 ut login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children carolina tarrío são paulo, brazil citation: tarrío, c. (2021). children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 158-169. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this article presents the story of the boa praça movement, a brazilian group that decided to act and occupy, care for and create better public spaces for children and their families in são paulo, brazil, the largest megalopolis in latin america. keywords: pocket parks, brazil, community organizing, outdoor play http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 159 what can a green area offer to children? it offers textures, colors, insects and shapes to sharpen their sensibilities. sun for their bodies to produce essential vitamins. and often a long horizon to exercise their eyes. children need space to run, play and freely experience their bodies and their limits. and after they use up the energy they have accumulated, they can rest better at night (see reviews by dankiw et al., 2020 and sugar, 2021). in pocket parks1, children find leaves, seeds, sticks and other elements that arouse their innate curiosity, explorative spirit, and creativity. they turn these items into objects of for investigation and play. a green area also brings the possibility of socializing with other children, sometimes of different ages and lifestyles. and so, they have fun, learn to resolve conflicts, and to accept and appreciate differences. a green area often has challenges that can be tested and conquered over time: climbing a tree, lifting a big rock, digging the earth, or mastering the mechanics of a piece of play equipment. this builds confidence and self-awareness. pocket parks can also offer children the possibility of stillness and contemplation. there they can concentrate on an ant path for as long as their curiosity desires and thus, quiet their body and mind. these are essential benefits. but is it possible to facilitate this contact with nature in a frenzied megalopolis like são paulo, brazil, with 12.3 million inhabitants? today, 87% of the population of brazil lives in cities (world bank, 2020). in most cities, the dispute for territory, disorderly growth and real estate speculation have caused public spaces such as streets, sidewalks, pocket parks and larger parks to decrease year after year (schteingart, 2007). this problem is compounded by enormous social inequalities, considerable rates of violence, and planning those privileges intense and fast vehicular traffic. consequently, urban children in brazil face a cloistered life. children and teenagers spend more and more time indoors, in front of electronic devices or in guided activities (meio & mensagem, 2019). in other words, many children were living in confinement even before the covid-19 pandemic arrived. this scenario has produced alarming rates of obesity, with one in three children in brazil overweight or obese (desiderata, 2018); high medicalization, with brazil as the second largest consumer of ritalin, a drug used to treat adhd (pereira da silva et al., 2012); and, numerous cases of early myopia, among other problems. around the city, access to green areas is rare, and offered inequitably. a survey by the municipal secretariat for green spaces and environment of são paulo (prefeitura de são paulo, 2017) found that only 9 of the 32 districts in the capital had vegetation cover rates equal or above 18 m² per inhabitant (including parks, preservation areas and private gardens). in some regions, this number 1 pocket parks offer important opportunities for access to nature in densely populated cities, where children’s lives are often confined to their immediate neighborhood and large city parks are often beyond reach. usually no bigger than a few house lots in size, pocket parks can provide green “breathing spaces” for their surrounding community (national recreation and park association, n.d.). https://www.nrpa.org/contentassets/f768428a39aa4035ae55b2aaff372617/pocket-parks.pdf https://www.nrpa.org/contentassets/f768428a39aa4035ae55b2aaff372617/pocket-parks.pdf children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 160 reached only 5.22 m²/ inhabitant. the situation was more dire for public green areas (specifically, pocket parks and parks accessible to all citizens), of which the city of são paulo had only 2.6 m² per inhabitant. the consequences of this lack of green are immense, including very high levels of air pollution, deteriorating human health, recognizable heat islands, difficulty in controlling floods, and very few opportunities for exercising and practicing outdoor activities. how can parents promote a healthy childhood in such an environment? how can they raise children in a place where the closest nature is a poorly maintained pocket park, often full of garbage and broken play equipment? in an attempt to respond to some of these concerns, the boa praça movement was established by a group of people who wanted to live in a more humane city. in 2008 when we co-founded the movement, we did not know about the various scientific studies identifying the benefits of contact with nature for children. we did not know anything about laws and rules for the regulation and maintenance of public spaces, but recalling the children we had once been, we sensed that we needed to give our children at least one (or several!) well maintained, “good” pocket parks near home where they could play outside. a child’s wish starts a movement to bring city pocket parks to life the portuguese expression “boa praça” means that someone is a good fellow, a nice companion, a trustworthy and pleasant person. literally, it also means that a pocket park (praça) is good. this double meaning similarly characterizes good spaces and friendly people, which defines the essence of our movement. boa praça was an initiative of a group of people who wanted to know their neighbors and act together for their well-being and for their community. we wanted a city where children could play freely, in green public spaces close to their homes, and connect with nature. the boa praça movement emerged from the wish of a child. when a young girl was about to turn 4 years old, she asked her mother to throw a birthday party in the pocket park they always passed on their way to school. “this place is all broken up and dirty, you can't have a party here!” said her mother. but the girl replied: "mom, we can fix it!" that phrase lit a spark and the mother made the child a proposal: “if you agree to have no gifts this year, we’ll ask for the gifts to be given to the pocket park, and then we’ll manage to fix it.” the girl agreed. the mother then began to speak with those responsible at city hall, with friends and neighbors, and with local shops and enterprises, asking everyone if they could help. before the party, people from city hall repaired some of the play equipment. for the birthday, they loaned awnings and musician friends came to play. a supermarket nearby donated trash bins and a fitness center offered a trampoline for the children to play on. some neighbors gave money, while others came to tell stories, photograph the party, make mosaics and plant a garden. children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 161 after the birthday party, the neighborhood had a revitalized pocket playground. but beyond a renewed public space, the neighbors’ relationships had acquired a new sense of meaning. once they had met and talked, each one realized that by giving a little, it was possible to make great changes. figure 1. tables being painted by neighbors2 are places abandoned because nobody goes, or does nobody go because they are abandoned? our group of neighbors also realized that a single action would not be enough. if things continued as they were, in a few years, the playground would have to be revitalized again. we thought that it was useless to have a beautiful pocket park if almost nobody used it and nobody took care of it. by often occupying the pocket parks around our houses, we decided to break the vicious cycle of: “is the place in bad shape because nobody goes, or does nobody go because it is in bad shape?” we opted for a strategy that was both simple and quite effective: every last sunday of the month, an open-to-all community picnic would take place in one of the neighborhood pocket parks. during these picnic gatherings, people could get to know each other and promote recreational and educational activities. we 2 all photos by carolina tarrío / movimento boa praça children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 162 established a motto: “to leave the pocket park always better than before.” thus, it was through combining forces that the boa praça movement emerged. from that moment on, a series of more than 70 picnics were promoted. at first, the talents of friends, such as a musician or a children’s story teller, were used to organize activities. as the neighbors came to know each other, many talents appeared, and new activities were scheduled. to date there have been picnics with cinema, theater, dance, music, workshops to build kites and roller carts, painting, bread making, composting, games, fairs for exchanging toys and objects... and, the pocket parks have been improved with plantings, constructed outdoor furniture, renewed playgrounds and signage, rain gardens etc. the children are always the liveliest at these picnics and engage in collective efforts. they enthusiastically paint, plant, invite neighbors, and give their opinions and ideas about how to improve the parks. often they offer surprising and very simple but effective ideas. for example, one of the pocket parks we revitalized was located in front of a school and also a public institution where children visited for recreational activities. when consulted, the children indicated that they would like to have tables in the pocket park, so that they could do their homework and study there, because their houses were crowded, noisy and had little space. so, a boa praça work group installed the tables. as a founding member of boa praça, i went several times to ring doorbells in my neighborhood, accompanied by my children, who loved to distribute the picnic flyers. seeing me with my children also helped to ease people's resistance and make them feel more comfortable about our invitations to participate. and, at the same time, when children and young people feel listened to and cared for, they help to conserve places. for example, andré almeida, 8 years old, said, in the pocket park, during the picnics, i play with my friends differently than i do at home. we play at finding metals or treasures on the ground, for example. and in the meantime, we help to improve the place: making a path, a table, so that the pocket park becomes nicer. the picnics and the improvements that boa praça promoted helped to create a community sense around the pocket parks. when i arrived in my neighborhood 16 years ago, i did not know anyone. today, i don't leave the house without saying at least three “good mornings.” and i feel good that way. i know the people around me and i know they will look after my children and me. recently, neighbors carried out a renovation of the pocket park in front of my house. this was during the pandemic so it was undertaken with masks, social distancing and great care. later, we received the following testimony from maria angélica, whom i did not yet know: i would like to talk about my recent experience at praça paulo schiesari. i live very close, but i would go there very rarely. since the space was revitalized by the boa praça movement, it has become a haven for games and for a breath of fresh air. we are very happy to have helped today to touch up the paint on the pavement! my son enjoyed the climbing adventures children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 163 installed in the pocket park so much that he even drew a picture of them when he got home. figure 2. at paulo schiesari pocket park, we identified that children needed more “adventure” and “challenges,” so this play equipment was built another testimony came from the architect nina furukawa, who helped to develop a painting for the amphitheater in the pocket park amadeu decome. nina said: as an architect, there is nothing more rewarding than experiencing actions that strengthen recognition among neighbors in a megalopolis. i helped to restore the amphitheater together with the boa praça movement and saw how this gave rise to solidarity, valuing the citizen and allowing the creation of an affective memory of urban life. children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 164 figure 3. planting a palmetto tree at amadeu decome park, in são paulo figure 4. building play equipment at amadeu decome park, in são paulo children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 165 the movement begins to spread… when the movement became better known and a few newspaper articles were published, requests from other neighborhoods began to arrive: “can you come here and fix our pocket park?” at the same time, as lead organizers for boa praça, we realized that the improvements and actions that neighbors could carry out by themselves were limited. larger works, like infrastructure or lighting, required investment and expertise that only the government or companies could afford. and we knew, by law, it was the government’s duty to perform certain tasks. figure 5. day of consultation, when boa praça organizers exhibit images of different types of play equipment, park uses, and pocket parks around the world, print a map of the pocket park, and ask people to write or draw what they would like to do in different spaces. from that point on, we decided we needed to grow in some new directions. firstly, we offered people from other neighborhoods (and other cities) inspiration and the knowledge we had accumulated so far. we then created our website (www.movimentoboapraca.com.br), opened an account on facebook, and developed some manuals to share our story and methods and help other people start their own story of love and care for public spaces. on another front, we realized we needed a better public policy that would welcome the participation of citizens and invite city hall, institutions, companies, and neighbors to work together. so, in 2013, the boa praça movement joined other http://www.movimentoboapraca.com.br/ children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 166 organizations to draft the “law on participative pocket parks management.” this law proposes that people who live around a pocket park can form a user committees and act together with the city government to recommend measures, supervise public acts, and revitalize those spaces. the law also provided that the city of são paulo would map its pocket parks and offer more information about them to citizens. until that moment, it had been very hard to know how many pocket parks there were in the city and their characteristics and needs. we expected different spaces had different functions, topographies, equipment and dimensions. some pocket parks were simple flowerbeds between avenues, others were more than 10,000 m² in size, but all received the same management by city hall. (we would suggest they received the same neglect!) many were poorly maintained, with broken equipment and overgrown bushes, and failed to meet the population’s needs or promote safe and secure play areas. the law we proposed was approved by the chamber of councilors in 2015, but we have not yet managed for it to be included in regulations, which requires an executive power. it seems the city government is not interested in increasing public participation. yet, even without official regulation, the boa praça movement has been working with several groups of neighbors who take care of spaces throughout the city to register their users' committees and exchange experiences about how to improve the pocket parks. our group continues to function, on a voluntary basis, in our local community. when there are requests from other groups, even without having a legal entity or being organized as an ngo, we manage to assemble an autonomous professional team to offer training, educational projects, consulting and community revitalization processes. these initiatives are funded by charitable foundations, neighbors’ donations, corporate volunteer programs or public notices. we have carried out many revitalization actions including space diagnostics, mapping, mobilization of local actors, planning, and managing contributions by volunteers and local enterprises, as well as lectures, workshops, educational programs, and events like tedx talks (instituto saúde e sustenibilidade, 2012; movimento boa praça, 2012). what we always try to do, when we are not in our own neighborhood, is to form a group and engage people who live or work near a pocket park, so the care, occupation and maintenance work will continue after we leave. some places have strong groups or an institution like a school that continues the work. however, in some places, the group is difficult to maintain, due to people moving away or because they cannot continue to contribute. recently, we registered our work and gathered data that documented greater park use and an increase in people’s sense of belonging and security after improvements were made. notably, the last pocket park we revitalized, praça paulo schiesari, showed a significant increase in use and fulfilled its function of promoting health, well-being, and care for families and children. we were able to carry out this work from november 2020 to february 2021 without any occurrence of covid-19. the place gained new equipment, furniture, plants with large roots to retain the hills, and fruit trees which already welcome birds! we carried out surveys, using online and offline children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 167 participation, and 87% of the 70 people who responded declared that their frequency of visits to the pocket park had increased. ninety-three percent said the place looked nicer and had better equipment, and 44% said they felt safer after the revitalization. when we compared people’s length of stay in the park before and after the revitalization, the time people spent in the park increased by 23% and new ways to use the revitalized park appeared such as reading. figure 6. little “house of books” installed at paulo schiesari pocket park in são paulo, our most recent revitalization project. people can read at the square or take away a book and bring another. the nearby school and children’s center also benefit from the “library.” this last revitalization was funded with money from a parliamentary amendment, organized and executed by the boa praça movement together with neighbors and a partner ngo, and inspected by the sub-city government. we see much potential in this model. but we are still far short of the work necessary to encourage the rise of new groups all over our country, to revitalize the existing areas and create more equitably distributed new green areas, which is an urgent need. children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 168 international presentations and learning our methodology and work gained strength when boa praça was presented at international meetings, like fiu (festival internacional de intervenciones urbanas) in peru, as well as at different events in brazil, like virada sustentável and tedx cidade e saúde. in our 13 years of experience, we have learned so much! we learned that by mobilizing people, it is possible to make big changes with low costs and high impacts. we learned that when you listen to people and build a place that meets their needs, they start to take care of it, thus interrupting a cycle of abandonment and decay. and, above all, we learned that public spaces are essential and unique. they are unique because, for so many, they are the only available alternatives for meeting, enjoying nature and leisure. and they are unique because they welcome everyone, regardless of social class, interests, gender, age or condition. we are in such need of encounters and dialogues among different people! and, particularly in this pandemic period, we have found that nearby public green spaces are essential for maintaining physical and mental health. pocket parks are a great symbol of democracy, a place for citizen engagement like the greek agora. we need them to become better citizens. we need them to offer better childhoods to our children, and to teach them how to become better citizens too: citizens who care for nature, their neighborhoods and cities. and the parks need us. when people connect and do things together, a support network emerges, making neighborhoods better places for everyone: more diverse, more humane and more secure. especially for children! acknowledgements my most sincere thanks to professor emerita louise chawla, from university of colorado boulder, for her solicitous support during the preparation of this field report. carolina tarrío is a journalist and one of the founders of the boa praça movement. she is currently also working on the criança e natureza (childhood and nature) program at instituto alana, in são paulo, whose mission is to promote childhoods richer in nature for all children. references dankiw, k. a., tsiros, m. d., baldock, k. l., & kumar, s. (2020). the impacts of unstructured nature play on health in early childhood development: a systematic review. plos one, 15(2): e0229006. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0229006 desiderata (2018). childhood obesity. https://desiderata.org.br/wp/en/temas/childhood-obesity/ instituto saudé e sustenibilidade (2012). tedxfmusp discutirá influencia das grandes metrópoles na qualidade de vida. (tedxfmusp will discuss the https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0229006 https://desiderata.org.br/wp/en/temas/childhood-obesity/ children need pocket parks as much as pocket parks need children 169 influence of large metropolises on quality of life.) https://www.saudeesustentabilidade.org.br/noticias/tedx-fmusp-discutirainfluencia-das-grandes-metropoles-na-qualidade-de-vida/ meio & mensagem magazine (2019). crianças passam 5,7 horas do dia no celular, segundo estudo. (children spend 5.7 hours a day on cell phones, according to study). https://www.meioemensagem.com.br/home/midia/2019/07/25/criancaspassam-57-horas-no-celular-em-media-segundo-estudo.html movimento boa praça (2012). tedx: cidade e saúde. (tedx: city and health). http://movimentoboapraca.com.br/ted-x-cidade-e-saude/ national recreation and park association (nrpa) (n.d.). creating mini-parks for increased physical activity. https://www.nrpa.org/contentassets/f768428a39aa4035ae55b2aaff372617/p ocket-parks.pdf pereira da silva, a. c., luzio, c. a., dos santos, k. y. p., yasui, s., & dionísio, g. h. (2012). a explosão de consumo de ritalina. (the explosion of ritalin consumption). revista de psicología da unesp, 11(2), 44-57. prefeitura de são paulo (2017). mapeamento digital da cobertura vegetal do município de são paulo – relatório final. (digital mapping of vegetal coverage in the municipality of são paulo – final report). https://www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/cidade/secretarias/upload/meio_ambiente/ relcobveg2020_vfinal_compressed(1).pdf schteingart, m. (2007). urban problems and policies in latin america. un habitat lecture award series, no. 2. un habitat. https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/download-managerfiles/1405521531wpdm_urban%20problems%20and%20policies%20in%20l atin%20america%20truths%20and%20fallacies.pdf sugar, s. (2021). discussion paper: the necessity of urban green space for children’s optimal development. unicef. https://www.unicef.org/documents/necessity-urban-green-space-childrensoptimal-development world bank (2020). urban population (% of total population) – brazil. (most recent value for 2020, based on projections from united nations population division, world urbanization prospects: 2018 revision.) https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/sp.urb.total.in.zs?locations=br https://www.saudeesustentabilidade.org.br/noticias/tedx-fmusp-discutira-influencia-das-grandes-metropoles-na-qualidade-de-vida/ https://www.saudeesustentabilidade.org.br/noticias/tedx-fmusp-discutira-influencia-das-grandes-metropoles-na-qualidade-de-vida/ https://www.meioemensagem.com.br/home/midia/2019/07/25/criancas-passam-57-horas-no-celular-em-media-segundo-estudo.html https://www.meioemensagem.com.br/home/midia/2019/07/25/criancas-passam-57-horas-no-celular-em-media-segundo-estudo.html http://movimentoboapraca.com.br/ted-x-cidade-e-saude/ https://www.nrpa.org/contentassets/f768428a39aa4035ae55b2aaff372617/pocket-parks.pdf https://www.nrpa.org/contentassets/f768428a39aa4035ae55b2aaff372617/pocket-parks.pdf https://www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/cidade/secretarias/upload/meio_ambiente/relcobveg2020_vfinal_compressed(1).pdf https://www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/cidade/secretarias/upload/meio_ambiente/relcobveg2020_vfinal_compressed(1).pdf https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/download-manager-files/1405521531wpdm_urban%20problems%20and%20policies%20in%20latin%20america%20truths%20and%20fallacies.pdf https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/download-manager-files/1405521531wpdm_urban%20problems%20and%20policies%20in%20latin%20america%20truths%20and%20fallacies.pdf https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/download-manager-files/1405521531wpdm_urban%20problems%20and%20policies%20in%20latin%20america%20truths%20and%20fallacies.pdf https://www.unicef.org/documents/necessity-urban-green-space-childrens-optimal-development https://www.unicef.org/documents/necessity-urban-green-space-childrens-optimal-development https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/sp.urb.total.in.zs?locations=br login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas? the revitalization project of ishikawa, fukushima, japan mitsunari terada mariia ermilova isami kinoshita graduate school of horticulture, chiba university citation: terada, m., ermilova, m., & kinoshita, i. (2018). why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas? the revitalization project of ishikawa, fukushima. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 159-174. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this project attempted to understand the current situation of children’s play in depopulating rural areas of japan and improve the situation through a participatory adventure playground planning project. questionnaires revealed the children’s lack of friends to play with and reduction in nature play experience. the authors—a team from the spatial planning laboratory, chiba university, japan—suggest that an adventure playground can contribute to resolving these problems. for that, a series of workshops was organized, triggering discussion of the need for nature experiences and risky play as well as responsibilities in case of injury. as a result, a plan for the adventure playground was agreed upon despite the fear of injuries and the original unwillingness of town officers to take responsibility for children’s risky play. keywords： rural revitalization, adventure playground, risky play, workshop, citizen’s participation http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 160 introduction the child growth environment group of the science council of japan (2008) suggested the ministry of japan take measures to improve the child-rearing environment, focusing on children’s play, in both urban and rural areas. as japanese rural areas are depopulating, schools are being merged and there is decreased community involvement in children’s daily social experiences. during 2016–2017, a team from the spatial planning laboratory, chiba university worked as consultants on the rural revitalization project in fukushima prefecture, which gave us an opportunity to bring the idea of adventure playgrounds to the area. in this field report, we share the participatory playground planning project, in which we saw a change of citizens’ attitudes toward risky play—defined as thrilling and exciting play that can include the possibility of physical injury. risky play includes play at height, at speed, near dangerous elements (such as water or fire), with dangerous tools, rough and tumble play, and play where there is potential for disappearing or getting lost (sandseter, 2009; brussoni et al., 2015)—and how the design plan was approved and implemented as a result. this report will describe how the following questions were addressed through this project: 1. what is the current situation of children’s play in rural areas? 2. could adventure playgrounds be beneficial to children living in depopulating rural areas? 3. how can we facilitate the development of adventure playgrounds in rural areas? background of japanese rural areas depopulation and school integration policy in 2016, only 12.4 percent of the population of japan were children, the lowest level on record according to official statistics (statistical bureau of japan, 2017). since the japan policy council reported on regional depopulation in 2014, the possibility of regional cities disappearing became clear, and these municipalities received directives to reduce their administrative and public expenditures (japan policy council, 2014). young people from these regions continue to move to metropolitan areas. in response, the japanese government organized a council on overcoming population decline and revitalizing local economies, aiming to ensure local communities have opportunities for work and child-rearing. however, the ministry of education, culture, sports, science and technology (mext) changed the guidelines for the location of schools (mext, 2015), making school consolidation (the process of merging schools together for social and economic reasons) easier. the government anticipated negative consequences for children’s health and well-being, such as decreases in physical activity, playtime, and at-home learning time, and an increase in fatigue caused by using bus or automobile transportation to and from school when previously most children would have walked or cycled. the government recommended that children have a break after school why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 161 lesson time to provide time and space for physical activity and provided a flexible timetable for transportation (mext, 2015). adventure playgrounds in japan (citizens’ movement and rural development) adventure playgrounds are outdoor play environments that have the potential to offer an abundance of opportunities for children to grow emotionally, socially, and physically (staempfli, 2009). in japan, a citizen-led adventure playground movement has developed motivated by the lack of good play environments in cities. according to a survey (japan adventure playground association, 2016), more than half of japan’s adventure playgrounds are concentrated in the most urbanized regions, including the tokyo metropolitan area and the kansai area. however, recently, the adventure playground movement in rural areas such as higashine city (yamagata) and bizen city (okayama) has offered a new perspective on adventure playgrounds in the context of rural revitalization. the movement’s potential for community revitalization and attracting the younger generation to depopulating areas is gradually starting to be recognized. project request to create an adventure playground in ishikawa, fukushima ishikawa is a town in a mountainous area in the southern part of fukushima prefecture, japan (figures 1 and 2). fukushima prefecture became well-known around the world after the great east japan earthquake and the nuclear power station disaster, however ishikawa is one of the places fortunate to have been bypassed by radioactive fallout (ishikawa town, 2017). figure 1. landscape of ishikawa district from 1950 to 2015, the population of children under 14 years old in ishikawa decreased from 9,376 to 1,741, with the total population decreasing from 24,493 to 15,884 (ishikawa town, 2017). it was identified as a depopulating area according to the policy of the japanese government. after 2015, the local government had to close why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 162 six elementary schools out of eight, merge them, and open a new one. now there are only three schools in this town (figure 2). some of the merged schools had more than 150 years of history and closing them was very traumatic for the area, with the empty buildings silently reminding people that they were not able to manage the local decline. figure 2. location of ishikawa and its elementary schools project purpose and goals as a depopulating rural town, ishikawa received a budget from the japanese government’s rural revitalization strategy project. supported by the central government, ishikawa is trying to overcome the challenges of rural depopulation and, despite rumors about radioactive pollution, to increase the younger population by creating an outstanding child-rearing environment. the playground project described here is an example of this revitalization program in action. in 2016, ishikawa began the search for a professional group to be consultants for the design and development of the “old ishikawa elementary school renovation project” (figures 3 and 4). why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 163 figure 3. typical playground in ishikawa figure 4. project site: old ishikawa elementary school one part of the project was to create a new playground in the schoolyard, and the town office wanted to have an adventure playground, which would be managed by citizens. the contract period was one year, starting in april 2016 (the budget of government programs must be used in one fiscal year) and the town office set two goals: 1. plan the playground, to be implemented using commercial manufactured play equipment 2. seek to establish an adventure playground management team. normally, adventure playgrounds in japan are equipped with hand-made play equipment and managed by citizens. from experience, we knew that building an why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 164 adventure playground management team can take up to 10 years. considering that, we suggested installing some play equipment as a base for the playground, which would allow development of an adventure playground in the future. project plan we organized a questionnaire and series of outdoor and indoor workshops with citizens (figure 5). we designed the workshops not only to ask citizens what they wanted on the playground but to teach them about adventure playgrounds through real experience (adventure play events) and creating the possibility to reflect on their experience and bring it to the next workshop (implement into design). we used this action-reflection loop, an action research system, as a framework for the project. to attract citizens to workshops and events, we used local newspaper advertisements, announcements to citizens’ circles by town officers, and the ishikawa home page. figure 5. the process of the project questionnaire we conducted a questionnaire survey of three generations from october 15th to 22nd in 2016. elementary school children in 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th grades (aged 9 to 12) received the survey and filled it in at home with their family. only responses of people who grew up in the town were included in the findings. there were 454 total questionnaires, and 397 (87.4 percent) of the responses included children, 246 (54.2 percent) of the responses included parents, and 79 (17.2 percent) of the responses included grandparents. outdoor workshops: one-day adventure play events outdoor workshops took the form of adventure play events organized by experienced playworkers (see acknowledgement). the events suggested a variety of play: water slide, making fire, cooking on the fire, access to tools, woodwork, etc. they brought new play experiences to children and created an environment to stimulate thinking why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 165 about playground design outside standard limits and beyond participants’ previous experience. town officers who would make decisions and had responsibility for project implementation had the opportunity to see the adventure play events including risky play. these workshops ensured the children’s participation in the playground design process through observation of children’s behavior and actively asking their opinions in interviews. the outdoor workshops helped us respond to the question, “could adventure playgrounds be beneficial to children living in depopulating rural areas?” the number of participants varied from 25 to 50 people of different ages. indoor workshops: citizen participatory adventure playground planning process town officers pointed out this would be the first project for citizens to work together on merged territories of consolidated schools on the town level (rather than in their communities or previous school district). for that reason, we expected a low number of participants and suggested involving stakeholders who would be expected to be the key persons for organizing the adventure playground management team. indoor workshops took place in the old school gym and focused on the design of a new playground. the workshops aimed to raise awareness of children’s play situation in ishikawa, to discuss possible solutions and, as a result, develop a design for the playground. these workshops helped to answer questions around how we can facilitate the development of adventure playgrounds in rural areas, and in particular we learned about the length of time implementing a new idea could take. the number of participants in each indoor workshop varied from 5 to 12 people. project process and results summary of main findings of questionnaire a striking finding of the questionnaire was the lack of friends and nature play in the rural area. we found that: 1) 31 percent of children who responded did not have friends to play with after school (children going to school by bus or car had fewer friends than those walking); 2) nature spaces were not used as a play spaces by most children—for example, rivers and ponds were used by only 3 percent of children, forests by 5 percent, and agricultural land by 7 percent, compared to indoor environments like homes (82 percent); and 3) not only is nature play experience decreasing from generation to generation, the number of children having nature play experiences by themselves, without parents, is also decreasing (ishikawa town, 2017). phase 1: planning the playground with a playful mind first adventure play event brings new experience to the town the town officers showed uncertainty and nervousness about the first adventure play event as this was the first event of its kind held in ishikawa, so we agreed to use only a limited area for the event. the event made an impact on both citizens and town officers. children showed creativity and invented play by themselves (figure 6); for example, children used the wheelbarrow as a bath, and one boy saw the fire play and bought a chicken at a supermarket to make a barbecue. we observed that children who at first hesitated to get dirty, gradually played freely with others; they had time why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 166 to observe activity around them until they gained confidence. similarly, children who were at first afraid of the water slide gradually overcame their fear. parents were happy to see their children play freely without limits: “it is nice to have a playground where children can try so many things; we did not have it before!” town officers experienced the meaning of “freedom to play” and considered using a larger space for the next outdoor workshop. figure 6. some examples from the first adventure play event. clockwise from top: water play, constructive play, water slide indoor workshop: citizen participatory planning workshop participants recalled their childhood memories of play and compared them to current children’s play. at the adventure play event, adults and children experienced free play and drew inspiration for the future playground design. as a result, the working group focused on concepts of nature and risky play for design and the idea emerged to use the mountain slope (see figure 9, below) in the design. why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 167 phase 2: fear of taking risk and responsibility second one-day adventure play event play equipment was set up on the site to reflect the design suggestions from the second indoor workshop. to show that the adventure playground movement is formed through collaboration with many actors, we asked local companies and non-profit organizations to provide materials and human resources. landscape design students came for practical training. both the design suggestions and experience from the last event persuaded town officers to agree to using the broader area, including the mountain slope. the children hesitated to play on the slope because in daily life it is prohibited, or they feared insects and dirt under the trees. the authors observed that it was quite difficult for children to organize adventurous play by themselves but with guidance, and after seeing examples, they started playing (figure 7). we observed that older children helped younger ones test themselves in risky play and tried to organize groups to invent and sustain the play. older children’s abilities were limited from lack of experience too, but the opportunity to pass on play knowledge to younger children was welcomed. figure 7. some examples from the second adventure play event; adults helped children initiate the play. clockwise from top: slope where play had previously been prohibited, fire in soil oven, rope swing. indoor workshop: expressing and addressing fears after proceeding with the adventure playground concept, fear and criticism came from citizens and town officers. some participants who joined the workshops for the first why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 168 time showed their fears and challenged others with statements and questions such as: “safety is a priority”; “children don’t need this type of playground because they don’t play outside like this”; “can you take responsibility if an accident happens while children play with the pulley rope?” one of them linked the conversation to mass media coverage of injuries and accidents. informed by the design process of the playground, experienced participants replied: “because of these kinds of fears, children are playing less and less outside,” and “because of citizens like you, the town office is afraid to be sued by citizens, and playgrounds are getting less attractive. children with all their might asked to put it here.” as a result of the dialogue, someone suggested softening the ground, so a fall would not lead to major injuries. in addition, the need for a management organization was acknowledged. phase three: experiencing the new playground third one-day adventure play event on the new playground, children started their play without any encouragement from the play worker (figure 8). they climbed the slope and initiated the creation of the rope swing by themselves. one child came to make a fire. he had participated in previous events and learned from older children that fire play could only be done during event time. children were empowered and expanded their creativity through participation in decision-making and the freedom to play at the event. this event was a memorable moment, since were able to see in children’s increased independence the results of the work undertaken with children through the process. figure 8. some examples from the third adventure play event; note that children are initiating the play by themselves. clockwise from top: play on slope, secret base, children set rope swing. why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 169 figure 9. location of the new playground, the series of workshops, and citizens’ design ideas from workshop 2 (black numbers) indoor workshop: finalizing the plan after the workshops and questionnaires, we finalized the plan for the playground (figure 10) and contacted a play equipment company with the request to address the following components: • opportunities to gather and play together • composite playground equipment combined with slope topography and nature • using characteristics of the former ishikawa elementary school • using play equipment that would make a suitable base for the development of an adventure playground. just before the installation of the playground equipment, setting elements on the slope became a big discussion again. if someone fell 120 centimeters from the slope and was injured, it would be an issue for the department in charge who expressed worry about “putting the equipment on the mountain after all.” here, our work as consultants was necessary. we brought the personnel in charge to visit facilities with playground equipment installed by the same company in neighboring cities in order to why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 170 show injury-prevention solutions, such as safety mats and fences, and to discuss accident prevention measures and compliance with japanese safety standards. later, they visited again with the town mayor. after about a month of dialogue, the department chief-in-charge decided to go ahead with installation because: “everyone in the town decided it in the workshop.” even though the department members participated in the design process from the beginning, they did not share it sufficiently with others. we recognized that a greater number of town office staff should have been involved in the workshops and been provided with a thorough explanation of the adventure playground concept. figure 10. the ground plan of the new playground and elements originated from citizens’ workshops during construction, the children in the after-school club kept coming to the site, believing and not believing the playground would really be built, their teacher told us. “i didn’t expect the pulley rope for real!” said one child. “it’s fun to play tag in here!” said another. at the same time, others realized that their wish had come true and started to name more and more elements they wanted to add in the future. after the playground was built, we reflected on the completion of this project and planned for the future, walking around the site. children and adults were glad to try new equipment, actively discovering the features of the playground. even the person who complained about risk during the workshop seemed satisfied and another person added: “i have not seen such a large number of children playing together at the same why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 171 time for a long time.” they also added that before this, many parents would go out of town to visit playgrounds, but now were happy to have their own. however, to have adventure play activities in the future, local citizen self-organization is needed. figure 11. the former playground figure 12. the new playground why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 172 the effect of the workshops: change of consciousness through the series of outdoor and indoor workshops, we observed the change in people’s attitudes towards risky play and injury, which led to acceptance of the adventure playground project by both citizens and town officers. some people continued to ask, “what if?” questions about safety, but the majority realized that small injuries are necessary, and we need to go ahead and create the playground, which will respond to the needs of children. conclusion and recommendations as a result of this process, we can answer the research questions stated above: 1. the current situation of children’s play in rural areas is characterized by depletion in children’s play experiences, especially decreasing numbers of friends, nature play, and use of outdoor play space. 2. during the adventure play events, we observed that children’s behavior confirmed the various benefits of adventure playgrounds: children learn from other children and adults, encounter challenging and adventurous play in a group, and gradually grow their independence in play. 3. to organize an adventure playground in a rural area, this study used a tactical combination of methods in the project. first, we awakened the senses of adults and their children with a series of outdoor workshops (kinoshita, 2007), where they came to understand the value of adventurous play in nature through their own five senses’ experience. second, we created an opportunity for stakeholders to act through the series of workshops, where participants realized the current situation of children’s play by sharing hopes, concerns, information, and design for its improvement. to sustain the play, we will need a community of supporters, but encouraging citizens to organize the group in a rural area remains a challenging, time-consuming process. recommendations regarding the process and outcomes of organizing adventure playgrounds respond to the situation in the area in japanese rural depopulating areas, an adventure playground not only creates opportunities for making friends and experiencing adventurous, risky play in nature, but makes the area a more attractive place for young parents in general. therefore, such a playground can legitimately be integrated into rural revitalization policy. prepare for a long-term process if adults are not ready to take the responsibility for children’s risky play, or to give that responsibility to children themselves, it can take a long time to change the adults’ opinions. hands-on experience is necessary to change the attitudes of people we need to expose them to diverse experiences, which respond to a diversity of their needs and perceptions. following the why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 173 recommendation of kinoshita, we used workshops that engaged participants’ five senses. involve various stakeholders in a participatory process japanese adventure playgrounds developed as a citizens’ movement, but to improve children’s play situation official institutions can also take the initiative to implement them. however, if the town office just builds the adventure playground, people may not accept it and criticize the decision. a multi-stakeholder participatory process ensures that risks to the process are avoided, and critics are included in the design process. the participatory process itself is a learning process (lave & wenger, 1991), which builds not only a playground, but understanding of its meaning. acknowledgements we thank tsutomu sunaga, director of “playworkers” and hitoshi shimamura, director of tokyo play for assistance in organizing adventure play events during the project. we would also like to show our gratitude to aneby co., ltd. for formulating the playground design and construction. mitsunari terada is a doctoral student in the spatial planning laboratory, environmental science and landscape architecture course, graduate school of horticulture, chiba university. he is an ipa japan board member, and a researcher for the japan adventure playground association. mariia ermilova is an ecologist, and a doctoral student in the spatial planning laboratory, environmental science and landscape architecture course, graduate school of horticulture, chiba university. her interest is community participatory landscape design. isami kinoshita is a professor in the spatial planning laboratory, environmental science and landscape architecture course, graduate school of horticulture, chiba university. he received his ph.d. from the tokyo institute of technology in 1984 and is a leading researcher about children’s play environments and citizens’ participation. references brussoni, m., gibbons, r., gray, c., ishikawa, t., sandseter, e., bienenstock, a., … tremblay, m. (2015). what is the relationship between risky outdoor play and health in children? a systematic review. international journal of environmental research and public health, 12(6), 6423–6454. http://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph120606423 child growth environment group, science council of japan (2008). wagakuni no kodomo no seiiku kankyou no kaizen ni mukete (toward improvement of children’s growth environment in japan). retrieved from http://www.scj.go.jp/ja/info/kohyo/pdf/kohyo-20-t62-15.pdf http://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph120606423 http://www.scj.go.jp/ja/info/kohyo/pdf/kohyo-20-t62-15.pdf why do we need adventure playgrounds in rural areas?... 174 ishikawa town (2017). kyuu ishikawa shougakkou okugaihiroba saiseibi・rikatsuyou keikaku (renovation and reuse plan for former ishikawa primary school yard, ishikawa town.) ishikawa town office. japan adventure playground association (2016). dai 7-kai bouken asobiba-dzukuri katsudou dantai jittai chousa. (the seventh survey on actual state of adventure playground activity group). retrieved from http://bouken-asobiba.org/know/index.html japan policy council (2014). sutoppu shoushika chihou genki senryaku (stop declining birthrate/local revitalization strategy). retrieved from http://www.policycouncil.jp/pdf/prop03/prop03.pdf kinoshita, i. (2007). wa-kushoppu―juumin shutai no machi-zukuri e no houhou-ron. (workshop－a methodology for citizen participatory community design). kyoto: gakugei publishing co. lave, j., & wenger, e. (1991). situated learning: legitimate peripheral participation. cambridge: cambridge university press. retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511815355 ministry of education, sports science and technology (mext) (2015). kouritsu shougakkou chuugakkou no tekisei kibo tekisei haichi-tou ni kansuru tebiki. (the guidebook for proper scale and placement of public elementary and junior high schools). retrieved from http://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/shotou/shugaku/detail/1354768.htm sandseter, e. b. h. (2009). characteristics of risky play. journal of adventure education & outdoor learning, 9(1), 3–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/14729670802702762 staempfli, m. b. (2009). reintroducing adventure into children’s outdoor play environments. environment and behavior, 41(2), 268–280. https://doi.org/10.1177/0013916508315000 statistical bureau of japan (2017). statistical handbook of japan, 2017. retrieved from http://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/handbook/index.html http://bouken-asobiba.org/know/index.html http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511815355 http://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/shotou/shugaku/detail/1354768.htm https://doi.org/10.1177/0013916508315000 http://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/handbook/index.html login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 barriers to nature engagement for youth of color dorothy c. ibes department of environmental science & policy, william & mary donald a. rakow chris h. kim school of integrative plant science, cornell university citation: ibes, d. c., rakow, d. a., & kim, c. h. (2021). barriers to nature engagement for youth of color. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 4973. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract nature engagement provides cognitive, physical, psychological, and social benefits. however, there are racially inequitable patterns of participation at nature sites, parks, and other green spaces in the u.s. among youth of color (yoc), this nature deficit limits their ability to gain the same benefits of nature engagement as their white counterparts. to enhance understanding of the barriers to nature engagement by yoc, the present study examines intensive semi-structured interviews of local community leaders and leaders of nature-oriented organizations. results reveal a complex matrix of external, socioeconomic, and psychological factors that limit yoc’s green access, particularly accessibility, fear, and social exclusion. findings support existing literature, while providing additional dimension and nuance that expose larger implications and support the call for increased focus on racial and ethnic diversity, equity, and inclusion within nature engagement. keywords: youth of color, parks, green space, environmental justice, nature engagement http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 50 introduction research reveals that a series of structural and personal factors have resulted in a nature deficit among people of color, whereby they spend less time engaging with nature, on average, than their white counterparts (rowland-shea & doshi, 2020; borunda, 2020). children and teenagers are likewise underrepresented in nature engagement, and their rates of participation have been decreasing for decades (clemens, 2004; karsten, 2005; outdoor foundation, 2020). meanwhile, youth are spending more time engaging in sedentary indoor activities, including nearly seven hours a day on screen-based devices (common sense media, 2019; karsten, 2005). richard louv (2005) coined the phrase “nature deficit disorder” to describe the negative effects of disengagement with nature among young people, including diminished senses, attention difficulties, obesity, stunted social emotional development, and behavioral problems. at the intersection of these patterns, youth of color (yoc) are doubly and disproportionately excluded from safe, quality, health-promoting nature opportunities (outdoor foundation, 2020). given the groundswell of literature in recent decades confirming the cognitive, psychological, physiological, and other health benefits of time spent in and around nature, inequitable access to and participation in nature-oriented activities presents an urgent social equity issue (keniger et al., 2013). this study aims to increase understanding of the factors that prevent u.s. yoc from engaging more with nature, with the ultimate goal of increasing participation and extending the associated benefits to this population. “youth of color” are here defined as non-white young people between the ages of 5-24. we conducted semistructured interviews with 18 prominent community and nature site leaders working in diverse communities in new york state, maryland, washington d.c., and virginia. results of the interviews, analyzed using nvivo analysis software, reveal a complex matrix of external, psychological, and socioeconomic barriers to greater use of parks, nature sites, and other green spaces among yoc. nuanced findings regarding barriers to engagement advance understanding of this equity issue. further, our discussion provides critical perspectives and points of consideration for city planners, park administrators, nature educators, decision-makers, and others eager to extend green access and its benefits to yoc. youth and the outdoors young people today spend increasingly less time outdoors than previous generations. a time use study of over 2,900 children and teenagers (6-17) found they spent an average of 7.14 minutes a day recreating outdoors in the early 2000s, representing a 50% decrease since the early 1980s (juster et al., 2004). a outdoor foundation (2020) report calls the declining participation of youth in outdoor recreation, a “warning signal,” noting that outings are declining for both children (6-17) and young adults (18-24), across genders. the study also found a glaring diversity gap. among 18,000 participants, there was a 24% participation deficit among black americans, and 35% deficit among hispanic americans, as compared to their share of the u.s. population. these patterns of inequity remained consistent among youth, with rates of participation in outdoor recreation by black youth reported as “much lower than any other group” (outdoor foundation, 2020, p. 12). barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 51 meanwhile, the average child and adolescent in the u.s. spends seven hours or more on screens each day (common sense media, 2019; rideout et al., 2010). high rates of daily screen use among youth has been correlated with anxiety (boers et al., 2019), violence (boxer et al., 2009), loneliness (yang, 2016; bozogaln et al., 2013), and obesity (jordan et al., 2008), along with stunted language development (linebarger & walker, 2005), and reduced academic performance (hancox et al., 2005). barriers to nature engagement for youth of color racism, in all its dimensions, has resulted in a cascade of effects that deter nature engagement by youth of color. these include a lack of representation, discrimination, and stereotyping in natural settings and nature-oriented organizations, as well as inequitable access to green space, housing, transportation, employment, and educational opportunities (boone et al., 2009; wolch et al., 2013). urban policies such as redlining, segregation, and disinvesting public spending from minority communities have impacted park quality and accessibility in these areas (rigolon & németh, 2018; plumer & popovich, 2020). such racist urban policies and other dimensions of structural racism have led to rates of poverty among u.s. black and hispanic youth that are nearly three times higher than rates among u.s. white children (pew research center, 2020). furthermore, research suggests that u.s. park systems have historically excluded lower-class populations and people of color (scott & lee, 2018; erickson et al., 2009; byrne & wolch, 2009; rowland-shea & doshi, 2020). a prominent example of this lies in the historical and ongoing practices of dispossessing indigenous populations of their land to create national parks (byrne & wolch, 2009; rowland-shea & doshi, 2020). aspects of the american public lands system, what mels (2002) described as a curated “pristine wilderness,” are designed to primarily appeal to white uppermiddle class sensibilities (pp. 137-138). federal legislation from as late as the 1960s has supported the legal segregation and exclusion of people of color from public lands and various natural areas, including beaches, public pools, national parks, and other natural areas (rowland-shea & doshi, 2020; chokshi, 2018). monetary constraints may also limit park access; rates of poverty among u.s. black and hispanic youth are nearly three times higher than rates among white children (pew research center, 2020). stemming from these patterns, more nuanced barriers to nature engagement emerge. accessibility to natural areas and sites has been shown to be limited by a lack of safe, convenient, and affordable transportation options for communities of color (byrne, 2012; xiao et al., 2016). likewise, perceptions of social exclusion are a major deterrent, particularity lack of diverse representation in nature site users and leaders (hong & anderson, 2006); feeling unwelcome, feared, displaced, or unaccepted in natural areas (pickney et al., 2018); and racial profiling by police (gobster, 2002) or other park users (maslin nar, 2020; holson, 2018). another commonly cited barrier is fear, particularly fear of personal harm due to neighborhood crime (echeverria et al., 2014), strangers, other teenagers, traffic, or drugs or firearms (brockman et al., 2011). youth of color may also be disinclined to visit park spaces, even if safe, welcoming, and convenient, if the parks do not barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 52 provide young people’s preferred amenities and facilities (oliphant et al., 2019; suminski et al., 2012), or if youth lack essential knowledge or information about these spaces (byrne, 2012; hong & anderson, 2006). benefits of nature engagement supporting yoc in spending more time in parks and other natural settings is an urgent equity issue, given the innumerable psychological, physiological, cognitive, and social benefits derived from nature engagement (keniger et al., 2013). time in and around nature has been shown to reduce stress, anxiety, and depression (ulrich et al., 1991; frumkin et al., 2017; kondo et al., 2018; bratman et al., 2019; roberts et al., 2019). nature engagement has also been correlated with reduced sympathetic and increased parasympathetic nervous activity (brown et al., 2013; gladwell, 2012), reduced blood pressure (shanahan et al., 2016), and lower pulse rates (park et al., 2013; song et al., 2014). evidence also points to a positive correlation between time spent in nature and increased synthesis of cells that boost immune functioning (kuo, 2017). while these benefits apply to all age groups, some research has specifically examined the impacts of time in nature on children and teenagers. nature exposure in childhood has been found to boost self-esteem and confidence (hinds & o’malley, 2019), as well as improve reasoning and observational skills (pyle, 2002), memory and attention (schutte et al., 2015), personal and social capabilities (chawla, 2015; hinds et al., 2019), test scores, self-discipline, and cognition (kuo et al., 2019; seltenrich, 2015). wells and evans (2003) found that among elementary-aged youth, children with high levels of nearby nature were more resilient to life stressors than those with little nearby nature. a study of young children in lowincome english neighborhoods found that those with more parks, gardens, and green space had fewer emotional problems than their counterparts (flouri et al., 2014). in a study of over 900,000 participants, researchers in denmark correlated low levels of green space in a child’s residential neighborhood with a 55% higher risk of developing mental health problems later in life (engemann et al., 2019). among older children, spending time in parks is associated with feelings of freedom and escape from adult control (beery & lekies, 2019), which supports a critical developmental phase in which adolescents develop their personal identity, including personal values, beliefs, and goals (erikson, 1968; berg et al., 2020). further, youth exposure to nature has cascading effects into adulthood, promoting an affinity for nature (kals et al., 1999), as well as pro-environmental attitudes and behavior (otto & pensini, 2017). given the profound benefits of nature engagement, and negative impacts of nature deficit, patterns of low engagement among youth of color represent a pressing equity concern. the present study aims to uncover these barriers to aid those who work with, and for, yoc to understand how best to support young people in realizing the myriad benefits of time in nature. as such, results of this research are relevant to parents and caretakers, community leaders and mentors, educators, decision-makers, city planners, leaders of nature-oriented organizations and nonprofit organizations, as well as youth of color themselves. barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 53 methods to identify major impediments to yoc spending more time engaging with nature, we conducted intensive, semi-structured interviews with community leaders (n = 13) and nature site leaders (n = 5) that work with yoc in new york state, maryland, virginia, and washington, d.c. (table 1). leaders of nature-oriented organizations were key to informing our understanding, as they organize, implement, and evaluate nature-oriented programming with youth. community leaders who work directly with young people offer valuable perspectives as the leaders develop close relationships with youth by taking on the responsibilities of mentors, educators, and role models. interviewees were recruited using a convenience sampling method, through cornell cooperative extension, virginia cooperative extension, and local 4-h youth programs. each participant held a leadership position at the time of the interview. half of the interviewees were persons of color. personal information about interviewees was excluded to preserve anonymity, as requested by some participants. interviews lasted one to two hours, and were conducted in-person by one of two research technicians, between october 2018 and december of 2019. interviewees were asked a series of questions about the quality, accessibility, and usage patterns of nature sites, parks, and other green spaces in the communities they serve. they were also asked to share their observations and perspectives regarding the young people of color they serve, specifically the frequency and type of interaction of yoc with nature, as well as barriers and challenges to engagement they may face. we analyzed the interview data with nvivo 12 qualitative data analysis software. nvivo is commonly used to organize interview data into thematic categories (nodes) and identify patterns in interview data (e.g., oliphant et al., 2019; ibes et al., 2018; brockman et al., 2011; moore et al., 2010). initial coding themes included the 22 categories (tags) for “barriers to nature engagement,” developed by the children & nature network (c&nn; 2020). these tags were developed by c&nn to help users identify relevant literature from their extensive research database, including over 600 references for “barriers to nature.” these categories offered a meaningful starting point for our coding schema, while allowing for additional themes and configurations to emerge from the data. among the 22 tags were: “accessibility issues,” “device/technology/media/screen time use,” “family restrictions/attitudes/beliefs,” and “fear of nature.” to ensure inter-coder reliability, interviews were independently coded by two members of the research team, then collaboratively reviewed to refine, discuss, and resolve discrepancies (patton, 2002). we assigned new codes to emergent themes following an inductive coding protocol (groshong et al., 2018). the final codes represent the full scope of themes and points revealed by the interviews (brandt et al., 2018). in four instances, interview content was coded under more than one code in nvivo. such double-coding serves to increase rigor in qualitative data collection (ranney et al., 2015). barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 54 table 1. participant affiliation, location, and community details participant # position* affiliation location % yoc (ages 6-24) in community 1 cl cornell cooperative extension of broome county binghamton, ny 41.98% 2 cl children, youth and families at risk (cyfar) program 3 cl police athletic league of buffalo buffalo, ny 66.94% 4 cl tapestry charter school 5 nsl ithaca children’s garden ithaca, ny 34.12% 6 cl school 8 in the rochester city school district rochester, ny 78.40% 7 cl rochester institute of technology university-community partnership 8 cl quad a for kids 9 nsl irvine nature center baltimore area, md** 49.02% 10 nsl free forest school: d.c. chapter washington, d.c. 74.64% 11 cl summer youth employment program at the youth opportunities office virginia beach, va 45.02% 12 cl virginia cooperative extension family nutrition program 13 cl virginia cooperative extension 14 nsl wildrock charlottesville, va*** 47.30% 15 cl virginia cooperative extension richmond, va 48.88% 16 cl lewis ginter botanical garden 17 nsl lewis ginter botanical garden 18 cl blue sky fund * community leader (cl) or nature site leader (nsl) ** irvine nature center is located in owings mill, baltimore county, maryland, but serves the city of baltimore and counties within the greater baltimore area. baltimore city’s non-white youth make up 81.4% of all youth ages 5-24. *** wildrock is located in crozet, virginia, but primarily serves the city of charlottesville and the greater charlottesville area. barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 55 results the following section reports both quantitative and qualitative results of our interview content analysis. the number and percent of interviewees that mentioned each barrier are included as a metric for weighing the pervasiveness of each barrier. representative quotes are provided to aid in the comprehension and interpretation of results. barriers to nature engagement the coding process revealed 14 distinct categories of barriers to nature engagement by youth of color, which were aggregated into three representative, overarching categories: external, psychological, and socioeconomic (table 2). all 18 interviewees mentioned at least one barrier within each of the three overarching categories. this final classification scheme represents a consolidated and reorganized version of the 22 “barriers” tags listed in the children & nature network research library. table 2. barriers to nature engagement: categories and frequency of interviewee mentions (n=18) barrier category frequency percent external 18 100% accessibility 16 88.9% insufficient programming, facilities, or staff 12 66.7% degraded environment 8 44.4% scheduling 6 33.3% weather 5 27.8% policies 3 16.7% health concerns 1 5.6% psychological 18 100% fear 16 88.9% preferences 13 72.2% aversion to nature 7 38.9% socioeconomic 18 100% social exclusion 15 83.3% lack of resources 13 72.2% lack of exposure 11 61.1% priorities 7 38.9% barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 56 external barriers external barriers are tangible impediments to nature engagement by yoc. these include lack of accessibility, degraded environments, insufficient programming/ facilities/ staff, scheduling issues, policy, weather, and health concerns. “accessibility” was the most cited external barrier (88.9%), and one of the two most frequently cited barriers of the 14 (alongside “fear”). these factors physically hinder access to nature, and include transportation issues, lack of nearby nature spaces and sites, park restrictions (e.g., gates or park hours), and restrictive development patterns (e.g., housing, land development, highways). the majority of interviewees (88.9%) mentioned lack of accessible, reliable, affordable transportation as a key obstacle. transportation is probably the biggest takeaway. that was something that every single mom said was a barrier, that it would always be a barrier, even if they get the information, even if they know what we're doing, they’re not going to come if they can't get there (participant 5, 2019). it's really frustrating when you talk to somebody and they're like, “oh we think this is a great program.” “well, will you pay for the bus?” “no, we don’t pay for transportation” (participant 9, 2019). bus routes are becoming harder and harder, so that’s not really accessible transportation sometimes. everything goes like a spoke and wheel, downtown to the transit center and back out again. so sometimes these kids are on the busses for a very long time (participant 7, 2018). inequitable and unsafe patterns of urban development, including a lack of nearby quality park spaces and dangerous streets, were also cited as key barriers. for the most part, communities of color are cordoned off by wealthy affluent neighborhoods that have ready access to the park system (participant 16, 2018). residents really saw the biggest barrier for using the space was traffic calming. it’s surrounded by really busy streets… really really congested, lots of fast-moving cars coming through that area. there are ways that you could calm traffic, slow traffic down so that it’s not scary for kids and parents with those kids to get to the park (participant 7, 2018). the second most frequently mentioned external barrier was “insufficient programming, facilities, or staff” (66.7%). these limitations include a lack of funding for programming (e.g., camping, field trips), insufficient staff or facilities to support programming, or inadequate training and expertise among staff or educators to guide nature engagement. if i had all the money in the world, i'd be serving every single kid, but i don't (participant 9, 2019). barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 57 kids in the school system are not being engaged in the outdoors through the curriculum. so teachers are not well versed in how to utilize the outdoors as a teaching tool (participant 16, 2018). we’re trying to show them how they can use their schoolyard and help them to overcome barriers to taking their kids outside. that can range from “there's bugs out there” to “oh, i might lose control of my class” or “i don't know enough about the outdoors to take the kids out” (participant 1, 2018). several interviewees (44.4%) felt park use was deterred by parks and green spaces as “degraded environments” due to uncleanliness, litter, graffiti, broken glass, and other hazards. one participant stated, “there’s shattered bottles, cigarette butts all over. i don’t know if i’ve ever really seen kids playing in [the park]” (participant 6, 2018). some respondents also cited local policy as a barrier, specifically regulatory, licensure, liability, permitting, and use limitations. one participant noted, “around green spaces there’s a lot of vacant land, there’s very poor policy around use of that land except for limited garden permits” (participant 15, 2018). also mentioned were complexities of “scheduling” time for nature activities, “weather” not being amenable to time outdoors, and “health concerns,” specifically seasonal allergies. psychological barriers these barriers reflect the psychological states of a person (e.g., opinions, attitudes, emotions) that may hinder engagement with nature. these include fear (of injury, other people, wildlife), aversions to nature or natural elements, and preferences for non-nature oriented activities. the most cited overall barrier (tied with “accessibility”), and most mentioned psychological barrier to engagement of yoc in nature, was “fear” (88.9%). this includes fears stemming from an individual, parents, guardians, or caregivers about strangers, peers, and authority figures, and dangers to safety when engaging with nature. fear of crime-related activities, racial profiling and harassment by law enforcement, or others, were also noted, particularly in the context of public parks. when it comes to parks and that kind of thing, they and their families fear crime. “is somebody going to be out there shooting? am i going to find drug paraphernalia out there? [are] there illegal activities going on?” behaviors of others such as people with mental illnesses—“are there homeless people in the park that may interact with my child?” (participant 12, 2018). unfortunately, we live in a time where young people—young men of color in particular—have to be mindful of the fact that you aren’t viewed quite the way others are viewed. there is more of a chance of you being questioned or being harassed, and that may deter you from even engaging in the space at all (participant 8, 2018). the police look at them and say, “well what are you doing in this park that’s seventy five percent or eighty percent white? why are you in this barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 58 neighborhood? you must be selling drugs, you must be looking to do something or be somewhere where you shouldn’t be” (participant 2, 2018). fear of nature, directly, was also widely mentioned by interviewees. this includes fear of wildlife (e.g., insects, animals) and natural features (e.g., rough terrain). interviewees described that urban youth may be fearful of wild animals due to lack of familiarity with nature, personal or secondhand accounts of adverse experiences in nature, or misperceptions of animal habitat and behavior. when people from an urban environment come out here, it can be intimidating. there’s “oh, my gosh, is there a bear out here?” well of course there’s not a bear out here, but they don’t know that (participant 9, 2019). the final two psychological barriers revealed by the data include “preferences” (72.2%), and “aversion to nature” (38.9%). “preferences” reflect a lack of preferred features, uses, or amenities in parks or natural areas, a lack of interest in nature-based activities, or preferences for other activities (e.g., athletics, device use, hobbies). technology was frequently mentioned. there’s a generational shift with the rise of technology and it’s shifting how young people engage with the outdoors. and it’s palpable. kids are just not going outside as much. i think they’re more tuned into their social networks through their electronic devices rather than going out and kicking it and hanging out with each other outside (participant 16, 2018). several interviewees reported that youth lack interest in visiting parks or nature sites, finding them “boring,” and lacking facilities and amenities that would attract them. one participant noted, “parks are developed by adults… there’s nothing for the girls in my neighborhood to go to the park for” (participant 13, 2018). we have a survey that happens through one of our projects here on campus called tips, where they interview community members about their view of the neighborhood, and often some of the concern is, not enough for the kids to do, not enough constructive things and play spaces for kids to be outside that feel safe (participant 7, 2018). the category “aversion to nature,” reflects an aversion to flora and fauna, hot or cold weather, getting dirty, physical exertion, or the unknown. being away from some of their comforts: a bathroom, being able to take a shower, meals—some of those changes might seem a little less attractive to them. and i think the idea of carrying a heavy backpack and walking up a mountain—just the physicality of it—not all of the kids that come into our program are used to that sort of physical activity (participant 18, 2018). socioeconomic barriers socioeconomic barriers are situated at the intersection of social and economic factors. these include feelings of being socially excluded due to one’s race or barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 59 ethnicity, a lack of resources to engage with nature (e.g., time, money, information, knowledge), a lack of exposure to nature, and competing priorities. the most mentioned socioeconomic barriers were social exclusion (83.3%), lack of resources (72.2%), lack of exposure (61.1%), and competing priorities (38.9%). social exclusion reflects feelings of being unwelcomed, displaced, or unaccepted in nature spaces. i think the primary impediments have to do with racism. many spaces were not available to people of color in charlottesville. parks were segregated. i think the legacy of that is that people do not have a sense of belonging in some spaces even to this day. we still have parks with confederate statues that were put up to intimidate people of color (participant 14, 2019). they don’t live in a community where they think about being in nature. “i don’t kayak, we don’t do that.” so it’s just perception of, “my family, we don’t do that” (participant 11, 2018). interviews also noted that a lack of representation may lead youth to feel that nature engagement is not for them. “whenever we see representation, we see a lot more engagement with communities of color. the fact that the vast majority of our directors are white, i think, is a limitation of our organization” (participant 10, 2019). language barriers were cited as another limitation. a lot of the kids that i work with, they have to interpret for [their] parents, because their parents can’t speak english. so if a spanish speaker can’t understand it, or can’t read or write it, they have to rely on their child to read and write it for them, are they going to take their kids to the park? probably not, because it’s intimidating for them (participant 12, 2018). a “lack of resources” was cited as another critical barrier, because without these resources, youth are financially or physically unable to participate in nature-related programming or lack critical information about nature-related topics or nearby opportunities. many parents are reluctant to send their children to a field trip because they're going to get dirty. they might have only that pair of shoes, or that pair of pants, or that outfit (participant 5, 2019). when you stay over in the dorms at the new york state fair, you have to bring a set of sheets, a pillow. spend money. those things are impossible. i remember this one young lady telling me that they didn’t have sheets. they sleep on the couch and take turns who sleeps on the couch, who sleeps on the floor (participant 2, 2018). barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 60 lot of kids from the western part of this city don’t have access to canoes. like say for example if munden point had a rental, they could rent canoes and that sort of thing, i’m sure that they would (participant 12, 2018). just having it there is not necessarily going to draw people, because they don't necessarily know that it's happening. so finding the ways to connect with members of that community (participant 10, 2019). other interviewees mentioned that competing responsibilities often take priority over spending time in nature, such as caring for younger siblings or working parttime jobs. a lot of the kids i work with are in charge of their younger siblings, so they are the sole providers after school for their siblings. and sometimes that interferes with whether or not they can come to a program (participant 1, 2018). a “lack of exposure” to nature and natural settings was another key barrier. it’s exposure. it’s “what i grew up with.” it’s “what i was comfortable with.” i think a lot of our kids would enjoy it more if they had that exposure and actually knew about it. if they get it from a young age i think it would be a very different situation. but not getting it, i think they just don’t understand how fun it can be, how educational it can be (participant 7, 2018). echoing this sentiment, another interviewee noted, “if you wait until you’re in high school or middle school to try to expose [youth to nature], it’s too late” (participant 13, 2018). interviewees highlighted that among some yoc, spending time in nature is low on their list of priorities, particularly young people from a lower socioeconomic strata. a lot of our family units are struggling day-to-day with just the basic necessities of food for their families, money, paying their bills, going to work, finding childcare, having those older siblings take care of the younger siblings, being evicted, not having money to pay their electric. and so all of those things that are stacked up against them, they are not looking to take their family hiking, or even access our local parks. it’s not a priority (participant 1, 2018). discussion this study developed a nuanced and organized description of barriers to nature engagement by youth of color, as a first step towards overcoming these barriers and extending the benefits of nature exposure to this population. the results reveal a multifaceted, and interconnected mix of external, psychological, and socioeconomic barriers. the most frequently mentioned barriers were accessibility, fear, and social exclusion, followed by preferences, lack of resources, insufficient programming/facilities/staff, and lack of nature exposure. these findings are barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 61 supported by the existing literature, but provide added dimension and nuance that enhances our understanding of the barriers to nature engagement by youth of color. accessibility supporting our results, the literature highlights transportation as a key barrier to nature access by persons of color (perry et al., 2015; xiao et al., 2016). for example, those dependent on public transportation are inhibited from visiting parks due to the amount of time they must devote to travelling by bus, or the infrequency with which busses run (byrne, 2012). xiao and colleagues (2016) summarized three key barriers to use of transportation as comfort and safety, expense, and accessibility. our results suggest obstacles to use include restrictive development patterns (housing, land development, highways), and a lack of sufficient, safe, accessible nearby natural areas and sites in communities of color. fear fear, one of the two top barriers found in our study, is also mentioned in the literature. in one study, mexican youth in chicago felt parks were unsafe and were least likely to visit parks that require crossing gang lines (stodolska et al., 2012). in a study of 107 households in newark, new jersey, over half of the participants reported being fearful of simply venturing outside their homes, due to hearing gunshots and seeing drug deals in their neighborhood (echeverria et al., 2014). particularly among urban residents with little exposure to the natural world, it is common to feel fear and anxiety toward nature itself (baran et al., 2013). parents may also limit young people’s time in parks or other green space, based on fears of strangers, other teenagers, traffic, or the presence of drugs or firearms (brockman et al., 2011). our findings also highlight the limiting fears of wildlife, the unknown in nature, and the potential for accidents. results also reveal the role of caregivers, educators, and other mentors, who have the power to expand nature exposure by yoc, but may be limited by safety concerns and their own lack of familiarity with or discomfort in nature. social exclusion results support literature that strongly suggest perceptions of social exclusion limit yoc nature engagement. park visitation by latinx community members has been shown to be deterred by the absence of bi-lingual signage (byrne, 2012), a lack of diverse park staff and leadership (hong & anderson, 2006), and perceptions that white users are offended by their “recreational style”; namely, playing music, visiting in large groups, and being “boisterous.” racially charged encounters with other park-goers have particularly excluded and scrutinized black americans in outdoor spaces (maslin nar, 2020; holson, 2018). within mainstream depictions, researchers and activists argue there is a lack of visibility and recognition of people of color as park staff, environmental stewards/activists, or simply enjoying outdoor experiences (rowland-shea & doshi, 2020; taylor, 2014; scott & lee, 2018). social exclusion against black youth is particularly pervasive, due to self or parental awareness of how they are perceived and profiled by others. examining three case studies, pickney and colleagues (2018) demonstrate how socially excluding black youth from these spaces has led to a loss of innocence, freedom, and life. barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 62 interviewees highlighted that for some, police presence creates a feeling of safety, while others perceive the police as a potential threat (wilder bonner, 2014). black american men are twice as likely to be victims of fatal shootings by the police, compared to white american men (edwards et al., 2019; wertz et al., 2020). black americans are most likely to perceive police in their parks or neighborhoods as intrusive, unnecessary, or aggressive (gobster, 2002). the results of the present study contribute additional understanding to these findings by highlighting the influence of positive or negative cultural, familial, and peer attitudes towards nature on yoc nature engagement. it is also important to note here that barriers to nature engagement may intersect and interact with each other; for example, fear of being profiled by police or other park visitors and fear of crime in poor neighborhoods comprise both psychological and socioeconomic barriers. preferences supporting our results, oliphant and colleagues (2019) found that people of color prefer a mix of active (e.g., ballfields, tennis courts) and passive (lawns, benches) park features. yet, some research finds black communities have fewer sports areas, parks, and green spaces than white communities (powell et al., 2004), and in some communities, parks accessible to black and latinx communities are smaller with fewer amenities than those in more affluent, white neighborhoods (weiss et al., 2011). suminski and colleagues (2012) found that parks in racial/ethnic minority neighborhoods had lower quality features and amenities, even after controlling for park size and median income. a baltimore, maryland study found the higher the percentage of residents of color, the poorer the quality (e.g., condition, cleanliness) of local parks (engelberg et al., 2016). our results reveal additional dimensions of this category of barriers, namely a lack of interest in nature-based activities among some youth, or preferences for other activities, such as device use, hobbies, and sports. lack of resources our findings also suggest a scarcity of resources to participate in nature-based activities (e.g., money, time, information) limits yoc nature engagement. similarly, community leaders in hong and anderson’s (2006) study stated that the biggest factor preventing young latinx from visiting a local nature center was a lack of familiarity with it, given that they had never heard of or visited the site. a similar sentiment was expressed by latinx regarding a nearby, but mostly unfamiliar, urban national park in los angeles (byrne, 2012). our findings also suggest that “time” is a major limiting factor, particularly given competing priorities (school, work, caring for siblings), and a lack of appealing, convenient, safe, and welcoming nature spaces and opportunities. it is clear that organizations eager to support yoc in nature engagement are severely limited by a lack of funding for staff, programming, and facilities. also limiting is the lack of experience, skill, and training among leadership, educators, and caregivers in guiding youth in nature-based activities. barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 63 exposure our interviewees also stressed the importance of exposing youth to nature, as often and as young as possible, and warned of the pattern of reduced recess in schools and daycare centers. nature experiences, particularly with other young people, family, and mentors, help build a foundation of comfort in and affinity for natural spaces (kals et al., 1999), and help develop pro-environmental attitudes and environmental behavior that extend into adulthood (cheng & monroe, 2012; collado et al., 2017; asah et al., 2018; evans et al., 2018). increasing nature engagement by youth of color supported by, and advancing the existing literature, the results of this study identify some of the most urgent, potent, and potentially fruitful points of consideration when it comes to supporting yoc in nature engagement. with respect to accessibility, interviewees highlighted the need for safe, efficient, convenient transportation to parks, nature sites, and nature-oriented programming. they also noted the need for green space in or near diverse neighborhoods, accessible by safe and comfortable streets, paths, and sidewalks. accessibility solutions may include traffic calming measures, the development of new green spaces, or pop-up nature opportunities in communities of color. smart urban development can also aid in increasing safety and access to green space. for example, new urbanist developments emphasize walkable streets, mixed-use development, and accessible public space (cnu, 2021). racist urban policies that have led to disinvestment in minority communities, segregation, and redlining must be explicitly addressed if urban planning and design solutions are to succeed in increasing access and a sense of belonging in green space by yoc. legislation at the federal level is also essential, for example the parks, jobs, and equity act, designed to “support park development and delivery of recreation services, and in so doing, help create or preserve jobs, and provide economic stimulus in communities impacted by the covid-19 pandemic” (parks, jobs, and equity act, 2021). to address the barriers of fear and social exclusion, interviewees noted the need to provide safe, clean, well-maintained nature spaces in communities of color, to which caregivers are comfortable bringing their children. there was also a call to address racial profiling (by police and other park users) and racism in all its dimensions, so youth of color feel safe, welcomed, and comfortable in nature spaces. most importantly, any efforts must engage neighborhood residents to ensure initiatives are meeting their real, expressed needs. interviewees also highlighted the need to provide amenities and programming preferred and valued by youth of color, particularly to counter the lure of technology. yoc need certain resources to access and utilize nature spaces. this, again, underscores the need for quality, convenient transportation, but also information about nature opportunities, exposure to nature experiences (visits to nature sites, parks), and the necessary equipment to participate (e.g., kayaks, camping equipment, specialized clothing). interviewees highlighted the need for increased funding for staff, programming, and facilities to support yoc in natureoriented activities. the reach of these nature-oriented organizations is, across the board, limited by funding. barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 64 it was also noted that lack of exposure to nature limited subsequent engagement with nature by yoc. it was suggested that staff, educators, and caretakers could greatly increase nature exposure if given the proper training and experience guiding youth outdoors or in nature centers. early nature exposure is key. further, interviewees felt that frequent, positive nature experiences would encourage more of the same, with the potential to shift familial, neighborhood, and cultural behaviors and perceptions regarding “who” is welcome and “belongs” in natural sites, parks, and other green spaces. limitations and future research the findings of this research are limited in several respects. the generalizability and precision of the results should be carefully interpreted given the relatively small sample size (n = 18), and the diversity of geographic, cultural, and urban contexts in which our interviewee participants work. our inclusion of substantive interview quotes above sought to aid in the interpretation of the results and mitigate this limitation. in addition, the classification of reported barriers represents one of several possible organizational approaches. further, not all barriers were mutually exclusive, so could have been classified in multiple ways. nonetheless, we determined our approach to be the best for the results of this study, and a useful starting point for understanding the overarching themes, diversity, and pervasiveness of barriers to nature engagement by yoc. collecting interview data directly from youth of color was beyond the scope of this work, but would represent a valuable complement to the results of this study. future researchers may also consider mapping access to and use of nature sites by youth of color and expanding interview sites to cities in other u.s. regions. conclusion with this study, we seek to begin a meaningful dialogue about yoc and the barriers that lead to their inequitable visitation of parks, green spaces, and nature sites. the implications of these barriers, and how they impact nature participation among yoc, are dire. nature engagement has been shown to have numerous benefits to overall well-being: nurturing creativity, providing spaces for solitude and selfreflection, and reducing tension and stress levels (louv, 2005; frumkin et al., 2017; kondo et al., 2018; taverno ross & francis, 2016). meanwhile a growing body of literature indicates that a persistent nature deficit among youth has negative implications for mental and physical health (louv, 2005; bratman et al., 2015; brown et al., 2013; gladwell, 2012). reflecting on the three main themes that emerged from this research—external, psychological, and socioeconomic barriers—we can understand yoc barriers to nature engagement in a more nuanced manner, facilitating an understanding of the changes that are needed, from the individual to the structural. implications that call for policy changes and societal shifts towards justice, diversity, equity, and inclusion can ameliorate the current state of nature deficiency not only among youth in communities of color, but for all youth. barriers to nature engagement for youth of color 65 dorothy c. ibes is a senior lecturer for environmental science & policy at william & mary, and the director of the parks research lab (prl). her research explores ecotherapy and the mental health benefits of nature connection. donald a. rakow is an associate professor in the cornell school of integrative plant science. his research focuses on the human benefits of time spent in nature and on the social impacts of public gardens. chris h. kim is a research technician in the horticulture section of the school of integrative plant sciences at cornell university. he is the technician for the ne1962 project, outdoor recreation, parks, and other green environments: understanding human and community benefits and mechanisms. references asah, s. t., bengston, d. n., westphal, l. w., & 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(2013) parks and park funding in los angeles: an equity-mapping analysis. urban geography, 26(1), 4-35. doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.26.1.4 xiao, x., perry, e., manning, r., krymkowski, d., valliere, w., & reigner, n. (2016). effects of transportation on racial/ethnic diversity of national park visitors. leisure sciences, 39(2), 126-143. doi.org/10.1080/01490400.2016.1151846 yang, c. (2016). instagram use, loneliness, and social comparison orientation: interact and browse on social media, but don’t compare. cyberpsychology behavior and social networking, 19, 703–708. doi: 10.1089/cyber.2016.0201. https://doi.org/10.1177/2153368714534269%c2%a0 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(2), 2019 position paper los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico's organized crime conflict edmund breckin university of bradford citation: breckin, e. (2019). los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict. children, youth and environments, 29(2), 119-131. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract children in mexico are being increasingly recruited as lookouts for drug trafficking organizations in the on-going criminal conflict in the country. the numbers of minors working with organized crime in mexico is unclear but human rights groups estimate that 30,000 children are currently involved in the conflict. however, the scholarly interest in the role of children in organized crime in mexico is scarce, with an on-going acknowledgment of their role but no further discussion surrounding their recruitment, activities, or outcomes in the conflict. this position paper will provide the first overview of the role of children in mexico’s conflict, using scholarly and official references to provide a comprehensive overview of the present situation. keywords: organized crime, children, crime, drug trafficking, mexico http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 120 introduction on december 3, 2010, in cuernavaca, morelos, mexican authorities detained edgar jimenez lugo, alias “el ponchis,” convicted of kidnapping, torture, and multiple murders while working for the beltran leyva cartel. whereas mexico has grown accustomed to high-profile arrests of drug trafficking kingpins and to their corresponding atrocities, the arrest of el ponchis was markedly different: he was only 15 years old. initiated into the cartel at the age of 11, his age sent shockwaves through the international media. however, it also highlighted the dangerous trend in mexico of drug trafficking organizations’ (dto) recruitment of children. we are now eight years on from the arrest of el ponchis (who has served his sentence and been released) but any meaningful follow-up to the interest that was brought about by his arrest has failed to develop, either academically or policyrelated. some papers have suggested that the participation of children in organized crime is on the rise (vásquez romero, 2012), but beyond that studies have been scarce. a search for academic literature on the subject produces scant coverage, and the majority of what does exist covers just the global north (parker, 2001). as atkinson-sheppard (2018) has pointed out, we know worryingly little about the role of children in organized crime in the global south. academic coverage is limited, the mexican government’s analysis has been negligent, and statistics are inconsistent and lack transparency. this position paper covers the forgotten topic of children involved in organized crime in mexico and introduces avenues for research to halt the academic neglect of this important topic. mexico’s security situation what has caused this lack of significant attention? is the problem as big an issue as this paper suggests? by looking at the evidence we do have, we can answer both these questions simultaneously. a systematic failure to provide accurate and transparent data has stymied research, resulting in limited awareness of the problem and continually unchallenged, inadequate statistics. mexico has for over a decade been embroiled in an ongoing conflict that has now cost the lives of more than 200,000 individuals (lakhani, 2016). violent confrontations and territorial disputes between powerful dtos have resulted in the high homicide rate of 25 per 100,000 (calderón, heinle, rodríguez, & shirk, 2019). to combat the violence, the mexican government has turned to an increasingly militarized approach that has served to exacerbate the violence.1 alongside this continual criminal conflict, poverty remains widespread with 21.2 million mexican children and adolescents living in poverty in 2015 (unicef-coneval, 2016). this amounts to 54 percent of the country’s children and adolescents being in a position where they are unable to realize their social rights (azaola, 2012). as atkinson-shepard (2018) has suggested, here lies the crux for the lack of research into the role of children in organized crime. whereas research into street 1 for an overview of the mexican drug war see shirk’s (2011) report, the drug war in mexico. los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 121 children predominantly leans towards issues of poverty and accessibility to social rights (ennew & swart-kruger, 2003), the field ignores the association of children with criminal enterprises. further, research into gang involvement has been largely conducted in the global north and research into organized crime in the global south has often focused only on the perspectives of adults (varese, 2010). academic interest has neglected and continues to neglect the perspectives of children and their roles in organized crime. statistical issues research may have failed to garner the perspectives of children when examining issues related to organized crime but the problem has certainly been exacerbated by a statistical failure in recording involvement of children in mexico’s criminal violence. jamison (2005) suggests that annually there are over 250,000 child soldiers involved in conflicts globally. determining a figure of participation in mexico is more difficult. the statistics that mexican governments provide are not reported annually so data is irregular and released by differing agencies. according to the french press agency, the mexican government informed the un committee on the rights of the child that it does not record information regarding minors involved in organized crime (montalvo, 2012). the mexican secretary of public security reported in 2011 that 1,044 children had been detained for crimes related to organized crime such as homicide, drug trafficking, and carrying a weapon (cisneros, 2014). montalvo (2012) looked at homicide statistics in 2012 and found that 1,188 children had died in armed clashes, which roughly equates to 2.5 percent of the estimated drug related deaths for that year. a figure provided by the child rights network in mexico (redim) could reflect a more accurate estimation. they suggested that there are approximately 30,000 children cooperating with organized crime groups (sánchez & aguilar, 2017). a figure of this magnitude would be a massive indictment of the failure of mexican institutions to provide this category of data. a number of mexican states do provide some statistics that can help us assess the situation. for example, chihuahua state said that between 2008 and 2010, child homicides related to organized crime more than doubled, from 136 to 386 (gutierrez, 2011). the director of the zacatecas state centre for youth internment and comprehensive care says cases involving children in organized crime increased 150 percent from 2011 to 2012 (sánchez & aguilar, 2017). while these are limited statistics from only two states and from different timeframes, they both appear to suggest that the recruitment of children into organized crime is growing. the international crisis group (2013) discovered that younger children were increasingly being sought out by criminal groups. the increased recruitment of children may reflect a broader increase in the scale of organized crime in mexico. statistical inaccuracies make it difficult to measure the number of members in criminal organizations, as measurements have moved to measuring the number of criminal groups rather than individuals (europol, 2000). certainly, a splintering of cartels has meant that measuring criminal groups has taken precedence in mexico (calderón et al., 2019). los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 122 recruitment of children the mexican government’s lack of attention to the role of children in organized crime makes understanding their involvement and the recruitment process difficult. the lack of information is exacerbated by the nature of mexican organized crime groups who are less communicative in terms of discussing their operating practices than some of their southern neighbors. mexican dtos generally distance themselves from any atrocities in order to garner support from the public, utilizing narco-banners2 to blame security services or other groups for violence in the area. acknowledging recruitment of children into illicit labor roles would be deemed detrimental to the dtos’ public image so we are unlikely to receive information directly from organized crime groups. as a result, our understanding of the recruitment process still lacks clarity, but a number of studies have allowed us a general overview of the process of child recruitment into organized crime. in their study on children in mexican criminal groups, sánchez and aguilar (2017) identified the structure of these criminal organizations. they found that children are typically recruited as an informant or halcon (lookout), and then they are promoted to moving drugs or looking after safe houses. eventually they are scaled up to kidnapping and homicide. seemingly harmless positions in context of the grander hierarchy, halcones provide information at a specific locale, monitor incoming and outgoing persons of interest, and monitor whether security forces are in the area (san luis, hortensia, avendaño, & manuel, 2016). encinas garza (2016) suggests children at the age of 9 or 10 years old often carry out this job, especially in areas controlled by organized crime. while this role appears relatively non-violent, it is the first step for children being facilitated into normative relations with organized crime groups, making the eventual transition to assassin a dynamic process. in researching gangs in rio de janiero, dowdney (2002) identified that recruitment generally occurred at around 13 years, with the child progressing to becoming a soldier and carrying a firearm at around 15 years of age. his study further demonstrates the critical need to tackle the issue of child recruitment before they reach full-fledged weapon carrying. children are predominantly recruited by dtos for four main reasons. the first is that they are a necessity for replacing organization members who are killed in the conflict. conflicts with opposition dtos or the government forces are costly in terms of human causalities, and children and adolescents are the largest demographic in mexico (emmerich, 2014). this continuous recruitment demand causes dtos to offer opportunities to start a delinquent lifestyle at younger and younger ages (hernández, 2008). the second rationale for high recruitment of children is the necessity for “dispensable” soldiers in circumstances where an organization seeks to continue pressure upon the state or rival factions. children are often sent to attack impenetrable military targets, unbeknownst to them, in order to demonstrate the continued threat towards the security forces (beckhusen, 2013). 2 narco-banners are a form of narco-propaganda that often detail information, messages, threats, or accusations. the banners are traditionally draped over public spaces such as bridges or statues. for a comprehensive anthropological look at the use of narco-banners see campbell (2014). los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 123 third, children are also tactically valuable for dtos in terms of their physical stature and their developmental malleability. for the former, they can be utilized against enemies due to their perceived unthreatening nature; children can pass checkpoints more easily or enter enemy territories without arousing suspicion (jayakumar, 2011). for the latter, they are more malleable and obedient than adult soldiers (beber & blattman, 2013) making them tactically an attractive proposition for gangs. finally, brett, specht and grey (2006) point out that children are more willing to enter conflict for non-pecuniary rewards. that is, the status of becoming a gang member can be sufficient to guarantee their enrollment rather than the promises of financial gains. these factors have made children an integral feature of dtos, and the demand to replace deceased or incarcerated recruits will only drive higher recruitment of minors. why children get involved how can these fearsome groups make vulnerable children so malleable to their advances? this is employment in which the general life expectancy averages around 10 years (cisneros, 2014). narco-culture was born from society’s experience of living alongside the presence of organized crime in the environment of the ongoing mexican drug war. with organized crime so prominent in daily life it is of little surprise that a counter-culture has arisen, spreading to songs, films, tv series, and books. however, narcocultura has found its legitimacy challenged as dtos attempt to hijack the movement as a kind of propaganda for joining organized crime. different cartels and drug kingpins have commissioned their own narcocorridos (narco folk songs) to tell their versions of their lives and depict them as heroic figures. the depiction in commissioned narcocorrido videos show expensive cars, elaborate parties, and fancy clothing, and this glamorization of the culture enables dtos to then recruit younger people with promises of expensive, materialistic lives. unlike the intentions of the original narcocultura, this organized crime-driven narcocultura has indeed influenced children who now have aspirations of becoming leaders of dtos (encinas garza, 2016) or at least imitate the behaviors depicted in narco news stories. obviously not all of mexico’s street children turn to organized crime as a form of illicit labor, but for those who do, what is the attraction of organized crime? it is very easy to point the finger at cultural influences like narcocultura, but the reality is that many mexicans have little opportunity for upward mobility. according to the centre for studies espinosa yglesias (serrano espinosa & torche, 2010), 48 percent of mexicans in the poorest quintile of the population will never escape that demographic in their lifetime. in an environment of such poor social mobility, it comes of little surprise that drug trafficking is viewed by many as their only opportunity to escape poverty. cisneros (2014) argues that the reason that children in mexico are able to kidnap, torture, humiliate, and decapitate other humans goes beyond the coercive recruitment of gangs and is due to a faltering social fabric and lack of economic opportunities. children may actively seek out involvement based on the belief that recruitment to dtos presents a guarantee of quick and easy access to money and power. this perception is furthered by the circumstances that many children and adolescents los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 124 face in terms of obtaining legitimate opportunities in employment or education (muñoz, 2012). exacerbating their vulnerability, many children, based on their immaturity and without a way of realizing educational aspirations, demonstrate a developmental naivety that prevents them from making an informed choice or understanding the terms of the conflict (atkinson-sheppard, 2018). of the statistics to which we do have access, school dropout age appears to correlate with crime conviction rates for convicted children in mexico (cisneros, 2014). coupled with their circumstances, a desire for power, status, or financial gain moves mexican youth towards organized crime as the state fails to offer opportunities for them to join the legal labor force. while economic considerations are significant influences, the social environment is also critical. some children perceive joining organized crime to be their only option (sanchez & aguilar, 2017), with cartels purposefully targeting and recruiting school dropouts and unskilled workers. a recurrent theme in the literature is that a “ruptured social fabric” (cisneros, 2014; muñoz, 2012) has pushed children who are excluded from the state, schools, families, and/or society into the welcoming arms of organized crime. moreover, any child in mexico of the age of 10 or under has known nothing but the drug war, so they have spent their whole lives with the daily violence associated with the conflict. when children and adolescents are exposed to violence repeatedly or over prolonged periods of time, their bodies and brains adapt to focus on self-preservation (azaola, 2018). this could lead to children being pushed to criminality as a way to realize a sense of control over their violencedominated lives. research has shown exposure to community violence to be connected to developmental difficulties, problem behavior, and physical and mental health effects extending throughout the life span (danese, moffitt, & harrington, 2009). children are therefore pushed to cope with the emotional complexities that are associated with regular exposure to violence. judicial problems the limited statistical coverage we have suggests that child members of organized crime are being arrested. the age of criminal responsibility under the juvenile justice system in mexico is 14–17; children under the age of 14 are not deemed legally responsible for their crimes, whereas children aged 14-17 usually receive sentences between three and ten years (azaola, 2018). it has been suggested that this system has begun to be exploited by organized crime groups and is a cause of their heavy recruitment of children: children can commit crimes with relative impunity and if caught, they can be back in the organization’s active ranks within a minimum period of time (emmerich, 2014; vásquez romero, 2012). edgar jimenez lugo (“el ponchis,” described above), received a sentence of only three years despite the crimes he had committed due to the juvenile sentencing laws. mexican laws regarding minors would be commendable if they had a system to protect detained children and to provide them with the education and employment opportunities that would aid them in avoiding returning to crime. however, no such system is in place, and by failing to prevent children returning to crime while detaining them for shorter periods of time than adult detainees, the mexican judiciary system is making child recruits ever more attractive to organized crime groups. los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 125 evil or vulnerable? children are often recruited to organized crime due to external forces such as socioeconomic circumstances and coercion from criminal gangs. does this alleviate the responsibility of child soldiers for their actions? while frequently considered to be victims, children do indeed commit atrocious crimes. for victims of crimes who are seeking justice, portraying criminal minors as victims is hard to fathom. some argue that as the child is also a victim, responsibility lies with the gang leaders who manipulate children or threaten them with punishments for refusal. furthermore, a combination of children being more malleable to persuasion, being too young to understand the consequences, and being drugged to desensitize them to their behaviors supports the argument that they should be not seen as criminally responsible. however, others disagree and some cases of children being fully aware of their crimes and not showing remorse leads to calls for children to face criminal charges. the goldin institute (2011) suggests that responsibility for criminal actions should lie with the child perpetrators because this can allow them to be reintegrated into their communities after detention. allowing them to be unaccountable means they do not learn from the atrocities they have committed. a complementary argument from popovski and arts (2006) is that children should be held accountable as it both serves justice and the child’s interests in the long term. their argument is that because they are not held responsible, gang or militia leaders may purposefully delegate the worst orders to children, an occurrence that may already be present in mexico. therefore, popovski and arts (2006) believe that by not holding children accountable, they are actually exposed to future risks rather than actually being protected from them. these opposing points of view need to be factored into the effort to achieve some kind of balance in the treatment of mexican minors arrested in organized crime conflicts. confronting the issue tackling the problem of children being involved in organized crime in mexico is mired in the difficulty that we know far too little about the subject. moreno and colleagues (2012) claimed that numerous justice departments in mexico hindered their investigation by refusing to provide information on children involved in organized crime. azaola (2018) has recently undertaken a project to speak to children in mexican detention centers and hopefully her work will galvanize interest in the subject. unfortunately, less than one percent of these crimes result in convictions (insight crime, 2016), so collating a sample from incarcerated children, as did azaola, can only serve to tell us part of the story. an immediate concern for mexico should be to establish a reliable statistical database to keep track of children involved in organized crime. moreover, the mexican government and nongovernmental organizations must keep track of the number of children who have lost parents during the criminal conflict (barra & joloy, 2011). azaola (2011) approximates that 40,000 children have become orphans due to the conflict in mexico, whereas villagran (2013) estimates a higher figure of 180,000. children who become orphans either directly or indirectly due to the conflict become a demographic at risk of vulnerability, marginalization, and future enrollment into dtos. this vulnerability is exacerbated when the lost parent is the primary care los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 126 giver or the household’s main income earner (villagran, 2013). muñoz (2012) suggests that such a demographic may grow disillusioned with the injustice of their circumstances and seek anti-social means to lash out at perceived perpetrators of their situation. preventative techniques provide an alternative approach for tackling organized crime violence and could be specifically targeted at children who are yet to be enrolled into dtos. the mexican government’s approach to tackling the violence has been to treat the problem as a security issue rather than understanding and addressing the socioeconomic conditions that fuel it, such as social marginalization. by instead adopting approaches that tackle structural causes of the violence, the state can begin to institute long-term solutions. the most applicable to the issue of child soldiers would be investing in education opportunities for children. a poll taken by el debate newspaper revealed that 73 percent of mexican citizens knew a minor involved in the drug trade. the majority of these respondents felt that educational programs would be the most effective way of deterring young people away from dtos (coha, 2012). cisneros (2014) looked at data from apprehensions of minors in distrito federal and found that among the arrested children aged 14 to 18, only 17 percent had completed primary or secondary school. presumably, due to the incapacitation effect (cornish & clarke, 1987), children enrolled in school are unable to participate in crime, so school enrollment offers an important avenue for tackling youth-related crime. mexico also needs to strengthen its judiciary system if it is to protect children from the clutches of organized crime. the national commission of human rights in mexico suggests that 60 percent of mexican prisons are run by crime organizations (insight crime, 2013), effectively turning penitentiaries into universities of crime. as studies have shown, it is important to help adolescents in the justice system to heal, answering appropriately to their developmental needs and guaranteeing that the system does not itself inflict further damage (cunneen & golson, 2015). frequently, justice systems rely on punitive measures and pass judgments that are both harmful and ineffective for adolescents who break the law (meservey & skowyra, 2015; cunneen & golson, 2015). implications for research there has been a statistical failure to comprehend the scale of children involved in organized crime in mexico3. the numbers we do have vary in quality, validity and reliability, leaving estimations as our main source of understanding. law enforcement agencies are the main producers of data on illegal markets and organized crime (savona, 2014). if researchers could collaborate with mexican security forces, a quantifiable measurement of children involved in crime could be produced. organized crime statistics have been notoriously difficult to obtain (shirk, 2011) but researchers working with local police could begin to build smaller data 3 the research that has been conducted to date has neglected to examine gender differences of children involved in organized crime. while it appears that females are being recruited to a higher degree (shirk, 2010) and trends in homicide rates are similar for both genders (gonzález-pérez, vega-lópez, cabrera-pivaral, vega-lópez, & muñoz de la torre, 2012) los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 127 sets as part of a larger data collection strategy. a national survey of children’s exposure to violence could be an additional source of data. estimates and trends of victimization, exposure, and participation in violence via survey methods with young people and caregivers could be cross-sectional and provide a larger understanding of the issue. qualitative research could also be undertaken by researchers working with investigations obtained from security forces files. if this information is difficult to obtain, building upon the work of azaola (2018) and collecting information from convicted children could be the best approach. rather than attempting to quantify the problem, qualitative research could give insight into how children are recruited and determine their levels of accountability. better understanding of recruitment techniques offers policy makers options for prevention. research is necessary in all of these avenues of data collection to begin to form a conceptual understanding of the issue of children involved in organized crime. conclusion finally, returning to the start of this paper, el ponchis followed his arrest by saying, “i am not afraid, i know what is going to happen to me” (my translation, quote taken from cisneros, 2014). it is unclear exactly what the 15-year-old meant, whether he was demonstrating “a sense of foreshortened future” associated with trauma and a breakdown of trust and confidence in the world (ratcliffe, ruddell, & smith, 2014), knowing that he would most likely die young or end up in prison, or that with no options away from organized crime, he knows that he need only serve his sentence before returning to the lifestyle he had before incarceration. ascertaining the perspectives of children such as el ponchis could be critical to determining what approaches to take to tackle this issue. this paper has sought to demonstrate the necessity for further research into organized crime conflicts and their impacts upon children, something that has been surprisingly neglected by the academic community. as it stands, the research into organized crime in central america often tends to focus on adult perspectives of the conflict rather than the role of children. the increased recruitment of children into dtos not only has consequences for the wider public, but for the children who are enticed into joining these organizations who face short lifespans, usually ending with incarceration or death. if mexico wishes to decrease its ongoing conflict with drug trade organizations it must seek to reverse the trend of marginalized children becoming involved. it would do mexico well to remember the adage that the “children of today are citizens of tomorrow.” edmund breckin is currently in his final year of his ph.d. at the university of bradford, completing his research into whether developmental preventative programs can offer an alternative to traditional public security in tackling organized crime. in order to undertake the research, he has been conducting a qualitative analysis on mexico’s prospera cash transfer program. his research interests include: poverty reduction, organized crime, social protection, transnational security, and criminological theory. los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 128 references atkinson-sheppard, s. 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(2005). detention of juvenile enemy combatants at guantanamo bay: the special concerns of the children. uc davis journal of juvenile law & policy, 9, 127. jayakumar, k. (2011). wars and the child – the unending saga of child soldiers. january 21. retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1745284 justice in mexico (2019). organized crime and violence in mexico. san diego: university of san diego. lakhani, n. (2016). mexico's war on drugs: what has it achieved and how is the us involved? the guardian. march 20. retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/news/2016/dec/08/mexico-war-on-drugscost-achievements-us-billions meservey, f., & skowyra, l. k. r. (2015). caring for youth with mental health needs in the juvenile justice system: improving knowledge and skills. research and program brief, 2(2), 1-8. montalvo, t. (2012). children in mexico: criminals or victims? retrieved from www.cnn.com/2012/01/17/world/americas/mexico-children-crime/index.html muñoz, r. r. (2012). los establecimientos escolares ante el narcotráfico: efectos y prevención. archivos de criminología, criminalística y seguridad privada, 8, 16-19. parker, e. l. (2001). hungry for honor: children in violent youth gangs. interpretation, 55(2), 148-160. popovski, v., & arts, k. (2006). international criminal accountability and children’s rights. policy brief number 4. united nations university press. retrieved from https://collections.unu.edu/eserv/unu:3094/pb4_06.pdf ratcliffe, m., ruddell, m., & smith, b. (2014). what is a “sense of foreshortened future?” a phenomenological study of trauma, trust, and time. frontiers in psychology, 5, 1026. san luis, g., hortensia, a., avendaño, a., & manuel, a. (2016). impacto del narcotráfico en jóvenes de tamaulipas, méxico: drogas e inseguridad. revista de psicología (pucp), 34(2), 445-472. sánchez, c. a. m., & aguilar, a. e. t. (2017). los menores de edad en la delicuencia organizada en méxico. letras jurídicas, 15(15). savona, e. (2014). organised crime numbers. global crime, 15(1-2), 1-9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1745284 https://www.theguardian.com/news/2016/dec/08/mexico-war-on-drugs-cost-achievements-us-billions https://www.theguardian.com/news/2016/dec/08/mexico-war-on-drugs-cost-achievements-us-billions http://www.cnn.com/2012/01/17/world/americas/mexico-children-crime/index.html https://collections.unu.edu/eserv/unu:3094/pb4_06.pdf los halcones: the forgotten children in mexico’s organized crime conflict 131 serrano espinosa, j., & torche, f. (eds.) (2010). movilidad social en méxico: población, desarrollo y crecimiento. méxico, d. f: centro de estudios espinosa yglesias. shirk, d. a. (2010). drug violence in mexico: data and analysis from 2001-2009. trends in organized crime, 13(2-3), 167-174. shirk, d. a. (2011). the drug war in mexico: confronting a shared threat (no. 60). council on foreign relations. unicef-coneval (2016). mexico country programme document 2014-2018. march 19. unicef-coneval. retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/about/execboard/files/2013-pl15-mexico_cpdfinal_approved-english.pdf varese, f. (ed.). (2010). organized crime: critical concepts in criminology. new york/london: routledge. vázquez romero, l. d. (2012). statistical approach to reality of children offending in mexico: legislation and organized crime, new challenges. universitas psychologica, 11(4), 1105-1114. villagran, l. (2013) the victims’ movement in mexico. working paper series on civic engagement and public security in mexico. wilson center. https://www.unicef.org/about/execboard/files/2013-pl15-mexico_cpd-final_approved-english.pdf https://www.unicef.org/about/execboard/files/2013-pl15-mexico_cpd-final_approved-english.pdf login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 unleashing the power of play: research from the international play association 20th triennial conference janet loebach centre for addiction and mental health london, canada theresa casey international play association: promoting the child’s right to play edinburgh, scotland john h. mckendrick glasgow school for business and society, glasgow caledonian university glasgow, scotland acknowledgement of editorial review team the guest editors of this special issue of children, youth and environments would like to acknowledge the outstanding efforts of the editorial review team, representing ipa branches from around the world. we are very grateful for the time and expertise you leant to the production of this issue, and for your ongoing dedication to the international play association and its mandate. sruthi javdekar (atmakur) children’s environments research group pune, india ipa india sudeshna chatterjee action for children's environments new delhi, india ipa india janine dodge schulich school of business, york university são paulo, brazil ipa brazil scott duncan auckland university of technology auckland, new zealand ipa aotearoa nz ii marion flett glasgow, scotland ipa scotland sarah goldsmith glasgow caledonian university glasgow, scotland ipa scotland mine gol-guven bogazici university turkey ipa turkey nola harvey faculty of education and social work, university of auckland leigh, auckland, new zealand ipa aotearoa new zealand jane hewes faculty of education and social work, thompson rivers university kamloops, british columbia, canada ipa canada tom jambor school of education, the university of alabama at birmingham birmingham, alabama, usa ipa usa maggie koong may-kay victoria (china) education group hong kong ipa hong kong marianne mannello play wales cardiff, wales, uk ipa ewni grant menzies the city of play ltd glasgow, scotland michelle stone faculty of health, dalhousie university halifax, nova scotia, canada ipa canada login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(2), 2019 children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review özlemnur ataol department of the built environment, eindhoven university of technology sukanya krishnamurthy school of geosciences, university of edinburg pieter van wesemael department of the built environment, eindhoven university of technology citation: ataol, ö., krishnamurthy, s., & van wesemael, p. (2019). children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review. children, youth and environments, 29(2), 27-50. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract urban planning and design play a central role in determining the quality of the built environment and the ways families with children can access and use public space. however, there remains an ongoing need to clarify children’s involvement in planning. this paper carries out a systematic literature review of 30 studies published between 1990-2017 in order to address and review the current state of the art of participatory approaches in urban planning to create child-focused urban environments. this systematic review resulted in (1) a comprehensive, quantitative picture of the current studies focusing on the participation of children; (2) an effective way to conceptualize children in planning; (3) a list of requirements for the successful practice of planning with children and its relation to sustainable communities; (4) discussion of the link between urban planning, methods, approaches, and outcomes for child-focused urban environments; (5) identification of existing gaps in the literature; and (6) examination of the role of policies and the link between policies, urban planning, methods, and approaches for further research. keywords: children, urban planning, urban environment, participatory approaches http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 28 introduction it is well known among scholars that the relationships between urban environments and children have changed. this situation can be attributed to the creation of “adult only” environments within today’s planning paradigms, resulting in children being compelled to use places that are not designed for them (karsten, 2005; verstrate & karsten, 2011; carver, timperio, & crawford, 2008; karsten, 2002). although children have the capacity and skills to cope with urbanized environments (adams, savahl, & fattore, 2017; woolley et al., 1999), since the 1989 ratification of the un’s convention on the rights of the child (uncrc), scholars have been focusing on how to successfully involve children’s voices in planning their environments. the uncrc (unicef, 1989) recognizes that children (from infancy to age 18) are citizens who deserve the rights to survive, to develop, to be protected, to participate, and importantly, the right to recreation/ leisure/ play. most of these rights need places and spaces, and it is here that urban planning and design can become tools to enable the realization of these rights. children explore their environments through expanding exploratory circles around their homes; this exploration contributes to their physical and mental health (aarts, de vries, van oers, & schuit, 2012). researchers from different disciplines and perspectives (e.g., medicine, health, urban planning, sports and child development) have studied the relationship between outdoor physical activity and children’s overall development and well-being (davison & lawson, 2006; weir, etelson, & brand, 2006; strife & downey, 2009; audrey & batista-ferrer, 2015; christian et al., 2015; christian et al., 2017; gill, 2008). however, the discussion around which places are most suitable for children’s play and socializing (e.g., streets, parks, supervised playgrounds) is still ongoing. according to verstrate and karsten (2011), though streets are important places for play, they are not the most suitable places for children as they have to share these areas with many other users and activities. however, by sharing streets with other users, children (and their parents) expand their social networks and may experience a positive influence on their selfconfidence. additionally, shackell and colleagues (2008) mention that the larger the social networks children have in their neighborhoods, the higher the trust parents have in the safety of that area. because parents are central actors in a child’s development, their perceptions and concerns can dictate how and where children are allowed to go. when children experience parental discouragement of being alone in a city (owens, 2017), it results in limitations being placed on children’s exploration. in short, increasing parental concerns about the safety and security of their children, as well as debates over the optimum place for children to play and socialize, have been affecting their unsupervised exploration of urban environments. over time, the idea of playing has transformed from being unsupervised activity in streets and parks to being supervised activity at semi-public playgrounds. further, today children tend to be driven by their parents to indoor or outdoor activities (karsten, 2005). as a result of these transformations, children have become socially and physically invisible, which has affected the quality of life and quality of public spaces for children in cities. children are excluded from public spaces alongside the simultaneous creation of adult-only urban environments. children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 29 though built-environment professionals have aimed to create child-focused environments, researchers have identified that there are some limitations to these spaces. these limitations include being off-target, being ignored within official decision-making processes, being designed with little or no participation from children, and not reflecting the contexts and needs of the children (francis & lorenzo, 2002). research has highlighted that planning and designing with (instead of for) children should be actively encouraged (francis & lorenzo, 2002; derr & tarantini, 2016; pawlowski et al., 2017). by embracing better participatory planning approaches with children, their visibility and mobility can be enhanced. this systematic review aims to answer the following research questions: (1) what are the participatory approaches used in urban planning to create more childfocused urban environments? (2) what is the role that urban planning and design can play in increasing awareness of the need for and enhancing child-focused urban environments? this paper develops a conceptual, theoretical framework derived from intentions of planning, the process of planning, methods used, and outcomes of planning with children. the aim of developing this framework is to demonstrate the relationships between intentions and the actual process of planning with children, the transformation of methods used during recent decades, and the relation between methods and overall results in achieving child-focused urban environments. this review aims to help urban planners, designers, architects, and policymakers enhance the inclusion of children in urban planning and design by identifying gaps in planning and design, inclusive methods that can be employed, and the importance of children’s participation within the planning process. research methodology this study addressed the research questions by conducting a systematic literature review (slr) following the methodology described by boland, cherry, and dickson (2014). before starting the slr process, the researchers carried out a preliminary literature review to obtain an overview of the topic and establish the academic value of conducting an slr. a search carried out on scopus and google scholar databases for systematic literature reviews about child-focused approaches in urban planning and design returned only articles related to health issues of children who live in urban environments. thus, this paper addresses this knowledge gap by systemically examining the existing literature regarding children’s participation in urban planning and design. data retrieval the study used scopus as the primary database for identifying relevant publications. in order to develop a keyword string, the researchers determined general keywords from the scopus searches, and created a keyword list that was sorted by frequency level. this frequency level resulted in a definition of primary, secondary, and tertiary keywords. as a result, “child” or “children” and “participation” were defined as the primary keywords; “urban,” “design,” “public,” and “planning” were defined as secondary. the others were identified as tertiary keywords and not added to the keyword string. the final string used in the scopus search including primary and secondary keywords were: (“child*” and “urban” and (“planning” or “design”) and “participation”) and pubyear >1990. thus, this children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 30 query was limited to publications after the uncrc ratification. the query was carried out within article titles, abstracts, and keywords and it returned 535 publications. the search included book chapters and peer-reviewed conference papers and journal articles but did not include masters theses or ph.d. dissertations. inclusion and exclusion criteria in order to address the aforementioned research questions, studies were included if they a) were published in english; b) reported primary or secondary data from participatory studies that involved children (0-18) and/or their families; and c) contained qualitative data that was sufficient for assessing the role of any domain of urban planning in child-focused visions of urban environments. in keeping with relevant literature in this area, we defined the term “urban environments and public spaces” as public spaces in any suburb or city center. the inclusion criteria are further detailed in the population, intervention, comparator, outcomes, study design, setting (picoss) table (table 1). table 1. picoss table of inclusion criteria review question main question: what is the current role of urban planning and design in child-focused vision of urban environments? sub-questions: ◻ what are the domains of research within child-focused urban planning? • policy domain? • social domain? • spatial domain? ◻ what are the approaches of urban planning and design within child-focused urban environments? • participatory approach? • participatory action research? • co-production? ◻ how are children and communities involved in the planning of child-focused urban environments? • storytelling? • photo voice? • participatory video? • mapping? population children (0-18 years) who live in urban areas: toddlers (ages 0–3), preschoolers (ages 3–5), school-aged children (ages 6–11), adolescents (ages 12–18). intervention the role of urban planning and design: any domain of urban planning and design which has a role in child-focused vision of urban environments and public space. comparator no comparison. outcomes any positive or adverse child-focused urban environments-based outcomes related with any domains of urban planning, any subjective outcomes identified through analysis of child-focused vision of urban environments and public spaces. study design qualitative study. participatory research methods. primary or secondary data. setting city: any suburbs' or city center's public spaces. children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 31 filtering results the 535 publications generated by the search underwent an elimination process. in the first elimination step, the researchers excluded 268 results based on having a below-average frequency of keywords (n=11) within the publications’ title, abstract, and list of keywords. additionally, we excluded 56 results because they were not readily available to the researchers, 5 results because they were irrelevant book chapters, and 17 results because they were not published in english. at the end of the first elimination step, 189 publications (including peer-reviewed journal articles, conference papers, and book chapters) remained. the second elimination step assessed the relevance of the 189 publications’ titles and abstracts, and 52 potential publications were retained. the researchers obtained the full texts of these remaining 52 publications and applied the inclusion criteria to them. as a result, we eliminated 11 publications due to the fact that none of their outcomes originated from the domain of urban planning; eight because they did not adopt a participatory methodological design; two because they pertained to rural environments; and one publication was eliminated for not having a participatory study design with children. thus, 22 publications were eliminated from the study because they were not relevant to the research questions, resulting in a final sample of 30 publications included in this systematic literature review. the stages of exclusion are presented in a preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses (prisma) flow diagram in figure 1. figure 1. identification of included studies in a prisma flow diagram children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 32 results of the review analysis of the included papers is presented in two steps. the first is a quantitative analysis which answers the “who, when and where” questions. the aim of this analysis was to interpret the institutional and geographical distribution of the focus on children’s participation. the second step is a qualitative analysis of the focus and intentions of these papers, which answers this study’s research sub-questions. the following section presents an overview of the most common domains, approaches, and methods of research within the practice of planning with children. findings of the review (quantitative) the publication dates of the 30 studies ranged from 1995 to 2017 (see appendix a). there has been a slight annual increase in publications focused on children’s participation in urban planning since 1995 overall, but within the last three years, there has been substantial growth in the field with 11 new publications. the studies were mostly published by european publishers from the netherlands and the uk, followed by north american publishers. of the 30 papers reviewed, 12 publications were funded by non-governmental (58 percent) and governmental (42 percent) organizations. interestingly, the last decade has seen a growth in studies funded by non-governmental organizations, which may be interpreted as a growing awareness about children’s well-being in urban environments. close to half of the publications (n=13) reported results from multiple cases of secondary data. these publications aim to provide historical and critical reviews of children’s participation in urban planning through different models such as children’s councils and workshops. furthermore, these publications adopt children’s participation as the core of the research. the majority of publications (n=17) utilized participatory approaches but these fell into two categories: those based on (1) data collection without any spatial outcomes/ interventions, and (2) design processes with children with spatial outcomes. for example, seven of the 17 studies can be defined as experimental interventions inspired by community-based participatory research with a final product (e.g., redesign of a piece of a neighborhood or changing regulations), and which include data collection processes with children. ten of the 17 studies provide in-depth explorations of the associations between children’s well-being and their needs from the built environment. overall, these findings indicate that the practice of planning with children that leads into practice is still rare. data extraction appears to be the primary aim of the practice of planning with children, rather than pursuing research that aims to transform data collection into implementation. the majority of publications were authored by individuals at research and higher education institutions (93 percent) and had first authors from north american (30 percent) and european (30 percent) institutions. within the category of involving children in the creation of child-focused environments, there was a concentration of publications by authors from u.s. (nine publications) and europe (21 publications). this may be the result of a geographical accumulation of this research area, but also demonstrates the match between the interest in and achievements around child-friendliness in european cities and the research on this topic. children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 33 institutional affiliations of the first authors ranged over a wide field. there were ten different research areas including law, economics, and sports. unsurprisingly, the majority of publications originated from departments in environmental design, but the wide range of the fields highlights the interdisciplinary nature of the research area. findings of the review (qualitative: the focus and intentions of planning with children) by looking back at more than three decades of planning with children, francis and lorenzo (2002) outline a historical shift in children’s participation in planning and design, moving from designing for children to designing with children by sharing power and responsibility. this study also identifies that the approach has become more proactive over time, looking to engage various actors (francis & lorenzo, 2002). drawing from the literature review, this section of the paper focuses on the different approaches to the conceptualization of children, the processes whereby children have the chance to shape their environments, the different approaches to the planning with children, the methods used to engage children, and the outcomes of the planning processes described in the studies. conceptualization of children the ways children are conceptualized in this literature is based on trends in planning approaches and concepts. the studies included in this review varied in regard to how they treat children: as the bearers of needs and skills, the possessors of rights, consultants to educate adults, learners, and laborers (appendix a). the most common way of conceptualizing children within the studied literature was accepting children as consultants to educate adults (n=16), followed by treating children as citizens who are possessors of equal rights (n=10). however, these different conceptualizations yield different results: the first acknowledges that adults can learn from children, while the second requires children to go beyond the role of educator to become active participants in the planning process. when children are involved in the practice of planning, they are frequently treated as both educators and learners at the same time. this means that there are mutual benefits and learning opportunities for both children and adults (as documented by, e.g., derr & tarantini, 2016; wilks & rudner, 2013). this transforms the practice into a collaboration between children and adults in different roles and provides an opportunity for children to have a voice in shaping their environments. within the identified literature, accepting children as consultants to educate adults was widespread. in this context, children are treated as partners and collaborators in the process (adams et al., 2017; pawlowski et al., 2017), researchers and environmental change agents (malone, 2013), clients (racelis & aguirre, 2005), and active participants with the aim of educating adults (francis & lorenzo, 2002; francis & lorenzo, 2006; ito et al., 2010; nelson, 2008; oliver et al., 2011; severcan, 2015; woolley et al., 1999). additionally, children can become emotional laborers in the process of planning, as seen through the work of bosco and joassart-marcelli (2015). these authors focus on the problematic side of only involving children as “consultants” rather than individuals with ideas and children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 34 knowledge. children, when accepted as citizens, have an acknowledged right to have a voice in decisions impacting their lives (benninger & savahl, 2016), to share their ideas and views about what constitutes good urban outcomes (mcglone, 2016), to be a stakeholder in planning and management of public space (haider, 2007), to contribute to the place they inhabit (derr & kovács, 2015), and not be counted as unacknowledged outsiders (spencer & woolley, 2000), but to be regarded as equal to adults (breitbart, 1995; corsi, 2002; horelli, 1997; nieuwenhuys, 1997; scholten et al., 2017; simpson, 1997). all of these rights align with article 12 of the uncrc (1989), which establishes children’s right to participation and inclusion into any issue related to them. accepting children as citizens usually combines the notion that children are the bearers of specific needs and skills, and this combination distinguishes them from adults. this notion puts special attention on the practice of planning with children. in this context, children are accepted as designers (yao & xiaoyan, 2017), acute analysts (cunningham, jones, & dillon, 2003; horelli & kaaja, 2002) and experts (mcglone, 2016) of their environments. they are also viewed in the literature as silent spectators (chatterjee, 2015), a distinct group with specific needs (haider, 2007), a parameter for the quality of life of all citizens (corsi, 2002), and a social category unto themselves (alparone & rissotto, 2001). it can be inferred that the way children are conceptualized is critical within research that affects the process of planning with children. processes of planning with children in the 30 papers included in this review, the practice of planning with children is highlighted as being as important as the field of intervention, whether social, spatial, policy, or learning. the execution of the practice of planning with children brings along requirements such as collaboration that involves a high degree of diversity of stakeholders and disciplines and strong communication involving a high level of dialogue. the focus on the process itself encourages common and case-specific challenges to the participation process and its potential benefits. the practice of planning with children is a process of collaboration that is connected with achieving a high degree of diversity among the participants (corsi, 2002; derr & kovács, 2015; nelson, 2008; pawlowski et al., 2017; racelis & aguirre, 2005; scholten et al., 2017). while planning processes with children are structured around collaboration as a presupposition, collaboration can occur in the process even if it was not the original intent (scholten et al., 2017). besides collaborations among actors, participatory activities also occur within the context of an interdisciplinary collaboration process that involves disciplines such as geography, planning, art, history, and architecture (breitbart, 1995). according to pawlowski and colleagues (2017), the practice of planning with children challenges interdisciplinary collaborations by bringing different disciplines together to achieve a joint aim. in addition, the literature revealed that multidisciplinary collaboration is children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 35 common, and most frequently occurs between scholars from environmental design and the social sciences. this kind of interdisciplinary collaboration in the practice of planning and design with children delivers outcomes from the social domain of planning. the practice of planning with children requires multiple perspectives and actors, including stakeholders, children, adults, design professionals, and decision makers (francis & lorenzo, 2006). within the group of adults, parents are one of the most critical participants. by involving parents in the process, researchers can assess whether children’s exclusion from public space is partly caused by parental fears. there is also a need to encourage parents to think about ways through which children can be made more visible within cities (francis & lorenzo, 2002) and, importantly, what is currently missing in this regard. although the importance of having multiple levels of diversity within the stakeholder group is essential (derr & tarantini, 2016), researchers such as bosco and joassart-marcelli (2015) have identified a possibility that the voices of children could be diluted when there are too many stakeholders involved. these concerns should be kept in mind when executing the practice of planning with children to ensure the process remains focused first and foremost on the wants and needs of the children. communication plays an important role and needs to be considered at every stage of the planning process, from idea formation to implementation and beyond (corsi, 2002). this is because, in order to be willingly involved, children require a process that is explanatory and active (alparone & rissotto, 2001). communication thereby becomes both a critical factor in the practice of planning with children (alparone & rissotto, 2001; derr & tarantini, 2016; haider, 2007; horelli, 1997) and can also be the outcome of the process (corsi, 2002). communication constantly needs translation from children’s language to adult language (and vice versa), regardless of scale and age. this necessity requires the existence of an adult facilitator to coordinate the process, facilitate the communication, and create links between children and the institutionalized world (alparone & rissotto, 2001). shared power in the practice of planning with children is critical. when planning with children, the level of dialogue between the adult facilitator and child collaborators can also function to determine the sharing of power. for example, derr and tarantini (2016) caution against hierarchical relations within the practice of planning that can affect the active participation of child collaborators. when their ideas are not embraced, their words and emotions can become lost in the planning process and never be imported to the real world. to address this problem, derr and tarantini (2016) suggest that the planning process should involve the sharing of information, dialogue between parties, and reflection. researchers and practitioners therefore need to enable children to share their ideas by creating effective and inclusive environments for participation. communication between parties can be facilitated through assisting adults where a shift in power-sharing is needed (wilks & rudner, 2013), with some limitations in terms of what the adult actors can and cannot do (alparone & rissotto, 2001; bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; corsi, 2002; francis & lorenzo, 2006; children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 36 nieuwenhuys, 1997). though the assumption that children are not capable of acting in their own best interests is (still) widespread, the researcher/facilitator should play the role of mediator while avoiding being a figure of authority and control (nieuwenhuys, 1997). in this manner, the facilitator can act as the bridge between the institutional world and the children’s world by protecting the children’s experiences from possible exploitation (alparone & rissotto, 2001). however, it is important that this is done without ignoring children’s autonomy (corsi, 2002) and by respecting children’s views and values (haider, 2007). approaches to planning with children based on the reviewed literature, three related approaches can be identified within the practice of planning with children. these are participatory planning research, participatory action research (par), and co-production. the order in which these approaches are presented here also reflects the frequency with which they occur in practice and the degrees to which children are involved in them. the studies included in this review mostly define their approaches as “participatory planning” or “participation in planning” (alparone & rissotto, 2001), which differ slightly from each other in terms of methods and research aims. christopher spencer in bishop and corkery (2017, p. iii) indicates that the intentions of this research can be “researching children’s needs or turning such research into practice.” mcglone (2016) uses what they refer to as “the mosaic approach” in their research. meanwhile, bosco and joassart-marcelli (2015) use a wide range of methodologies and flexible approaches. what they all have in common is that the studies aim to discover the needs of children through children’s participation in planning for urban environments. participatory planning research can be defined in these studies as the action of planning or re-thinking exercises about urban environments with children. although participatory planning research with children can provide a power-sharing platform that reduces barriers between researchers and children (wilks & rudner, 2013) and aims to give voice to children to collect their knowledge, experience, and perspectives (derr & kovács, 2015), wilks and rudner (2013) warn that this approach can include a tendency towards tokenistic consultation processes. manipulation may also occur in which children’s emotions are devalued through emotional geographies underlining children’s participation (bosco & joassartmarcelli, 2015). in contrast, examples from pawlowski et al. (2017), scholten et al. (2017), and yao & xiaoyan (2017) accept children as participants and central actors rather than informants through activities like games or building gardens. par, the second approach that is frequently adopted, is also sometimes misused. if the practice of planning with children leads to a level of power sharing in decisionmaking, this could be classified as active research (nieuwenhuys, 1997). however, consultation with children is not enough to constitute a par agenda with children. the point par aims to make is that children need to be empowered and encouraged to take action in the process and bring about the desired changes (severcan, 2015). in this context, “action” refers to collective action rather than individual, which is essential for identifying collective desires, including those of participating children (nieuwenhuys, 1997).four studies within the reviewed literature (adams et children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 37 al., 2017; derr & tarantini, 2016; malone, 2013; severcan, 2015) define their approach as participatory action research. examples of par in the reviewed literature include community-based action research and a research workshop activity. in practice, one step beyond par is co-production. while participatory planning research focuses on user involvement and listening to children’s wants and needs, co-production is about making joint decisions and joint implementation. in other words, while it includes participation, co-production with children also involves children throughout the entire process rather than only at selected points. a crucial feature of co-production is the collaborative development of the project. ito and colleagues' (2010) multifunctional landscape planning project exemplifies this approach. the project included children from the outset through workshops, culminating with a biotope constructed by children for a school garden. in addition to environmental learning and ensuring active participation, outcomes obtained through joint efforts (spatial and social) are also expected when planning with children through co-production. methods used to engage children in planning identifying the most optimum method based on the age group of the children involved is a critical consideration when designing a planning process with children. among the literature included in this review, four age groups of children were identified: toddler (1-3 years old), preschooler (3-5 years old), school-aged (6-11 years old), and adolescent (12-18 years old). school-aged children are the most widely represented group in the reviewed literature. the least represented groups are preschoolers (two studies), and toddlers, which were not studied in the reviewed literature. the practices of participatory planning vary widely according to these age groups. these variances arise as the two youngest age groups necessarily include the involvement of caregivers as well, whether parents, grandparents, or child-minders. these children also require supervision and a targeted exercise that can determine the process and methods for engagement. in contrast, older children can be more independent and may require less supervision. according to the selected literature, there is a correlation between approaches to the conceptualization of children’s age groups and the methods used in the planning process. as seen in appendix a, in these studies, while preschoolers and school-aged children are often conceptualized as consultants to educate adults, adolescents are more often regarded as adults or citizens. this also leads to using more expressive and conversational research methods with older children. horelli (1997) reports that there has been a paradigm shift in urban planning and design that allows researchers to design new methods; she defines six different methodologies utilized in the practice of planning with children. these are diagnostic, expressive, situational, conceptual, organizational, and political methods. • diagnostic methods are analytical tools for evaluating environmental and personal variables (e.g., questionnaire, interview, and observation); children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 38 • expressive methods contribute to the communications between and within groups by encouraging participants to express their ideas (e.g., drawing and mapping); • situational methods form the basis for collective situations, making learning easier and visualizing current situations to make negotiation easier (e.g., discussion and field trips); • conceptual methods aid in abstract thinking and have the potential to enhance the learning skills of children (e.g., model making); • organizational methods support the implementation of results of the participatory activities (e.g., children’s city council); • political methods are tools used by participants that can affect policy and the level of influence an individual/group can have on the process (e.g., children’s forum). the review classified methods by age groups and found that expressive methods focused on visual expression have been intensively used in planning with children (appendix a). one of the most common expressive methods is drawing, which is used frequently with preschoolers and older children. for school-aged children, expressive methods are more expansive and include photography, collage making, diary writing, mapping, and presentation. benninger and savahl (2016) report that visual methods are very effective with children and provide opportunities for different forms of communication. they also highlight the importance of using a range of research methods when working with children to emphasize that methods can determine outcomes. derr and tarantini (2016) state that media-based methods like photovoice enable participants to engage more actively while providing a platform for dialogue. they also report that children favor interactive methods such as model-making, which is a conceptual method. discussion, as used in several of the studies included in this review (i.e., bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; chatterjee, 2015; malone, 2013; racelis & aguirre, 2005; wilks & rudner, 2013) is the most-used situational method within the reviewed literature. in addition, diagnostic methods such as informal observations and interviews are used for in-depth understanding of children and their needs (chatterjee, 2015). presentation, which is an expressive method, can inherit the value of political and organizational methods when the presentation is given to governmental organizations such as city councils instead of being delivered within the research group. the presentation could be given by urban designers who are involved in the practice of planning with children (e.g., derr & tarantini, 2016) or by children themselves (e.g., nelson, 2008). finally, children writing letters to city councils (derr & tarantini, 2016) can be regarded as a political method that has the power to affect policy-making. the outcomes of planning with children: social, spatial, policy and learning it is expected that the process of planning with children will generate outcomes for the participating children such as: gaining knowledge about social problems, social rights, and bureaucracy; acknowledging place caring; gaining a sense of selfdevelopment; and improving their relationship with the institutional world. the following section outlines the outcomes derived from the review, which have the children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 39 potential to enhance children’s involvement in urban planning practices. this section also discusses the benefits children and the larger community can gain from participating in the urban planning process. through participation, children can enhance their sense of self by exploring their environment and feeling they are a part of their larger community. malone (2013) has found that, in contrast to the common belief that children favor watching television and playing computer games at home, children do like being outside and interacting with others. a benefit of interacting with others is that it helps children develop their sense of self. the notion of sense of self is frequently mentioned in studies by referring to self-efficacy (benninger & savahl, 2016; racelis & aguirre, 2005; severcan, 2015); sense of pride (benninger & savahl, 2016; breitbart, 1995); self-identity and sense of self (benninger & savahl, 2016); sense of civic responsibility (haider, 2007); and sense of purpose and sense of hope (racelis & aguirre, 2005). within all of these concepts, the development of children’s sense of self is expected to occur during the participatory planning process or by the end of the process as a result of participation. although recent research on planning with children has focused on the process itself and frequently seeks outcomes within the social domain, this line of research has also produced an understanding of the required spatial characteristics for childfocused urban environments. there are some specific places, such as their home and the homes of friends and family, school and school-related places, community centers, church, shopping centers, and sports fields that have importance in children’s daily life (benninger & savahl, 2016; oliver et al., 2011). interestingly, safety and mobility are the most studied and emphasized aspects of children’s use of public space. most authors from the reviewed literature agree that the feeling of safety and the ability to reach safe public spaces impact the visibility of children (adams et al., 2017; francis & lorenzo, 2002; mcglone, 2016; oliver et al., 2011; severcan, 2015; woolley et al., 1999; yao & xiaoyan, 2017). however, francis and lorenzo (2002) and yao and xiaoyan (2017) believe that when parents fear their children could be unsafe in a situation, it drives parents to provide their children with more structured, supervised activities such as sports and music. francis and lorenzo (2002) refer to these kinds of activities as “adultization of childhood” (p. 159). children attach importance to socialization and request places for it, but the feeling of being unsafe, combined with a lack of mobility opportunities, makes socialization and play difficult in urban areas. therefore, places that are located close to home, which forms the heart of a child’s life, are not only accepted as safer but also make moving to and from these locations more convenient (francis & lorenzo, 2006). along with safety requirements, children are in need of public spaces for play and socialization that are clean (benninger & savahl, 2016; racelis & aguirre, 2005; yao & xiaoyan, 2017), green (adams et al., 2017; benninger & savahl, 2016; bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; chatterjee, 2015; derr & kovács, 2015; derr & tarantini, 2016; francis & lorenzo, 2002; 2006; ito et al., 2010; malone, 2013), unstructured and flexible (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; francis & lorenzo, children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 40 2006; mcglone, 2016), and multi-purpose (derr & kovács, 2015; francis & lorenzo, 2002). researchers have also shown the importance of having waterrelated activities, such as paddling, boating, swimming, or interactions in fountains or pools (bosco & joassart-marcelli, 2015; breitbart, 1995; derr & tarantini, 2016; francis & lorenzo, 2002 ito et al., 2010). these spatial outcomes depend on the geographical and cultural context of the papers reviewed. however, providing clean, green, and unstructured public spaces for children (which is, in the end, beneficial for society at large) is considered a core asset of urban environments for children to utilize (unicef, 2012). children enjoy having adventures. their adventurous nature means their experiences involve safety and risk factors that often contradict parental safety concerns. flexibility and openness of unstructured activities within places are essential for children’s engagement as well as their enjoyment. unstructured settings support children’s engagement in semi-structured play such as climbing, jumping, gardening, skipping rope, and writing with chalk more than traditional play settings do (mcglone, 2016). having adventures in nature or natural surroundings and interacting with animals are appreciated by children (malone, 2013). places that are diverse in form, materials, and uses are also valued, as children prefer flexible, mixed-use places over mono-functional zoning (francis & lorenzo, 2006). furthermore, children wish to interact with others from different age groups and cultures. creation of these kinds of places requested by children requires policies that perpetually provide updated spatial and social regulations for child-focused urban environments. building child-focused cities is not only about space, but also about policy and laws (yao & xiaoyan, 2017). to enhance the child-friendliness of cities, it is necessary to promote children’s participation with proper approaches and to explore effective planning and design strategies. policies are the key to guaranteeing desired outcomes that require explicit support from governments (horelli & kaaja, 2002). empowering children by giving them a voice (woolley et al., 1999)—for example, through youth consultation committees—is considered an excellent way to involve children in planning and design issues. these committees can also enable participation in their environments through policy at the national level (simpson, 1997). the practice of planning with children needs to embrace a diverse range of methods in order to reach children with different skills and interests (derr & kovács, 2015). for example, the practices that encourage children to think “out of the box” and offer solutions for complex problems about their environment (scholten et al., 2017) are becoming increasingly important. enhancing teamwork and decision making; delivering environmental learning (an important outcome for creativity); enabling respect for cultural differences (breitbart, 1995); and providing the opportunity to learn about local government, laws, and bureaucracy (nelson, 2008) are some possible outcomes that may gradually transform into life-long practice and values. for example, wilks and rudner (2013) speculated whether children’s learning from the practice of planning could be transferred to the school curriculum to ensure continuity of the process and to reinforce official education. additionally, children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 41 the practice of planning with children could have learning benefits for other actors such as city council members, teachers, and research team members. derr and tarantini (2016) refer to this process as “co-learning.” co-learning helps adults make realistic assumptions about children’s needs (wilks & rudner, 2013). as a result, the more children participate in planning activities, the more their knowledge about social issues grows (alparone & rissotto, 2001), the more place knowledge (severcan, 2015) and institutional knowledge are expanded; and thereby the children become more active and empowered (malone, 2013). discussion and conclusion this systematic review resulted in (1) a comprehensive, quantitative picture of the current studies focusing on the participation of children; (2) an effective way to conceptualize children in planning; (3) a list of requirements for the successful practice of planning with children and the larger community; (4) discussion of the link between urban planning, methods, approaches, and outcomes for child-focused urban environments; (5) identification of existing gaps in the literature; and (6) examination of the role of policies and the link between policies, urban planning, methods, and approaches for further research. each of these is summarized below. quantitative overview this review provided evidence-based data on child-focused thinking and planning from 30 publications between 1990 and 2017. it was highly evident that over the last 10 years, children have become increasingly involved in urban planning, but their involvement level is inconsistent. at the very least, there is a growing awareness about children’s well-being in urban environments that is taken into account at different levels in areas such as planning, design, and policy. this can be seen through publication rates, variety within the fields of study, institutions funding the research, funding rates and accumulation of funding opportunities in last decade, and the geographic spread of publications. these elements attest to the importance of child-focused visions of urban environments and the roles children play in this process. conceptualization of children conceptualizations of children dictated the design of the reviewed research as well as its outcomes. when children are conceptualized as citizens and bearer of skills, participatory urban planning and design can adopt the roles of mediation and action. for these actions to be successful, they need to take the following into account: the level of communication, shared information, dialogue, reflection, and a shift in power-sharing from the adult to the child. as seen from the reviewed study outcomes, the majority of researchers focused on the process, not only the outcomes. also, it was not critical to have spatial outcomes from the process of planning with children because the process also has educational and practical outcomes for children (and adults). this leads to a process wherein although the adults are in charge, children are the guides to educate the adults. it appears the main issue is the need to educate adults to allow children to represent themselves. accepting children of all age groups as citizens endows them with the rights that adults have, but institutional settings have yet to be adapted to reflect this capacity of children. children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 42 requirements for a successful practice of planning with children the requirements for a successful practice of planning with children include high levels of communication, a high degree of diversity among participants, and collaboration among both community members and between disciplines. the issues considered necessary in the practice of planning with children are also qualities that are needed for sustainable communities. in line with creating sustainable environments and communities, participatory planning with children encourages multidisciplinary approaches, multiple actors, transparency, and sharing of responsibility. hence the adage, “what is good for children is also good for society at large.” in addition, the social, spatial, political, and educational outcomes obtained through the process of planning with children contribute to creating and maintaining communities. link between methods, approaches, and outcomes to achieve an active participatory process, the environment within which these activities takes place needs to function to minimize the involvement of adults and employ more expressive (e.g., drawing, collage making, mapping, and presentation) and tactile (touch and smell) methods. these methods are also an indicator of a process that centralizes the role of children as leaders of the process rather than just consultants. this review demonstrates that there is a need for more exploratory and expressive approaches in which children are in the center of the discourse with urban planning and design playing the role of mediator or tool. children are the future, so planning and design with children should play a more significant role in shaping the future of cities. existing gaps in the literature a critical finding pertained to the age groups of the children involved, as toddlers were the least represented age group in the reviewed literature. the built environment is critical for the psychological and physical development of toddlers, and with little or no research in this area, this can be identified as a clear research gap. this gap can be addressed through interdisciplinary collaboration between the fields of child development and the built environment (planning/design/policy) to include feedback from toddlers and their caregivers. as previously discussed, older children (age 5+), conversely, need to represent themselves rather than being represented by adults. the role of policy the role of local, national and international policies is crucial for successful implementation of the practice of planning with children. there is a need for further research on policies from different levels and their success (or failure) in the implementation of children’s involvement in planning. the combination of supportive policies and expressive approaches and methods within the practice of planning with children can encourage the creation of child-focused environments. özlemnur ataol is a ph.d. candidate at the eindhoven university of technology where she researches the role of urban planning and design in the child-focused vision of urban environment and public space. before moving to eindhoven, she children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 43 worked as a research assistant at istanbul gelisim university for five years. özlemnur holds a master’s degree from istanbul technical university. she majored in architectural design. her master’s thesis contributes to the knowledge of istanbul’s public spaces in the context of the istinye district by studying visible or invisible boundaries in public spaces and the effects of these boundaries on usage. she graduated from mimar sinan fine arts university with bachelor’s degree in architecture. sukanya krishnamurthy is an associate professor at the school of geosciences at the university of edinburg. her main focus lies at the interface of urban, social and cultural geography, where her scholarship analyzes how cities can use their resources and values for better sustainable development. within these fields, she has published on urban cultures and representation, and place-making and bottomup approaches. she has been a principal investigator and team member on research projects in the netherlands, germany, canada, israel, uk and india. pieter van wesemael is currently professor and chair of urbanism and urban architecture at the eindhoven university of technology. for two decades he was partner in the architekten cie and inbo, both in amsterdam, leading the consultancy and design department in the field of urban design, area development and spatial policy. he has published widely on topics related to sustainable evolutionary urban development based on an integrated and systemic understanding of correlated economic-technological, socio-cultural, and spatial developments and its inherent 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(2011) children as active agents diagnostic methods: • questionnaire • interview • observation expressive methods: • drawing • photography • diary • collaging • mapping • presentation situational methods: • discussion • field trips • gps conceptual methods: • model making 4 ito et al. (2010) children as active participants 5 cunningham et al. (2003) children as acute observers and analysts of their environment children as consultants 6 racelis & aguirre (2005) children as clients 7 francis & lorenzo (2002) children as active participants with school aged: 6-12 years old children 8 woolley et al. (1999) children as participants 9 pawlowski et al. (2017) children as partners of the co-design process with 10 derr & kovács (2015) children as citizens who have rights to contribute to the places they inhabit children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 49 1 derr & tarantini (2016) children as social agents mutual benefits children as social agents mutual benefits with 11 benninger & savahl (2016) children as citizens who have the right to have a voice in decision concerning their lives 12 mcglone (2016) children as the experts of their own lives and experience children as active citizens with thoughtful views about what constitutes good urban outcomes 13 severcan (2015) children as active participants for purposes of empowerment and taking action school aged: 6-12 years old children 14 bosco & joassartmarcelli (2015) children as emotional labor 15 wilks & rudner (2013) children as valid informants of their own world. children as valid informants of their own world. 2 malone (2013) children as researchers and environment change agents 16 horelli (1997) children as adults expressive methods: • mapping • photography • presentation • collaging • drawing situational methods: • field trips • meeting adolescent: 12-17 years old children 17 breitbart (1995) children as citizens with 1 derr & tarantini (2016) children as social agents mutual benefits children as social agents mutual benefits with 18 adams et al. (2017) children as collaborators who possess agency for children’s participation in urban planning and design: a systematic review 50 19 scholten et al. (2017) children as adults of future children as adults of future 20 yao & xiaoyan (2017) children as designers 21 chatterjee (2015) children as silent spectators for no age group info 22 nelson (2008) children as active participants to develop materials to evaluate the communities around their schools 23 haider (2007) children as a distinct group with specific needs children as important stakeholders in the planning and management of public space 24 francis & lorenzo (2006) children as active participants no case study 25 corsi (2002) children as a parameter for the quality of life of all citizens children as active citizens 26 horelli & kaaja (2002) children as sharp analysts of their settings 27 alparone & rissotto (2001) children as a social category 28 spencer & woolley (2000) children as citizens not as unacknowledged outsiders no case study 29 simpson (1997) children as adults who possess many rights 30 nieuwenhuys (1997) children as equal as researchers in the process login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(1), 2020 narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth karen myers department of social work, james madison university katherine r. evans department of education, eastern mennonite university citation: myers, k., & evans, k. r. (2020). narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth. children, youth and environments, 30(1), 25-46. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract lgbtqiap+ youth are living in unprecedented liminal spaces. while positive changes related to the acceptance and recognition of this community have occurred in the united states, youth who are questioning, coming out, and navigating their sexual journeys remain socially, emotionally, and in other ways vulnerable in their environments. drawing from narratives of youth who live outside of the normative structures of sexuality, we weave a tapestry of stories to highlight the challenges and struggles, as well as the strengths and protective factors, of lgbtqiap+ youth. we found cohesion in the themes that emerged from the narratives; yet, at the same time, we acknowledge that each queer youth’s story has its own cultural specificity based on their lived experience in their particular environment. finally, we offer suggestions for supporting the health and well-being of all young people in their varied environments, highlighting those that particularly provide space for questioning and coming out youth. keywords: lgbtqiap+ youth, narratives, ecological perspective, resilience, vulnerability http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 26 introduction figure 1. poetic representation of the narratives of lgbtqiap+ youth i’ve known i was different all my life after years of hiding i’m ready to come out of the closet the closet was a safe space for me until a teacher outed me telling everyone my secret my secret kept me invisible the deepest darkest secret i could ever imagine imagine days and days of bullying, harassment, taunting, name-calling, shoving, hitting, pushing pushing back against constant assaults misunderstood as angry finding my voice, i speak i speak one last message before i jump if people are no longer treated the way i was i can rest in peace peace comes in celebrating my strengths my humor, my kindness, my intelligence my mad musical talent my musical talent is a gift i bring to the world i’m much more than just a “homosexual” the same god who made me musical made me gay gay people are also made in god’s image this message i hear every sunday shouldn’t we all be loved and accepted loved and accepted by my parents for 15 years until i transitioned from male to female i’m still the same person; i am me i am me. i am loved as me. i didn’t need much. i just wanted someone to look me in the eye and say “you’re okay” narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 27 this opening poem (figure 1) was drawn from the narratives of lgbtqiap+1 youth represented throughout this manuscript. we chose to represent the data poetically because we believe with bell (2010) that “the arts provide a way to engage body, heart and mind to open up learning and develop a critical perspective” (p. 17). poetic representations move the reader beyond the words of the narrative, acknowledging the “mutual importance of how something is said along with what is said” (madison, 2012, p. 239). borrowing specific quotes from the data, we include the poem as a way to invoke a commitment to the representation and wellbeing of lgbtqiap+ youth. lgbtqiap+ youth are living in unprecedented liminal spaces. while positive changes related to the acceptance and recognition of the lgbtqiap+ community have occurred within the past decade, youth who are questioning, coming out, and navigating their sexual journeys are likely to experience whiplash due to widely disparate messages. for example, as we write this, marriage equality is the law of the land in the united states, while at the same time, there is renewed advocacy for ex-gay therapy programs and reduced funding for aids-related research. additionally, in the obama administration, the unofficial don’t ask, don’t tell policy of the u.s. military was repealed, but in the trump administration, transgender individuals were banned from participating in the military. media portrayals of lgbtqiap+ youth are more positive than ever; yet, young lgbtqiap+ people around the world continue to experience increased violence and bullying. in these uncertain times, denzin (2003) calls on researchers to engage with narrative performances to “construct, perform, and critically analyze” stories in ways that are “political, moving people to action, reflection, or both” (p. xi). too often, research remains compartmentalized within specified domains that are either siloed or are ignored altogether. for example, while data related to school discipline often notes disparities in school suspension rates for students of color, lgbtqiap+ youth are also suspended at rates higher than their peers; however, these trends are often omitted from research (snapp, hoenig, fields, & russell, 2015). narratives allow us to “access social, political, and ethical dimensions” that are often “controlled out” of our research (smith & paul, 2000, p. 11). in this research, we collect and present narratives of lgbtqiap+ youth that have been published in both traditional print and social media outlets. these narratives privilege the perspectives of youth who are courageously telling their stories. 1lgbtqiap+ stands for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning, intersex, asexual, pansexual, plus any other way a person chooses to identify. while lgbtqiap+ youth express great vulnerability, we also hope to highlight their resilience and honor their unwillingness to limit the terms they use to define themselves. we acknowledge that the acronym, lgbtqiap+, is a wide umbrella and encompasses terms that refer to sexual orientation and gender identity, terms that are often inaccurately conflated. we believe sexual orientation is a continuum, not a binary, and refers to whom one is sexually attracted, while gender identity refers to a person’s identification of their gender, which may or may not match the gender assigned based on sex characteristics at birth. consistent with a critical queer theory approach, we have intentionally chosen to use the extended acronym, lgbtqiap+ throughout this manuscript. narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 28 in order to understand the ways in which power and privilege influence the experiences of lgbtqiap+ youth in their environments, we draw on a critical approach to queer theory. as we unpack these stories, we intentionally resist the binaries that serve to marginalize and disenfranchise young people (de lauretis, 1991). this theoretical framework allows us to recognize the complex experiences of lgbtqiap+ youth who are demanding representation in the process of discovering their various identities. we found cohesion in the themes that emerged from the narratives; yet, at the same time, we acknowledge that each queer youth’s story has its own cultural specificity based on their lived experience in their particular environment. methodological framing our methodological choices were guided by our commitment to narrative theory, a desire to engage in creative, critical approaches to research, and an ecological perspective on the identities of youth. educational and social research traditionally assumes that “sexuality is essentialist and biologically constructed, and that it can be considered from some external reference point—which is based on a preferred morality” (vicars, 2013, p. 249). this framework perpetuates oppressive structures for lgbtqiap+ youth by limiting the possibilities of experience; in contrast, narrative research resists such reductionism, privileging experiences and the ways in which they are constructed (clandinin & connelly, 2000). stories hold the potential for “challenging the presumptions of heterosexuality routinely embedded in our language, explicit/hidden curriculum, and pedagogies” (vicars, 2013, p. 250). by exploring narratives of youth, we approached this project with a commitment to presenting counter-narratives. further, we brought a commitment to the creative, believing that “the aesthetic experience of stories told through visual arts, theater, spoken word and poetry, can help us think more creatively, intimately and deeply about racism and other challenging social justice issues” (bell, 2010, p. 17). thus, as we gathered narratives, our aim was to weave a tapestry of stories, highlighting the challenges and struggles, as well as the strengths and protective factors of lgbtqiap+ youth. adding a critical component to our methodological framing, we come to this work to challenge heteronormative exertions of power and control (madison, 2012). within critical approaches to narrative research, “stories operate on both individual and collective levels” helping us “connect individual experiences with systemic analysis” to demonstrate the ways in which power and control show up in our narratives (bell, 2010, p. 16). not only do stories help us to “make the abstract concrete and accessible” (paul, christensen & falk, 2000, p. 17), they serve to enable multiple constructions of the intersectional self, which include, but are not limited to gender identity, sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, religion, ability, and economic status. the layered identities of lgbtqiap+ youth of color, for example, may lead to multiple experiences of oppression and marginalization (craig, austin, & mcinroy, 2014; snapp, hoenig et al., 2015) in the face of these oppressions, an ecological awareness also enables us to embrace a narrative of youth that eschews a deficit framework and acknowledges the strengths and contributions they make to our narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 29 world (mcadams, 2008; harper, brodsky, & bruce, 2012). citing bronfenbrenner (1979), newman and fantus (2015) outlined the microsocial, exosystemic, and the macrosocial influences that contribute to the development of both risk and resilience factors for youth. microsocial interactions among youth or between youth and adults, exosystemic factors such as the community and mass media, and macrosocial indicators such as laws, religion, and social mores all intersect to create both vicious cycles of violence, depression, and bullying as well as resilience, a positive sense of identity, and a resistance to negative stereotypes (harper, brodsky, & bruce, 2012). an ecological framing challenged us to resist a reductionist view of the experiences of lgbtqiap+ youth, highlighting the complexity of their experiences. stories become theories about the meaning of life; the ways in which we tell stories illuminate and discursively construct the self. although they are drawn from data representing the lived experiences of youth in their varied environments, these texts do not simply represent the narratives of lgbtqiap+ youth; they “call us to respond, to stand up and say something, and to imagine utopian alternatives” (gabriel & lester, 2013, p. 6). methods data collection the lived experiences represented in this article originate from multiple sources, such as youtube videos, tumblr feeds, books, or scholarly articles collected over our years of working with lgbtqiap+ youth in different environments. we began with the research question: how do lgbtqiap+ youth narrate their own stories? it was important to us that we collect those stories from the places where youth are most likely to tell them; thus, as we began data collection, we searched both print and online sources, privileging their unsolicited stories over structured interviews. as we searched published memoirs, books of collected stories by lgbtqiap+ youth, newspaper articles, social media postings, and the it gets better project2 videos, we compiled the narratives, storing images, videos, and stories for each of the youth represented in our study. over the course of several years, we collected the narratives of 43 youth within the united states, some from single sources and others from multiple sources. acknowledging that the stories we gathered represent only a small segment of the experiences of lgbtqiap+ youth, we encourage readers to continue to attend to the stories of these young people. data analysis initial analysis included reading through the entire data set to get a sense of the various narratives. we spent time discussing and understanding the meaning of the stories represented in our data (clandinin & connelly, 2000). drawing on analysis techniques identified by hatch (2002) and coffey and atkinson (1996), we wrote summary statements and identified specific quotes for each youth in the study. the summaries and the quotes were tagged with potential codes, such as silencing, 2 see https://itgetsbetter.org/ for videos and information about the it gets better project. https://itgetsbetter.org/ narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 30 invisibility, family, etc. after all of the narratives were coded, we went through the entire data set again, collapsing and clarifying those codes. as the analysis continued, we organized the codes into categories, paying attention to quotes that had similar concepts. those collapsed codes were then identified as themes, each of which acknowledged both the vulnerabilities and the resilience of lgbtqiap+ youth. using the language of the initial coding, we developed these six themes: stories of coming out, being outed, and invisibility; stories of bullying and pushing back; stories of speaking out and being silenced; stories of celebration and mourning; stories of acceptance and judgment; and stories of restoration and rejection. as we collated our findings using the developed themes, we selected specific data sets that supported each theme and identified representative quotes that aligned with those themes. positionality throughout this project, we drew from our interactions with youth who live outside of the normative structures of sexuality. we brought our different perspectives— one author is an educator and one is a social worker with experiences in restorative justice, special and general education, and law—as well as our unique family and faith experiences, realizing the ways in which our own histories, knowledges, and assumptions influence our work (ellis, 2009). in addition, as white, queer/lesbian, cisgender women, we recognize our intersecting locations of privilege and oppression that are always being negotiated and reconstructed (fine, 1994). in our work in school environments, both of us have journeyed with youth who have felt the agony of rejection from family, peers, and faith communities. while we grew up in a different generational space from the youth represented in this article, we have experienced similar struggles of coming out in communities that were less than accepting. we have also witnessed the amazing gifts that lgbtqiap+ youth bring to this world. findings: learning from the narratives stories of coming out, being outed, and invisibility while positive changes related to the acceptance and recognition of the lgbtqiap+ community have occurred in the united states, youth who are questioning, coming out, and navigating their sexual journeys remain socially, emotionally, and in other ways vulnerable within their varied environments. for many lgbtqiap+ young people, finding someone with whom they can positively identify is a challenge. they live in a heteronormative world where they often hear implicit and explicit negative messages about their identity. justin lee, organizer of the gay christian network, talks about his experiences of being closeted as a teenager: it was, i thought, the worst secret in the world. it was the deepest, darkest secret i could ever imagine having, one that i could never tell anyone, not even my parents or best friends. it was the secret i would take with me to my grave (lee, 2012, p. 19). narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 31 too often lgbtqiap+ youth are accepted and celebrated for being wonderful, talented young people until a decision to come out or an outing by someone else serves to erase all other aspects of their identity, marginalizing them for this one aspect of who they are. dismissal of identity not only creates an environment where ostracism is encouraged, increasing the likelihood of bullying, but it serves to disengage young people (snapp, mcguire, et al., 2015). in an interview study asking queer-identified students what they would have liked their teachers to know, a lesbian-identified student wrote, “all i really wanted was to be looked in the eye and told: ‘you’re okay’” (imber, 2005, p. 11). in her memoirs about identifying as transgender, katie hill described the social ostracization that she experienced at camp after being outed: two days later my brief time as ‘just katie’ came to an end. one of the counselors told everyone in her cabin that i was trans, and those people in turn told everyone in the entire camp… everyone immediately started treating me differently. kids pointed, stared, laughed, or came up to me and asked inappropriate questions such as, ‘what do you even have down there? a penis or a vagina?’ i spent the remaining few days of camp crying alone in my cabin (hill, 2014, p. 135). sharing about her life before she transitioned, corey maison discussed the internal struggle of deciding when it was and was not okay to play dress up: hi. i’m corey. i’m 14 years old. i might look happy now but i haven’t always been. i’ve known i was different all my life. when i was little i loved to play with dolls and play dress up. i loved painting my nails too. wearing my mom’s high heels was my favorite! but only in the house. never outside. because i was born a boy (maison, 2016). katie had the self-determination and courage to come out and live her life as “just katie” but remained vulnerable to ostracism and marginalization when her identity was outed by a counselor at the camp she was attending. whether that person was well-meaning or not, the implications for katie were devastating and isolating. like corey, lgbtqiap+ young people have to make frequent decisions about who they will be out to as they navigate every unique environment. in her memoir, straight walk, patricia velasquez (2014) also talked about the difficulty of navigating places where it was safe to be out and those that were not: i'm such a weirdo, i'd say over and over in my head, as i pushed my heart rate higher for the workout. i felt desperate, like a complete outsider in my own home among the people i was closest to. i didn't belong anywhere. the door to my mother's home was like a transformation tunnel: walking through it meant shedding the real me and becoming the perfect, successful, loving, and straight daughter. i'd smoke and drink coffee and alcohol, trying not to feel anything. life was blurry, almost on purpose. my life was just about me narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 32 going and going, running from my truth whenever i could (velasquez, 2014, p. 149). fear of or knowledge about how someone will react to this aspect of their identity can cause some young people to protect themselves by seeking invisibility, remaining closeted in situations where they know they will not be accepted. this is reinforced in school settings when policies penalize non-normative expressions of gender and sexuality. the trauma of rejection puts a young person in flight or freeze mode as a self-protective measure, especially if the risk of discovery could lead to the loss of family, friends, their home, and/or their safety. stories of bullying and pushing back research thoroughly documents the verbal harassment, physical assault, inaccessibility to lgbtqiap+ sensitive healthcare and information, and decline in physical and emotional health and well-being for lgbtqiap+ identified or questioning youth (aragon, poteat, espelage, & koenig, 2014; greene, britton & fitts, 2014). like most young people in the united states, lgbtqiap+ identified or questioning youth spend a significant amount of time in school where they begin to discover their own interests and ideas. peers typically begin to have a greater influence during these years and social isolation based on acknowledged or perceived identity can put a young person at greater risk for bullying (glsen, 2016). for example, early on the morning of april 15, 2012, kenneth “rodney” weishuhn, jr. hung himself after being constantly bullied at school after coming out as gay (queer voices, april 17, 2012). shortly before that, he told his mother, "mom, you don't know how it feels to be hated,” characterizing his experience as “aggressive,” “merciless,” and “overwhelming.” he is not alone. similar stories of suicide, prompted by endless bullying at school, can be heard from 15-year-old jadin bell, who hung himself on an elementary school playground structure (queer voices, february 4, 2013), and 13-year-old asher brown, who, prior to shooting himself, reported that other students harassed him by “performing mock gay acts on him” during his physical education class (freeman, 2010). these stories point to physical spaces where vulnerable students are most at risk (i.e., gym class, the bus, and other less supervised areas) and the need for further supports in those spaces. without systemic change, however, structurally supported inequality continues (payne & smith, 2013). further, the intersectionality of identities, like sexual orientation, gender identity, race, immigration status, religion, class, and ability, can increase the vulnerability to oppression and marginalization (duke, 2010; jamil & harper, 2010). alexander “aj” betts, jr. was 16 years old when he committed suicide, reporting that he had experienced intense bullying for being both gay and mixed race (queer voices, july 29, 2013). likewise, carl joseph walker-hoover was 11 years old when he hung himself after being bullied for being gay (james, 2009). an african-american, walker-hoover was also a football player and a boy scout; his mother had repeatedly confronted school authorities and was on her way to the school again when she found him hanging by an extension cord in their home. some youth narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 33 recognize that the bullying is the problem of others, but for many youth, like carlos vigil, the bullying is internalized, leading to self-hatred and depression. in his suicide note, 17-year-old carlos wrote, “the kids in school are right, i am a loser, a freak and a fag and in no way is that acceptable for people to deal with” (lgbtq nation, 2013). these messages are exacerbated when adults are silent in the face of such bullying. many of the stories of lgbtqiap+ bullying speak to the lack of adult intervention on behalf of bullied youth. the 2015 national school climate survey (glsen, 2016) found that 57.6 percent of lgbtq students felt unsafe at school due to their sexual orientation with 85.2 percent of lgbtq students reporting that they had been verbally harassed during the past year due to their sexual orientation and 54.5 percent due to their gender expression. it is even more troubling that 63.5 percent of the students who reported an incident of bullying indicated that school staff did little to respond and/or suggested that the student ignore it. when bystanders, including teachers or other students, do nothing in response to bullying, it can serve to intensify the lack of safety. in the survey, 31.8 percent of lgbtq students reported missing at least one day of school over the past 30 days due to lack of safety or feelings of discomfort (glsen, 2016). students who try to stand up for themselves against harassment and bullying are often silenced or punished (snapp, hoenig et al., 2015). students who defend themselves are often placed in special education, diagnosed with mental disorders, or viewed as angry, depressed, or confused (snapp et al., 2015). further, they are often viewed as aggressive and confront zero-tolerance policies that serve to punish misbehavior without acknowledging the circumstances and context of their behavior. little research has been conducted thus far about the intersections of school discipline and the over-representation of lgbtqiap+ youth in the juvenile justice system, but the research we do have reveals that some of the same patterns that impact other disenfranchised youth also impact lgbtqiap+ youth (snapp et al., 2015). stories of speaking out and being silenced blake brockington, an african-american transgender teen, was an advocate for lgbt youth and the transgender community, and stood against police brutality; however, he continued to struggle in his own life and died by suicide in march 2015 at the age of 18 (hensley, 2015). leelah alcorn, a transgender teenager in ohio, wrote in her suicide note in december 2014: the only way i will rest in peace is if one day transgender people aren’t treated the way i was, they’re treated like humans, with valid feelings and human rights. gender needs to be taught about in schools, the earlier the better. my death needs to mean something. my death needs to be counted in the number of transgender people who commit suicide this year… fix society. please (fantz, 2014). even when their own struggles bring them to suicide, many lgbtqiap+ youth have already left their mark advocating for the rights of others. blake’s advocacy efforts narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 34 grew out of the intersection of his gender identity and race. as his north carolina high school’s first openly transgender homecoming king, he actively spoke out and challenged police brutality against his communities. some youth, like leelah, make one last dying effort to speak out to pave a better way for those coming behind her. jamey rodemeyer, a new york teenager, identified as bisexual and spoke up in support of other lgbtqiap+ youth as evidenced in a youtube video he made (rodemeyer, 2011). he was just 14 years old in september 2011 when he hung himself after facing severe bullying (hughes, 2011). kyler prescott, a 14-year-old california teenager, was a pianist, an activist for marriage equality, and an advocate for animal rights. although his family supported his transgender identity, he took his life in may 2015 after being told that because he was transgender, he shouldn’t be alive (brydum, 2015). young people who courageously speak out in support of themselves and others can find themselves targeted for the rampant bullying that takes place in far too many u.s. schools. the resiliency of youth cannot distract us from the critical importance of creating policies and practices that are responsive to the specific needs of lgbtqiap+ youth. the protections of supportive groups and family members are essential, but fail to completely counteract the deleterious effects of persistent and pervasive harassment and discrimination. yet, even when they feel little hope themselves, many lgbtqiap+ youth try to offer hope to others by empowering them to unapologetically be who they are. taylor alesana, a 16-year-old california teenager, said in her youtube video, this is a video for myself. i’ve had a very hard last couple of weeks. i had to go back in the closet and dress like a boy. i did this for my own protection. i was being bullied a lot at school. it got me to a point where i didn’t feel safe at my school at all. i did not feel safe walking through the halls. i did not feel safe anywhere around my school. and that’s the same thing for the streets (tan, 2015). silence can be indicative of many things; it should not be presumed to be passivity. to call silence passive is to diminish agency in the attempt to survive. sometimes silence is about strategic navigation, not being ready to give voice to one’s feelings. sometimes it is about not being given a chance to speak, not being asked to share one’s story of identity. sometimes it is active resistance, refusal to share until others are willing to truly listen. sometimes it is an act of survival. stories of celebration and mourning statistics consistently illuminate higher incidences of self-harm and/or suicide, increased use of alcohol and drugs, higher prevalence of sexual assault and physical dating violence, homelessness, and a greater likelihood of incarceration among lgbtqiap+ youth (ahuja et al., 2015; kat, 2014; robinson & espelage, 2011; russell, sinclair, poteat, & koenig, 2012; zaza, kann, & barrios, 2016). nonaffirming narratives often point to these statistics as evidence that something is inherently wrong with the youth themselves. but when youth are supported and narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 35 celebrated for being who they are, within their families and/or at their schools, those statistics change (biegel, 2010). before killing himself, zander mahaffey, a transgender high school student, posted a suicide note on his tumblr blog on february 15, 2015 (mahaffey, 2015). the note described sexual trauma and bullying by family members, and alluded to plans for taking his life: i know there’s going to be people hurt and devastated by this. and i’m so, so, sorry about that. i don’t know what else to say. i’m just so tired, i’m so tired and i just want to go to sleep (lgbtq nation, 2015). the exhaustion that zander spoke about has severe cognitive, emotional, and physical ramifications. in his book, the body keeps the score, van der kolk (2014) notes the way that trauma impacts our bodies, our minds, and our brains, compromising our physical health, our cognitive processing, and our ability to engage in healthy relationships. while trauma may come in the form of assaults, bullying, or other forms of physical violence, van der kolk and other trauma psychologists agree that rejection and chronic verbal abuse can also result in traumatic experiences for youth. for many lgbtqiap+ youth, trauma leads to drug and alcohol abuse, depression, and too often, suicide. for others, it may result in academic failure, lack of self-regulation, and illness. however, despite these potential implications, a completely different set of outcomes is possible when lgbtqiap+ youth are provided with support, when they are acknowledged for the gifts they bring, and when they are celebrated for who they are. these types of supports work to build resilience for young people, who are then empowered to become advocates for other lgbtqiap+ youth. for example, sameer jha is the founder of the empathy alliance, which “works with students and educators to help make schools safer and more welcoming for lgbtq+ students” (www.theempathyalliance.org). as a 15-year-old, sameer serves on the youth board of the gsa network for northern california and facilitates workshops to explore intersectionality around gender and sexuality. he writes: as a queer person of color who traces my heritage to a country in which homosexuality is punishable by death, i want to use my privilege as an american citizen with a supportive family to raise awareness and fight for the people who can't (dupere, 2017). glsen, the gay, lesbian, & straight education network, supports a national student council comprised of 18 members who act as lgbtqiap+ youth activists committed to social justice for sexual minority students. these young people are leaders in their schools and communities, working to create safe and affirming school experiences for lgbtqiap+ students. when gay-straight alliances (gsas), safe school organizations, and other lgbtqiap+ support systems are in place, schools become locations of celebration, advocacy, and empowerment. about:blank narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 36 this type of celebration in the face of discrimination can completely change the trajectory of the lives of lgbtqiap+ youth. therefore, we hold in tension both the celebration and the mourning. we celebrate those youth who with great resilience rise up and make a difference in this world, even as we continue to mourn those lgbtqiap+ youth who suffer without support and grieve the loss of those who have died prematurely. among the many strengths of those lost youth were creativity, intelligence, motivation, musical talent, humor, and kindness. their families, their communities, their country, and their world will never reap the benefits of their potential contributions. stories of acceptance and judgment the primary objections for recognizing same-sex relationships in the united states are grounded in religious beliefs (franck, 2011). while some faith communities are welcoming and affirming, there are also those who freely judge and reject lgbtqiap+ youth. many young people express feeling guilt and shame, pleading and bargaining with god to make them “normal” because the message they have received is that their identity, orientation, and expression are abnormal, unnatural, and sinful. for example, country music singer, chely wright, wrote about the fear she faced navigating being gay in a church that did not approve: by my teens, i was looking hard to find anyone who was like me. i didn't fit the stereotype of a gay woman, but i knew my sexual identity was outside the norm. i hadn't heard many discussions about homosexuality, but what i heard in church was enough for me to realize that the church did not approve. faced with the possibility of life as an outcast, i tried hard to develop feelings for boys, with no luck (wright, 2010, p. 41). when god is used as a way to condemn others for who they are, the ripple effects can be catastrophic with lasting impacts. marginalization and rejection by one’s faith community can have long-term repercussions impacting an lgbtqiap+ person’s desire and ability to form a positive, loving relationship (frost & meyer, 2009). whether or not an lgbtqiap+ person decides to pursue a relationship, emotions of shame and guilt related to an individual’s upbringing can negatively impact one’s self-acceptance (beagan & hattie, 2015; leavy & lo, 2013; suhbi & geelan, 2012). ericjames borges, a gay california teenager, made an anti-suicide video for the it gets better project, but his life ended in suicide at the age of 19. in addition to significant bullying, which began in kindergarten and continued through high school, borges also described his traumatic experience of coming out within an “extremist christian household.” reporting that his parents did not accept his sexuality and kicked him out of his home, “my pain is not caused because i am gay. my pain was caused by how i was treated because i am gay” (queer voices, january 29, 2012). homophobia and hatred are supported in many faith communities, fueling acts of covert and overt oppression and discrimination. in insulated communities where counteractive messages of acceptance and love do not reach, lgbtqiap+ youth are narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 37 incredibly vulnerable. their isolation leaves them at even greater risk of homelessness and/or suicide. at the same time, there are many whose faith traditions promote a message of love and acceptance. welcoming and affirming faith communities provide a safe haven for those who have been denied membership within their own churches, synagogues, and mosques (blauch, 2004). for example, irshad manhji is the founder of the moral courage project at new york university, advocating for the lgbt community within the islamic faith.3 stories of restoration and rejection young people who have the same minority status as their family members often receive significant guidance and support; however, for lgbtqiap+ youth, coming out to their family can mean further isolation, abuse, or even homelessness (shpigel, belsky, & diamond, 2015). after coming out to his parents and experiencing the violent backlash that comes for many lgbtqiap+ youth, vicars (2013) recalled, “this was the last time my sexuality was ever mentioned. it was tiptoed around like i had some terminal illness that if named would rear up and consume us all” (p. 261). he went on to say: in giving voice to what lay on the inside, i had created myself as i wanted to be seen and heard. in my parents’ silence, they were unseating that creation and hoping for an erasure of its possible existence (pp. 261-262). families play a significant role in the socialization of youth, particularly around gender identity, gender norms, and relational patterns (wells, 2015). when lgbtqiap+ youth violate those norms, they are often met with fear, silence, rejection, insults, or violence. van der kolk (2014) notes that trauma, even in the form of ongoing rejection, can cause us to block off parts of ourselves, resulting in long-term cognitive, physical, and emotional consequences. like vicars noted above, his parents’ silence was experienced as a form of alienation and rejection. by contrast, zoey luna, a 17-year old latinx transgender activist whose story was documented in the film, raising zoey, brought attention to violence against transgender women of color. her transition was facilitated by the support of her family, particularly her mother, who actively advocated for her daughter in the face of school bullying. she noted that “zoey isn’t special because she’s transgender. zoey’s special because she’s my daughter” (reichard, 2017). the commitment of family members can create spaces for restoration of a sense of identity and purpose. supportive parents who create openings for youth to explore and question, without fear of rejection, build strong attachments with their lgbtqiap+ or questioning youth, attachments that promote a healthy sense of self (mohr & fassinger, 2003). unfortunately, the support of family is often not enough to counter the abuses that lgbtqiap+ students experience at school. in february 2015, despite his mother’s support, ash haffner, an active blogger, musician, and poet, took his life after 3 for more information, see https://moralcourage.com/. https://moralcourage.com/ narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 38 enduring years of bullying, which reportedly worsened after his transition to identifying as male. in his blog, he wrote: please, be who you are… do it for yourself, do it for your happiness. that’s what matters in your life. you don’t need approval on who you are. don’t let people or society change who you are just because they’re not satisfied with your image (garloch, 2015). implications and concluding thoughts one of the implications of this study is an acknowledgment of the need for further research that embraces non-traditional approaches to data gathering. by including multiple forms of data, we highlighted the voices and experiences of young people who are using their voices in very public and courageous ways, but in ways that are not always valued by the research community. even youth who experienced tragic incidents of bullying and pain demonstrated amazing strength in the midst of those experiences, sometimes, simply by continuing to show up as their authentic selves. we encourage researchers to engage in more narrative research that invites youth to speak on their own behalf. further, we hope that research will take up the critical lens that allows for critiques of systems and structures that disempower marginalized youth. critical theory pushed us to examine issues of power and privilege by considering heteronormative policies and practices that impact the daily realities of lgbtqiap+ youth; ecological theory challenged us to resist monolithic identities and simple cause-and-effect relationships within the environments of lgbtqiap+ youth. additionally, this study informs theory by highlighting the need for those who work with youth to be more aware of the ways in which they can more fully support the positive development of lgbtqiap+ youth in their particular environments. as we analyzed the stories of lgbtqiap+ youth, we were reminded of their pain and their resilience, the struggles and the strengths of living into their identity, the moments of hope and the moments of tragedy, times where identity was celebrated and times of mourning, experiences of being accepted unconditionally and experiences of being judged, narratives of restoration and narratives of rejection. unlike traditional research that prioritizes trends and generalizations through statistical measures, narrative research allows for the unique and varying experiences of these youth. furthermore, the stories gathered here remind us that all of our policies, our research, our religious teachings, and our politics cannot exist in a vacuum, nor can they be disconnected from the actual lives of young people. the youth themselves teach us how to advocate for their well-being and support their positive development. social workers, educators, and other professionals can provide ongoing support for lgbtqiap+ youth and their families as they navigate their evolving sexual landscapes. facilitating conversations, providing resources, and ensuring safety and support are essential for promoting health and stability. additionally, concerned professionals can actively engage in advocacy efforts by promoting policies and practices that address the unique needs of lgbtqiap+ youth. while we acknowledge that great progress has been made in support of narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 39 lgbtqiap+ youth, much more remains. in table 1, we outline specific suggestions for supporting lgbtqiap+ youth in their varied environments. acknowledging the marginalization and pain that lgbtqiap+ youth experience, while also celebrating their strengths and resilience, we deeply mourn the loss of those listed in this article and those unnamed whose gifts will never be fully realized in this world. feeling a sense of urgency to stop these irreplaceable losses and support all youth, we encourage readers to engage in further research, searching for ways in which they can begin immediately to support youth who are excluded due to their gender and sexuality. may we do better. narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 40 table 1. suggestions for supporting the positive development of lgbtqiap+ youth be vocal the narratives in this study highlight the need for supportive adults in the lives of lgbtqiap+ youth. make your support widely known. being a good ally means challenging homophobic remarks whenever possible. support self-efficacy by creating safe environments for youth to advocate for themselves. support inclusive clubs, like gay-straight alliances (gsas). be visible display a rainbow flag and/or safe space sticker. hang photos that show diversity. stock books that are inclusive and diverse. look at the curriculum; are there texts that not only represent lgbtqiap+ youth, but celebrate them? provide role models through curriculum, guest speakers, and supportive organizations to help alleviate isolation. be respectful listen to the language young people use to describe themselves and use that language with them. honor their name and pronoun choices as well as their freedom to change them. respect their chosen identities. be careful with your language, avoiding gender specific terms like girlfriend and boyfriend. honor confidentiality be mindful of the significant risks lgbtqiap+ youth face. being outed, under any circumstances, can cause deep harm as was seen in several of the narratives in this study. do not disclose a young person’s identity/ identities without their permission even to people you believe are supportive. make resources readily available and easily accessible. recognize the value of hotlines and online resources that can offer support for young people who are not ready to come out. work with them to identify interventions which with they feel comfortable. be traumainformed read about trauma and the impacts of trauma on learning, on cognitive and emotional functioning. help youth understanding the ways in which trauma is impacting them. promote trauma-informed practices in schools, clinics, and other places where youth are. listen carefully many lgbtqiap+ youth have been quieted or judged harshly without ever being asked to share their stories, so having a safe space to talk is powerful support by itself. unless safety is an immediate concern, allow the young person to guide the conversation. when questions are asked, be careful not to reinforce heteronormativity or the gender binary. for example, think about the difference between asking “do you have a girlfriend/boyfriend?” and “is there someone special you like?” read about the experiences of members of the lgbtqiap+ community such as those listed in this article. practice self-awareness and self-reflection and identify biases and assumptions that may hinder working effectively with lgbtqiap+ youth. educate yourself and others become knowledgeable about definitions and differing identities. know the difference between biological sex, gender identity, and sexual orientation and do not conflate them. for more information, consult resources that are readily available. organizations such as the gay lesbian & straight education network (glsen: http://www.glsen.org/), gay-straight alliance network (gsa network: http://gsanetwork.org/), human rights campaign (https://hrc.org/resources/topic/children-youth), parents, families and friends of lesbians and gays (pflag: http://community.pflag.org/), trans student educational resources (tser: http://www.transstudent.org/), the trevor project (http://www.thetrevorproject.org/), and the it gets better project (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/) provide online resources, ongoing training, and support for youth, their families, and communities. http://www.glsen.org/ http://gsanetwork.org/ https://hrc.org/resources/topic/children-youth http://community.pflag.org/ http://www.transstudent.org/ http://www.thetrevorproject.org/ http://www.itgetsbetter.org/ narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth and adolescents 41 karen myers has been a social work professor at james madison university (jmu) since 2014. she came to jmu with over 15 years of practical experience as a social worker and public interest lawyer. she primarily teaches social work practice courses at jmu and infuses those courses with a commitment to social justice and cultural humility. her teaching, scholarship, and service consistently reflect this commitment. she has published several articles and book chapters related to the vulnerability and resilience of the lgbtqiap+ community. she has also presented nationally on this topic. katherine evans has been a professor in teacher education at eastern mennonite university (emu) since 2011. she teaches courses in special education and educational theory. while at emu, she has been active in furthering the field of restorative justice in education (rje) through her scholarship and teaching. she has published several articles and book chapters related to zero tolerance policies, restorative justice, and school discipline practices and regularly presents at professional conferences. most recently, she co-authored the little book of restorative justice in education through skyhorse publishing. references ahuja, a., webster, c., gibson, n., brewer, a., toledo, s., & russell, s. 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(2016). lesbian, gay, and bisexual adolescents: population estimate and prevalence of health behaviors. journal of american medical association, 316(22), 2355-2356. http://abcnews.go.com/us/hernamewastaylor-honors-california-transgender-teens-life-spreading-awareness/story?id=30315484 http://abcnews.go.com/us/hernamewastaylor-honors-california-transgender-teens-life-spreading-awareness/story?id=30315484  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play helen lynch alice moore department of occupational science and occupational therapy university college cork, ireland maria prellwitz department of health sciences, luleå university of technology luleå, sweden citation: lynch, h., moore, a., & prellwitz, m. (2018). from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 12-34. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract outdoor environments for children are important sites for social inclusion and play. in the european context, outdoor play provision is typically governed by regional or national policy and informed by international conventions that specifically state that inclusive environments must be made available for all children for their rights to be met. specifically, universal design is proposed as a way to achieve this goal. however, little is known about national play policy in general, nor the extent to which universal design informs local play provision. this paper focuses on a review of play policy and guidelines carried out in 18 european countries and a national universal design study in ireland in 2018. findings identified an overall lack of play policy internationally, and when policy exists, universal design is underrepresented. the potential application of the seven principles of universal design to playgrounds is discussed alongside play value principles to maximize successful playspace design. further exploration of the child’s voice in designing for play is warranted to strengthen socio-spatial inclusion and diminish the poverty of experience that many children with disabilities experience in their communities. keywords: children with disability, accessibility, play policy, inclusive design, universal design http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 13 introduction outdoor environments for children are important sites for social inclusion and play. outdoor environments for play are particularly significant when children grow out of infancy and become more independently mobile. children who are independently mobile are known to utilize multiple outdoor sites for socializing and playing: parking lots, derelict sites, footpaths, beaches—and of course, designated playspaces such as playgrounds (lynch, moore, edwards & horgan, in press). however, not all children have the freedom or capacity to access such opportunities on an equal basis to other children. this is most obvious in relation to children with disability and their families, who speak of the physical and social barriers to participation, and the resulting sense of exclusion (casey, 2015; jeanes & magee, 2012; prellwitz & skar, 2016). a scoping review of international research on playground usability and accessibility identified that the problem relates most specifically to the lack of inclusive playspaces in community settings (moore & lynch, 2016). in effect, this is an issue of socio-spatial exclusion that requires a reframing of playground design as “the architecture of social participation” (steinfeld & maisel, 2012, p. 21). however, this is not just a disability issue; public spaces are increasingly controlled and governed for children by adults, and spaces for play are diminishing overall (unicef, 2007). this issue has been noted in interdisciplinary research with researchers coining terms such as “play deprivation” (bundy et al., 2011), and talking about “poverty of experience” in relation to restricted opportunities for play (welsh government, 2014). the implications for children are worrying, as play is known to be fundamental to children’s health, well-being, and development, and important for their resilience and happiness. consequently, there has been increasing attention to the provision of outdoor play: examining how public spaces are conceived, designed, and provided; establishing how child-centered the process and product is; and establishing an evidence-based, space-oriented approach to play policy development (gill, 2008). an important starting point when considering good design for play is to identify what a “good” playspace is. this is a complex and challenging problem. first, play itself needs to be defined, but it is an accepted fact that there is no agreed-upon definition of play (committee on the rights of the child, 2013). this is due, among other things, to the interdisciplinary nature of play research. play is typically defined according to the lens of the discipline, so for example psychologists consider play from the cognitive perspective of child development, while a human geographer might consider play as a social construct and focus more on the current rather than future child (woolley, 2013). overall however, there is a consensus that play typically involves freedom of choice, which is intrinsically motivated, and personally directed, with no external goal (bundy, 1997). play involves self-mastery and challenge, so children need more complex challenges for play in their environments as they become more skilled. yet play is also highly linked to personal and contextual factors such as personal or family preferences (moore & lynch, 2018). outdoor play in particular has been identified as being characterized by playing freely, with higher levels of physical activity play than indoor play (pellegrini & smith, 1998; stephenson, 2002). a good playspace therefore needs to from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 14 be designed to provide good quality play experiences, and to provide affordances for varied forms of free play that incorporate challenge, stimulation, personal preferences, and fun. in summary, from an evidence-based design approach, outdoor public spaces for children need to be high in “play value” (lynch, moore, edwards, & horgan, in press; woolley & lowe, 2013). once play value is established as the fundamental goal, the issue of designing for inclusive play comes to the fore. international conventions such as the 1989 un convention of the rights of the child (uncrc) present the concept of universal design in public play provision as the way forward. yet to date it is unclear the extent to which universal design has been adopted and operationalized in relation to outdoor play provision. this subject warrants greater examination and was identified as a focus of concern among our colleagues from the european ludi network. ludi was a cost action programme (td1309, 2014 – 2018), linking over 100 collaborators (researchers, play advocates and practitioners) from 32 european countries who specialize in play for children with disabilities (besio & carneshechi, 2014). the overall aim of ludi was to establish a cohesive network of play experts to systematize play research for children with disabilities. a key ludi objective was to increase the impact of play research on policy makers to drive change. one collaboration project initiated in the ludi network was a 2016-2017 review of play policy in europe that aimed to describe existing play policy and identify guiding principles for inclusion and universal design. in subsequent research funded by the irish centre for excellence in universal design (ceud) in 2017-2018, a national project was conducted in ireland to examine universal design in relation to playspaces. the project included a review of guidelines for playspace design, playspace audits of five local playgrounds in one municipality in ireland, and interviews with children and adults of varied needs and abilities. this paper is informed by both projects and will present a specific focus on universal design in the context of outdoor playspaces for children with disabilities. the paper is presented in three sections. section one presents the international policy context and universal design. section two provides an overview of play policy in the european context, drawing from a national survey conducted with members of the ludi cost action network. section three draws from the ceud project. it presents a discussion on universal design as it translates to playground provision and identifies some challenges and considerations that can contribute to best practice. the international policy context and universal design prior to exploring the international policy context, it is important to first outline the authors’ perspective on disability, as this can mean different things to different people. this paper adopts the ludi approach to disability, which was informed by the united nations convention on the rights of people with disability (uncrpd): persons with disabilities include those who have long-term physical, mental, intellectual or sensory impairments which in interaction with various barriers may hinder their full and effective participation in society on an equal basis with others, from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 15 and also: disability is an evolving concept… [that] results from the interaction between persons with impairments and attitudinal and environmental barriers that hinders their full and effective participation in society on an equal basis with others 2006, preamble, p. 4). from this perspective, the environment is noted to be a significant factor in preventing or promoting play (bianquin & bulgarelli, 2017). the right to play and the right to access the physical environment (including environments for play) is recognized as a fundamental human right of all children in the uncrc (united nations, 1989) and further reinforced in the uncrpd (united nations, 2006). both documents establish the rights of the child to participate in community contexts on an equal basis to others, with equal access to participation in activities, including play. according to the uncrpd, universal design: means the design of products, environments, programmes and services to be usable by all people, to the greatest extent possible, without the need for adaptation or specialized design. “universal design” shall not exclude assistive devices for particular groups of persons with disabilities where this is needed (article 2, p. 4). notably, both conventions on international rights are intended to inform each other and be used interdependently. however, problems in operationalizing these rights became apparent, resulting in the development of general comment no. 17 on play and leisure (committee on the rights of the child, 2013) and general comment no. 2 on accessibility (committee on the rights of persons with disabilities, 2014). these general comments expanded on issues of environmental access, and foregrounded universal design in particular. in general comment no. 2, the use of universal design is established as a fundamental consideration for any new goods or facilities to ensure access for all and to make society accessible. concurrently, general comment no. 17 integrates universal design as a way forward for ensuring communities are inclusive in their approach to play provision: investment in universal design is necessary with regard to play, recreational, cultural, arts and sports facilities, buildings, equipment and services, consistent with the obligations to promote inclusion and protect children with disabilities from discrimination. states should engage with non-state actors to ensure the implementation of universal design in the planning and production of all materials and venues, for example… inclusive design for play environments, including those in schools (crc, 2013, para. 56(e), p. 21). universal design as initially perceived, universal design was focused on making products and environments usable by everyone (mace, 1985). universal design is often used interchangeably with accessible design, design for all, barrier-free design and from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 16 inclusive design (goltsman, 2011). however, universal design is distinctive as it is underpinned by seven principles (connell et al., 1997) that aim to examine existing designs, guide the design process and act as a source of information on designing more usable products and environments. more recently, eight goals of universal design were developed by researchers at the center for inclusive design, university of buffalo, usa, to update the principles and clarify universal design concepts. these eight goals address aspects of human performance, health and wellness, social participation, and cultural and contextual issues (steinfeld & maisel, 2012). while the principles and goals of universal design are useful, they offer only a starting point. ongoing exploration of the potential of universal design and its applicability in community contexts provides the possibility of a design approach that is inclusive for all (goltsman, 2011; steinfeld & maisel, 2012)—in effect, a way to design for social participation. despite the promotion of universal design in international conventions, little is known about the extent to which universal design is integrated into national policy or how it informs local play provision. therefore, these researchers sought to explore the gap in knowledge around european play policy, universal design and inclusive outdoors play environments. from policy to play: why review play policy? policy plays a crucial role in the organization of society, as it provides a framework for putting rights into practice. however, in many countries, children’s priorities do not readily translate into national policy. for example, in ireland, when children are asked what matters to them, they consistently rate play as one of the most important aspects of their lives (kilkelly, lynch, o'connell, moore, & field, 2016). yet, ireland’s children’s strategy (department of children and youth affairs, 2014) and the getting ireland active program (department of health, 2016), prioritize sports and exercise rather than play. one key problem is that these documents use data on sports and exercise to inform policy, from data sets (such as the health behaviour of school-aged children project by the world health organisation, http://www.hbsc.org/) that do not include questions specifically about play. therefore, data on play is not widely gathered. this has resulted in, for example, national action plans to increase physical activity in early childhood instead of increasing play opportunities. such policy reflects an adultist perspective that values engagement in physical activity to improve health outcomes, which although important, disregards what is important to children. this adult-centered approach to policy development has a consequence: play continues to be invisible in policy, often subsumed under other priorities, which can diminish the likelihood of adults valuing play as pivotal to children’s well-being (lynch & moore, 2016; moore & lynch, 2018). similar problems were noted by voce in his analysis of the uk government’s responses to implementing the child’s rights to play; he found a “paucity of interest in children’s right to play within current political debate” (2015, p. 159). not surprisingly perhaps, there appears to be a subsequent lack of policy for providing inclusive play opportunities in uk communities. in a scoping review of international research on playgrounds, the lack http://www.hbsc.org/ from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 17 of play-related policy was identified as a significant barrier to providing inclusive playgrounds for all children (moore & lynch, 2016). in the absence of policy, social exclusion can be magnified. public playgrounds can perpetuate marginalization and exclusion through inadequate access, poor play value, and limited opportunities for social interaction (burke, 2012; jeanes & magee, 2012; lynch et al., in press; olsen & dieser, 2012; potwarka, kaczynski, & flack, 2008; prellwitz & skar, 2007; prellwitz & tamm, 1999). uninformed playground design can also add further barriers. for example, dunn and moore (2005) noted that segregation was an outcome when special playground equipment to accommodate wheelchair-users is provided. in contrast, when playgrounds are designed following principles of universal design, equipment is chosen with the intention that multiple users can play together. this opportunity is highly valued by children with disabilities and their families (jeanes & magee, 2012). so, in relation to policy, play appears to be a forgotten right in many countries. the consequences of this specifically for children with disabilities is unknown, as this is a significantly under-researched area. exploring national play policy in europe policy can be defined as formal documents issued or commissioned by national governments that identify strategies, priorities, goals and objectives (daugbjerg et al., 2009). for this review, we use “national policy” as a general term to apply to any policy document on play that was adopted at a national level in each country. the purpose of this review was to first determine the existence of national play policy documents in europe, then to examine whether universal design, as a design concept, is considered within these national play policy documents. our aim is to determine what is considered best practice in play policy in relation to play for children with disabilities and social inclusion. method design this study used a survey design to gather information from across europe on the existence of national policies for play. the survey was designed as an online survey and uploaded to an internet survey site (survey monkey), which provides anonymity for participants. the survey was distributed through the ludi play for children with disabilities cost action network. respondents were invited to confirm their consent by continuing to complete the survey. sample the sample for this study was chosen using convenience sampling. participants were eligible for inclusion if they were members of the ludi cost action network from any of the 32 european countries. participants included psychologists, occupational therapists, educators, engineers, and toy designers. from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 18 instrument survey content focused on eliciting information regarding national play policies. the final instrument consisted of 10 questions relating to the national policy context in each country, including the identification of national government departments responsible for children’s play, national play policies, universal design, and social inclusion. the survey was pilot-tested with a convenience sample of three participants to test for clarity and potential online operational issues. procedure an email was sent to representatives from european countries (n= 32) in july 2017 outlining the aims of the study together with a link to the online survey. a reminder was sent on two occasions over a two-month period for those who wished to participate but had not already done so. initial findings from the survey were presented to the ludi cost action network meeting in gdansk in september 2017, to further prompt members who had not yet participated to do so and thus maximize the response rate. the survey closed december 2017. we included all returned surveys (n= 18) in the analysis. results in total, 18 members of the ludi cost action network completed the survey, representing a 56.3 percent response rate. first, respondents were asked to identify all government departments responsible for children’s play in their country. respondents listed multiple government departments including the departments of education (50.0 percent), children and youth (38.9 percent), social inclusion (27.8 percent), and health (16.7 percent). in addition, more than half of the respondents (61.2 percent) listed “other,” which included departments of the environment, family and social politics, federal ministry for traffic, facility management and urban development, child protection, and building and planning. what was obvious from the responses was that children’s play was an inter-departmental responsibilitythe challenges of prioritizing funding for play across departments that have multiple competing demands may in part explain the significant lack of investment in play internationally at governmental levels. the fact that play is distributed across departments is also likely to contribute to a continued fragmentation of the considerations required to protect and promote children’s rights to play (committee on the rights of the child, 2013). respondents were asked whether their country had a national play policy. two respondents (11.1 percent) stated that their country, currently or in the past, has a national play policy (ireland and the united kingdom). one respondent (united kingdom) identified play policies from each of the four jurisdictions of the united kingdom (scotland, wales, northern ireland, and england). both the ireland and the united kingdom respondents noted that children with disabilities are referred to in these policy documents. although all five policy documents included a focus on accessible playspaces, universal design specifically was only evident in ireland’s policy. in the knowledge that play is also commonly associated with non-government organizations (ngos), respondents were asked to comment on organizations from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 19 responsible for the development of national play policies or guidelines for children’s play in their respective countries. six respondents (33.3 percent) reported that ngos had a key role in their countries, listing organizations that work with children to support play (for example, speeltuinbendewijzer in the netherlands). many respondents reported difficulty in locating information for their own country to respond to the survey. for example, one respondent (united kingdom) reported that they could not identify which department was responsible for play, while the respondent from the netherlands stated that no government department mentions play in their policy documents. in other cases (malta and portugal), respondents reported that local councils were required to provide for play in urban planning. overall, the survey shows that there is a lack of clarity in many countries on who is responsible for play policy at the national government level. in the absence of national play policies, respondents were asked to identify other national policy documents that include children’s play (for example, antidiscrimination policy). in estonia, the right to play is included in the child protection act, while in sweden, it is evident in the swedish building and planning act. six respondents (33.3 percent) confirmed that their country did have some policy in relation to universal design or accessibility. however, these policies were typically related to the accessibility of public buildings rather than providing guidelines for playgrounds. the remaining 12 respondents (66.7 percent) indicated that their country has no national accessibility or universal design policies for playspaces. when asked in general about the existence of any national policy or guideline related to the inclusion of children with disabilities in designing for play, only germany responded “yes”; however, upon review, it was determined that this was a policy around child participation in general, and not specifically focused on play. table 1 presents information provided by respondents, with the cautionary note that although respondents had expertise on play (through practice or research), and were representatives of their respective countries, many were unable to answer the questions relating to the existence of play policy and universal design in their own countries. this is likely a reflection of the invisibility of play in policy at a national level across europe. from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 20 table 1. overview of information gathered on play policy across 18 european countries b u lg a r ia e s to n ia g e r m a n y i c e la n d i r e la n d i ta ly m a lt a n e th e r la n d s p o la n d p o r tu g a l r o m a n ia s e r b ia s p a in s w e d e n s w it z e r la n d t u r k e y f o r m e r y u g o s la v ia n r e p . o f m a c e d o n ia u n it e d k in g d o m total: n (%) what national government department is responsible for children’s play? (tick all that apply) education          9 (50.0) children and youth        7 (38.9) social inclusion      5(27.8) health   2 (11.1) other       6 (33.5) does your country have a national play policy for children’s play? yes   2 (11.1) no                 16 (88.9) if your country has a national play policy, are children with disabilities mentioned? yes   2 (11.1) no 0 (0) not applicable                 16 (88.9) does your country have a national policy or guideline for children's involvement in designing for play? yes  1 (5.6) no                  17 (94.4) does your country have national universal design/ anti-discrimination policy or guidelines for play provision? (e.g. for playgrounds) yes       6 (33.3) no             12 (66.7) does your country have a national website for play? (e.g. play england) yes   2 (11.1) no                 16 (88.9) to summarize, the majority of respondents’ countries (88.9 percent) did not have a play policy. in addition, the majority of respondents (94.4 percent) reported that their country did not have any national policy or guideline for children’s involvement in designing for play. with regards to universal design, 66.7 percent of respondents confirmed that their country did not have a national policy for universal design for accessible play provision. moreover, all respondents who answered this question confirmed that there were no specific universal design guidelines for playspaces in their countries. overall, the survey confirmed that few national policies exist in the european context that address children’s play, the inclusion of children in designing for play, or the provision of inclusive play through universal design. from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 21 the researchers conducted further analysis of the relevant national play policy documents identified in the survey. we excluded documents that were not developed by a government administration or did not involve a specific focus on play. play policy from two countries (consisting of five policies from the four jurisdictions across the uk, and one for ireland) were reviewed for content on universal design and accessibility (department for children, schools, and families, and department for culture, media and sport, 2008; minister for health and social services, 2002; national children's office, 2004; office of the first minister and deputy first minister, 2009; scottish government, 2013; welsh government, 2014) (table 2). only one of these countries had developed legally binding documents for play provision: the wales play sufficiency statutory guidance (welsh government, 2014). consequently, both the wales play policy (and accompanying implementation plan) and the wales play sufficiency document were reviewed in tandem. table 2. information on play policies across five countries/ jurisdictions country jurisdiction document title year published uncrc ratified dept responsible for play policy pages universal design ireland ready steady play! a national play policy 2004 1992; play policy underpinned by uncrc national children’s office 71 incorporates universal design concept and 7 principles united kingdom (uk) scotland play strategy for scotland: our vision 2013 uk ratified in 1991; all play policies underpinned by uncrc scottish government 24 no mention wales welsh assembly government play policy (statement) implementation plan 2006 2002 minister for health and social services 2; 24-page implement -ation plan no mention wales – a play friendly country: statutory guidance 2014 welsh government ministry for children and young people 42 no mention northern ireland play and leisure policy statement (plan) (2009); implementation plan narrative (2010) 2009 office of first minister and deputy first minister 14-page statement; 16-page implement -ation plan no mention england the play strategy (first national play strategy for england) 2008 department for children, schools and families; department for culture, media and sports 82 no mention from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 22 of note, there was a significant difference in what constituted a play policy across these six examples. for ireland, the play policy was a 72-page document outlining principles, goals, and national action planning. in contrast, the smallest play policy was one from wales, which consisted only of a statement outlining the government’s vision. results show that although all six policies were developed after each country had ratified the uncrc, no attention was given to universal design of playspaces in the five uk policy documents. in these uk documents, the principle of having accessible playspaces was central, but without any direction on how to design from a universal perspective for inclusion. however, in ireland, universal design was specifically presented as the way to inform inclusive design: the policy outlined the seven principles of universal design, and an action identified that “all new and redeveloped local authority play facilities will be developed to be accessible in accordance with universal design principles and best practice” (national children’s office, 2004, p. 48). in subsequent research for the ceud project that we conducted from 2017-2018, we reviewed 21 international guidelines for inclusive playspaces. this analysis identified few guidelines that have incorporated a universal design approach. in addition, the guideline review identified several issues including inconsistent use of the terms accessibility, inclusion and universal design, and the inconsistent application of the principles of universal design, if they were considered at all. even when a universal design approach was mentioned, the seven principles were not typically outlined. this should not imply that universal design has no place in guiding design for inclusion. instead, it is importantthat possibilities for incorporating universal design be further explored. consequently, the final section of this paper explores the integration of play value principles with the seven principles of universal design. connecting play value and universal design taking on the challenge of applying universal design in designing for play is an important endeavor if we are to move forward in establishing good practice in inclusive playground provision. this section presents each of the seven principles of universal design (connell et al., 1997) mapped to play principles in order to maximize the potential partnership of universal design and play value. the aim of this section is to set out some ideas about how universal design can guide best practice in playspace design, but also to identify potential gaps in application that need further investigation. principle 1: equitable use equitable use is about providing everyone with the same means to use the environment, such as an identical entrance for everyone into a playground. this becomes a challenge, however, when applied to a playground component that needs to be designed for high play value for challenge and fun. first, the aim is to avoid segregation or stigmatizing design. playground designers have developed ways to do this by providing multiple routes to the top of an elevated component, so all children can find a way to get there. however, local playgrounds that were audited in the ceud project were not always designed for equitable use. although there were multiple ways to access elevated play equipment (for example, stairs, from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 23 walls, frames, ropes), there were typically no alternatives for children that were unable to climb (for example, a ramp). this resulted in children with disabilities not being able to access the highest point in the playground, which resulted in children feeling excluded: “i’m not able to go on stuff… i just look at them and that’s not good for me… it makes me feel odd” (girl with physical disability, age 9). to maximize play value, there should always be challenge present in playgrounds, and therefore it is neither possible nor desirable to make every piece of a playground fully usable given people’s different ages and abilities; successful playgrounds need to combine equitable use with challenge. so, equitable use can be integrated with play value with the following consideration in mind: there is a need to design for challenge and complexity that caters to people of different ages and abilities, resulting in equality of experience. principle 2: flexibility in use this principle refers to the need to accommodate to different users (for example, people of different ages, abilities, sizes, genders, socioeconomic backgrounds, races, ethnicitities, and cultures) who have different preferences and abilities. for example, when the play needs of children with disabilities are considered, flexibility can involve the provision of larger play components. these components can then be used by older children, who are larger in size physically, but who still enjoy playgrounds. another example for flexible use is to provide different sizes and types of swing seats at different heights (figure 1). there is a need to consider multiple alternatives for children to be able to access, use, and be included in the playground to maximize potential for flexibility. the play value principle of flexibility is therefore associated with an expanded view of play preferences and styles, which incorporates considerations for different cognitive, sensory, motor, and social needs: there is a need to design for variety in order to satisfy people’s individual play preferences and play styles. for example, figure 1 shows an example from the ceud project where different swing seat types are located at different heights. however, not all users can access the swings as a consequence of disability or undeveloped postural stability. further accessible swing types could be considered, for example, bucket swings, adaptive swings with harnesses, seats with back and side supports, and wheelchairaccessible swings. such design solutions would facilitate greater inclusion and maximize play value. from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 24 figure 1. flexible in use but not equitable use note: in figure 1, although flexibility has been considered, equitability of access has not been; this shows the challenge of trying to incorporate all of the principles. principle 3: simple and intuitive use simple and intuitive use is about maximizing the likelihood of everyone understanding how something can be used. however, the potential clash with play value is that there is little fun in playing with something that is too simple or intuitive. for example, in the ceud study, children and adult playground users noted that playgrounds were inappropriate for older children and consequently playgrounds were determined as boring for this user group: “not for over 10s” (girl, age 7; boy, age 10). simple and intuitive use is about designing for the just-right challenge; this means that the use should be obvious and easy to figure out (for example, recognizing that steps on the ladder help you get to the top of a slide and are designed for small or short children to reach). playgrounds that are too complex can result in children requiring personal assistance by a caregiver (lynch et al., in press). in a well-designed playground, there are places for more simple, repetitive play that offer a choice for a child who desires it. simple and intuitive use is also closely related to affordances for play. for example, in sweden, children with and without disabilities reported that playground equipment with recognizable designs such as houses, boats and cars did invite role-playing, and that this type of equipment was the most fun for children with disabilities (prellwitz & skar, 2007). the design challenge therefore is to minimize unnecessary complexity yet maximize play value. so, this play value principle speaks to the need to incorporate varied forms of play components (not just for physical activity play), and varied levels of challenge into playground design, so that children of different ages and abilities have scope to take risks and explore new ways to engage with the play components: from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 25 there is a need to design stimulating playspaces that offer opportunities for adventure and excitement. principle 4: perceptible information perceptible information is particularly relevant for users with visual difficulties. bright colors that are contrasting can make a difference between participating and not; without them, an individual may not have enough information to know how to use the environment. for example, playgrounds can be built with clearly contrasting colors in the surfacing, or on play components (see figure 2). this enables a user to know where the edge of the footpath is or demarcates the steps of a ladder. while the general aim would be to avoid design solutions specifically for use by people with disabilities, there are times when it is necessary to provide alternatives. for example, in a study with children in sweden (prellwitz & skar, 2007) one child with significant visual impairment noted that while visual contrasts were helpful, they were in fact stigmatizing: “at school they put yellow and black tape on the bench in the playground and around the swing, i hated that because everybody knew it was for me, so i stopped going there” (boy age 10, with severe visual impairment). another child said: “the school playground is too far away for me; i can’t find my way to it” (boy age 7, with severe visual impairment). another problem with some modern playground equipment, built all in one piece, was explained by a child with moderate cognitive impairment. he said; “i do not know how to use it, where to start and where to finish” (boy age 12). thus, when perceptible information is provided it should be sensitively integrated within the playground, so that users with disabilities can access, use, and be included in the playground in a non-stigmatizing way. the play value principle here is to maximize motivation to engage in the play opportunities available: there is a need to design playspaces that encourage user’s natural curiosity. figure 2 shows an example from the prellwitz and skar (2007) project, where there is an elaborate composite play component with good color contrast. however, not all users can access these components because of the absence of pathways leading to them. regular and accessible pathways must lead to all climbing components in the playgrounds. such design solutions would facilitate greater inclusion and maximize play value. from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 26 figure 2. perceptible information but not simple and intuitive principle 5: tolerance for error this principle refers to the need to minimize hazards and maximize safety in design. playgrounds are required to adhere to internationally and nationally determined safety standards. this does not mean that risk needs to be eliminated from a playground; playgrounds need to be designed to provide for risk and challenge but should not expose users to overly hazardous environments that result in injury (brussoni et al., 2015). tolerance for error is particularly relevant for users who tend to wander or have difficulty perceiving danger. for example, in the ceud study, adult playground users noted that a lack of fencing resulted in playgrounds being hazardous places for younger users as well as users who have difficulties perceiving danger such as children with autism spectrum disorder (asd): “lack of fencing… 2-year olds disappear—can’t see them. security guard retrieves small children wandering” (mother of girl age 7 and boy age 10); or, “no sense of danger…” (father of boy with asd, age 9). the use of fencing around playgrounds has been noted as potentially limiting play value; however, other ways to demarcate playspace boundaries can be incorporated by using solutions such as landforms or low hedging (woolley & lowe, 2013). the play value principle here is to ensure that efforts to minimize hazards can be integrated with efforts to provide risk-rich play experiences: there is a need to design risk-rich playspaces that afford users the opportunity to participate in challenging and risky behavior without being exposed to overly dangerous activities or risks. from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 27 principle 6: low physical effort this principle is primarily aimed at ensuring that a design is usable, with minimum effort required. yet, playful activity on playgrounds typically involves high levels of physical activity (pellegrini & smith, 1998). however, for children with disabilities, poor playground design can result in users have to expend unnecessary effort to access or use the playground, leaving little to no energy left for playing. playspaces need to be designed so that getting to the playground and to the places where children are playing do not require having to exert all one’s energy. for example, in a study with children in sweden (prellwitz & skar, 2007), one child with a physical disability described how her friends would sit on the swings in the playground and how embarrassing and tiresome it was for her to have to leave her wheelchair by the entrance and crawl to the swings: “i do it because once i get there the other girls will talk to me, but i try to get there before the others” (girl, age 10). thus, there is a need to consider multiple alternatives for all children to be able to access, use, and be included in the playground; if there are inappropriate routes for children to access play equipment they inevitably either cannot use it or must expend too much effort getting to it, which does not reflect the philosophy of universal design. the play value principle therefore is about avoidance of unnecessary fatigue: there is a need to design playspaces to provide for active play, while minimizing unnecessary fatigue. principle 7: size and space for approach and use this principle specifically refers to design features that incorporate different sizes and spaces for accessing and using environmental components, regardless of a user’s body size, posture or mobility. given that playgrounds are accessed and used by people of different ages, abilities, and sizes, there is a need to design for appropriate space for approach, reach, manipulation and use for all users. this can take the form of integrating spaces for assistive devices beside a play component, or bars and steps of varied sizes (figure 3). in the study in sweden, many of the children with cognitive disabilities explained to the researcher that most of the playground equipment was too small for them to use (prellwitz & skar, 2007). however, if playgrounds are looked upon foremost as a social environment, there is a need to make sure that places where children like to be are big enough that they have space to interact. talking to peers was the thing that children both with and without disabilities described that they did on the playground. this means that creating meeting places is of great importance (prellwitz & skar, 2007). therefore, the play value principle here is about facilitating participation: there is a need to design playspaces that offer appropriate size and space to accommodate everyone and facilitate participation in the play space. figure 3 is an example from the ceud project, that shows different climbing components to accommodate users of different skill level. however, not all users can access these climbing structures as a consequence of disability or undeveloped climbing skill. further accessible routes (for example, ramps), foot supports and from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 28 accessible handgrip handles (on the climbing wall) that accommodate users of different sizes and abilities could be considered so that all users can access the highest point in the playground. such design solutions would facilitate greater inclusion and maximize play value. figure 3. size and space for approach and use but not low physical effort to summarize, in mapping out each of the seven universal design principles alongside play value principles, some potential applications have been explored. the general aim is to avoid design solutions specifically intended for use by people with disabilities to prevent the creation of separate or stigmatizing environments. however, this warrants further exploration from the user’s perspective, as families of children with disabilities have rarely been involved in researching their preferences on this issue. for example, in the ceud study, parents of children with disabilities noted that separate design solutions were a preferred option but not available to them: “a wheelchair swing would be good…” (mother of girl age 10 with physical disability). further examination of universal or specialized design of playspaces is needed to examine best practices for maximizing play opportunities for children with disabilities and their families. conclusion the work presented in this paper emerged from the growing awareness that inclusive play design is an underdeveloped area, and play in general is rarely evident in national policy nor in political agendas (lynch, 2017; moore & lynch, 2018). the results of the play policy survey uncovered a number of concerning issues. first, although all of the countries in europe have ratified the uncrc, few of from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 29 them have operationalized the right to play into national play policy. only two countries have specifically developed national play policies. furthermore, across the 18 respondent countries, none had specific guidelines on including children in the process of designing for play as recommended in the uncrc. finally, although universal design is stated as a way to provide for inclusive play in communities, no participating european country was noted as having national guidelines for applying a universal design approach to playground provision. however, it is also evident that applying a universal design approach to designing for play is complex and somewhat obscure when we consider the need to also provide for high play value. to develop coherent, integrated guidelines for inclusive play requires an amalgamation of many factors beyond universal design, such as safety standards, natural design, developmental design, usability, and maintenance (olsen, 2015). thus, we need to continue to ask: is universal design a good approach for creating inclusive play spaces with the highest play value possible for all users? further research is warranted to examine the application of universal design for play design more carefully. as casey notes, “the principles of low physical effort and simple and intuitive use may be deemed to confound the desire for play features requiring progressive levels of physical exertion or offering intrigue and surprise” (2017, p. 371). further work is needed to translate universal design principles into a design approach that ensures high play value for as many children as possible. a fundamental aspect of this agenda is to conduct research with children with disabilities as the expert users to inform best practice in design and play value. to conclude it is clear that there is a need to develop space-oriented children’s policy that specifically addresses play and playspace design as a fundamental aspect of socio-spatial inclusion (gill, 2008; prellwitz & lynch, in press; yantzi, young, & mckeever, 2010). dr. helen lynch is senior lecturer in the department of occupational science and occupational therapy, university college cork, ireland, and a research associate of the institute for social sciences in the twenty first century. she has been engaged for many years in a research program concerning early childhood play environments, and the rights of children to play, in particular play for children with disabilities. she has authored many papers and book chapters on these topics. she has been involved in several projects exploring these issues through ludi and other grants and is a member of eurochild and the children’s rights alliance, ireland. alice moore is research assistant in the department of occupational science and occupational therapy, university college cork, ireland. her interest in inclusive play provision began when she completed a scoping review on the accessibility and usability of playground environments for children under 12. alice furthered her work on play at a master’s level where she explored children’s conceptualization of play, well-being and happiness. she researches children’s play, disability rights and the provision of accessible, usable, and inclusive outdoor playspaces. she has from policy to play provision: universal design and the challenges of inclusive play 30 authored many papers on these topics and was a member of the ludi cost action “play for children with disabilities.” dr. maria prellwitz is senior lecturer in the department of health science, at luleå university of technology. she has been engaged for many years in research concerning accessible and usable environments for children with disabilities, in particular the physical environment on playgrounds and how to use universal design to make playgrounds accessible. she has authored many papers and book chapters on these topics. references besio, s., & carneshechi, m. 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children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required 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eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati i editors: dr. victoria carr, dr. rhonda brown, and dr. vikas mehta, university of cincinnati managing editor: dr. leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati assistant managing editor: ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book+media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and ozlemnur ataol, eindhoven university of technology copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial advisory board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; yolanda alicia corona-caraveo, universidad autónoma metropolitana xochimilco, mexico; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image from the field report implementing a play-based forest classroom following the onset of covid-19 by kevin stinehart, jill shelnut, meghan chandler, barry a. garst, and stephanie p. garst. photograph by kevin stinehart. children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii children, youth and environments vol. 32 no. 1 2022 covid-19 special issue 1 issn 1546-2250 inside this first of two special issues on covid-19, you will find an array of research article, field reports, a media review and a position paper that span across the globe. these articles, field reports and position paper present both sides of the outcomes of the pandemic on the lives of children and youth. they present the challenges ahead regarding learning, mental health and overall wellbeing for the young, as well as the opportunities for finding new ways to address the same, as many have done by coping in these most difficult circumstances. digiacomo and coauthors present the findings from a youth participatory action research (ypar) study that focused on the students’ learning-from-home experiences in the wake of covid-19 state-wide school closures in kentucky, us. next, reporting on a rapid assessment conducted by unicef, chatterjee, jobin, and dutta present the global impact of covid-19 on vulnerable children in urban areas in brazil, india and spain, where unicef is actively engaged in urban programming. on the positive side, moore, morrissey and jeavons, reporting the use of outdoor spaces in melbourne, australia, observe an increased presence of children and play activity in the local natural spaces. similarly, de lannoy and coauthors present the findings of a canada-wide environmental scan of outdoor play-based child and youth projects, programs, activities and services available during the height of the pandemic (2020-2021). the article by martz, powell and wee covers the various spatial restrictions for youth as a result of the lockdowns and explores how youth related with nature during this time. in the final article in this issue, seixas and co-authors explore the impact of the drastic reduction in tourism due to the pandemic on children’s play in an urban park in a highly touristic, commercial and increasingly gentrified neighbourhood in lisbon, portugal. the position paper by bishop and co-authors—members of the children, youth and environments (cye) working group (wg) of the sustainable cities and landscapes research hub of the association of pacific rim universities (apru) that includes members from canada, usa, australia, and new zealand—discusses both the positive and negative impacts of covid-19 and identifies areas for change with impact on the lives of children and young people and their environmental experience in canada, usa, australia, and new zealand. the first field report by stinehart and co-authors showcases the nimbleness and creativity of educators in response to the pandemic. the second field report by garratt and co-authors presents stories of therapists from the united states and the united kingdom who provide early intervention services to infants and young children who qualify with a disability or developmental delay. the issue concludes with a media review by catherine rita volpe of this podcast will kill you, covid-19, chapter 10: schools by erin welsh and erin allman updyke. once again, we would like to remind our readers that we are delighted to announce that children youth and environments has signed a new deal with university of cincinnati press (https://ucincinnatipress.uc.edu). our backlist will continue to be available through jstor. the university of cincinnati press is committed to publishing rigorous, peer-reviewed, leading scholarship accessibly to stimulate dialog between the academy, public intellectuals and lay practitioners. the press works with authors and editors to erase disciplinary to address common problems in our global community. uc press looks for projects across the humanities, social sciences and stem fields focusing on social justice and community engagement. children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth and environments vol. 32 no. 1 2022 covid-19 special issue 1 issn 1546-2250 we have been working with the uc press staff for over a year. dr. mark konecny, the scholarly communications and digital publishing strategist, was particularly helpful in guiding us through the transition and helping us strategize for expanding our audiences as well as making the journal more accessible. we were deeply saddened to learn of mark’s passing in february. mark was active in the promotion of accessibility, digital scholarship and open access publishing. he was knowledgeable, thorough, and a pleasure to work with. we would like to dedicate this issue to mark. cye editors would like to express their grave concern for the children, youth and people of ukraine. like the united nations children's fund (unicef), we condemn attacks on ukraine's schools and communities. in addition, we want to raise awareness of the approximately 200 million children living in our world who are experiencing "unspeakable horrors with devastating and life changing consequences" (see save the children's website). we refer our readers to unicef, save the children, or other humanitarian organizations to stay informed about the plight of our most vulnerable citizens and lend support to the critical work they do. children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv children, youth and environments vol. 32 no. 1 2022 covid-19 special issue 1 issn 1546-2250 table of contents editorial introduction the emerging impacts of covid-19 on the relationship between children, youth and environments vikas mehta, victoria carr, rhonda douglas brown, and leslie kochanowski 1-4 articles coping with covid-19 in kentucky: youth examine their learning lives daniela k. digiacomo, ellen l. usher, sanaa m. kahloon, caiti griffiths, connor flick, beth goldstein, sadie bograd, spandana pavuluri, sofie farmer, and emmanuelle sippy 5-34 covid-19 and vulnerable urban children: a rapid assessment of unicef’s early response to covid-19 in urban settings in brazil, india, and spain sudeshna chatterjee, denis jobin, and chandrani dutta 35-56 re-imagining outdoor playspaces: an unexpected consequence of the covid-19 lockdown deborah moore, anne-marie morrissey, and mary jeavons 57-83 environmental scan of child and youth outdoor play-based projects, programs, activities and services available in canada during the covid-19 pandemic louise de lannoy, lindsay macdonald, kheana barbeau, and mark s. tremblay 84-127 the impact of covid-19 lockdowns on youth relationships with nature: a socio-spatial perspective corey j. martz, rebecca l. powell, and bryan wee 128-151 the impact of covid-19 on children’s play in the tourist city: a case study of a lisbon urban park eunice castro seixas, catarina tomás, maria fernandes-jesus, and niccolò giacchetta 152-172 position paper the impacts of covid-19 responses on children, youth and their environments in canada, the united states, new zealand, and australia kate bishop, linda corkery, neda afshar, fatemeh aminpour, mariana brussoni, penelope carroll, victoria derr, katina dimoulias, claire edwards, susan herrington, julie johnson, angela kreutz, janet loebach, patsy eubanks owens, bryoni tresize, and karen witten 173-195 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati v children, youth and environments vol. 32 no. 1 2022 covid-19 special issue 1 issn 1546-2250 reports from the field implementing a play-based forest classroom following the onset of covid-19 kevin stinehart, jill shelnut, meghan chandler, barry a. garst, and stephanie p. garst 196-209 therapists’ perspectives: the impact of covid-19 on implementation of early intervention services in illinois, florida, and the united kingdom emily garratt, sara garner, tammy davis, christina rushing, sandra forman, misty chisum 210-219 media review this podcast will kill you, covid-19, chapter 10: schools by erin welsh and erin allman updyke reviewed by catherine rita volpe 220-222 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2022 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 32(3), 2022 parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility among canadian children in relation to the covid-19 pandemic: results from two national surveys richard larouche faculty of health sciences, university of lethbridge sarah a. moore school of health and human performance, dalhousie university mathieu bélanger faculté de médecine et des sciences de la santé, université de sherbrooke mariana brussoni department of pediatrics, and school of population and public health, university of british columbia guy faulkner school of kinesiology, university of british columbia katie gunnell department of psychology, carleton university mark s. tremblay healthy active living and obesity research group, cheo research institute and department of pediatrics, university of ottawa citation: larouche, r., moore, s. a., bélanger, m., brussoni, m., faulkner, g., gunnell, k., & tremblay, m. s. (2022). parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility among canadian children in relation to the covid-19 pandemic: results from two national surveys. children, youth and environments, 32(3), 25-52. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract children’s active transportation (at) and independent mobility (im) can provide benefits for health and social development. using data from two national surveys, we assessed parent-perceived changes in at and im among 5to 17-year-olds in canada since the outbreak of covid-19. about half of parents reported no changes, but two to three times more parents reported declines compared to parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 26 increases in at and im. we explored many potential correlates of changes in at and im. changes in im were the strongest correlate of changes in at. strategies to minimize unintended negative impacts on children’s physical activity from policies to prevent infectious disease transmission should be developed. keywords: active travel, independent mobility, physical activity, coronavirus, canada parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 27 physical activity (pa) is associated with multiple benefits among children and youth such as higher cardiovascular fitness, lower cardiovascular disease risk factors, reduced risk of obesity, better cognitive functioning, and enhanced mental health (dale et al., 2019; donnelly et al., 2016; poitras et al., 2016). despite the known benefits, the majority of children and youth are not meeting the world health organization’s pa guideline (bull et al., 2020) of accumulating 60 minutes of daily moderateto vigorous-intensity pa (aubert et al., 2018; hallal et al., 2012). in fact, only 23.1% of canadian youth ages 12-17 met this guideline in 2014-2017 based on accelerometry data (colley et al., 2019). this may have worsened as many studies observed declines in pa and increases in sedentary behavior since the onset of the covid-19 pandemic (moore et al., 2020, moore et al., 2021; paterson et al., 2021; xiang et al., 2020). in canada, survey-based data suggest that only 4.8% of children and 0.6% of youth were meeting movement behavior guidelines during the first wave of covid-19 (moore et al., 2020). pandemic-related restrictions have drastically reduced opportunities to engage in several types of pa, including organized sports, recreation, and fitness (moore et al., 2020, moore et al., 2021, riazi et al., 2021). however, unstructured pa performed outdoors can typically be done in compliance with physical distancing orders. among the various forms of outdoor pa, active transportation (at) may represent an important form of pa to promote in the context of covid-19. evidence consistently shows that children and youth who engage in at to/from school are more physically active than those who use motorized modes (larouche et al., 2014; larouche, 2018) and at has consistently been shown to be associated with improvements of health markers (mueller et al., 2015). replacing motorized travel by at would also have the added benefit of reducing greenhouse gas emissions that fuel climate change and particulate matter emissions that contribute to cardiovascular and respiratory diseases (brand et al., 2021; patz et al., 2014). despite its benefits, the prevalence of at has decreased over the last few decades, in parallel with children’s independent mobility (im) (fyhri et al., 2011; larouche, 2018; shaw et al., 2013). although at and im can be interrelated, they represent distinct constructs: at represents the use of human-powered modes, such as walking and cycling, to travel places (sallis et al., 2004) and im represents children’s freedom to explore their neighborhood without adult supervision (shaw et al., 2013). im also contributes to children’s social, cognitive, and motor development (marzi & reimers, 2018; riazi & faulkner, 2018). researchers have shown that children who are granted more im are more likely to engage in at (larouche et al., 2020; page et al., 2010) and are more physically active (larouche et al., 2020; schoeppe et al., 2013). during the covid-19 pandemic, many cities invested in walking and cycling infrastructure and/or temporarily closed streets to car travel (fischer & winters, 2021). in a period characterized by a large decline in public transit use associated with concerns about propagation of the virus (savage & turcotte, 2020; zhang et al., 2021), this might have created favorable conditions for the promotion of at and im. however, it is unclear how children’s at and im changed since the pandemic was also associated with a reduction in access to outdoor pa infrastructure (de parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 28 lannoy et al., 2020). in a qualitative study from two large canadian urban centers (toronto, ontario and vancouver, british columbia), parents attributed a reduction in children’s im to closures of parks, playgrounds, and other outdoor facilities (riazi et al., 2021). simply, if there is nowhere to go to play, and no one with whom to play once there, then a child’s interest in going places independently is likely weakened. yet, another qualitative study with families in prince george, a small community in northern british columbia, suggested that the pandemic led to a shift from organized activities towards unstructured outdoor activities, including cycling (pelletier et al., 2021). to our knowledge, no previous quantitative studies have examined changes in at and im associated with the covid-19 pandemic in national samples of canadian children and youth. therefore, our primary objective was to examine changes in at and im among children and youth since covid-19 was declared a pandemic (i.e., march 2020). to this end, we combined data from two national surveys of parents across canada conducted by different market survey firms in october and december 2020. we also explored the correlates of changes in at and im since covid-19 and how they vary by gender. potential correlates explored in this study included many variables identified as correlates of at or im in pre-pandemic studies, including household income (d’agostino et al., 2021), employment (d’agostino et al., 2021), dog ownership (christian et al., 2014), type of home (johansson et al., 2012), age (d’agostino et al., 2021; pabayo et al., 2011), number of children in the household (pabayo et al., 2011), vehicle ownership (mcdonald et al., 2008), immigration status (te velde et al., 2017), and health/disability status (wheeler et al., 2009). region of residence was also considered given variation in pandemic-related restrictions across provincial and territorial jurisdictions in canada. the analyses were stratified by gender because of known differences between boys and girls’ level of at and im and their determinants (egli et al., 2018). methods participants and setting the study targeted 5to 17-year-olds since canadian movement guidelines for children and youth are specifically designed for this age group. survey 1 consisted of baseline data from a national longitudinal study conducted by léger (leger360.com). léger maintains an online panel that includes over 450,000 canadians who volunteer to participate in online studies. baseline data were collected in december 2020 from 2,291 parents of 7to 12-year-old children. only parents able to complete the online survey in english or french were included. parents provided consent electronically after reviewing an information letter. the survey was self-administered online, using a computer-aided web interviewing method. prior to beginning the survey, parents had to answer yes to the following screening questions: 1) do you have a child aged 7 to 12 years?; and 2) do you agree to be invited again to participate in this study in 6, 12, and 18 months? parents are provided with $3 compensation for each completed survey, which corresponds to léger’s usual practice. survey 1 was approved by the university of lethbridge’s human participant research committee (#2020-097). parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 29 survey 2 was a cross-sectional study conducted by participaction (a canadian non-profit organization promoting physical activity), and data were collected by maru/matchbox (www.marugroup.net), a third-party market research company with an online consumer database of >120,000 canadian panelists, in october 2020. the sample included 1,622 parents of 5to 17-year-olds. third-party market research companies (like léger and maru/matchbox) are commonly hired by researchers and organizations conducting national studies given their ability to recruit large, representative panels and their robust quality control procedures (e.g., dubé et al., 2021). such panels are designed to be demographically representative of the target populations (göritz, 2007). parents completed the survey in english or french, and households under covid-19 isolation at the time of the survey or who had a covid-19 case in the last month were excluded. similar consent methods were used as in survey 1, and modest compensation ($0.50– $3.00 cdn) was provided to respondents. secondary use of the survey 2 data was approved by dalhousie university’s research ethics board (2020-5351). during data collection, most schools in canada were open with altered environments to reduce student movement (e.g., dedicated class bubbles, staggered breaks) with some schools offering virtual learning (breton et al., 2022). school policies were relatively consistent across canada at that time. measures changes in at and im in survey 1, perceived change in children’s at since the pandemic began was assessed with the question “compared to before the covid-19 outbreak and related restrictions, my child walks, bikes or uses other active means of transportation (e.g., scooter, skateboard or rollerblades) to go from place to place” using a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (a lot less) to 5 (a lot more). similarly, perceived change in children’s im since the pandemic began was measured with the question, “compared to before the covid-19 outbreak and related restrictions, my child’s independent mobility (e.g., their amount of freedom to move around in our neighborhood without adult supervision) is” with the same 5-point scale. in november 2020, we conducted a separate one-week test-retest reliability assessment with a separate bilingual sample of 53 parents. kappa coefficients for items on perceived changes in at and im were 0.53 and 0.23 respectively, suggesting fair to moderate agreement (landis & koch, 1977). at this time, provinces and territories were adopting new restrictions to mitigate the second wave of covid-19, so reliability statistics may reflect both measurement error and genuine behavior change. survey 2 included an item on perceived changes in at to school with the same response options: “compared to before the covid-19 outbreak and related restrictions, my child actively transports (i.e., walks, bikes, scoots, etc.) to school.” previous analysis showed the survey had good test-retest reliability (moore et al., 2020). covid-19-related questions our surveys were designed to assess movement behaviors in the week prior to the survey. in survey 1, we viewed covid-19 as a potential confounder; thus, we about:blank parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 30 asked parents if any household members had been diagnosed with covid-19 in the previous two weeks and if their household was under isolation/quarantine in the previous week. in survey 2, parents were screened out if any household members had been diagnosed with covid-19 in the previous month or if they were currently under isolation/quarantine. in both surveys, we asked parents to report how their child attended school in the last week (in person, online, blended, and n/a). the latter category would include homeschooled children and those who did not attend school in the week prior to the survey. in survey 1, we included additional questions about parental concerns with covid-19 (not concerned, somewhat concerned, very concerned), and whether school buses were running in the previous week (yes, no, n/a). we included the n/a option because in some cities, there is no school bus service, regardless of pandemic restrictions. potential correlates of perceived changes in at and im in both surveys, we collected data on household income and parental employment status using standard questions from the survey vendors. there were six income categories in survey 1 and ten in survey 2. both surveys employed the same items on province/territory of residence, dog ownership, type of home, child and parent age, the number of children and adults in the household, and whether the child had a disability. survey 1 also collected data on vehicle ownership, time since the child lived in canada (2 years or less, 3-5 years, 6 years or more, born in canada), and whether the child suffered from any acute health condition in the previous week (e.g., flu, asthma). data treatment because of minimal sample size requirements to carry analyses and in line with previous research on changes in pa associated with covid-19, we restricted our sample to parents aged 20-65 years and children who identified as either boy or girl (mitra et al., 2020; moore et al., 2020). these restrictions led to the removal of 29 parents from survey 1 and 54 from survey 2. we recoded response options for items on perceived changes in at and im into three categories: decreased, maintained, and increased. household income was recategorized into three categories in survey 1 (cad$39,999 or less; $40,000-99,999; $100,000 or more) and survey 2 (cad$34,999 or less; $35,000-99,999; $100,000 or more) to minimize small cell sizes. using these cut points minimized differences in income categories between the two surveys. similarly, we recoded response options for parent occupation as working full-time, homemaker, and other for both surveys. we recategorized the participants’ type of home as detached/semi-detached vs. others. similar to methods used in other publications (e.g., de lannoy et al., 2020), we also recategorized the participants’ province/territory of residence into five geographic regions, namely pacific (british columbia and yukon), prairies (alberta, saskatchewan, manitoba, and northwest territories), ontario, quebec, and atlantic (newfoundland and labrador, new brunswick, prince edward island, and nova scotia). for time in canada, we collapsed the categories 2 years or less and 3-5 years because there were few recent immigrants. parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 31 statistical analyses we first computed descriptive statistics, including means and standard deviations for continuous variables and frequencies and percentages for categorical variables. we examined differences between boys and girls in perceived changes in at and im with chi-squared tests. because our outcomes were three-level ordered categorical variables, we considered employing ordered logistic regression; however, the assumption of proportional odds was violated for all models at p ≤ 0.001. therefore, we examined the correlates of perceived decreases or increases in at and im with gender-stratified multinomial logistic regression models. in all models, the group reporting no changes in at and im was set as the reference because we were interested in the correlates of perceived changes. for each binary independent variable, multinomial logistic regression models produce two odds ratios: one for decreases in the outcome variable (vs. no changes) and one for increases (vs. no changes); thus, the same exposure can be associated with decreases and increases in at or im. first, we ran bivariate multinomial logistic regression models and retained variables associated with the outcome at p<0.20 as potential candidates for inclusion in multivariable models. second, we used a backward selection process to obtain a more parsimonious multivariable model by removing non-significant variables (p>0.05). we considered child age as a mandatory variable because it is a consistent correlate of at and im (larouche, 2018; marzi & reimers, 2018) and kept it in all models regardless of statistical significance. we conducted all analyses with ibm spss version 26 and excluded missing data listwise. we assessed model fit with the deviance statistic (-2 log likelihood) and estimated the proportion of variance explained by the models with nagelkerke’s pseudo-r2. we found no evidence of multicollinearity in any multivariable model as the highest variance inflation factor value was 1.203. results descriptive characteristics of survey 1 and 2 participants are presented in tables 1 and 2 respectively. in survey 1, 37.5% of parents reported a decline in their child’s at since covid-19 was declared a pandemic, 48.5% reported no change, and 14.0% reported an increase. 32.8% of parents reported that their child’s im had decreased, 56.6% reported no changes, and 10.6% reported an increase. perceived changes in at and im were moderately correlated (spearman’s rho = 0.544; p<0.001). parents of boys were more likely to report an increase in im (11.9% vs. 9.1%; χ2 [2 df]=8.74; p=0.013). in survey 2, 33.5% of parents reported a decline in at to school, 49.7% reported no changes, and 16.8% reported an increase. in both surveys, changes in at did not differ by gender (all p>0.40; data not shown). parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 32 table 1. descriptive characteristics of survey 1 participants stratified by gender variable girls (n=1095) boys (n=1167) frequency (%) mean (sd) frequency (%) mean (sd) changes in at decreased 394 (36.0) 451 (38.6) no change 546 (49.9) 555 (47.6) increased 155 (14.2) 161 (13.8) changes in im decreased 341 (31.1) 397 (34.0) no change 654 (59.7) 631 (54.1) increased 100 (9.1) 139 (11.9) household income $39,999 or less 124 (12.4) 133 (12.6) $40,000 to $99,999 487 (48.8) 532 (50.2) $100,000 or more 387 (38.8) 394 (37.2) region pacific 123 (11.2) 138 (11.8) prairies 220 (20.1) 217 (18.6) ontario 433 (39.5) 446 (38.2) quebec 249 (22.7) 265 (22.7) atlantic 70 (6.4) 101 (8.7) school delivery in person 775 (70.8) 855 (73.3) blended 58 (5.3) 62 (5.3) online 198 (18.1) 182 (15.6) n/a (e.g., home-schooled) 64 (5.8) 68 (5.8) disability no 1000 (91.3) 1012 (86.7) yes 95 (8.7) 155 (13.3) type of home other 271 (24.7) 328 (28.1) detached or semi-detached 824 (75.3) 839 (71.9) dog ownership yes 418 (38.2) 451 (38.6) no 677 (61.8) 716 (61.4) employment work full-time 690 (63.4) 741 (63.8) homemaker 128 (11.8) 116 (10.0) other 270 (24.8) 304 (26.2) school buses running last week parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 33 yes 613 (56.0) 695 (59.6) no 101 (9.2) 104 (8.9) n/a 381 (34.8) 368 (31.5) conditions in the last week yes 113 (10.3) 127 (10.9) no 982 (89.7) 1040 (89.1) concerns about covid-19 not concerned 156 (14.2) 156 (13.4) somewhat concerned 594 (54.2) 633 (54.2) very concerned 345 (31.5) 378 (34.2) time since child lived in canada 5 years or less 54 (4.9) 53 (4.5) 6 years or more 145 (13.2) 152 (13.0) born in canada 896 (81.8) 962 (83.4) vehicle ownership no 56 (5.1) 82 (7.0) one 408 (37.3) 502 (43.0) two or more 631 (57.6) 583 (50.0) child age 9.9 (1.7) 9.9 (1.7) parent age 41.2 (7.3) 41.0 (7.4) number of adults in household 2.0 (0.7) 2.0 (0.6) number of children in household 2.0 (1.0) 2.0 (1.9) table 2. descriptive characteristics of survey 2 participants stratified by gender variable girls (n=767) boys (n=801) frequency (%) mean (sd) frequency (%) mean (sd) changes in at decreased 266 (34.7) 259 (32.3) no change 373 (48.6) 407 (50.8) increased 128 (16.7) 135 (16.9) household income <$35,000 70 (9.8) 87 (11.6) $35,000 to $99,999 364 (50.8) 350 (46.7) $100,000 or more 282 (39.4) 312 (41.7) region pacific 81 (10.6) 91 (11.4) prairies 159 (20.7) 142 (17.7) ontario 288 (37.5) 331 (41.3) quebec 136 (17.7) 119 (14.9) parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 34 atlantic 103 (13.4) 118 (14.7) school delivery in person 498 (64.9) 522 (65.2) blended 113 (14.7) 132 (16.5) online 137 (17.9) 123 (15.4) n/a 19 (2.5) 24 (3.0) disability no 695 (90.6) 728 (90.9) yes 72 (9.4) 73 (9.1) type of home other 204 (26.6) 199 (24.8) detached or semi-detached 563 (73.4) 602 (75.2) dog ownership yes 313 (40.8) 319 (39.8) no 454 (59.2) 482 (60.2) employment work full-time 513 (66.9) 558 (69.7) homemaker 80 (10.4) 72 (9.0) other 174 (22.7) 171 (21.3) child age 11.6 (3.8) 11.7 (3.7) parent age 42.9 (8.5) 42.8 (8.3) number of adults in household 2.1 (0.7) 2.1 (0.6) number of children in household 1.7 (0.8) 1.7 (0.8) correlates of changes in active transportation (survey 1) table 3 provides the results of multivariable models of the correlates of perceived changes in at reported in survey 1. in these models, odds ratios (or) represent the likelihood that parents reported either a decrease or an increase in at compared to no changes. for example, decreases in at were much more likely in boys and girls who also presented a decrease in im (or and 95% confidence interval = 13.64, 9.72-19.14 and 11.10, 7.76-15.86, respectively). always in comparison with children presenting no change in at, we found that an increase in im was associated with a decline in at in girls, but not in boys. attending school online vs. in person was associated with higher odds of a decrease in at whereas lower parental concerns with covid-19 were associated with lower odds of a decrease in children’s at. boys from families who had a covid-19 diagnosis in the two weeks before the survey, who owned fewer vehicles or lived in areas where school buses are not usually provided had higher odds of a decrease in at. girls living in canada for five years or less were more likely to report a decrease in at than canadian-born girls. conversely, boys and girls who experienced an increase in im, and girls who had a decrease in im, were more likely to present an increase in at. older children were less likely to present an increase in at. girls from families earning between $40,000 and $99,999 (vs. ≥$100,000) or living in areas parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 35 where school buses are not usually provided were less likely to report an increase in at. boys whose parent respondent was a homemaker (vs. full-time worker) and those living in quebec (vs. the atlantic provinces) were more likely to present an increase in at. children whose parents were not concerned with covid-19 were about two times less likely to present an increase in at, although statistical significance was not met for girls (p=0.050). gender-stratified multivariable models explained 42.1-48.1% of the variance in changes in at. table 3. correlates of changes in active transportation in survey 1 stratified by gender variable girls (n = 1095) boys (n = 1167) decrease in at increase in at decrease in at increase in at or (95% ci) p or (95% ci) p or (95% ci) p or (95% ci) p annual household income (ref = $100,000 or more) $39,999 or less 0.90 (0.53-1.56) 0.716 1.00 (0.52-1.91) 0.990 $40,000 to $99,999 1.05 (0.74-1.49) 0.793 0.62 (0.39-0.98) 0.041 child’s age (each additional year) 1.02 (0.93-1.13) 0.656 0.77 (0.68-0.88) <0.001 0.93 (0.84-1.02) 0.101 0.87 (0.77-0.99) 0.037 school delivery (ref = in person) n/a 1.70 (0.80-3.61) 0.165 1.71 (0.60-4.87) 0.312 1.47 (0.71-3.04) 0.3 0.36 (0.11-1.17) 0.089 online 2.06 (1.33-3.20) 0.001 1.78 (0.99-3.20) 0.053 1.64 (1.03-2.61) 0.037 1.75 (0.93-3.26) 0.081 blended 1.84 (0.83-4.06) 0.132 2.13 (0.81-5.62) 0.126 0.76 (0.35-1.63) 0.475 1.39 (0.60-3.22) 0.449 changes in independent mobility (ref = no change) decreased 11.10 (7.76-15.86) <0.001 2.09 (1.19-3.67) 0.011 13.64 (9.72-19.14) <0.001 1.22 (0.64-2.31) 0.545 increased 2.31 (1.14-4.69) 0.020 17.84 (9.83-32.37) <0.001 1.68 (0.91-3.09) 0.099 17.11 (10.26-28.52) <0.001 region (ref = atlantic) pacific 0.87 (0.42-1.78) 0.700 1.20 (0.42-3.48) 0.733 prairies 0.98 (0.52-1.87) 0.959 1.06 (0.39-2.90) 0.910 ontario 1.27 (0.70-2.33) 0.436 2.15 (0.86-5.36) 0.100 quebec 1.79 (0.96-3.36) 0.067 2.98 (1.16-7.64) 0.023 school buses running last week (ref = yes) no 0.88 (0.46-1.68) 0.691 1.34 (0.61-2.93) 0.472 1.26 (0.68-2.34) 0.458 1.28 (0.53-3.09) 0.581 n/a 0.85 (0.59-1.21) 0.359 0.51 (0.31-0.83) 0.006 1.46 (1.02-2.09) 0.037 1.07 (0.67-1.72) 0.784 parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 36 concern about covid-19 (ref = very concerned) not concerned 0.53 (0.31-0.89) 0.016 0.49 (0.24-1.00) 0.050 0.43 (0.26-0.71) 0.001 0.46 (0.22-1.00) 0.049 somewhat concerned 0.65 (0.45-0.94) 0.022 0.77 (0.48-1.25) 0.295 0.52 (0.37-0.73) <0.001 0.94 (0.58-1.51) 0.793 time since child lived in canada (ref = born in canada) 5 years or less 2.27 (1.01-5.11) 0.048 1.36 (0.46-4.04) 0.579 6 years or more 1.14 (0.72-1.82) 0.580 1.03 (0.55-1.91) 0.934 dog ownership (ref = no) 0.92 (0.66-1.29) 0.641 0.64 (0.41-1.00) 0.050 occupation (ref = work full-time) homemaker 1.00 (0.58-1.73) 0.995 2.00 (1.04-3.83) 0.037 other 0.74 (0.52-1.07) 0.107 1.01 (0.61-1.67) 0.965 vehicle ownership (ref = 2 or more) no 2.24 (1.20-4.16) 0.011 0.79 (0.33-1.88) 0.597 one 1.46 (1.05-2.04) 0.023 0.99 (0.63-1.54) 0.949 note. model fit information for girls: deviance (empty model) = 1,715.094; deviance (final model) = 1,2644.966; nagelkerke pseudo r2 = 0.421. model fit information for boys: deviance (intercept only model) = 2,146.078; deviance (final model) = 1,523.753; nagelkerke pseudo r2 = 0.481. correlates of changes in active transportation to school (survey 2) table 4 presents multivariable models of the factors associated with changes specifically in at to school in survey 2, which did not include a measure of im. consistent with survey 1, we observed that attending school online vs. in person was associated with greater odds of a decline in at to school for both genders. attending school in a blended format was also associated with a decline in at. interestingly, online school was also associated with higher odds of an increase in at for girls. it is worth noting that the question about school attendance was specific to the previous week, whereas the question about perceived changes in at was “compared to before the covid-19 outbreak.” children from ontario and boys from quebec had higher odds of a decline in at to school than their counterparts from the atlantic provinces. children who had more siblings and boys from dogowning families were less likely to report a decline in at to school. girls living in condos, apartments or townhouses (vs. detached/semi-detached houses) were more likely to report a decline in at. if the respondent’s occupation was classified as “other” vs. full-time worker, boys were more likely to experience a decline in at. boys from lower-income households were less likely to report an increase in at, whereas boys living in the prairies or quebec (vs. the atlantic provinces) were more likely to report an increase. gender-stratified multivariable models explained 13.513.7% of the variance in changes in at to school. parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 37 table 4. correlates of changes in active transportation in survey 2 stratified by gender variable girls (n = 767) boys (n = 801) decrease in at increase in at decrease in at increase in at or (95% ci) p or (95% ci) p or (95% ci) p or (95% ci) p annual household income (ref = $100,000 or more) <$35,000 1.22 (0.68-2.19) 0.497 0.17 (0.05-0.51) 0.002 $35,000 -$99,999 0.75 (0.51-1.10) 0.138 0.63 (0.41-0.99) 0.043 child’s age (each additional year) 1.01 (0.96-1.06) 0.642 0.95 (0.90-1.01) 0.097 0.99 (0.94-1.04) 0.649 0.99 (0.93-1.05) 0.711 school delivery (ref = in person) n/a 1.79 (0.64-5.04) 0.267 1.06 (0.22-5.22) 0.944 1.85 (0.69-4.97) 0.224 2.85 (0.95-8.52) 0.061 online 2.93 (1.84-4.68) <0.001 2.33 (1.32-4.13) 0.004 2.78 (1.70-4.52) <0.001 1.65 (0.87-3.12) 0.124 blended 2.11 (1.28-3.47) 0.003 1.68 (0.88-3.21) 0.115 2.12 (1.31-3.45) 0.002 1.41 (0.76-2.59) 0.275 region (ref = atlantic) pacific 1.56 (0.85-2.84) 0.152 0.71 (0.33-1.49) 0.360 1.49 (0.79-2.79) 0.211 1.45 (0.62-3.37) 0.388 prairies 0.99 (0.48-2.03) 0.970 0.66 (0.27-1.58) 0.345 1.84 (0.90-3.76) 0.092 3.32 (1.42-7.76) 0.006 ontario 2.00 (1.14-3.53) 0.016 1.59 (0.83-3.02) 0.160 1.87 (1.08-3.24) 0.024 2.07 (0.99-4.23) 0.052 quebec 1.23 (0.65-2.31) 0.525 1.19 (0.58-2.44) 0.637 2.72 (1.43-5.18) 0.002 3.80 (1.69-8.57) 0.001 disability/chronic condition (ref=no) type of home: apartment, condo, townhouse, other (ref = detached or semi-detached) 2.04 (1.41-2.97) <0.001 0.83 (0.49-1.39) 0.477 dog ownership (ref = no) 0.69 (0.48-0.98) 0.039 0.72 (0.47-1.11) 0.135 occupation (ref = work full-time) homemaker 1.20 (0.62-2.31) 0.590 1.60 (0.73-3.52) 0.245 other 1.85 (1.17-2.92) 0.009 1.71 (0.97-3.01) 0.066 number of adults in household (each additional adult) number of children in household (each additional child) 0.77 (0.62-0.96) 0.018 0.84 (0.65-1.09) 0.198 0.74 (0.58-0.93) 0.011 1.01 (0.77-1.33) 0.932 note. model fit information for girls: deviance (empty model) = 1,173.596; deviance (final model) = 1,077,475; nagelkerke pseudo r2 = 0.137. model fit information for boys: deviance (intercept only model) = 1,393,691; deviance (final model) = 1,301.098; nagelkerke pseudo r2 = 0.135. parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 38 correlates of changes in independent mobility table 5 presents the correlates of changes in im in survey 1. children living in households who received a covid-19 diagnosis in the two weeks prior to the survey had higher odds of reporting a decline in im. yet, boys living in such households also had higher odds of reporting an increase in im. lower parental concerns with covid-19 were associated with lower odds of a decrease in im whereas living in apartments, condos or townhouses (vs. detached/semi-detached houses) was associated with higher odds. girls living in canada for five years or less (vs. canadian-born girls) and those living in areas where school buses were not running in the week before the survey were more likely to report a decrease in im. boys attending school online vs. in person were more likely to experience a decline in im whereas boys living in areas where school buses are not usually provided were less likely to report a decline. girls with older parents or living in lower-income households were less likely to report an increase in im, while girls attending school in a blended format vs. in person were more likely to report an increase. boys who did not attend school in the week prior to the survey (or were homeschooled) and those living in the pacific region were more likely to report an increase in im. conversely, boys living in areas where school buses were not running in the week prior to the survey or with parents who were not concerned about covid-19 were less likely to experience an increase in im. gender-stratified multivariable models explained 10.9-13.9% of the variance in changes in im. table 6 provides a summary of the statistically significant correlates of changes in at and im in the surveys. table 5. correlates of changes in independent mobility in survey 1 stratified by gender variable girls (n = 1095) boys (n = 1167) decrease in im increase in im decrease in im increase in im or (95% ci) p or (95% ci) p or (95% ci) p or (95% ci) p annual household income (ref = $100,000 or more) $39,999 or less 0.94 (0.57-1.53) 0.788 0.41 (0.18-0.94) 0.035 $40,000 to $99,999 0.94 (0.68-1.30) 0.721 0.52 (0.32-0.85) 0.009 child’s age (each additional year) 1.06 (0.97-1.16) 0.231 1.00 (0.87-1.15) 0.961 1.08 (1.00-1.17) 0.061 1.12 (1.00-1.26) 0.053 parent’s age (each additional year) 1.00 (0.98-1.02) 0.782 0.95 (0.92-0.99) 0.005 school delivery (ref = in person) n/a 1.40 (0.73-2.67) 0.308 0.62 (0.16-2.34) 0.477 1.24 (0.64-2.39) 0.521 2.88 (1.23-6.75) 0.015 online 1.38 (0.95-2.02) 0.095 0.88 (0.44-1.74) 0.712 2.05 (1.41-2.97) <0.001 1.25 (0.70-2.24) 0.450 blended 2.01 (0.99-4.08) 0.055 5.68 (2.55-12.63) <0.001 1.06 (0.58-1.93) 0.853 1.33 (0.61-2.91) 0.469 parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 39 region (ref = atlantic) pacific 1.01 (0.55-1.88) 0.967 3.25 (1.24-8.49) 0.016 prairies 1.31 (0.77-2.24) 0.315 1.37 (0.53-3.52) 0.516 ontario 0.96 (0.58-1.58) 0.861 1.99 (0.84-4.71) 0.116 quebec 0.91 (0.54-1.53) 0.719 1.53 (0.62-3.75) 0.353 school buses running last week (ref = yes) no 1.83 (1.06-3.16) 0.030 1.23 (0.52-2.94) 0.635 0.66 (0.39-1.12) 0.119 0.38 (0.17-0.89) 0.025 n/a 0.94 (0.68-1.30) 0.720 0.68 (0.40-1.15) 0.148 0.65 (0.48-0.89) 0.007 0.74 (0.47-1.15) 0.175 concern about covid-19 (ref = very concerned) not concerned 0.39 (0.24-0.64) <0.001 0.60 (0.29-1.23) 0.164 0.47 (0.30-0.73) 0.001 0.49 (0.25-0.98) 0.042 somewhat concerned 0.48 (0.35-0.66) <0.001 0.68 (0.41-1.15) 0.150 0.65 (0.49-0.87) 0.004 0.86 (0.57-1.32) 0.497 time since child lived in canada (ref = born in canada) 5 years or less 2.19 (1.12-4.30) 0.023 1.56 (0.52-4.72) 0.428 6 years or more 1.37 (0.90-2.06) 0.135 0.90 (0.43-1.85) 0.765 type of home (ref = detached or semi-detached) other 1.51 (1.08-2.12) 0.016 1.20 (0.692.06) 0.515 1.71 (1.27-2.31) <0.001 1.01 (0.65-1.58) 0.968 note. model fit information for girls: deviance (empty model) = 1,718,797; deviance (final model) = 1,595,683; nagelkerke pseudo r2 = 0.139. model fit information for boys: deviance (intercept only model) = 1,480.633; deviance (final model) = 1,366.758; nagelkerke pseudo r2 = 0.109. parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 40 table 6. summary of the correlates of changes in active transportation and independent mobility in the two surveys survey indicator gender direction of change variables 1 at girls decrease attending school online in the previous week, increases or decreases in im, and living in canada since ≤5 years associated with higher odds; parent not/ somewhat concerned with covid-19 associated with lower odds 1 at boys decrease attending school online in the previous week, decreases in im, household covid-19 diagnosis in previous 2 weeks, living in a household owning <2 vehicles, living in an area where school buses not normally provided associated with higher odds; parent not/ somewhat concerned with covid-19 associated with lower odds 1 at girls increase increases or decreases in im associated with lower odds; household income between $40,000-99,999 (vs. $100,000+, higher child age, and living in an area where school buses are not normally provided associated with lower odds 1 at boys increase increases in im, living in quebec (vs. atlantic provinces), and homemaker parent (vs. full-time worker) associated with higher odds; higher child age and parent not concerned about covid-19 associated with lower odds 1 im girls decrease covid-19 diagnosis in previous two weeks, living in an area where school buses were cancelled in the previous week, living in canada since ≤5 years, and living in an apartment, condo, or townhouse (vs. detached/semi-detached house) associated with higher odds; parent not/ somewhat concerned with covid-19 associated with lower odds 1 im boys decrease attending school online in the previous week, covid-19 diagnosis in previous two weeks, living in an apartment, condo, or townhouse (vs. detached/semi-detached house) associated with higher odds; living in an area where school buses are not normally provided, and parent not/ somewhat concerned with covid-19 associated with lower odds 1 im girls increase attending school in a blended format in the previous week associated with higher odds; lower household income and higher parent age associated with lower odds 1 im boys increase not attending school in the previous week, covid-19 diagnosis in previous two weeks, and living in the pacific (vs. atlantic region) associated with higher odds; living in an area where school buses were cancelled in the previous week, and parent not concerned with covid-19 associated with lower odds 2 at to school girls decrease attending school in an online or blended format in the previous week, living in ontario (vs. atlantic provinces), and living in an apartment, condo, or townhouse (vs. detached/semi-detached house) associated with higher odds; living in a household with more children associated with lower odds 2 at to school boys decrease attending school in an online or blended format in the previous week, living in ontario or quebec (vs. atlantic provinces), and having a parent who does not work full-time associated with higher odds; dog ownership and living in a household with more children associated with lower odds 2 at to school girls increase attending school online associated with higher odds 2 at to school boys increase living in the prairies or quebec (vs. atlantic provinces) associated with higher odds; lower household income associated with lower odds note. only statistically significant (p<0.05) correlates of changes in active transportation and independent mobility are included in this summary table. effect sizes (odds ratios) for all variables included in this table are provided in tables 3 to 5. at: active transportation; im: independent mobility parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 41 discussion using data from two comparable national surveys, we aimed to describe parentreported changes in children’s at and im from the beginning of the covid-19 pandemic in canada and explore correlates of behavior change. even though the cross-sectional surveys were conducted by separate firms and at different times (october and december 2020), perceived changes in at were remarkably similar with two to three times more children experiencing a decrease than an increase in at, although about half of parents reported no changes in at and im as a result of covid-19. in survey 1, declines in at and im were moderately correlated and changes in im were the strongest correlate of changes in boys’ and girls’ at. collectively, our findings suggest that covid-19 was associated with a perceived decline in children’s mobility (in the broader sense that also includes travel behaviors) and is likely one important reason for reported declines in pa (paterson et al., 2021). we explored associations between covid-19 infections, parental concerns about the disease, and changes in at and im in survey 1. our multivariable models showed that boys from households who had a covid-19 diagnosis in the two weeks prior to the study were more likely to present declines in at and im compared to boys from households who did not experience such diagnoses. we observed similar results for girls’ im. unexpectedly, boys from families with recent infections were also more likely to present increases in im than those from families without infections. it is worth noting that there was a time mismatch between the questions on covid-19 diagnoses (in the last two weeks) and those on changes in at and im (since the beginning of the pandemic), so these findings should be interpreted cautiously. children whose parents were not concerned or somewhat concerned with covid-19 (vs. very concerned) were less likely to present changes in at and im, although results were not statistically significant for increases in at and im among girls. based on the health belief model (rosenstock et al., 1988), individuals who are less concerned with the severity of a disease or their susceptibility to it are less likely to respond by changing their behavior. conversely, parents who were more concerned with covid-19 may have responded to physical distancing orders by restricting their child’s at and im (as well as school bus use). from a public health perspective, this suggests that presentation of measures to minimize risk of infections should be accompanied by messaging on strategies to safely maintain or increase at and pa levels. as public health measures are reduced, former school bus/transit users may still hesitate to return to their previous commuting methods, and at could alleviate concerns associated with a lack of physical distance. as part of measures to prevent covid-19, many provinces required that students attend school in online or blended formats. online school attendance was consistently associated with greater odds of declines in at and im. the blended format was also associated with greater odds of declines in at to school in survey 2. unexpectedly, the blended format was associated with higher odds of increases in girls’ im (survey 1) and online attendance was associated with higher odds of at to school in survey 2. this finding must be interpreted with caution given that questions about schooling asked parents to consider the past week while questions about mobility were “compared to before the covid-19 outbreak.” therefore, it is parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 42 possible that some children experienced an increase in at or im before schools shifted from in person to blended or online delivery due to public health restrictions. alternatively, we cannot exclude the possibility that this finding is a type i error. the pandemic may also have limited travel mode choice due to the suspension of school buses in some regions for those that were attending school in person or in blended learning situations. to this end, we asked survey 1 participants if school buses were running in the week prior to the survey. if buses were not running, girls were significantly more likely to report a decrease in im and boys were less likely to report an increase in im. although using school buses is not considered as a form of im (e.g., see hillman et al., 1990), it does provide less parental supervision than car travel. in areas where school buses were not normally provided, which would primarily correspond to larger cities, girls had lower odds of an increase in at and boys had higher odds of a decrease in at and im. further, boys from families owning fewer vehicles were more likely to present a decrease in at in survey 1. these findings could be attributable to a ceiling effect where people with initially higher at levels naturally had greater odds of reducing at. previous studies documented that children living in larger cities and in households with fewer cars have higher odds of engaging in at (gray et al., 2014; grize et al., 2010; larouche, 2018; rothman et al., 2021). future infection control interventions should be accompanied by messages that promote other types of pa that can comply with physical distancing guidelines. we found some evidence that changes in at and im differed by regions and immigration status. we treated the atlantic provinces as the reference group given that they had the lowest rates of covid-19 infections (statistics canada, 2022). the surveys were completed by parents in october or december 2020, and they were asked to compare at/im at that time to pre-pandemic. school policies were relatively consistent across canada at that time (breton et al., 2022), suggesting that other unmeasured factors may have contributed to regional differences. in survey 1, boys from quebec were more likely to present an increase in at and boys from the pacific region were more likely to present an increase in im. in survey 2, boys and girls from ontario and boys from quebec were more likely to report a decline in at to school whereas boys from quebec and the prairies were more likely to report an increase. disparities between provinces were expected given that policies related to outdoor play (inclusive of activities such as walking and cycling) and school closures during covid-19 differed substantially between provinces (de lannoy et al., 2020). in addition, we found that girls living in canada for five years or less were more likely to report decreases in at and im. previous studies have reported that immigrant children were less likely to engage in at (pabayo & gauvin, 2008) and that children speaking a minority language at home had less im (riazi et al., 2019), underscoring a need for future research with minority groups. we also observed disparities in changes in at and im by household income. in survey 1, girls from lowand middle-income households had lower odds of increases in im and girls from middle-income households had lower odds of increases in at. in survey 2, boys from low-income families were about six times less likely to present an increase in at to school. previous north american studies parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 43 have found higher rates of at to school among children from low-income households (chaufan et al., 2015; gray et al., 2014; pabayo et al., 2011), suggesting that they had a higher “baseline” (or pre-pandemic) at level. lowincome populations have faced a higher incidence of covid-19 (whittle & diazartiles, 2020) and lower household income may be associated with living in apartment buildings. we found that living in apartments, condos or townhouses (vs. detached/semi-detached houses) was associated with greater odds of declines in im (survey 1) and at (survey 2 for girls). we also noted a positive correlation between income and living in detached/semi-detached houses (r=0.310; p<0.001). these observations suggest that, collectively, public health measures implemented to prevent covid-19 transmission may have made it harder for children from low and middle-income households to reap the benefits of at and im. other household characteristics facilitated or deterred at and im in the covid-19 context. in survey 2, boys and girls who had more siblings and boys from dogowning households had reduced odds of a decline in at. both of these variables could facilitate at by increasing parents’ confidence in their child’s safety. in contrast, older parents were less likely to report that their daughters had an increase in im, suggesting that they may have been more protective since the beginning of the pandemic. older children were also less likely to experience an increase in at in survey 1. in a post-hoc analysis, we found that the proportion of children who attended school in person at the time of the survey was lower for older children (χ2 [5df]=31.73; p<0.001), suggesting that they had less opportunities to engage in at. notwithstanding the above correlates, we observed that changes in im were by far the strongest predictor of changes in at. for instance, children whose im increased were over 10 times more likely to present an increase in at and vice-versa. these effect sizes were not attenuated when controlling for other variables. in girls only, increases in im were also associated with decreases in at and decreases in im were associated with increases in at, but effect sizes were much weaker. the latter findings suggest that some children may have engaged in more at, but with their parents rather than in the absence of adult supervision. the majority of previous studies found that children who are granted more im are more likely to engage in at to/from school, but the use of cross-sectional designs precluded investigation of relationships between changes in im and at (marzi & reimers, 2018). given our retrospective design, we cannot confirm that changes in im caused changes in at, emphasizing a need for prospective longitudinal studies. nevertheless, our results are in agreement with a qualitative study with parents in toronto and vancouver suggesting that, with the closures of parks, playgrounds, and other outdoor facilities, children had access to fewer destinations (riazi et al., 2021). another qualitative study with families in prince george, bc suggested that the pandemic was associated with a shift from organized activities to unstructured outdoor activities, including cycling (pelletier et al., 2021). yet, as the authors pointed out, their findings may not represent the experience of canadian families in general. the decrease in im that we observed concurs more with the stories told by parents in toronto and vancouver (riazi et al., 2021), and may primarily reflect the parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 44 experience of children living in larger cities and areas with more severe covid-19 restrictions. de lannoy et al. (2020) also reported substantial regional disparities in access to outdoor play opportunities during the pandemic. furthermore, mitra et al. (2021) found that children who had greater access to places for play and exercise during the pandemic were less likely to have low subjective wellbeing. collectively, this body of evidence suggests that, in preparation for future pandemics, efforts to preserve access to outdoor activities and minimize socio-economic disparities are warranted to support children’s at, im, and pa. such efforts can help children cope with stress (kemple et al., 2016; mitra et al., 2021), and are crucial to respect children’s rights to play and to grow up in a safe and healthy environment, which are recognized in the convention on the rights of the child (united nations, 1989). limitations and strengths the main limitation of our study is the reliance on retrospective parental reports of changes in at and im, which are vulnerable to recall and social desirability biases. in survey 1, the test-retest reliability of our questions was modest, though these estimates should be interpreted with caution given that the test-retest assessment was conducted during the second wave of covid-19. thus, differences in parents’ responses in the test-retest reliability study may reflect both measurement error and true behavior change. the fact that survey 2 only inquired about changes in at to school may have yielded discrepancies between surveys in the correlates of changes in at. in survey 1, there was a mismatch between the time period addressed by the questions on changes in at and im and the question about covid-19 diagnoses and school attendance, so associations between these variables should be interpreted with caution. our measures of environmental variables were crude, and our survey did not include questions about community size and distance between home and school, which can influence the likelihood of engaging in at. further, as the analysis of correlates of changes in at and im was exploratory and many potential correlates were tested, there is a considerable risk of type i errors, so future studies would be needed to confirm our findings. however, the use of two relatively large national surveys upholds the external validity of our findings (within the canadian context). the fact that surveys conducted by separate firms provided similar results regarding changes in at is remarkable and reassuring. finally, it is a strength that we investigated multiple potential correlates based on factors previously identified as potential determinants of at and im in the literature. conclusion using data from two national surveys, we found that about half of canadian parents reported no changes in their child’s at and im since the beginning of the covid-19 pandemic. however, two to three times more parents reported decreases vs. increases in at and im. changes in im were the strongest predictor of changes in at. furthermore, our results suggest that there is a complex web of factors at the individual, household, built environment (e.g., type of home), and policy levels (e.g., pandemic restrictions and changes in school delivery mode) that are related to changes in at and im during the pandemic. our findings extend previous research showing that covid-19 has been associated with significant decreases in children’s pa (paterson et al., 2021). these observations underscore a need for parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 45 developing public health strategies designed to minimize the unintended negative impacts of policies adopted to prevent the spread of infectious diseases. this is particularly important given the potential of global trends such as deforestation, climate change, and globalization to increase the frequency of pandemic outbreaks (myers & frumkin, 2020; patz et al., 2014). acknowledgments we acknowledge the contribution of ms. victoria hecker in reviewing the questionnaire for survey 1 and ms. madeline kleinfeld for assisting with manuscript formatting and identifying previous studies on the effects of the covid-19 pandemic. richard larouche holds a board of governors research chair from the university of lethbridge and receives book royalties from elsevier. mariana brussoni is supported by a salary award from the british columbia children’s hospital research institute. the other authors have no conflicts of interest to declare. survey 1 was sponsored by a grant-in-aid from the heart & stroke foundation of canada. survey 2 was partly funded by dalhousie university, the province of nova scotia’s department of communities, culture and heritage, and participaction. richard larouche is an associate professor of public health and board of governors research chair in children’s physical activity at the university of lethbridge. he is the founder and director of the physical activity, transport & health (path) research group (https://pathresearch.wordpress.com/). his research interests include active transportation, physical activity, outdoor play, independent mobility, and sustainability. richard is the editor of the book children’s active transportation published by elsevier. in 2019, he cycled across canada to raise funds for research on alzheimer’s disease. sarah a. moore is an assistant professor in the school of health and human performance, faculty of health, and a healthy populations institute scholar at dalhousie university. her research expertise is in childhood growth and development, movement and play behaviors, and adapted physical activity for children and youth with disabilities. dr. moore is interested in assessing the benefits of and barriers to play and physical activity and their potential to improve health and quality of life. she has a particular interest in tracking healthy behaviors from childhood through adulthood and believes that several adult conditions have pediatric antecedents. mathieu bélanger is a full professor in the department of family medicine at the université de sherbrooke, director of research at the centre de formation médicale du nouveau-brunswick, and epidemiologist for the vitalité health network. he leads longitudinal studies on the epidemiology of health-related behaviors. his research team adopted a mission to uncover the power of lifestyle behaviors to reduce the burden of chronic diseases. specifically, they study the development of physical activity and other behaviors throughout the life course and identify determinants and outcomes of these behaviors. mariana brussoni is an associate professor in the department of pediatrics and the school of population and public health at the university of british columbia. she https://pathresearch.wordpress.com/ parent-perceived changes in active transportation and independent mobility… 46 is an investigator with the bc children’s hospital research institute and academic scientist with the bc injury research and prevention unit. mariana investigates child injury prevention, perceptions of risk and safety and developmental importance of children’s risky play. guy faulkner is a professor and chair in applied public health in the school of kinesiology at the university of british columbia. broadly, his research has focused on two inter-related themes: the development and evaluation of physical activity interventions, and physical activity and mental health. katie gunnell is an associate professor in psychology at carleton university and an affiliate investigator with the healthy active living and obesity research (halo) research group at the children’s hospital of eastern ontario research institute. her research examines the psychological antecedents of behaviors and psychological health in various populations including children and youth, adults, and people diagnosed with osteoporosis. to better understand how to enhance psychological health and physical activity and decrease screen time, she is particularly interested in psychological needs (e.g., competence, autonomy, and relatedness) and motivation as mechanisms for change. professor mark 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(2021). covid-19 and transport: findings from a world-wide expert survey. transport policy, 103, 68–85. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tranpol.2021.01.011 about:blank about:blank about:blank https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2017.03.005 about:blank https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dhjo.2009.03.003 about:blank about:blank about:blank about:blank login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(2), 2021 the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence in the chicago public schools jin lee department of educational foundations and leadership, university of louisiana at lafayette katherine s. movassaghi episcopal school of acadiana, broussard, louisiana citation: lee, j., & movassaghi, k. s. (2021). the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence in the chicago public schools. children, youth and environments, 31(2), 54-82. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract given that greener neighborhoods have reduced reports of physical and verbal conflict, greenness on school campuses may be instrumental for addressing young people's behavioral issues and creating safe school environments. utilizing data about students’ violent behaviors in the chicago public schools, this study examines the potential impacts of greenery within a 100 m radius from chicago primary and secondary schools on the frequency of offenses. this study finds that greater school greenness, measured using the normalized difference vegetation index, results in an increase in both non-weaponed and weaponed attacks and threats at k-12 schools. keywords: student violence, chicago, greenness, school grounds http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 55 introduction a large volume of literature has provided evidence of the substantial benefits of green spaces on physical and mental health (astell-burt, feng, & kolt, 2013; gascon et al., 2015; james, banay, hart, & laden, 2015). cross-sectional studies have documented that neighborhood greenness encourages physical activities, such as walking and recreational activities, which may in turn reduce the prevalence of health problems including obesity and overweight (bell, wilson, & liu, 2008; dzhambov, markevych, tilov, & dimitrova, 2018; richardson, pearce, mitchell, & kingham, 2013). the advantages of nature appear to be more effective in disadvantaged communities (ward thompson et al., 2012). because green spaces also reduce the risk of anxiety and stress in children (wells, 2000; wells & evans, 2016), some scholars have argued that frequent exposure to greenery can enrich cognitive development in children and lower the rate of chronic absenteeism in schools (berman, jonides, & kaplan, 2008; macnaughton, eitland, kloog, schwartz, & allen, 2017). a growing number of studies have been conducted that support the positive effect of greenness at school sites on academic outcomes (hodson & sander, 2017; matsuoka, 2010; wu et al., 2014). in addition to considerable studies examining the relationship between green spaces, psycho-physiological benefits and academic outcomes (cohen-cline, turkheimer, & duncan, 2015; coutts, chapin, horner, & taylor, 2013; nutsford, pearson, & kingham, 2013), the focus of recent research on green spaces has expanded from the health problems and physical activities of individuals to community-level impacts of green space on disadvantages associated with crime and violence. findings have indicated that the restorative effects of nature and its assistance with stress recovery can serve as intervention strategies for coping with crime and fear of crime (bogar & beyer, 2016; kuo & sullivan, 2001b; shepley, sachs, sadatsafavi, fournier, & peditto, 2019). as greener neighborhoods report reduced physical and verbal conflict (raney, hendry, & yee, 2019; younan et al., 2016), greenness on school campuses may be instrumental for creating safer school environments as well as addressing children's behavioral issues (flouri, midouhas, & joshi, 2014; garvin, cannuscio, & branas, 2013). however, little attention has been directed to understanding violent behaviors among students in conjunction with greenness of school grounds. although abundant research on student misconduct has traced trends in school disciplinary methods and investigated their effects, the majority of the literature has focused on the adverse consequences of school punitive sanctions, such as academic failure, dropouts, and eventual incarcerations (balfanz, byrnes, & fox, 2014; gregory, skiba, & noguera, 2010; mowen, 2017; rumberger & losen, 2017). the extant research on school disciplinary practices has understudied the role of green school grounds on behavior; therefore, the potential for green spaces to help shape student conduct is yet unknown. this study explores the possibility that greenness on school grounds can mediate students' violent behaviors. green spaces as a buffer against or catalyst for violence research in this field rests on the assumption that criminal and delinquent behaviors are shaped by the interaction between individual problems and contextual factors surrounding them. previous studies have pointed out that mental the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 56 fatigue relieved by nature and social support enhanced with frequent access to greenery can improve aggressive and offensive behaviors (kaplan, 1995; kuo & sullivan, 2001a; maas, van dillen, verheij, & groenewegen, 2009). a growing interest in the restorative effects of nature has allowed scholars to examine the promotive role that neighborhood greenness may play in violence and crime prevention. specifically, research that emphasizes greenness has provided a new perspective that physical environments, in addition to traditional community attributes such as race and poverty, can reinforce criminal motivations and opportunities (anselin, cohen, cook, gorr, & tita, 2000; smith, frazee, & davison, 2000). empirical evidence has demonstrated that increased exposure to nature in urban neighborhoods, largely brought about by planting more trees and developing parks, can mitigate violent crime in those neighborhoods (burley, 2018; kondo, han, donovan, & macdonald, 2017). contrary to the general fear that greening vacant spaces will attract illegal activity, public lots widely covered with tree canopies have been associated with a reduced probability of criminal activity, including assault, burglary, and vandalism (donovan & prestemon, 2010). as communities with higher tree and grass density have reported fewer crime incidents (branas et al., 2011; kuo & sullivan, 2001b; wolfe & mennis, 2012), the expansion of vegetation cover in low-income communities has been expected to lower the incidence of violence and crime (burley, 2018). areas enhanced with greenery have shown a decline in gun-related crime, and residents have also reported greater perceived safety (garvin et al., 2013). these studies have pointed to the “broken windows” theory, which argues that well-maintained communities are less likely to be targeted by crime, and the attention restoration theory, which addresses the effect of natural environments on recovering attention capabilities, as the primary mechanisms behind the relationship between increased greenery and decreased violent crime rates (bogar & beyer, 2016; ceccato, canabarro, & vazquez, 2020; gilstad-hayden et al., 2015; shepley et al., 2019). some studies, however, have generated mixed conclusions on the relation between green space and violence in different measurements and settings (bogar & beyer, 2016; spader, schuetz, & cortes, 2016). just as greenness in a neighborhood does not necessarily reduce residents’ cognitive fatigue or stress (weeland, laceulle, nederhof, overbeek, & reijneveld, 2019), recent studies have demonstrated that neighborhood greenery can generate rather than moderate violence and crime (groff & mccord, 2011). for example, community gardens in city cores failed to reduce property crime rates, including rates of burglary and theft (gorham, waliczek, snelgrove, & zajicek, 2009). similarly, a study utilizing 12-year crime datasets has revealed a null association between the number of trees planted in a given city and the city's crime rate (locke, han, kondo, murphy-dunning, & cox, 2017). while greening interventions, such as constructing wooden fences and improving vegetation, can help residents to feel safer, there exists no evidence of a resulting decline in the overall crime rates or crime severity (garvin et al., 2013; gorham et al., 2009; kondo, fluehr, mckeon, & branas, 2018; snelgrove, michael, waliczek, & zajicek, 2004). the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 57 unequal access to green spaces since accumulating findings indicate the physical and mental health benefits of green infrastructure (coppel & wüstemann, 2017; van den berg, maas, verheij, & groenewegen, 2010), urban planning has been deeply involved in improving residents’ proximity to quality public parks, playgrounds, and gardens. however, recent studies that display the controversial impact of greenness on violence, crime, and safety have undermined the policy rationale of various land use planning efforts to enhance urban green spaces (bogar & beyer, 2016; maruthaveeran & van den bosch, 2014). this contradiction between empirical findings and policy practices requires special attention because the geographic distribution of green spaces has not been equitably granted to urban residents (nesbitt & meitner, 2016; poudyal, hodges, & merrett, 2009). a systemic review of urban landscapes has delineated that areas with larger proportions of white residents and higher income levels have greater access to nature through community gardens, public parks, and tree-lined streets (nesbitt, meitner, sheppard, & girling, 2018; schwarz et al., 2015; wolch, byrne, & newell, 2014). moreover, efforts to increase accessibility to greenness, such as by renovating and building parks in previously disinvested inner-city neighborhoods, have been associated with increased gentrification (rigolon & németh, 2020). thus, house buyers who acknowledge the common merits of green space project a preference for closeness to greenery onto property values (nesbitt, hotte, barron, cowan, & sheppard, 2017; panduro & veie, 2013; troy & grove, 2008). apart from access to greenness, types and sizes of urban green spaces also vary according to non-spatial attributes such as race and ethnicity, education attainment level, and poverty status. many predominately black communities in the u.s. have greater availability than white communities of public parks within approximately five minutes by foot, whereas high greenness quality, which is measured by tree density and park size, is more common in areas with a larger proportion of affluent and white residents (boone, buckley, grove, & sister, 2009; poudyal et al., 2009; sister, wolch, & wilson, 2010; wendel, downs, & mihelcic, 2011). this localityspecific variation suggests that uneven geographies by demographic and socioeconomic factors are not always aligned with the presence or absence of greenery (kabisch & haase, 2014; xu, haase, pribadi, & pauleit, 2018). given that distinct definitions and dissimilar measurements of vegetation have differently represented the magnitude of neighborhood greenness in a given space (rhew, vander stoep, kearney, smith, & dunbar, 2011; tilt, unfried, & roca, 2007; villeneuve et al., 2018), spatial unevenness of green spaces proposes that there is a non-linear link between green spaces and geographic clusters of violent behaviors and criminal incidents. with this in mind, the complex relationship between nature and violence calls for careful examination that incorporates both the existing disparities in socioeconomic attributes and spatial differentiation in greenery between and within communities. students' behavior at green school sites although there has been no visible change in levels of school violence and crime for the last two decades (wang, chen, zhang, & oudekerk, 2020), a series of mass shootings throughout the united states and the seemingly unbreakable school-tothe role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 58 prison pipeline have raised public concern and awareness regarding student misconduct and school disciplinary practices from longitudinal and multifaceted standpoints (gerlinger et al., in press; kirk & sampson, 2012; welsh et al., 2008). nearly half of american public schools had school police officers or security guards in the 2017-18 school year, and about 70 percent of u.s. public schools experienced at least one violent incident (diliberti, jackson, correa, & padgett, 2019). work to date has sought explanations for school violence and juvenile crime from non-environmental factors such as race, ethnicity, gender, and income level (sartain, allensworth, & porter, 2015; skiba et al., 2011), as well as family structure and background (ferguson, san miguel, & hartley, 2009; sampson, 1997; zimmerman & messner, 2013). recently, substantial attention has been allocated to the influence of peer interaction and exposure to community crime in predicting and preventing young people's misbehavior (burdick-will, 2017; dubow, huesmann, boxer, & smith, 2016; fontaine, brendgen, vitaro, & tremblay, 2016; mcara & mcvie, 2016; resnick, ireland, & borowsky, 2004). although some studies have supported the role of social networks and cultural capital in youth violence and student misbehavior, their predictive power and results of the corresponding interventions are still inconsistent (ferguson et al., 2009; khoury-kassabri, benbenishty, astor, & zeira, 2004). this calls for further investigation into the school grounds at which children and youth spend a considerable amount of time. with the positive impact of greenery on test scores (browning, kuo, sachdeva, lee, & westphal, 2018; hodson & sander, 2017; wu et al., 2014), increased contact with greenness, specifically on schoolyards, has been expected to influence even non-academic outcomes and behavioral issues (matsuoka, 2010). closeness to greenery has improved hyperactivity and inattention and lessened the level of life stress in both urban and rural children (arbogast, kane, kirwan, & hertel, 2009; kelz evans, & röderer, 2015; mccormick, 2017; taylor, kuo, & sullivan, 2001; wells & evans, 2016). young people surrounded by greener indoor and outdoor spaces are less likely to be involved in aggressive activities and to experience emotional problems (flouri et al., 2014; markevych et al., 2014; van den bogerd et al., 2020; younan et al., 2016). urban children and adolescents with nearby green space tend to be involved in fewer fights and physical attacks, irrespective of the amount of time to which they were exposed to trees and grass (wells & evans, 2016; younan et al., 2016). such preventive effects of green space have been wellreported in youth from socioeconomically marginalized families (bates, bohnert & gerstein, 2018). this large body of literature that describes the advantages of nature for school-age children has provided substantial support for initiatives to create green schoolyards for the purpose of minimizing behavioral issues in students (astor, meyer, & behre, 1999; johnson, 2009). current studies on greenness of school grounds have focused on identifying causal pathways for academic, psychological, and emotional effects (chawla, keena, pevec, & stanley, 2014; kelz, evans, & röderer, 2013; lorenc et al., 2012; mårtensson et al., 2014; williams & dixon, 2013); this study aims to examine the connection between violent behaviors among students and the greenness of school grounds. by expanding empirical knowledge about the role of green school spaces, this study can offer in-depth information on the frequency and severity of violence and disruptive behavior among school-age children and youth. the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 59 data and methods school violence in chicago to explore whether or not violent behavior among young people at school sites can be mediated by an environmental factor, specifically greenness at a given school site, this research focuses on student disciplinary data in the city of chicago school district #299, also known as the chicago public schools (cps). chicago, the largest city in illinois (in the midwestern u.s.), has a population of 2.7 million, which includes 35 percent non-english speakers and 50 percent non-white residents. chicago, which has long struggled with unchanging statistics of crime and criminal law enforcement, has shown a drastic increase in crimes involving firearms and weapons between 2013 and 2016 (hamilton & foote, 2018; towers & white, 2017). furthermore, recent efforts for urban revitalization in chicago have worsened uneven geographies by displacing underserved populations (lipman, 2017; smith, 2014). although there has been a recent decline of the school-aged population in chicago that has led to mass school closures (lee & lubienski, 2017), as the third-largest urban school district in the u.s. (following new york city and los angeles), chicago served approximately 350,000 students at around 600 schools in the 2018-19 school year. thirty-three percent of the total students in cps are white, and about 40 percent of them are from low-income households, as indicated by their parents being eligible for the food stamp program and the supplemental nutrition assistance program (snap). utilizing the 2015-16 civil rights data collection provided by the u.s. department of education, this study focuses on four indicators of school violence that frequently result in in-school and out-of-school suspensions and expulsions: 1) the number of fights or incidents of physical attack without a weapon, 2) the number of physical attacks or fights with a weapon, 3) the number of threats of physical attack without a weapon, and 4) the number of threats of physical attacks with a weapon. as presented in table 1, data from 429 primary schools serving kindergarten through 8th-grade students and 142 secondary schools serving 9th grade or above indicates there is a greater mean frequency of fights and threats without a weapon per school than incidents with weapons during the selected academic year. across the u.s., 96,360 school sites reported 787,200 total incidents of physical attack or fight without a weapon, and 197,900 threats of physical attack without a weapon (office for civil rights, 2019). however, the pattern of school offenses in chicago has shown that threats—unweaponed or weaponed—occur more frequently on school grounds than do fights or physical attacks. the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 60 table 1. description of the selected violence indicators at school sites in chicago mean sd min max fights or physical attack without a weapon 1.705 10.395 0 148 fights or physical attack with a weapon 0.140 2.501 0 60 threats of physical attack without a weapon 8.853 23.168 0 483 threats of physical attack with a weapon 0.199 2.523 0 60 greenness of school grounds this study defines school grounds as the space within a 100 m (equivalent to .06 mile) radius from the school boundaries, which is distinct from the common approach of measuring school locations as a census tract or five-digit postal code area. by including school surroundings as well as school grounds, this research can utilize neighborhood context as a proxy for school environments and thus offer a more comprehensive understanding of the findings (burdick-will, 2017; lubienski & lee, 2017). we obtained the geographic information about the school sites from the cps school campus boundary map and google earth. previous studies have assessed greenness in urban areas with a variety of measurements, including the number of trees planted, the percentage of tree canopy, and the park area (li, chiang, sang, & sullivan, 2019; locke et al., 2017; sister et al., 2010). since green spaces on urban school properties can consist of a variety of green plants such as trees, shrubs, and grass (schulman & peters, 2007), this study measures the greenness of an individual school ground using the normalized difference vegetation index (ndvi), which is extracted from national aeronautics and space administration (nasa) data. widely used in relevant studies (e.g., macnaughton et al., 2017; rhew et al., 2011; wu et al., 2014), ndvi is a spectrum-based vegetation indicator, which indicates 0 for no greenness and 1 for rich and healthy greenness (crippen, 1990). figures 1 and 2 exhibit spatial variations of ndvi across the cps school grounds linked with the selected four violence-related misbehavior indicators at school sites for the 2015-16 school year. figures 1a and b presents the spatial distributions of non-weaponed school violence, specifically in physical attacks or fights and threats of physical attack. both maps in figure 1 indicate that schools with higher frequencies of attack or threat of attack without a weapon, represented by larger white circles, are surrounded by light grey-gradated areas reflecting a moderate level of vegetation from .3 through .6. the large white circles do not appear in areas with a low or high density of vegetation; rather, community schools in areas with modest greenery report more incidents of unweaponed attacks and fights. the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 61 figure 1a. spatial distribution of greenness and incidence of student violence without a weapon on school grounds figure 1b. spatial distribution of greenness and incidence of threatened student violence without a weapon on school grounds the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 62 figures 2a and b illustrate the geographical patterns of weapon-based threats and attacks or fights in cps. the two distributions in figure 2 suggest that many cps schools show a high frequency of school threats and attacks without a weapon. though the prevalence of school threats exhibits an overall irregular pattern, schools with a high prevalence of weapon-based attacks and fights are located in regions with moderate vegetation indices. recurring threats with weapons at school campuses occur more in the comparatively greener regions of northern and southern chicago than in the central areas of chicago, which are colored in light grey. only several schools adjacent to the loop, a central business area in downtown chicago with sparse greenery with the ndvi values below .3, record higher frequencies of physical attacks and fights. figure 2a. spatial distribution of greenness and incidence of student violence with a weapon on school grounds the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 63 figure 2b. spatial distribution of greenness and incidence of threatened student violence with a weapon on school grounds statistical analysis we conducted further research on the maps in figures 1 and 2 to discover whether and how closeness to greenness at school grounds is associated with varying levels of student attacks and threats, given the divergence in ndvi across the city. by integrating the ndvi datasets with multiple spatial layers, this study employs two regression models that are widely used for count data, the poisson regression and negative binomial regression models. as the 2015-16 civil rights data collection is built on the count of fights and offending incidents in schools, the application of a common regression, such as the ordinary least squares models, can present an inaccurate estimation of the ndvi value on violent behaviors among students (boggess, 2013; gardner, mulvey, & shaw, 1995; huang & cornell, 2012). though the poisson regression has been widely adopted in criminology research using count data, distributions of the selected four indicators for student violence can be overdispersed with greater variances from a poisson formulation than their means (berk & macdonald, 2008; cameron & trivedi, 1990; dean, 1992), on the basis of this result, we tested the effect of greenness at school sites on non-weaponed physical attacks or fights and threats of physical attack with the negative binomial regression model, and we used the poisson regression model for weapon-based incidents. as the purpose of this study is to explore the potential role of green space within a 100 m radius from school boundaries in decreasing the frequency of offenses, this study takes into account basic demographic and socioeconomic covariates of the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 64 individual schools: the student body composition, the school level (primary vs. secondary), the proportion of students eligible for free or reduced lunch programs, the percentage of the population by race and ethnicity, the population by the level of educational attainment, the unemployment rate, the vacancy rate, the median income, and the percentage of owner-occupied housing units. these community features in a given census tract are extracted from the 2014-18 american community survey 5-year estimates from the u.s. census bureau. this study also incorporates the number of indexed crime incidents reported in chicago during the year of 2015 to represent the community context surrounding schools. the chicago police department defines indexed crime as serious offenses including the following crime categories: homicide, sexual assault, robbery, aggravated assault and battery, burglary, larceny, motor vehicle theft, and arson. findings as represented in darker grey in figures 1 and 2, some schools in which unweaponed threats frequently occur are spatially clustered in communities with moderate or high vegetation index values. to provide accurate information about the role of greenness as a buffer against or catalyst for student violence-related misbehaviors beyond the current spatial illustrations, figures 1 and 2 need to take into account neighborhood spillover effects. the following analysis demonstrates the extent to which student misconduct is associated with greenness in conjunction with community attributes such as median income and crime rate. student violent misconduct without a weapon employing the negative binomial model due to the overdispersion of non-weaponed incidents of physical attack or fight and threat of attack, table 2 presents the estimated effect of the greenery of school grounds and their neighborhoods on violent incidents at school sites. in the null models, which present only the relationship between school violence and school greenness by taking no account of the covariates of the common community characteristics listed above, one increase in greenness of school grounds is associated with a decrease of the expected log count of threats without a weapon by .011. the coefficient of greenness for nonweaponed physical attacks is not statistically significant. on the grounds that voluminous literature has suggested the prominence of family, school, and community features in student misconduct, the two full models in table 2 present the estimated effect of school ground greenness measured by ndvi on the incidents of student violence without a weapon when other common factors are held equal. the full model for physical attacks or fights without a weapon shows a statistically significant effect of greenery in school surroundings in comparison with its null model. both negative binomial models indicate that one unit change in the magnitude of school greenness yields an increased log count for attacks and threats without a weapon, albeit at a weak significance level of .10. this suggests that schools with greener environments are more likely to report incidents of unweaponed student misconduct. the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 65 overall, the log counts of fights or incidents of physical attack without a weapon are influenced by the neighborhood characteristics of higher minority enrollments, fewer adults without a college degree, and more owner-occupied housing units. increased populations of color in school neighborhoods are associated with a declining frequency of non-weaponed fights and attacks. in the full model of the frequency of threats of physical attack without a weapon, the size of the student population and the proportion of the populations identified as non-white show a nonsignificant difference in the incidences. rather, an increase in the number of students eligible for free or lunch reduced programs, one of the most widely used indicators for low socioeconomic status, raises the frequency of non-weaponed threats by 1.966. the logged median income level and the number of households with housing ownership, in the full negative binomial model for threats of attack without a weapon, suggest that economically stable school neighborhoods can heighten the number of school threats. the estimated impact of neighborhood crime rates increases only the log frequency of threats without a weapon. also, secondary schools serving students in 9th grade or above report fewer unweaponed incidents than do primary schools. student violent misconduct with a weapon in comparison with the negative binomial models for non-weaponed incidents on school grounds, the two null poisson models present the statistically significant effects of greenness on weapon-based attacks and threats. the null models demonstrate the positive impact of school greenness with decreased log counts of fights or attacks by .124 and threats by .089, given a significance level of .01, respectively. although all of the null negative binomial and poisson regression models support greenness of school grounds as a positive influence on student behavior, the full models in table 2 of the weaponed incidents demonstrate a consistent, negative impact of school greenery across the selected violent misconduct types. in the same manner as the findings of non-weaponed incidents, greater numbers of physical attacks or fights with a weapon and threats of physical attack without a weapon occur in greener school grounds. with every 1 percent increase in school greenery, the estimated log counts of incidents using weapons increase by .075 for attacks or fights and .040 for threats respectively. furthermore, the changes in ndvi highlight that the association between greenness and weaponed attacks or fights is substantially greater than that with weapon-based threats when all other factors are held equal. similar to the patterns of unweaponed incidents on school grounds in table 2, a higher proportion of students of color leads to more reports of weaponed incidents; however, a greater proportion of minority groups in the population presents a significantly negative connection with weapon-based threatening at school sites. although eligibility for free or reduced lunch programs and the logged median income level have nonsignificant effects on the two student violence types assessed with the poisson model, the proportion of owner-occupied housing units contributes to raising a probability that schools record more frequent school threats with a weapon. this suggests that common factors, including eligibility for school lunch the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 66 aids and geographically identifiable community attributes, do not fully account for the prevalence of student violent misconduct. the increases in non-white populations and vacancy rates in school neighborhoods yield a statistically significant decline in the log frequency of weaponed threats. as constant exposure of school-aged children and youth to crime-prone communities negatively affects a range of outcomes later in life (burdick-will, stein, & grigg, 2019; santiago & galster, 2014; tisak, wichorek, & tisak, 2011), the indexed crime incidents partly result in the rise of physical attacks or fights and threats of attack with a weapon. contrary to the estimated effect of school levels in the negative binomial models, transition from primary school to secondary school does not have an impact on the log counts of physical attacks or threats of attack with a weapon. table 2. estimated effects of the contextual variables on student violence negative binomial model for non-weaponed incidents poisson model for weapon-based incidents attack or fight threat attack or fight threat null full null full null full null full intercept .678 (.714) -23.740* (9.704) 2.668*** (.299) -8.706** (4.281) 2.995*** (.415) -30.686 (21.514) 2.084*** (.366) -23.047** (11.068) ndvi -.003 (.015) .025* (.015) -.011* (.006) .012* (.007) -.124*** (.012) .075** (.029) -.089*** (.010) .040** (.016) school level (secondary=1) -1.518*** (.269) -.888*** (.127) -.403 (.465) -.276 (.285) africanamerican students (%) 8.316*** (1.891) 1.204 (.751) 20.269* (12.189) 7.348*** (2.581) hispanic-latinx students (%) 6.820*** (1.954) .678 (.772) 21.231* (12.007) 7.987*** (2.593) students eligible for lunch programs (%) .994 (1.461) 1.966*** (.582) 10.100 (6.859) -.479 (1.820) africanamerican population (%) -6.090*** (1.403) -.036 (.614) -3.029 (3.370) -3.588** (1.642) hispanic-latinx population (%) -7.153*** (1.560) -.103 (.664) -2.532 (3.693) -4.736*** (1.838) population with no college degree (%) 5.981*** (1.743) .239 (.756) .208 (3.857) 2.848 (2.137) logged median income 1.344* (.778) .687** (.346) -.470 (1.497) 1.025 (.876) unemployment rate -1.114 (2.542) -.282 (1.176) -2.997 (4.443) 1.284 (2.709) vacancy rate 1.408 (2.089) -.648 (.980) 2.579 (3.391) -4.127* (2.240) owneroccupied housing units (%) 2.715** (1.249) 1.234** (.552) .791 (2.490) 3.662** (1.456) indexed crime incidents .002 (.004) .006*** (.002) .025*** (.004) .018*** (.002) theta () .081 .166 .465 .651 aic 1253.9 1150.8 3540.5 3396.6 743.98 205.93 915.79 416.39 the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 67 discussion while many researchers have considered the direct and explicit impact of greenness on violence and crime, comparatively little educational research attention has been dedicated toward exploring the significance of proximity to greenness in student behavior. this study utilizes the poisson and negative binomial regression models to seek answers to whether a difference in access to green school campuses could moderate the prevalence of student violence at school sites. the basic models, which focus on the interplay between school offenses and greenness, provide support to the claim that vegetation is capable of moderating violent and criminal behaviors (e.g., kondo et al., 2017; wolfe & mennis, 2012). however, the full models, holding an extensive array of contextual community features equal, unveil that the estimated effects of school greenery on violent misbehaviors among school-aged children and youth contrast with the result of the null models. notably, access to greenery in school surroundings, defined as an area within a 100 m radius from the school boundaries, may increase the number of incidents of physical attack or threat and the number of threats of attack. the adverse effect of greenery on both unweaponed and weaponed attacks and threats echoes the concern that greenery can attract misconduct (garvin et al., 2013; snelgrove et al., 2004). although there is less debatable evidence for the close causal connection between green spaces and mental and physical health (beyer et al., 2014; gascon et al., 2015), much research on greenness has demonstrated inconsistent, weakly positive, and sometimes even negative relationships between green space and crime (du & law, 2016; lorenc et al., 2012). given that densely wooded areas and untouched grasslands have been found to keep residents from feeling safe (kuo & sullivan, 2001b), the findings of this study indicate that greenness at school grounds and their adjacent surroundings, measured in vegetation density, may be associated with increased frequencies of physical attacks and threats of attack at school sites. it should, however, be noted that the ndvi dataset for vegetation represents only one aspect of greenness within a pixel. ndvi for greenery has offered a glimpse of the vegetation activity of a given land surface, especially in urban areas in which land use principally consists of buildings, parking lots, and streets (chen, weeks, & kaiser, 2005). an increase in the ndvi value simply reflects increased potential access to greenery, irrespective of the actual use and purpose of the green spaces. this measurement provides scant information on what composes the vegetation of a certain area and how it is experienced in daily life (nesbitt & meitner, 2016; villeneuve et al., 2018). for instance, fear of crime with regard to greenery is greater in untouched and unmonitored green areas, which have a high ndvi value, than in better maintained but less-green parks (heinze et al., 2018; maruthaveeran & van den bosch, 2014). well-structured and well-maintained green spaces, which can be distinguished from dense vegetation computed with the ndvi values, have also discouraged crime frequencies, thus supporting the broken windows theory (burley, 2018; shepley et al., 2019). this suggests that differentiated types and uses of greenness may serve as a more accurate estimate for the impact of school greenery on young people's behavior. therefore, the findings of this study, which demonstrate the negative side of greenness of school grounds on students' the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 68 behaviors, call for further research on the relationship between student violent misbehavior and environmental factors by the type of natural areas. apart from the shortcomings of the ndvi data, the harmful influence of greenness on violent behaviors shown in this study revisits the argument about nonlinear causal relationships between green spaces and violence-related incidents. in the circumstance that children and youth have had inequitable access to green parks and playgrounds (boone et al., 2009; oh & jeong, 2007; sister et al., 2010; talen & anselin, 1998), the interplay between neighborhood disadvantages and varied experiences of greenness might enhance or neutralize the role of green school grounds on students' violent behaviors. a well-established body of literature has empirically supported that greenness in urban areas has become more available to populations with certain racial, income, age, and education level characteristics (comber, brunsdon, & green, 2008; stodolska, shinew, acevedo, & izenstark, 2011; wüstemann, kalisch, & kolbe, 2017). aligned with prevailing spatial inequity (barnett, 2018; soja, 2010), access to trees and grass has varied by demographic and socioeconomic features as well as by geographic locations and yielded results differentiated by urban intensity and economic factors (hodson & sander, 2019; jennings, johnson gaither, & gragg, 2012; lin, meyers, & barnett, 2015; ttofi, farrington, piquero, & delisi, 2016). in light of environmental injustice coupled with demographic attributes and socioeconomic features, the spatial variation of greenness in urban areas such as chicago justifies ongoing debates on the advantages and disadvantages of green school campuses (sister et al., 2010; talen, 1997). under this uneven greenness, disparities between observed and perceived greenness by community pose a further challenge to accurately estimate the robust impact of green spaces on troublesome behaviors (cohen et al., 2016; foster et al., 2015; francis, martin, wood, & foster, 2017; hipp, gulwadi, alves, sequeira, 2016; leslie, sugiyama, ierodiaconou, & kremer, 2010). taken together, improved greenery on school grounds may either increase or reduce the number of incidents of school offenses in combination with community characteristics (kimpton, corcoran, & wickes, 2017). although this study raises questions about the connection between vegetation on school grounds and young people’s behaviors, greenness alone is not enough to account for student misbehavior and school violence (wolch et al., 2014). highstakes testing in the neoliberal era and gun deaths in american schools have increasingly brought correctional changes to school environments into focus, which include growing school security and surveillance systems, an expansion of zerotolerance policies, and frequent police referrals (mcandrews, 2001; na & gottfredson, 2013; skiba & rausch, 2006). this over-dependence on punitive actions at school campuses may lead to criminalizing nonviolent actions and the disorderly conduct of students at school sites (office for civil rights, 2014; robers, zhang, morgan, & musu-gillette, 2015; rocque & paternoster, 2011). nevertheless, given that school environments have played a part in the cumulative effect of predictive factors on violent behaviors (andershed, gibson, & andershed, 2016; kim, gilman, hill, & hawkins, 2016), a different level of greenery outside the homes of school-aged children and youth can moderate physical attacks and threats at school (taylor, kuo, & sullivan, 2002). in light of the necessity of the role of greenness of school grounds in student violence… 69 preventive and restorative efforts in school disciplinary practices and the increasing global attempts toward a better understanding of green schoolyards (kelz et al., 2015; mejía-castillo, lópez-suárez, estrada rodríguez, & lagunes-córdoba, 2016), further investigation that examines the potential of green infrastructure as a moderator is needed to elaborate the discourse on the role of nature in the prevention of student misbehavior. jin lee is an assistant professor in the department of educational foundations and leadership at the university of louisiana at lafayette. she studies neighborhood effects on equity and access in education, focusing on school discipline practices and school choice programs. katherine s. movassaghi recently earned her doctorate degree in education from the university of louisiana at lafayette. she currently 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(2013). individual, family background, and contextual explanations of racial and ethnic disparities in youths' exposure to violence. american journal of public health, 103(3), 435-442. https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2012.300931 https://doi.org/10.1177/1541204007308427 https://doi.org/10.1021/es103949f https://doi.org/10.3102/0034654313475824 https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0108548 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolind.2018.05.024 https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2012.300931 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(1), 2019 sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers what they learn in school about water conservation? daniel harmon mary gauvain university of california riverside citation: harmon, d., & gauvain, m. (2019). sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers what they learn in school about water conservation? children, youth and environments, 29(1), 20-41. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract children often learn more contemporary information in school about topics such as water conservation than their caregivers did. as such, intergenerational learning from child to caregiver may occur, especially when children learn information with practical applications. forty-six fifth-graders had a water conservation lesson at school. afterward, their caregivers (n = 46) completed a survey about home water conservation, family activities, and intergenerational learning. caregivers reported acquiring information from their children through direct communication and during ongoing activities. child self-efficacy also showed a marginal association with intergenerational learning. implications for future research and for formal and informal science learning are discussed. keywords: intergenerational learning, informal learning, science education, self efficacy, water conservation http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 21 intergenerational learning, acquiring knowledge across generations, is usually conceptualized as older individuals teaching younger ones (pinazo-hernandis, 2011). however, children often learn more contemporary science knowledge in school than what their caregivers know, for instance new information about water conservation. when children communicate this knowledge to caregivers, it provides an opportunity for science learning to reach beyond the classroom and may help to promote pro-environmental household practices. research has shown that it is possible for caregivers to increase their environmental science knowledge after children participate in lessons on the topic (duvall & zint, 2007; istead & shapiro, 2014), however the findings are equivocal. it is also not known how children themselves contribute to this process. in this research, we investigate whether children share recently learned environmental science knowledge about water conservation with their caregivers and, if so, the social contexts in which the exchange occurs. we also explore a psychological factor, child self-efficacy (bandura, 1997), that has been linked to children’s environmental engagement (chawla & heft, 2002) and may relate to whether children share new science information with caregivers. we focus on environmental science knowledge concerning freshwater conservation because many regions in the united states are experiencing severe water crises that are expected to persist for the foreseeable future (corral-verdugo, fríasarmenta, tapia-fonllem, & fraijo-sing, 2012; cook, ault, & smerdon, 2015). to conserve water, many communities are encouraging sustainable behaviors in the public (gober & kirkwood, 2009). however, such behavior change is difficult to achieve (duvall & zint, 2007). educational media campaigns have been inconsistently effective (corral-verdugo et al., 2012). some campaigns have increased pro-environmental attitudes (dolnicar, hulrimann, & grün, 2011), such as those that utilize trusted community members to spread the information or that let people try out new conservation behaviors (e.g., using recycled water to water lawns or fill public pools). in contrast, information-only campaigns, such as those that rely on pamphlets with conservation tips mailed directly to homes, are often ineffective and may even lead to increased wasteful water behaviors (seyranian, sinatra, & polikoff, 2015). although some of these results are encouraging, conservationists continue to seek alternative methods of behavior change. one proposal is to focus on younger community members as agents of change (istead & shapiro, 2014). children learn a significant amount of new environmental science knowledge in school that may affect their attitudes and behaviors (chawla & derr, 2012). when children convey this knowledge to caregivers, it may stimulate proconservation attitudes and behaviors at home. this study aims to shed more light on whether caregivers report learning new science-based water conservation knowledge from their children and how children’s self-efficacy regarding intergenerational learning relates to sharing this knowledge. in addition, to learn more about the social context of this information sharing, we investigated whether it occurs during ongoing activities, a common context of informal learning (weisner, 2002), or in more explicit, didactic conversations mirroring formal school learning (rogoff, moore, correa-chávez, & dexter, 2015). as background, we review research on out-of-school or informal science learning, sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 22 intergenerational learning, and the potential role of child self-efficacy in bridging school and home learning. informal science learning informal science learning occurs outside of the formal learning context of school. it is valuable for reaching society’s goals of capacity building in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (stem) and for advancing public science literacy. informal science learning can reinforce knowledge learned in school and promote deeper understanding of it (chawla & derr, 2012). it can illustrate how science is a way of thinking about and approaching the world and not merely a school subject (callanan, shrager, & moore, 1995; gleason & schauble, 1999). it may also help motivate a lifelong interest in science by showing how scientific knowledge and methods apply to many practical problems (hall & schaverien, 2001; renninger & hidi, 2011). much of the research on informal science learning focuses on settings dedicated to this purpose, such as museums and organized out-of-school programs (dierking & falk, 1994; mohr-schroeder et al., 2014; national research council, 2015). yet, informal science learning may also occur during less-organized pursuits including daily activities, interactions with friends and family, and experience with media (bell, lewenstein, shouse, & feder, 2009). in these situations, children can acquire new science knowledge and have the opportunity to relate this information to their everyday experiences, which may make the contribution of science to children’s lives more vivid (chawla, 2009; luebke, clayton, kelly, & grajal, 2015). informal learning may extend scientific information learned in the classroom to the family setting, a connection that could motivate household behavioral change (wals, 2012). an important feature of informal science learning is that it occurs during activities where the intention is not to teach about science, but to communicate something considered important to the people involved (farver, 1999). this learning can occur during routine activities (e.g., shopping; toth, little, read, fitton, & horton, 2013), explicit conversations about what happened in school (forrester, 2013), and when caregivers or children observe each other’s behaviors (e.g., recycling; leeming, porter, dwyer, cobern, & oliver, 1997). these activity settings afford opportunities for children and caregivers to explore and exchange information about scientific ideas and to learn from one another. a common assumption about informal learning is that adults, and sometimes older children, provide knowledge to young children. however, some prior research suggests that children will share information they learn in school with older family members, including caregivers (duvall & zint, 2007). however, this research has identified some barriers to children sharing information with adults including caregivers, such as adults’ or children’s perception of children as potential experts and the extent to which caregivers engage with the child’s schoolwork. as these examples suggest, formal and informal learning are not really separate from one another. knowledge learned in one context often enriches or influences activities and knowledge learned in the other (eshach, 2007; hofstein & rosenfeld, sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 23 1996). formal learning intersects with informal learning in various ways, including through objects or projects children take home from school, which may include exploration of local environments and even household activities (zimmerman, gamrat, & hooper, 2014). prior research has related informal science learning to increased interest and understanding of stem concepts at school (national research council, 2015; rennie, 2014). thus, to understand children’s science learning fully, it is important to examine connections between formal and informal learning. how, then, do children and caregivers share new science information at home? intergenerational learning informal learning can often be intergenerational, with knowledge shared across people of different ages or generations (pinazo-hernandis, 2011). adults often pass information onto children during daily activities such as chores (e.g., cooking), play (e.g., swimming), and conversation (patrick, johnson, mantzicopolous, & gray, 2015; rogoff et al., 2015). the transmission of knowledge from moreto lessexperienced community members helps young people learn and develop the skills needed to succeed in their environment along with many other behaviors valued in the community (boyd, richerson, & henrich, 2011). prior research shows that families share knowledge and engage in scientific discussions in many non-school activities, such as visiting nature trails and science museums. during these activities, children can share knowledge they learned in school with family members in real-world situations (forrester, 2013; jewett & clark, 1979; mcclain & zimmerman, 2014). interactions between children and caregivers during daily routines and household activities can provide an especially rich learning context because the practical utility of the knowledge is evident. also, in these situations, children may have the opportunity to direct the activity themselves and bring up unique knowledge to share (e.g., that storm water can be reused in the garden; zimmerman, reeve, & bell, 2008), which can deepen children’s science knowledge along with their skills at sharing this type of knowledge with others. few studies have investigated child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning and results are inconsistent (duvall & zint, 2007). although some studies report little sharing of information, including information about the environment (ballantyne, connell, & fien, 1998; legault & pelletier, 2000), other studies report that children convey large amounts of information learned in school to caregivers (damerell, howe, & milner-gulland, 2013; istead & shapiro, 2014). research indicates that children convey newly learned science knowledge in various family contexts, such as working on homework, accompanying caregivers when they shop for appliances, and discussing household recycling habits (istead & shapiro, 2014; uzzell, 1994). some research suggests that child-caregiver interactions following children’s participation in environmental education influences caregivers’ self-reported conservation behaviors (damerell et al., 2013). such exchanges are not unique to caregivers and children living in industrialized societies. research conducted in kenya found that children convey health-related information learned in school to sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 24 caregivers during home activities (onyango-ouma, aagaard-hansen, & jensen, 2005). research suggests that learning science informally may proceed differently across contexts. for instance, caregivers support children’s learning about mathematics differently during homework than during a game (bjorklund, hubertz, & reubens, 2004). similarly, research suggests that children differ in how they share knowledge with caregivers. some children directly recount the science learned in school to caregivers in an instructive or didactic manner resembling school lessons (boyd et al., 2011; istead & shapiro, 2014), whereas other children transmit science information learned in school to caregivers during relevant activities (mcclain & zimmerman, 2014). for example, when brushing teeth, children may tell caregivers that turning off the faucet while brushing saves water. whether children pass this type of information on instructively or during an activity may depend on various factors. because intergenerational learning requires children to assume the role of more-knowledgeable participant, characteristics such as the child’s sense of self-efficacy may affect the frequency and settings in which childto-caregiver intergenerational learning occurs. child self-efficacy and intergenerational learning self-efficacy is the perceived ability to accomplish a behavior and effect change (bandura, 1997). self-efficacy is related to an individual’s identification with the environment and sense of competence in caring for it (chawla, 2009; clayton & opotow, 2003). children with higher self-efficacy exhibit more pro-environmental behaviors following environmental education (chawla & heft, 2002). some research suggests that children with higher self-efficacy are more likely than children with lower self-efficacy to impart new knowledge to caregivers (knafo & galansky, 2008). child self-efficacy may be promoted by teachers and parents who endorse a growth mindset, which enhances the potential to learn and may help children develop confidence in their own knowledge and ability to pass it onto others (haimovitz & dweck, 2017). child self-efficacy may also relate to the way children share science knowledge learned in school with their caregivers (istead & shapiro, 2014; patrick et al., 2015). children with higher self-efficacy may be more likely to share this information didactically. alternatively, children with lower self-efficacy may be more likely to share this information during an ongoing activity (vaughan, gack, solorazano, & ray, 2003). to explore these questions, we examine the relation of child self-efficacy to the frequency with which children share science knowledge learned in school with their caregivers and the contexts in which such exchanges occur. research questions this study investigates child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning of environmental science knowledge about water conservation following a lesson in which children learned new knowledge on this topic at school. it examines three research questions. first, do caregivers report learning new science knowledge from their children that was learned in school? second, in what activity settings do sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 25 families report children share this information? third, will children who learn more in the science lesson be more likely to share the knowledge with caregivers? for this study, we test two hypotheses. one, children will share information learned from a water conservation lesson with their parents. two, children will share this information in various social contexts, including direct, or more didactic, conversations and during ongoing activities. we also explore whether child selfefficacy is related to children’s sharing of newly learned water conservation information with their caregivers. method participants forty-six fifth-grade children (17 male; m age = 10.61 years, sd = 3.64 months) and their caregivers (32 mothers, two grandmothers, three fathers, nine unspecified caregivers) participated. they were recruited from nine classrooms in four schools located in an urban region of southern california. the schools were in lowerto lower-middle-income neighborhoods with an average of 75 percent of the children across the participating schools receiving free/reduced lunches. the schools have a diverse ethnic population reflecting the community at large, with rates of 61-80 percent hispanic american, 10-25 percent european american, 3-5 percent african american, and 3-8 percent other across the four schools. procedure data collection for children occurred before and after an in-class 90-minute lesson on water conservation led by a trained science educator from the local public utilities office. before the lesson began, children completed a brief questionnaire, water in the world today. the water lesson consisted of a 60-minute presentation about the water cycle, water pollution, current water sanitation methods, and water sustainability. the presentation conveyed environmental science information about water waste, water cycle, and pollution with particular effort to contextualize the information in everyday situations (e.g., that the water used on your lawns during the day evaporates quickly because of the sun). while the lesson connected the science information to real-world and at-home contexts, there was no explicit instruction to share this information with caregivers following the lesson. during the presentation students participated in a dance that demonstrated the water cycle, from evaporation to resupply of aquifers. a 30-minute activity followed the presentation in which children constructed a small terrarium, a plant enclosed in a jar that was used to illustrate the water cycle in a self-contained ecosystem (see figure 1). materials for the activity included a plastic container, rocks, sand, soil, a drought-tolerant flower, and water. children were given their terrariums to keep at the end of instruction. following the terrarium activity, children completed another brief questionnaire, today’s water uses. for both questionnaires, the experimenter read each question aloud. children were instructed to respond on their own and not to share their answers with others. after completing the second questionnaire, children were given human research review board-approved consent forms and caregiver surveys, which they brought home for their caregivers to complete. the completed take-home surveys and consent forms sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 26 were returned by participants to the university by mail in a postage-paid envelope. after receiving this information, the researchers sent the family a $10 gift card for a local merchant in appreciation of their participation. figure 1. an illustration of the terrariums used during the environmental education lesson. measures children completed two questionnaires, water in the world today and today’s water uses, and caregivers completed the caregiver environmental survey. these measures were created for this study and were available in english and spanish. the spanish versions were translated by local research assistants fluent in spanish. two child-caregiver pairs completed the measures in spanish, while all the other pairs completed them in english. water in the world today this 14-item paper-and-pencil questionnaire measures water-related knowledge and conservation behaviors; it includes 10 yes-no items (see appendix a) and four open-response questions. two of the four open-response questions asked if the child endorsed the conservation behaviors described in the scenario and to explain why. the scenario questions were: 1. your school is getting brand new water fountains and the students are asked to vote on whether the fountains should use recycled wastewater or desalinated water. recycled wastewater is water that was used before for another purpose and has been cleaned to make it safe to drink. desalinated water is ocean water that has had the salt taken out of it, it is more expensive than recycled wastewater. which water would you choose? why? 2. there is a big rainstorm in your town and after it was over you found some buckets outside your house that filled up with storm water. what will you do with the water in these buckets? why? sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 27 the other two questions asked about conservation behaviors: do you try to conserve water? do you think conserving water at home helps the environment? first, the child answered yes or no to the question and then explained the response (prompted by “why or why not?”). today’s water uses this 13-item questionnaire measures water knowledge, water-related behaviors, intergenerational learning, and child self-efficacy. nine yes/no items that mirror questions in water in the world today assessed water knowledge following the lesson (see appendix b). two additional items asked about water-related behaviors. one used a four-point likert scale (how often do you actively do things to save water?; responses: 1 = daily, 2 = often, 3 = rarely, 4 = never) and the other was an open-response question (what are some of the things you do to save water at home?). two other items, adapted from prior research on intergenerational learning (istead & shapiro, 2014), assessed children’s experience telling caregivers what they learned in school and their self-efficacy related to this practice. a yes/no question asked whether the child tells their caregiver(s) about school learning in general: do you tell your parents interesting things you do in school? the second question was a four-point likert scale item assessing child self-efficacy that asked about the frequency with which children believe they impart newly learned school information to their caregivers: how often do you think you teach something new to your parents that you learned from school? (choices: every day, few times a week, few times a month, rarely). this item was used as an index of child self-efficacy regarding child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning. caregiver environmental survey caregivers reported on their environmental attitudes, behaviors, and instances of child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning on a 16-item survey. it included four yes/no questions (see appendix c) followed by two open-response questions based on a scenario similar to one in the child survey. the scenario and questions were as follows: all the water faucets in your house will soon have recycled water in them. recycled waste water is waste water cleaned until it is safe to drink, and then returned straight to your pipes. 1. would you drink this water or switch to other water like bottled water? why or why not? 2. would your answer change if water fountains at your child’s school used recycled water? why or why not? the survey also contained 10 other open-response questions (see appendix c); three asked about home water conservation behaviors, three asked about childcaregiver interactions, and two asked whether their child tells the caregiver things the child learned in school—with one focusing on general information and the other on water information. each question about children sharing information learned in sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 28 school had a follow-up question that requested specific examples about when caregivers learned such information from their children. coding and reliability the measures included forced-choice and narrative responses. the first author and a trained research assistant independently coded the narrative responses for 37 participants (80 percent of the sample) for interrater reliability purposes and achieved very good reliability; cohen’s kappa ranged from .73-.86. when reliability was less than complete agreement, the first author’s coding was used in the analyses. yes/no questions items were coded 1 if the response supported water conservation or sustainable behaviors, and 0 if the response did not represent water conservation or represented misconceptions about water (e.g., it is impossible to waste water because it is in a continuing water cycle). scores represented the total number of responses supporting water conservation (a possible total of 10 for water in the world today and 9 for today’s water uses). intergenerational learning intergenerational learning was coded from two items that asked caregivers about the frequency and content of interactions in which their children shared knowledge they learned at school with the caregiver. for frequency, we counted the number of specific examples of intergenerational learning in the responses to two questions: can you name a time where you learned something about water from your children? and could you tell us about a time where you changed your water use habits because of something your child taught you about water? for the analysis, the total number of responses was identified as either low (0), medium (1), or high (≥2). when participants reported the same situation in response to both items, they were counted as one instance. activity settings responses to the three open-ended questions (one on today’s water uses completed by the child and two on the caregiver environmental survey) that respondents provided as examples of intergenerational learning were coded as: observation, conversation, ongoing activity, or not occurring. observation refers to caregivers acquiring new knowledge by observing their children’s behaviors without any direct interaction between child and caregiver (e.g., caregiver turns faucets off during an activity after having seen the child doing so). conversation refers to when a caregiver gains information after talking with their child about it (e.g., child tells caregiver about what was learned in school). ongoing activity refers to instances when caregivers learn new information from their children during a shared activity (e.g., gardening, cooking), while using an object or form of technology in the home to carry out a behavior (e.g., an egg timer to time showers), or when the child suggests the caregiver modify his or behavior during an activity (e.g., child tells caregiver to turn off a running faucet when brushing teeth). not occurring was used when no specific instances of intergenerational sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 29 learning were reported. reliability was acceptable for the activity setting coding, kappa = .73. child self-efficacy child self-efficacy was coded using the child’s response to the question: how often do you think you teach something new to your parents that you learned from school? as self-efficacy relates to children’s perceived ability to complete a task, children’s perception of themselves as successfully sharing new and novel information was used to measure self-efficacy. responses were coded on a fourpoint likert scale reflecting the frequency of the behavior, with higher scores indicating greater frequency (every day= 4, few times a week = 3, few times a month = 2, rarely = 1). plan of analysis paired-sample t-tests were used to assess children’s environmental knowledge before and after the science lesson to determine if children acquired new information from the classroom visit. to test the first hypothesis, we computed a one-sample t-test to determine if caregivers’ reported learning of new science information from their children was above chance. to test the second the second hypothesis, chi-square goodness of fit tests compared the frequency of intergenerational learning across activity settings. we used polychoric correlations to explore the relations of child-reported self-efficacy and children’s science learning to caregiver-reported intergenerational learning and the contexts in which this learning occurred. results results showed an increase in children’s water conservation knowledge following the 90-minute lesson, t(45) = 6.77, p < .001, d = 1.02 children, on average, had pro-conservation responses in 55 percent of the 10 questions (m = 5.56, sd = 1.68) before the environmental lesson, and in 79 percent of the nine questions (m = 7.17, sd = 1.48) after the lesson. no gender differences were found in pretest scores, t(44) = 0.25, p = .80, r = .038, post-test scores, t(44) = 0.83., p = .41, r = .12, or when examining differences between pre-test and post-test scores, t(44) = 0.49, p = .50, r = .073. the first hypothesis was confirmed. thirty-eight of 46 caregivers (83 percent) reported learning new water-saving information or attitudes from their children, significantly more than would be expected by chance, t(45) = 14.62, p < .001, d = 4.36. caregivers reported a mean number of 1.30 distinct instances (sd = .76, range 0 – 2) of intergenerational learning. eight caregivers (17.4 percent) reported no instances of intergenerational learning, 16 (34.8 percent) reported one instance, and 22 (47.8 percent) reported two instances. there were no differences for child gender in caregiver-reported intergenerational learning. the amount of learning by children in the class lesson, measured by difference scores between preand postassessments, was marginally correlated with frequency of intergenerational learning reported by caregivers, r (44) = .25, p =.093. sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 30 the second hypothesis was also supported. there was a total of 38 reported instances of intergenerational learning during explicit conversations (m = 0.83, sd = 0.8) and 39 reported instances during ongoing activities (m = 0.85, sd = 0.7); observational learning occurred in only one case and is not examined further. intergenerational learning occurred at similar rates across the two settings, χ2(1) = .013, p = 0.91, r = .01. eighteen families (39.1 percent) reported no specific instances of learning during conversations, 19 families (41.3 percent) reported one instance, eight (17.4 percent) reported two instances, and one (2.2 percent) reported three specific instances. fifteen families (32 percent) reported no instances during ongoing activities, 23 (50 percent) families provided one specific instance, and eight families (17.4 percent) reported two specific instances. there were no gender differences; boys and girls shared science knowledge in conversation, t(44) = 0.36, p = .72, r = .05, and during ongoing activities, t(44) = 0.69, p = .49, r = .10, at similar rates. children reported a mean response of 2.76 (sd = 0.97) out of a maximum of 4 (share information everyday) on the self-efficacy item, which indicates that, on average, they shared newly learned science knowledge with caregivers on a regular, but not daily, basis. there was no gender difference in this response, t(44) = 0.30, p = .76, r = .046. a marginally positive relation appeared between childreported self-efficacy and frequency of caregiver-reported intergenerational learning, r(44) = .28, p = .057. polychoric correlations revealed no relation between child self-efficacy and communicating science knowledge to caregivers in conversation, r(44) = .18, p =.23 or during ongoing activities, r(44) = .14, p = .35. discussion most children in this study, after learning new water conservation knowledge in a one-time classroom lesson, conveyed this knowledge to their caregivers. children shared this knowledge with caregivers in different social contexts, mainly during conversations and ongoing activities. these findings are consistent with research showing caregivers increase their knowledge about environmental science when their children participate in science-oriented extracurricular programs (damerell et al., 2013). the present study adds to this finding by showing that this type of intergenerational learning may occur after a one-time environmental education lesson at school about water conservation. more generally, the results support the idea that children’s learning about sciencebased water conservation may contribute to adults’ environmental science knowledge. children and their caregivers, with whom many children have their closest relationships, interact regularly (bronfenbrenner & morris, 2006). a significant amount of knowledge, particularly concerning everyday behaviors (e.g., cooking, hygiene), is passed on during these interactions as part of the socialization process (weisner, 2002). thus, a potentially effective way to impart contemporary scientific knowledge about water conservation to adults may be to teach children this knowledge through school lessons that are clearly connected to real-world experiences. sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 31 our investigation into the different contexts of these child-caregiver interactions showed that children shared newly learned science knowledge with caregivers during ongoing activities and in conversations at similar rates. these findings are consistent with prior research that identified family activities of many types as important for intergenerational and informal learning (cristancho & vining, 2009; rogoff et al., 2015; weisner, 2002). ongoing activities may be a common setting for intergenerational learning in the home because they provide real-world contexts in which children can apply their newly learned knowledge. prior research showed that children more often share learned information when they can refer to an object or activity related to that information (zimmerman et al., 2014). conversations that refer to school lessons that are relevant to home life, as was the case here, may be especially likely to be recounted by children. future study might include home observations of these different types of interactions to learn more about them and to determine if they influence behavior change. child self-efficacy and children’s learning during a one-time science lesson were marginally related positively to sharing this information with caregivers, which suggests a potential connection between child self-efficacy, children’s science learning, and child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning. contrary to expectations, child self-efficacy showed no relation to the context in which children shared this knowledge with caregivers. these findings suggest that self-efficacy may be pertinent to the amount of knowledge children share, but not to the social context in which it is shared. yet, the current study used limited measures for selfefficacy, so the relation between self-efficacy and intergenerational learning requires further study. this study has several limitations. it was a naturalistic study without a control condition or experimental manipulation and, therefore, causal relations are unknown. students in the participating classrooms were not required to partake in the study, and some selection bias may have occurred. although the data were from two sources (children and caregivers), all data used self-report measures; more objective home observations would increase understanding of child-tocaregiver intergenerational learning. the lesson that was the focus of the research deviated from the normal curriculum and may have been more interesting to children than usual class lessons, which may have increased the likelihood of the lesson being shared with caregivers. the sample size was small, which may have limited our ability to detect certain effects of interest, in particular the relation of child self-efficacy to child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning. finally, the data were collected in a geographic region experiencing severe drought. this situation may have increased the likelihood that children would share water-related information with caregivers and raises questions about the generalizability of the results. this study has several benefits. results are consistent with prior findings showing that children can impart new knowledge to caregivers about environmental science and conservation. they also provide insight into the everyday situations of child-tocaregiver intergenerational learning and, more generally, about informal learning. in the present study, instances of intergenerational sharing were reported even sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 32 after a brief, one-time lesson, which is useful for designing educational interventions aimed at promoting community-wide pro-conservation behaviors regarding water. a brief lesson that connects school curricula to at-home situations may be more acceptable to teachers and school administrators who are often hesitant to include longer lessons that deviate from the planned curriculum. an important feature of the water conservation lesson was constructing terrariums that the children could take home (see figure 1). the terrariums may have helped spark caregiver-child interaction about the lesson (zimmerman et al., 2014). given that this activity was low in cost as well as fun and engaging for the children, it may be useful to incorporate such activities in one-time lessons as a way of facilitating intergenerational learning. additionally, although one-time lessons are often considered limited for behavioral change, when lessons reinforce broader societal messages, their potential may be enhanced. at the present time, people’s concerns about the environment are on the rise and better understanding of the potential of brief pro-environmental lessons for children’s learning and behavioral change is needed. developmental scientists and educators can play an important role by assessing the contributions of these lessons, which may, in turn, lead to recommendations for best practices in this area (clayton et al., 2016). lastly, this study shows a marginal link between self-efficacy and child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning, which suggests a need for further study of this connection. if such relations hold, the inclusion of more directed self-efficacy interventions, such as lessons in which children can provide or create solutions to water conservation problems, during brief pro-environmental lessons might increase the frequency and extent to which child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning occurs. in conclusion, the current water crisis has raised awareness of the need for widespread behavioral change in the use of this precious resource. intergenerational learning may help in this effort. this study extended current knowledge of child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning by examining caregivers’ self-reported learning of this sort and the contexts in which it occurred. results showed that caregivers report acquiring new environmental science information about water conservation from children in various informal learning contexts. the findings suggest that instructing children in environmental science issues can be a potentially valuable way of increasing adult environmental science knowledge and may have implications for household behavioral change. the study also explored how self-efficacy related to child-to-caregiver intergenerational learning and there was some indication that child self-efficacy may contribute to this process. however, this analysis was exploratory, with limited measurement of self-efficacy. in terms of new research directions, future study might investigate the skills children need to share science knowledge effectively with caregivers, if child-tocaregiver intergenerational learning raises children’s interest in or motivation to engage in science learning, and whether this type of intergenerational learning has the potential to increase pro-environmental behaviors in the home. sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 33 acknowledgments this research was supported by an nsf-igert award, water sense: social, engineering, and natural science engagement. we thank sharon gutierrez, coordinator of the riverside public utilities’ school education program, for her expertise, assistance and invaluable insight throughout the project. daniel harmon is a doctoral candidate at university of california riverside, studying developmental psychology. he received his b.a. in psychology in 2011 from university of california santa cruz, and his m.a. in 2015 from university of california riverside. daniel is a fellow in the nsf igert award, water sense: social, engineering, and natural sciences engagement, working on environmental education and issues of water sustainability in the united states southwest. in his igert work he has collaborated with local schools to provide environmental science education to elementary school classrooms. mary gauvain, professor of psychology at uc riverside, received her ba from uc irvine, ma from stanford university, and ph.d. from the university of utah. she was a postdoctoral fellow at city university of new york, graduate center and the oregon social learning center. her research, funded by the nih and spencer foundation, examines sociocultural contributions to cognitive development. she is the author of the social context of cognitive development (guilford, 2001) and pi on an nsf-igert award, water sense: social, engineering, and natural sciences engagement. her current research examines children’s understanding of water and food contamination in sub-saharan africa. references ballantyne, r., connell, s., & fien, j. 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(2005). the potential of schoolchildren as health change agents in rural western kenya. social science & medicine, 61, 1711-1722. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2005.03.041 patrick, h., johnson, k. r., mantzicopolous, p., & gray, d. l. (2015). “i tell them i know how to do my abcs!” kindergartners’ school-related conversations with parents and associations with adjustment and achievement. the elementary school journal, 112(2), 383-405. doi: 10.1086/661996 pinazo-hernandis, s. (2011). intergenerational learning: a way to share time, experiences, and knowledge. a field to develop. journal of intergenerational relationships, 9, 115-116. doi: 10.1080/15350770.2011.544625 rennie, l. j. (2014). learning outside of school. in n. g. lederman & s. k. abell (eds). handbook of research on science education, vol. 2 (pp. 120-144). new york: taylor & francis. renninger, k. a. & hidi, s. (2011). revisiting the conceptualization, measurement, and generation of interest. educational psychologist, 46(3), 168-184. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00461520.2011.587723 rogoff, b., moore, l. c., correa-chávez, m., & dexter, a. l. (2015). children develop cultural repertoires through engaging in everyday routines and practices. in j. e. grusec & p. d. hastings (eds.), handbook of socialization: theory and research (2nd ed., pp. 472-498). new york: guilford. seyranian, v., sinatra, g. m., & polikoff, m. s. (2015). comparing communication strategies for reducing residential water consumption. journal of environmental psychology, 41, 81-90. doi: 10.1016/j.jenvp.2014.11.009 toth, n., little, l., read, j. c., fitton, d., & horton, m. (2013). understanding teen attitudes towards energy consumption. journal of environmental psychology, 34, 36-44. doi: 10.1016/j.jenvp.2012.12.001 uzzell, d. (1994). children as catalysts of environmental change. retrieved from european commission directorate general for science research and development joint research centre: http://www.academia.edu/1131741/children_as_catalysts_of_environmental _change vaughan, c., gack, j., solorazano, h., & ray, r. (2003). the effect of environmental education on schoolchildren, their parents, and community members: a study on intergenerational and intercommunity learning. the journal of environmental education, 34(3), 12-21. doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/00958960309603489 wals, a. e. j. 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(2008). distributed expertise in a science center. journal of museum education, 33, 143-152. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10598650.2008.11510595 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10598650.2008.11510595 sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 39 appendix a water in the world today all responses were in a yes/no format. 1. is bottled water healthier to drink than water from the faucet or a water fountain? 2. if you saw a pipe leaking, would you let someone know about it? 3. is it ok to reuse water that has already been used to take a shower or for other things? 4. do water bottles that get thrown away after they are empty harm the environment? 5. would you drink recycled water that has been used before for things like bathing and washing dishes? 6. do you think you need to take long showers (8 minutes or longer) to get really clean? 7. would you use recycled water that was used before and then cleaned if you were told it was safe? 8. do you believe that waste water, even after it gets cleaned, has germs in it that can make you sick? 9. is saving water an important issue in the world today? 10.would you be embarrassed if people knew you drank recycled water? sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 40 appendix b today’s water uses all responses were in a yes/no format. 1. do you need to worry about conserving water even though the water you use will stay in the water cycle? 2. do you have a problem reusing water that has been used before if it is cleaned afterwards? 3. is bottled water healthier for you than water from the water fountains or your faucet at home? 4. can the way you use water change the amount of available water in your area? 5. if you saw a pipe leaking water, would you let someone know about it? 6. is recycled water that has been used before and cleaned to be safe again, ok to drink? 7. would you be embarrassed if people knew you drank recycled water? 8. are we in danger of not having water in the future if we don’t try to save it today? 9. do water bottles you use then throw away do harm to the environment? sharing science knowledge across generations: do children tell caregivers… 41 appendix c caregiver environmental survey yes/no questions: 1. are bottles of water healthier for you to drink than water from the faucet or drinking from water fountains? (yes/no) 2. would you drink recycled water (water that has been used and cleaned) if you knew it was safe? (yes/no) 3. is water sustainability currently an important issue to you? (yes/no) 4. do disposable water bottles have a huge impact on the environment? (yes/no) open-response questions: 1. how important is it to you to conserve water? 2. do you take any extra actions to save water at your home? if so, what are they? if not, why not? 3. what are some things you do to save water at home? 4. does your child (who completed the surveys) participate in any community activities (play on a sports team, acting, cub/girl scouts, etc.)? 5. did you choose these community activities, or was it your child’s idea? 6. do you often do activities with your child you both consider fun? what are they? 7. does your child share things they’ve learned in school with you? 8. has your child shared anything they learned in school about water with you? if so, what did they tell you? 9. how often, if ever, do you feel you change your habits or behaviors regarding water because of something your child told you? 10.could you tell us about a time where you changed your water use habits because of something your child taught you about water? login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(1), 2018 contact with nature in green schoolyards andreas raith erfurt university, germany citation: raith, a. (2018). contact with nature in green schoolyards. children, youth and environments, 28(1), 66-89. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract green schoolyards often provide one of the few opportunities for children to play outdoors. the aim of this study is to investigate the influences of schoolyard characteristics and children’s age on their contact with nature in green schoolyards. the researchers conducted 71 observations at three schools with green schoolyards in small towns in southern germany, with students between 6 and 16 years of age. analysis of the observations indicate that younger children tend to have more contact with nature on the schoolyard and make different use of green areas both in and outside the schoolyard than older children. additionally, the study found that specific functional features of green schoolyards have a positive or negative impact on children’s contact with nature. keywords: nature contact, nature experience, environmental education, green schoolyard, school environment http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi contact with nature in green schoolyards 67 introduction schools as access to nature many children spend only a small amount of their free time outdoors in nature (wheeler, cooper, page, & jago, 2010). the amount of time children spend in nature varies considerably, depending on where they grow up. children living in cities have a disadvantage to those living in rural areas, as access to nature proves to be more difficult in cities (thomas & thompson, 2004). furthermore, social problems can limit perceptions of nature in residential environments (dyment & bell, 2008b; fisman, 2005). according to hallmann, klöckner, beisenkamp, and kuhlmann (2005), every fifth child feels the least safe in nature. environmentalists all over the world are working to counteract this trend and are looking for approaches to bring children more frequently into contact with nature. one approach is the green transformation of schoolyards, as they may provide one of the few opportunities for many children to play outdoors. schoolyard greening involves a redesigning of established schoolyards to create ecologically rich environments. ideally, these combine nature and ecological sustainability with sitespecific learning, active participation, and creative gameplay, while celebrating community (danks, 2014). a green transformation includes the break up, redesign, and planting of paved surfaces. a green design can be divided into four categories: habitat restoration, theme gardens, spaces for active play, and landscape to enhance stormwater management. in individual cases, these approaches are combined with selected priorities. habitat restauration aims to imitate the local ecosystem as closely as possible (e.g., meadows, forests). theme gardens (e.g., food gardens, herb gardens) are either arranged separately on the schoolyard or to supplement the habitat areas and are usually taken care of by the students in a teaching context. spaces for active play are intended to make exercise and social interaction possible. for this purpose, the green areas are suitably equipped with specific elements. typical features include seating components, fences, moveable pieces (e.g., logs, moveable stones), interpretative elements (e.g., learning stations, weather stations), water elements, pathways and gathering places. landscapes for stormwater management are used in green schoolyards to illustrate the importance of green areas for storing and filtering storm water (evergreen, 2002). clearly, critical contributions to the realization of such schoolyards are the climate zone and the local ecosystems as well as the pedagogical conception, the commitment, and the financial means of the school. all these measures share the aim to create spaces that bring children into contact with nature on a daily basis for several years. the idea of a green schoolyard exists not only through the design and the use of the school ground, but also through the culture in which the schoolyard becomes an everyday part of school life (bell & dyment, 2008). depending on the school culture, a green schoolyard may or may not be understood and communicated as learning space (malone & tranter, 2003). much of the contact with nature on schoolyards takes place informally without instructions, as a side effect of the children’s stay or play on the schoolyard. often, however, the possibilities of green schoolyards become part of formal teaching concepts, such as school gardening lessons. in either case, green schoolyards serve as playing and common areas during breaks. contact with nature in green schoolyards 68 the benefits of green schoolyards that school officials may see are numerous. these go beyond the idea of providing contact with nature to include secondary effects, such as outdoor learning, improved social behavior among children, and positive effects on both their physical and mental health (bell & dyment, 2008; dyment, 2005). green schoolyards can promote in a child a sense of curiosity and adventurism, healthy living and a connection to nature. further, by cultivating local ecosystems, green schoolyards can become an important element of urban ecological infrastructure, and strengthen future generations’ commitment to environmental actions and dealing with environmental issues (danks, 2014). children’s outdoor play children’s play behavior in nature has been well-researched (raith, 2017). for example, children include elements from green areas into their games, and diversity of the environment leads to diversity within their gameplay (beach, 2003; fjørtoft, 2004; fjørtoft & sageie, 2000). loose parts in the gaming environment encourage constructive play and role-playing games (maxwell, mitchell, & evans, 2008). inside a green area, the games are more diverse (beach, 2003; drown, 2014; dyment, 2005; dyment & bell, 2008a; fjørtoft, 2004; fjørtoft & sageie, 2000; grahn, mårtensson, lindblad, nilsson, & ekman, 1997). the playing interval of children on green playgrounds lasts longer than on non-green playgrounds, where children spend less time in conversation. in nature, children are motivated to play with others, play role-playing games more regularly, and show less aggressive behavior (berglez, 2005; dyment & bell, 2008a). children’s use of natural areas shows age-specific patterns. a survey of children and adolescents in england on their use of woodland showed that preschool children play primarily under parental supervision close to where they live. children of elementary school age (5-12 years) play with and without parents, in games such as hide and seek, or climbing trees and constructing dens. children between 12 and 14 years of age have similar play behavior as children between 5 and 12, but they move further away from their place of residence and may use the forest to gain experience with cigarettes or alcohol. at the age of 15 to 17 years, the interest in forests decreases considerably, with an exception being a particular interest in outdoor or early sexual activities. adolescents aged 17 and above use woodlands to spend time apart from adults. they throw parties, make campfires, are sexually active and, in some cases, consume drugs (bell, thompson, & travlou, 2003). nature experiences understanding the characteristics of nature contact and the processes that take place during its occurrence is not easy. most authors have agreed on the concept of nature experience, which has been explored from different perspectives. in a nature experience, a subject has an encounter with nature that is processed internally (bögeholz, 1999; lude, 2001). research focuses on the effects that this internal process has on variables such as the subject’s attitude, recovery, and ability to concentrate (brügger, kaiser, & roczen, 2011; s. kaplan & r. kaplan, 2003; taylor & kuo, 2009; wells & lekies, 2006). further research has investigated the construct of a nature experience itself. this work has sought to define the dimensions of nature experiences that differ in their modes of negotiation with nature and in the contact with nature in green schoolyards 69 specific kind of nature encounter taking place (bögeholz, 2006; lude, 2001; 2006). the subject having a nature experience does so in response to specific environmental variables that are determined by the natural environment. stimuli from the environment activate sensory systems, such as sight, hearing, or smell. this sensory perception is combined in mental processes to form an image of experience that is developed from a combination of sensory perception and prior knowledge and expectations. hence, while environmental variables play an important role, various emotional and cognitive variables of the perceptive subject are also of great importance in shaping one’s perception (gerrig, 2013; linzmayer, halpenny, & walker, 2014). thus, nature contact is a variable of the external world in which the individual moves, whereas nature experience is a variable of the inner world of the individual, resulting from a mediating authority of subjective perception and its mental processes of negotiation. for the present study, nature contact is defined as “a state of exposure to sensory stimuli by elements of nature” (figure 1). figure 1. nature contact and nature experience as variables of the external and the inner world nature experiences can occur actively or passively. a person can focus their attention on an object of nature and consciously perceive its stimuli. but even when attention is not deliberately focused on the environment, the individual is exposed to the environment’s stimuli and perceives them passively with their senses. in relation to the external world of the individual, nature contact occurs inside an environmental dimension, where the elements of nature form the background for secondary activities, and as a behavioral dimension in which the nature elements themselves are the content of activity (raith, 2015). due to different directions of attention, the two dimensions allow for the expectation of different perceptions and, hence, of different nature experiences. effects of nature experiences the past few decades have presented us with a wide range of studies dealing with the effects of nature experience on different aspects of child development (raith & lude, 2014). nature experiences may have a range of positive effects, such as on children’s well-being (han, 2009; kelz, evans, & röderer, 2015; martin, 2003; van den berg & van den berg, 2011), their self-esteem (berger, 2008; griffiths, elnifflarsen, & jones, 2010; kiener & stucki, 2001; murray, 2003; o’brien & murray, external world inner world nature experience nature contact stimuli nature elements mental negotiation active perception passive perception contact with nature in green schoolyards 70 2005; 2006; 2007) or their ability to concentrate (grahn et al., 1997; griffiths et al., 2010; häfner, 2002; kuo & taylor, 2004; o’brien & murray, 2005; taylor & kuo, 2009; taylor, kuo, & sullivan, 2001; van den berg & van den berg, 2011). overall, there is research that supports the existence of positive effects on cognitive, affective, social, and physical development variables (raith, 2015; raith & lude, 2014). moreover, there are developmental, sociocultural, and psychological explanations for the unique effects produced by the experience of a natural environment. the developmental explanation stems from a genetic disposition to landscape preferences, as mankind has spent most of their development in natural environments and adapted to them (appleton, 1975; kellert & wilson, 1993; orians, 1980). the sociocultural explanation points to a cultural imprint of “identity,” which is linked to certain natural environments (carlson, 2009; proshansky, 1987; tuan, 1974). attention restoration theory (r. kaplan & s. kaplan, 1989) is currently the most recognized psychological explanation (steg, van den berg, & de groot, 2012). it refers to specific characteristics of green environments that make recovery from directed attention fatigue possible and thus have a relaxing effect. the stress recovery theory (ulrich et al., 1991), according to which certain characteristics in the surrounding area trigger unconscious affective reactions, provides us with an alternative psychological explanation. positive affective reactions, which are particularly common in green areas, have recuperative effects. the state of research on nature contact in schoolyards to date, the relatively little research on green schoolyards has focused on the effects of both nature contact and experience on secondary variables. in general, studies have indicated that children’s well-being is increased in green schoolyards (kelz et al., 2015). children identify strongly with green schoolyards and think positively of them (moore, 1986; 1989). children’s playing and social behavior in green schoolyards changes positively (dyment, 2005; dyment & bell, 2008b; malone & tranter, 2003), and their social behavior remains on a more positive level even after the break (dyment, 2005). generally, vegetation on the schoolyard leads to a higher level of movement among the children (boldemann et al., 2006). green areas are the most active areas on the schoolyard and there children notably achieve and maintain a level of physical activity that is defined as moderate (dyment, bell, & lucas, 2009). more vegetation in schoolyards leads to slightly positive effects on attitudes towards nature and botanical knowledge (harvey, 1989), as well as improved school performance (lopez, campbell, & jennings, 2008). however, nature contact as a dependent variable has still not been studied in any real depth. little is known about the factors that influence whether children have contact with nature, and if so, what type of contact that is. we know that not all children choose to spend time in green areas on the schoolyard. for example, at a school in australia, 33 percent of the children from pre-school to sixth grade spent time in green areas, whereas at a school in canada, it was 14 percent of the children from pre-school to eighth grade (dyment et al., 2009). a known relevant variable in the differing use of green areas is the teachers’ attitude towards the schoolyard, which they communicate to the students as a hidden curriculum. if contact with nature in green schoolyards 71 teachers understand the schoolyard to be an extended learning space, children have more contact with nature during breaks than if the schoolyard is only used as a space to work off their excess energy (malone & tranter, 2003). gender differences only seem to play a subordinate role. while the sexes are known to use schoolyard areas differently, green areas have been found to have the fewest differences in usage, and have therefore a balancing effect (bell & dyment, 2008; fjørtoft, kristoffersen, & sageie, 2009; lucas & dyment, 2010; moore, 1986). as noted above, age effects are to be expected as different age groups make different use of green areas outside the schoolyard (bell et al., 2003). further, investigations at schoolyards without a green transformation show that the yards are used differently among age cohorts. children of grades 1-4 spend most of their time in open and play areas and follow their urge for movement. children of grades 5-7 play increasingly communicative games and use sports areas on the schoolyard. children of grades 8-10 retreat to peripheral areas of the schoolyard and spend their breaks socializing (derecik, 2013). still, the impact of the cohort effects on nature contact in the schoolyard remains unclear. as green areas have a balancing impact on gender effects, a balancing effect for nature contact could also be expected for age effects. if nature contact is agerelated, research should determine the age ranges at which children are especially open to nature contact in the schoolyard, and variables in the decision-making among children and adolescents for spending time in certain schoolyard areas. both the possible age effects and the influence of environmental variables on nature contact on the schoolyard need clarification in order to identify more clearly the effects of nature experiences on the schoolyard, and furthermore, to design schoolyards in such a way that the largest possible proportion of students have access to regular contact with nature. there is an increasing interest in informal approaches to nature experiences at educational institutions. however, at present, there exists no adequate empirical database to make decisions about design for green schoolyards. reliable findings are necessary to both ensure more effective planning, and to make persuasive arguments for implementing pedagogical measures around green schoolyards, which as a rule require a lot of commitment. if extensive greening measures prove to be ineffective or are effective only for small groups of children, then important supporters would fall away, and subsequent projects would be harder to implement. hence, the purpose of this study is to determine the influences of age and environmental factors on children’s contact with nature in green schoolyards. the study pursues the following questions: to what extent do children of different age groups have contact with nature in green schoolyards? do specific schoolyard characteristics influence contact with nature in green schoolyards? accordingly, the following hypotheses were formed: 1. the younger the children, the more contact with nature they have in schoolyards with green areas (the environmental dimension of nature contact—i.e., just being there, and the behavioral dimension of nature contact—i.e., observing/playing with nature objects). contact with nature in green schoolyards 72 2. specific schoolyard characteristics affect contact with nature in green areas differently for different age groups (environmental and behavioral dimensions of nature contact). method participants a total of 1278 students in grades 1-10 used the three schoolyards under investigation, across an age span from 6 to 16 years. all schools were combined elementary and secondary schools. in germany, grades 1-4 belong to elementary school (age 6-10), while grades 5-10 are part of secondary school (age 10-16). at all schools in the study, the children from elementary school and secondary school shared the same schoolyard simultaneously, without any restrictions by the school administration or playground duty. settings the three schools in the study have green schoolyards and are located in small towns in southern germany (with 5,000, 5,700 and 11,000 inhabitants, respectively), with immediate rural surroundings (figures 1-3). each school consists of an elementary school (grades 1-4) and a secondary school (grades 5-10). the schoolyards were approx. 5500m2, 6000m2 and 7000m2 in size. at each of the schools, the green schoolyard areas consisted of a combination of habitat restoration and spaces for active play. none of the schoolyards had a theme garden or stormwater management. the green areas were enriched with elements for active play (e.g., seating components, moveable pieces, pathways, and gathering places). the selection criteria for the green schoolyards conforms to the following criteria for nature playgrounds derived from schemel and müller (2010): • green areas have to be large enough to allow activities for a minimum of onethird of all students at the school. • alternative non-green areas have to be provided and accessible to all students. • contact with the soil and plants must be possible, and less than 10 percent of the natural area should be paved. • the natural surface has to vary; at least one-third must be shaped by natural elements (such as bushes, trees, or rocks). • at least one-third of the green area has to be made available for children to express themselves. • noise and emissions cannot interfere with the playing activities. across the three schools, the researcher identified a total of 24 green observation areas. the observation areas had to be at least 25 m2, but small enough for an observer to detect children playing. the areas had to be functionally separate. these areas had to be open enough for the playing children and their actions to be observed. contact with nature in green schoolyards 73 figure 2. school 1 figure 3. school 2 picture 1: observation areas (google, digitalglobe, geobasisde/bkg, geocontent) picture 2: area 4 picture 3: area 5 vegetation density: 225 terrain structure: 3.97 functional features: balancing opportunity, seat vegetation density: 250 terrain structure: 2.68 functional features: slide, balancing opportunity, seat, climbing opportunity picture 4: observation areas (google, digitalglobe, geobasisde/bkg, geocontent, landes-hauptstadt stuttgart) picture 6: area 1 picture 5: area 3 vegetation density: 550 terrain structure: 3.23 functional features: hideout, seat, climbing opportunity vegetation density: 175 terrain structure: 0.83 functional features: climbing opportunity, seat, shelter contact with nature in green schoolyards 74 figure 4. school 3 the investigation follows the study model shown in figure 5. figure 5. study model picture 7: google, aerowest, (digitalglobe, geobasis-de/bkg, geocontent, landeshauptstadt stuttgart) picture 9: area 7 picture 8: area 5 vegetation density: 200 terrain structure: 3.0 functional features: seat, water, balancing opportunity, shelter vegetation density: 175 terrain structure: 1.69 functional features: climbing opportunity, balancing opportunity environmental dimension (number of children in green areas) behavioral dimension (number of children handling/observing natural objects) nature contact dependent variables independent variables weather conditions (temperature, verbal descriptions like sunny, cloudy) age (grade 1+2, 3+4, 5-7, 8-10) schoolyard characteristics vegetation density (index of coverage in 7 layers) terrain structure (index plane ... modelled surface) functional features (categorized as hideout, slide...) contact with nature in green schoolyards 75 procedures at each of the schools, observations were conducted by a team of eight observers from may to july 2015 during three long lunch breaks (25 to 30 minutes between 9:00 am and 10:00 am). the children ate in their classrooms right before the break. during the breaks, all children were free to move around the schoolyard. each observer was responsible for one observation area in the schoolyard. thus, all 24 areas were covered during three breaks. this resulted in 71 observations (on one occasion, one observer was absent) with a total of 1586 one-minute observation intervals for each of the four class cohorts (grade 1+2, grade 3+4, grade 5-7, grade 8-10). hence, 6344 cases were documented. the dependent variable, contact with nature, was determined through observations at one-minute intervals. two aspects were documented: 1. the environmental dimension of contact with nature: the number of children who stay in an observation area per minute. 2. the behavioral dimension of contact with nature: the number of children who handle or observe natural objects (plants, animals, stones, and the like) per minute. the observers wore small earphones over which they heard a signal after every minute. between the signals, they counted both the total number of children and the number of children who handled or observed natural objects. for each minute interval, both numbers were documented in a table. for example, minute #1: eight children staying, two children handling a natural object; minute #2: four children staying, no children handling a natural object. hypothesis 1 was directly depicted using the variable “age.” hypothesis 2 on schoolyard characteristics was implemented based on criteria for the description of terrain from landscape ecology (steinhardt, blumenstein, & barsch, 2005) using the variables “vegetation density,” “terrain structure,” and “functional features.” the weather conditions were included as a control variable. 1. age of the children: during each observation interval, the observer documented the number of cases in each age group. to do so, the observer had to judge to which age group the children belonged. in order to minimize overlaps in determining the age groups, observers clustered their observations into four major age cohorts: grade 1+2, grade 3+4, grades 5-7 and grade 8-10. before each observation, observers practiced assigning the individual class cohorts using image maps. more than 100 image maps showed schoolchildren from different age cohorts with the age span noted on the back of the picture. the observers were trained in the classification process by comparing their age assessment with the actual age of the children. 2. vegetation density: before observation, all areas of observation were classified by vegetation coverage. specifically, for each of seven vegetation layers, the percentage coverage in plan view was determined separately and added to a total value. the layers included: three herb layers: h1 up to 20 contact with nature in green schoolyards 76 cm, h2 between 21 and 50 cm, h3 between 51 and 100 cm, h4 more than 100 cm; two shrub layers: s1 less than 150 cm and s2 over 150 cm; and a tree layer over 5 m. 3. terrain structure: the horizontal plane structure of all observation areas was determined with a point-score system by using the degree of surface unevenness and the number of structuring elements on the area and adding them to form a total value. degrees of surface unevenness include: 0 points flat surface; 1 point – less than 50% of the plane surface is interrupted by unevenness of at least 50 cm height; 2 points flat and uneven surface are balanced; 3 points uneven surface dominates, comprising more than 50% of the area. the number of structuring elements (such as a rock or tree trunk, with a minimum height and width of 50 cm) was multiplied by 25 (minimum area size in m2) and divided by the real area size. 4. functional features: all elements of equipment that could be used by children in each of the areas of observation were determined in advance of the observations and afterward inductively categorized. the following categories were established: walking ground, seats, area of retreat (open), hideout (closed), climbing opportunity, balancing opportunity, tunnel, slide, water, artwork, lookout, path. the areas were coded based on these categories. 5. the outside temperature and the weather conditions, such as sunny or overcast, was recorded. validity and reliability six experts (three social scientists and three biologists), all experienced in socioscientific research, evaluated the operational viability of all variables. the experts criticized the assignment to age groups by the observers and a possible overlap. therefore, two observers carried out test observations (60 minutes total) in each case. for differentiation of the age cohorts in the observation of the environmental dimension, the test observations resulted in an intercoder reliability of κ=0.7, p<0.001 and for the behavioral dimension, the intercoder reliability was κ=0.76, p<0.001. analytic strategy the effect of the independent variable “age” on the dependent variables (hypothesis 1) was determined via descriptive statistics and anova. the values of the variables for the cohorts were weighted, as the total number of students in each cohort differed (the younger cohorts included more children than the older cohorts). vegetation density, terrain structure, functional features, and weather conditions were considered as covariates in the anova. the homogeneity of error variances was tested using levene’s tests. by comparing the descriptive mean values, the significance of the mean differences was tested using post-hoc tests by bonferroni. linear regression models (step wise) were generated to determine the effect of the independent variables “vegetation density,” “terrain structure,” “functional features” (schoolyard characteristics), and “weather conditions” on the dependent variables (hypothesis 2). only linear effects were tested. collinearities were controlled. nonsignificant and correlating variables were gradually eliminated. contact with nature in green schoolyards 77 results environmental dimension of contact with nature children’s age the students’ use of the natural observation areas, and therefore the environmental dimension of their contact with nature, showed distinct differences between age cohorts. the younger the children, the more time they spent in the green areas of the schoolyard (anova: df=3; f=321.34; p<.001; η2=.129). children in grades 1+2 were observed in green areas almost nine times more frequently than children in grades 8-10. the mean number of children in green observation areas per minute continuously decreased in accordance with the increasing age of the children and differs between all cohorts significantly (table 1). table 1. environmental dimension of contact with nature: mean number of children in green areas per minute class cohort m sd grade 1+2 3.56 4.57 grade 3+4 3.09 3.99 grade 5-7 1.64 3.09 grade 8-10 .41 1.93 note. n for every cohort=1585 (observed minute intervals); weighted by number of children in class cohorts schoolyard characteristics: vegetation density the vegetation density hardly influences children’s contact with nature in the regression models. in two cases only, it occurs as a weak predictor. for the environmental dimension of nature contact in the model, it is a weak negative predictor (β=-108**) for grades 3+4 (see table 2). that is, children in grades 3+4 tend to spend a little more time in more open areas. schoolyard characteristics: terrain structure the terrain structure is not significant as a predictor in most regression models. a significant trend was only found in the models of three class cohorts in relation to the environmental dimension of nature contact. for class cohorts 3+4 and 5-7, the terrain structure is a weak negative predictor (grades 3+4: β=-.096**, grades 5-7: β=-.141***); for grades 8-10, however, terrain structure is a positive predictor (β=.310 ***) (see table 2). for younger children, the extent of the terrain structure seems to play a minor role. they only have a slight tendency to stay in more open terrain. children of grades 8-10, however, prefer more highly structured terrain. contact with nature in green schoolyards 78 schoolyard characteristics: functional features when looking at the regression models for the dependent variable “environmental dimension of nature contact,” a substantive difference between students from elementary school (grades 1+2 and 3+4) and students from secondary school (grades 5-7 and 8-10) becomes apparent. the positive predictors for the elementary school cohorts consist only of elements that are linked to movement (walking ground, path, climbing opportunity, and water). elements that slow movement down manifest as negative predictors (such as seats, lookout, and area of retreat). this includes the vegetation density and the terrain structure (see table 2). when looking at students from secondary school, aspects of movement recede into the background with increasing age. the walking ground remains as a positive predictor, but the observations from the preliminary study suggest that students from secondary school use the walking grounds for taking a relaxing stroll. in the cohort of grades 5-7, the slide serves as strongest predictor, but for grades 8-10, apart from the walking ground, only the terrain structure and area of retreat are significantly positive. this can signify a preference for areas of retreat in general (see table 2). weather conditions the weather conditions had no effect on the dependent variables because at all observations the weather was warm (14-28°c) and never rainy. table 2. linear regression of the environmental dimension of nature contact independent variable grade 1+2 grade 3+4 grade 5-7 grade 8-10 r2 .305 .312 .156 .190 vegetation densitiy n.s. -.108** n.s. corr2 terrain structure n.s. -.096** -.141*** .310* walking ground .533*** n.s. .124*** .235* seats -.079** n.s. n.s. n.s. area of retreat n.s. -.092*** .168*** .209* hideout n.s. n.s. n.s. -211*** climbing opportunity .108*** .247*** n.s. -.256*** balancing opportunity n.s. n.s. -.162*** -.158*** tunnel -.086** n.s. n.s. n.s. slide n.s. n.s. .229*** n.s. water n.s. .081* n.s. -.153*** contact with nature in green schoolyards 79 independent variable grade 1+2 grade 3+4 grade 5-7 grade 8-10 artwork n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. lookout corr1 -.106*** n.s. n.s. path .198*** .441*** -.064* -.136*** note. n for every cohort=1585 (observed minute intervals), *p<0.05, **p<0.01, ***p<0.001, n.s.= not significant, correlations (iv with the weaker beta eliminated): corr1: lookout/tunnel r=.554, corr2: vegetation density/hideout r=.592 behavioral dimension of contact with nature children’s age children in grades 1+2 are 44 times more likely to handle or observe a natural object than children in grades 8-10. the overall connection to the class cohort, however, is smaller (anova: df=3; f=77.1; p<.001; η2=.035). in elementary school cohorts (grades 1+2 and grades 3+4), the mean values of the behavioral dimension of nature contact are similar and do not differ significantly. it is only throughout secondary school cohorts (grades 5-7 and grades 8-10) that the mean values drop and differ significantly (table 3). table 3. behavioral dimension of nature contact: mean number of children handling or observing natural objects in green areas per minute class cohort m sd grade 1+2 .35 .91 grade 3+4 .41 1.13 grade 5-7 .20 .84 grade 8-10 .008 .15 note. n for every cohort=1585 (observed minute intervals); weighted by number of children in class cohorts. by looking at the ratio of the behavioral dimension of nature contact (i.e., number of children handling or observing a natural object) and the environmental dimension of nature contact (i.e., number of children in green areas), the probability by which a child in a green area handles or observes a natural object is obtained. with a maximum of 14 percent, the probability is not high, but here too the cohorts differ with increasing age. with 13 and 14 percent, respectively, the probability is highest for elementary school children. in secondary school, it decreases to 9 percent for grades 5-7 and to 4 percent for grades 8-10 (table 4). contact with nature in green schoolyards 80 table 4. ratio of the behavioral dimension of nature contact to the environmental dimension of nature contact class cohort m sd grade 1+2 .13 .27 grade 3+4 .14 .28 grade 5-7 .09 .23 grade 8-10 .04 .19 note. n for every cohort=1585 (observed one-minute intervals) schoolyard characteristics: vegetation density for the behavioral dimension of nature contact in the model of classes 1+2, the vegetation density is a weak positive predictor (β=-.074**) (see table 5). denser vegetation tends to promote the direct handling of natural objects in children of grades 1+2. schoolyard characteristics: functional features the regression models for the dependent variable “behavioral dimension of nature contact” show that the model for grades 8-10, with a mean value of only 0.08 for the number of natural objects of operation per minute, demonstrates an explanation of variance of r2=.019. grades 8-10 were therefore not considered in any further evaluations. as stated above, differences between elementary school cohorts (grades 1+2 and 3+4) and secondary school cohorts (grades 5-7) exist. the strongest positive predictors for grades 1+2 are “water” and “climbing opportunity,” and for grades 3+4, “climbing opportunity” and “tunnel.” these features involve a rather direct contact with natural objects. observations from phase i indicate that children played with gravel and stones in the tunnel. when climbing a tree, they picked branches and leaves. water and the stones in it are natural objects (see table 5). in contrast, the strongest predictors for secondary school cohorts are the “hideout” and the “area of retreat.” older children tend to opt for natural objects in a secluded setting. strong predictors for students from secondary school are also the “tunnel” and the “balancing opportunity.” both, however, were mainly used as sitting area. here, it is not possible to fully clarify the connection between these coded areas and the behavioral dimension of nature contact, especially since the “sitting areas” are the strongest negative predictor for the behavioral dimension of nature contact for all the class cohorts (table 5). contact with nature in green schoolyards 81 table 5. linear regression of the behavioral dimension of nature contact independent variable grade 1+2 grade 3+4 grade 5-7 grade 8-10 r2 .096 .199 .255 .019 vegetation densitiy .074** n.s. corr3 n.s. terrain structure n.s. n.s. corr2 n.s. walking ground n.s. -.71** .192*** n.s. seats -.94** -214*** -.190*** n.s. area of retreat .123*** n.s. .510*** n.s. hideout corr1 n.s. .577*** n.s. climbing opportunity .169*** .334*** n.s. n.s. balancing opportunity n.s. .138*** .360*** n.s. tunnel n.s. .241*** .425*** .061* slide n.s. -160*** n.s. n.s. water .238*** n.s. n.s. n.s. artwork n.s. -.087** .067** .108*** lookout n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. path .107*** n.s. -.156*** n.s. note. n for every cohort=1585 (observed minute intervals), *p<0.05, **p<0.01, ***p<0.001, n.s.= not significant, correlations (iv with the weaker beta eliminated): corr1: vegetation density/hideout r=.592, corr2: terrain structure/seat r=.561, corr3: vegetation density/hideout r=.592 discussion the results of the study confirmed both hypotheses. it has become evident that the natural contact occurring on the schoolyard is highly age-related, and it was possible to determine environmental variables that influence the amount and type of nature contact for the different age groups. age effects younger children have considerably more contact with nature in the schoolyard than older children. children of grades 1-4 (6-10 years) differ notably from older children in both dimensions of nature contact. thus, the results of derecik (2013) regarding the age-dependent usage patterns of schoolyards also apply for green schoolyards. this is a significant finding, since it initially supports the nature contact potential of green schoolyards for younger children. unlike with gender effects, there appears to be no balancing effect of green areas for age effects (bell & dyment, 2008; fjørtoft et al., 2009; lucas & dyment, 2010; moore, 1986). the early school years seem to be a period in which children are open to contact with nature. the possibility could contact with nature in green schoolyards 82 exist that willingness to use green schoolyard areas decreases in older schoolchildren. naturally, interests change as children grow older, as reported for the use of woodlands by bell, thompson, and travlou (2003). therefore, it is important to look at different age spans in order to provide a green experience for all age cohorts. experiences missed in the early school years might not be made later, which could lead to a weak attachment by children to the nearby natural world (sobel, 1993). if the age effect in contact with nature can further be confirmed, this would have important consequences for planning schools and schoolyards. another important finding is the low probability with which children who are in green areas opt to play with a natural object. even for children in grades 1-4, contact with nature occurs primarily within the environmental dimension (i.e., just being there) and not the behavioral dimension (i.e., observing/playing with nature objects). one explanation for this could be found in the context of the lunch break in which contact with nature occurs. according to derecik (2013), children of grades 1-4 mainly want to move around the schoolyard. this assumption is further supported by the findings of dyment and colleagues (2009), in which green areas were the areas with most children at a medium level of movement. before and after the break, the children sit in the classroom. this suggests that they need the break to give way to their urge to move. it is possible that the relation between the behavioral dimension and the environmental dimension of nature contact would look different on a natural playground outside school where children have more time, peace, and quiet. in a school setting, however, the environmental dimension of nature contact seems to play a more important role. accordingly, the design of green schoolyards should enable activities in a natural setting, with the focus on interacting directly with nature being of secondary importance. effects of schoolyard characteristics the low impact of vegetation density and terrain structure was initially surprising. both vegetation density and terrain structure appear in other studies as relevant factors with positive influence on movement intensity (boldemann et al., 2006), and attitude towards nature or botanical knowledge (harvey, 1989). why they remain rather weak in this study cannot unequivocally be clarified. the existing tendencies fit, nevertheless, into a common pattern with the results of the functional features. the needs that children meet on the schoolyard are age-specific (derecik, 2013). therefore, schoolyard characteristics that influence contact with nature are specific to age groups as well. the environmental variables identified for younger children that positively affect their contact with nature are especially those that allow movement (e.g., walking ground, path, climbing opportunity). the environmental variables identified for older children are mainly those that provide retreat (e.g., terrain structure, area of retreat). this coincides with the assumptions made by derecik (2013) that younger children want to move around on the schoolyard, while older students want to communicate in a peaceful atmosphere. for younger children, this applies only to the environmental dimension of nature contact, which occurs most frequently on the schoolyard. for grades 1-4, the behavioral dimension of nature contact is influenced by schoolyard characteristics, through which the children can come into close contact with natural objects (e.g., water, climbing contact with nature in green schoolyards 83 opportunity, area of retreat, vegetation density), including elements that can slow movement down (e.g., area of retreat, vegetation density). thus, for younger children, green schoolyards should be designed to offer many opportunities for movement. this should be given priority since the environmental dimension of nature contact has proved to be of prime importance. in addition, elements can be included that promote proximity to natural elements. for older children and adolescents, the green areas should be designed to offer opportunities for retreat. perhaps the significant slump in the frequency of nature contact among adolescents can be dampened that way. when planning schoolyards and especially when laying out green schoolyard areas, the requirements of different age cohorts should be taken into consideration at an early stage. it might be advantageous to think about providing age cohorts with separate, differently designed schoolyard areas. however, this should be examined separately. future research further research is particularly needed to clarify adolescents’ lack of interest in green areas. it should also be examined whether there exist cohort effects and whether adolescents retreat from younger children on the schoolyard or would potentially use green areas if they were by themselves. this would mean that adolescents need their own schoolyard areas, or that elements that attract younger children should not be placed in the immediate vicinity of elements for adolescents. a first qualitative study has already been carried out by the author of the present study (raith, 2017). furthermore, the effects of schoolyard characteristics on the use of green areas should be further investigated. again, the influence of elements on older children and adolescents is of particular interest. clarifying the influence of the elements on the different age cohorts is necessary to be able to give specific, empirically founded design recommendations to schools. limitations the complex relationships of everyday school life play a role in the behavior of children on the schoolyard and, thus, present variables that refer to individual children and that could not be included in the present design appropriately. a more accurate picture could have been achieved if the individual children themselves and not the observation units had been evaluated as cases. this would enable social, emotional, or educational variables to be collected and incorporated into the models. this could have been made possible through the documentation of children on the schoolyard using gps. however, this was not possible in this investigation because of the privacy policy determined by the board of education. children were not allowed to be addressed and no personal data were collected. it was also impossible to mark children according to age groups. if children were evaluated as cases, the relatively weak explained variance in the regression models would have been improved, while the significance bias caused by the large sample could have been prevented. (the effects of the sample of 6000+ was too low to be statistically significant). further, the average validity of the assessment of the age groups by observers could have been improved, as the exact age for each child could have been documented. contact with nature in green schoolyards 84 the minute intervals investigated are hardly independent of each other. there is no balanced probability of a child remaining in an observation area at the end of a minute. therefore, a design with a time series analysis would be appropriate. finally, only three schools were included in the study. due to the existence of rather different green schoolyards, further studies should be conducted at other schools to generalize the results. andreas raith was at the time of this research a ph.d. student at the university of education ludwigsburg in germany. he is now working at erfurt university, faculty of education in germany. his research interests include informal nature experiences, green schoolyards and child development. references appleton, j. 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(2010). greenspace and children’s physical activity: a gps/gis analysis of the peach project. preventive medicine, 51, 148–152. http://www.aba-fachverband.org/index.php?id=1317 http://www.aba-fachverband.org/index.php?id=1317 https://doi.org/10.1177/1087054708323000 https://doi.org/10.1177/00139160121972864 http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2020 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 30(1), 2020 attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public housing jacqueline tejada stephanie nisle jeffrey m. jenson graduate school of social work, university of denver citation: tejada, j., nisle, s., & jenson, j. (2020). attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public housing. children, youth and environments, 30(1), 83-100. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this study examined the attitudes and perceptions of global environmental change among high school youth living in public housing developments in denver, colorado, a city that has experienced one of the largest increases in average temperature over the last decade compared to other u.s. cities. thirty-four youth completed a structured survey that assessed their attitudes and perceptions of environmental change; 14 youth also participated in focus groups to provide a deeper understanding. survey results and focus group findings suggest the presence of three themes pertaining to respondents’ attitudes and perceptions of global environmental change: 1) feeling like no one cares; 2) perception of a numb and complacent culture; and 3) care and concern for future generations. key implications for addressing youths’ affective responses to global environmental change include demonstrating care through meaningful dialogue that promotes self and collective efficacy and creating spaces for youth to exercise agency. keywords: climate change, youth, environmental change, environmental attitudes, low-income community http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 84 global environmental change is a threat facing all current and future generations of young people. currently, approximately 1,000 children die each day worldwide from climate change-induced starvation and illness (bexell, decker sparks, tejada, & rechkemmer, 2018; dara, 2012; salamon, 2016). as these child deaths disproportionately occur in developing nations, it is a horrific irony that those who contribute least to climate change often bear the greatest threat (dara, 2012). experiences of environmental change like extreme weather events place children in danger of physical and psychological harm as such events have been linked to increases in depression, feelings of powerlessness, exhaustion, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress (burke, sanson, & van hoorn, 2018; clayton, manning, & hodge, 2014; peek, abramson, cox, fothergill, & tobin, 2018). researchers have also found that young people who experience disasters like drought report higher levels of distress and worry about the future than other youth (carnie, berry, blinkhorn, & hart, 2011). even in regions without extreme weather events, there is evidence that gradual increases in temperature are correlated with a larger demand for emergency mental health services (clayton et al., 2014). in many cases, climaterelated disasters strain family and community relationships (pfefferbaum, jacobs, van hoorn, & houston, 2016). for example, many families have to relocate following a disaster, causing children to change schools or miss school altogether (clayton et al., 2014). the economic value of this education loss can be one of the most severe and unexpected consequences of climate-related disasters (unicef, 2015). young people who live in economically disadvantaged circumstances often bear the brunt of climate change (raworth, 2012). for many years, a predominant theory suggested that poverty actually contributed to environmental degradation (duraiappah, 1998). the climate science community now knows, however, that the largest contributors to human-made environmental change is attributed to “the wealthiest 10 percent of the world’s population,” with the greatest effects of climate change felt among those living in poverty (raworth, 2012, p.5). environmental change affects the entire global population. however, people who are living in conditions of poverty often have inadequate resources to prepare for or recover from the adverse effects of rapid environmental change (raworth, 2012). it is important that young people have a strong understanding of global warming, climate change, and greenhouse gases, as well as the causes, consequences, and potential solutions to the problems they pose. as such, a key component of the united nations sustainable development goal 13—to take “urgent action to combat climate change”—is to increase awareness and education of the issue (united nations, n.d.). although a scientifically backed understanding of climate change is one essential element for motivating behavior change to address the issue, learning about such large-scale threats can elicit a range of adverse emotions that include worry, fear, and sadness, as well as shock and powerlessness (unicef uk, 2013). some recent literature has recognized that learning about global issues is much more than a cognitive process. rather, it is mediated by our affective responses— those responses that are related to mood and feelings—to the extent that emotions can either paralyze or strengthen individual efforts for change (ojala, 2012; 2013). attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 85 some people may feel a sense of doom and resignation due to their inability to stop global environmental change, which not only hinders change efforts, but can also be a great source of stress (clayton et al., 2014). studies have suggested that youth may be more receptive to learning about global warming and climate change than adults and that an increase in knowledge of climate change facts may combat youth skepticism and increase their risk perception (stevenson, peterson, bondell, moore, & carrier, 2014). however, few studies have examined the relationship between adolescents’ cognitive understanding of global environmental change and their affective responses (sanson, van hoorn, & burke, 2019). this is particularly true among low-income youth who may face a greater long-term risk of the negative physical, social, and psychological effects of climate change. youth living in public housing in the u.s. are uniquely situated in the discussion of environmental change. youth in these neighborhoods often face adversities including “poverty, lack of economic opportunity, neighborhood disorganization, weak neighborhood attachment, norms favorable to antisocial behavior, availability of drugs, and presence of adult criminality” (forrest-bank, nicotera, anthony, gonzales, & jenson, 2014, p. 296) that may be exacerbated by environmental change. yet, as inhabitants of a wealthy developed nation, youth living in these neighborhoods also have opportunities for education and prosocial change that may promote resilience against these negative effects. many studies have explored youth attitudes toward climate change in an international context (boyes, skamp, & stanisstreet, 2009; chhokar, dua, taylor, boyes, & stanisstreet, 2011; chiw, & ling, 2019). to further address this issue, this study examines the beliefs, attitudes, and perceptions of global environmental change among a group of high school youth living in two urban public housing neighborhoods in denver, colorado, a city that has experienced one of the largest increases in average temperature over the last decade compared to other u.s. cities as well as worsening problems of drought and water scarcity (university of colorado boulder, n.d.). the investigation aims to gain a deeper and more nuanced understanding of the beliefs and types of affective attitudes and perceptions youth have towards global environmental change. affective attitudes and perceptions are explored in contrast to purely cognitive perceptions that do not account for mood and feelings related to the subject matter. research questions guiding the current study are: 1. what do youth in public housing believe about climate change facts and falsehoods? 2. how do low-income youth describe their current and anticipated experience of climate change? 3. how do youth living in public housing perceive adults’ response to dealing with the problem of climate change? 4. what are low-income youths’ attitudes towards the threat of climate change and its potential solutions? attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 86 methods participants this study used a convenience sample to recruit participants who attend an afterschool program that serves students residing in four public housing developments in denver, colorado, where 60 percent of residents depend on government assistance for basic needs and up to 90 percent of adults are without adequate employment (jenson et al., 2013). the afterschool program and the researchers’ institution have had a long-standing partnership since the early 1990s. participants included 34 high school students at the afterschool program (9th-12th grade, ages 14-18). sixty-two percent (n=21) of participants identified as female. students identified predominantly as black (59 percent, n=20), followed by hispanic/latino (23 percent, n=8), asian (12 percent, n=4), white (3 percent, n=1), and multiracial (3 percent, n=1). twenty-six percent (n=9) of the participants were in 9th grade, 35 percent (n=12) in 10th grade, 26 percent (n=9) 11th grade, and 12 percent (n=4) in 12th grade. from the larger sample, a nested sub-sample of 14 youth were purposively selected to participate in two focus groups that were conducted at the two largest public housing developments (walker and lafayette) out of four total sites. this subsample included 42.8 percent (n=6) males and 57.2 percent (n=8) females. focus group participants identified as african american 78.6 percent (n=11), hispanic/latino 14.3 percent (n=2), and asian 7.1 percent (n=1). among the focus group participants, 21.4 percent (n=3) were in 9th grade, 42.9 percent (n=6) in 10th grade, 28.6 percent (n=4) in 11th grade, and 7.1 percent (n=1) in 12th grade. procedures and measures the researchers adopted selected quantitative survey questions from the yale project on climate change communication (leiserowitz, smith, & marlon, 2011). survey questions were adapted to a five-point likert scale of responses that ranged from strongly disagree to strongly agree. participants were told there were no right or wrong answers and that researchers were only interested in their opinions and beliefs. sample items included, “global warming is caused mostly by human activities,” “most scientists think global warming is happening,” “the decade from 2000 to 2009 was warmer than any other decade since 1850,” and “i am worried about global warming.” to supplement the quantitative data, the researchers designed semi-structured focus group questions that aligned with the themes from the quantitative survey to examine young people’s cognitive attitudes and perceptions of climate change. focus groups ranged from 30-60 minutes in length, and each group included six to eight youth. focus group questions included: 1. do you believe global warming is happening? why do you believe that and how did you learn about it? 2. how do you see global warming happening in the world? how do you see global warming in your community? attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 87 3. how does global warming affect you now, if at all? how do you see global warming affecting you in the future? 4. what are some ways we can prevent global warming from continuing? 5. do people care about the issue of climate change and if so, who? what would it take for the average person to care? focus groups were audiotaped and transcribed by members of the research team after obtaining assent from youth participants. analysis the researchers conducted an initial analysis of participant demographic variables using quantitative and qualitative data. three quantitative items were used in the analysis: “how much do you agree with the statement, global warming is happening,” “before today, i never thought about global warming,” and “i am worried about global warming.” due to the small sample size, the researchers used descriptive statistics (i.e. frequencies, measures of central tendency) and chisquare analyses to examine differences between groups (i.e. gender, race, grade, and site) on the three quantitative items. correlations were also used to examine relationships between these items. qualitative data were transcribed by members of the research team and analyzed using inductive coding and thematic analysis (creswell & poth, 2018; saldaña & omasta, 2016). the research team completed three rounds of coding (open, first cycle, and second cycle). each team member initially examined the transcripts from both focus groups on their own. they then brought identified codes to team meetings to look for commonalities across transcripts. we assembled similar codes to assess for commonality and to create a pattern code (saldana, 2016). once final codes had emerged, researchers then switched transcripts and used negative case analysis to check for codes that failed to support or contradicted the codes. rules and definitions were then created by the research team and we developed a final list of themes. throughout the process the research team wrote memos to examine whether codes were accurately measuring the quotes and to reflect researcher positionality. mixed-methods analysis was completed using a parallel mixed design (tashakkori & teddlie, 1998). this type of analysis does not allow for qualitative and quantitative research to build upon one another, but rather compares data after both qualitative and quantitative data are analyzed. the researchers chose this method due to the nature of the study; the study is a pilot test in which the researchers hoped the qualitative findings would supplement the quantitative measures. the researchers also explored points of overlap and divergence between narratives and quantitative measures. this was completed by qualitatizing the survey items and quantifying the focus group themes. research has shown that this triangulation of the data allows for more richness and complexity in the findings (creswell et al., 2003). finally, the team drew meta-inferences, or overall conclusions from both qualitative and quantitative data, to assess the beliefs and types of affective attitudes and perceptions youth have towards global environmental change (teddlie & tashakkori, 2009). attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 88 results survey findings as mentioned above, the researchers were interested in points of overlap and divergence between narratives and quantitative items. the researchers found differences in beliefs regarding the existence of global warming, the resulting worry, and whether the participants had thought about global warming before the survey. these differences were present between responses from the survey and the focus groups, as well as between sites, gender, and grade level. existence of global warming one individual in the focus group (7.14 percent) indicated that they did not believe global warming was happening, versus four (11.8 percent) youth in the quantitative survey. gender differences between males and females were present in the data, with females less likely to indicate that they did not believe global warming was happening (9.5 percent) as compared to males (15.4 percent). differences between grade levels were also present. all 10th graders believed that global warming was happening (100 percent), as compared to 77.7 percent of 9th graders, 88.8 percent of 11th graders, and 75 percent of 12th graders. chi-square tests indicated that there were no statistically significant differences in demographic variables between the groups who did and did not believe that global warming was happening. overall, youth in the focus groups appeared to have similar beliefs about the existence of global warming when compared to youth in the total sample. worry about global warming all youth in the focus groups (100 percent) indicated that they felt worried about the effects of global warming, however 20.6 percent of youth in the surveys indicated that they were not worried. males (84.6 percent) indicated greater feelings of worry about global warming than females (76.2 percent). interestingly, while only three-quarters of 12th graders believed global warming was happening, all of them indicated that they were worried about global warming. this can be compared to 77.8 percent of 9th graders, 83.3 percent of 10th graders, and 66.6 percent of 11th graders who also indicated worry. there were no statistically significant differences in demographic variables between the groups who were and were not worried. furthermore, there was a medium, positive, statistically significant relationship between how worried the youth are and if they believe global warming is happening (r=.380, p=.027). youth in the focus groups appeared to be more worried about the effects of global warming than youth in the total sample. thought about global warming previously all youth in the focus groups (100 percent) stated that they had thought about global warming before this survey or learned about it in school, however 29.4 percent of youth in the survey reported that they had never before thought about global warming. the number of participants who indicated on the survey that they had thought about global warming before that day varied by site: charlotte: 66.7 percent (total n=6), lafayette: 45.5 percent (total n=11), kanon: 80 percent (total n=5), walker: 75 percent (total n=12). all six youth from our focus group at attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 89 lafayette agreed that they had thought about global warming before the focus group meeting; however, their overall scores indicated that only half of them had. one interpretation for this discrepancy could be that the focus groups were completed several weeks after the survey. additionally, the researchers found differences by gender. among the male participants, 76.9 percent indicated that they had never thought about global warming before the survey, as compared to 66.7 percent of females. however, there were no statistically significant differences in demographic variables between the groups who were and were not worried. again, youth in the focus groups appeared to be more worried about the effects of global warming than youth in the total sample. focus group findings three themes emerged regarding young people’s affective attitudes and perceptions of environmental change: 1) feeling like no one cares, 2) the perception of a numb and complacent culture, and 3) care and concern for future generations. these themes are described below. in some cases, brackets are added for clarification and pseudonyms are used to protect confidentiality of participants. feeling like no one cares respondents in this study indicate feeling an overwhelming sense that no one in their lives cared about the issues surrounding climate change or was interested in doing anything to stop it. for example, raul, a 10th-grade latino boy put it simply, saying, “and that’s the problem. no one cares.” later when elaborating, raul continued, and i mean it is our fault why it’s so bad. and at the same time it’s also our fault because none of us—really not a lot of us—are motivated enough to fix it. in this quote raul briefly corrects himself to say, “not a lot of us are motivated” from “none of us.” several youth acknowledged that there are some people who care about these issues, often referring to them as “hippies” and “scientists,” but they expressed the belief that the average person does not care enough to make any changes in their lives. faheema, an 11th-grade african american girl, opined on why it is difficult to create change in the general population, noting, [people] don’t care kind of because they just think “oh i’m just one person”… you know. but if everyone is saying that then there’s just not enough people. even when youth did feel inspired to act against climate change, they relayed a sense that their change efforts would not be noticed or that others would not follow suit. raul specifically felt that adults in his community would say they were supportive but then not follow through. he commented, well there are people who do it [make change efforts]—a lot of adults tell us to—we can do something about it but when we try nobody’s there to listen. they tell us they will listen but they don’t cause it’s happened before. attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 90 mahad, a 10th-grade african american boy shared a similar sentiment, i believe that starting community gardens and recycling—i do think we should do it but i don’t think people actually care enough. rana, a 9th-grade student explained why she thought adults might show awareness of the problem but stop short of taking action. …it’s not like people are unaware of it, like people are, but they’ve been so used to it that they’re...scared of change. and they’re this has been going on for a long time…it’s not also going to be easy to stop. overwhelmingly, the participants in this study expressed feeling that their peers and the adults in their lives were not concerned about climate change and had no vested interest in making any changes in their lives to combat the issue. perception of numb and complacent culture in addition to feeling that no one in their lives cares about the issues surrounding climate change, the participants in this study also articulated the perception that our broader culture is numb to these issues and complacent against making any changes. omar, a 12th-grade african american boy commented, i think… a lot of them probably know but they’re too used to their norms, like what they do every day. kind of just don’t care anymore. like i have some friends that already know about the problem but they still like drive their diesel trucks. rana, a 9th-grade african american girl shared her perception that when people do demonstrate concern for these issues, it is often fleeting. she noted, ... there’s sometimes where they [teachers] show videos and everything and people would be like touched by it for that moment and then after that it just kind of going in one ear and going out the other. raul shared a similar perception, mentioning, like you always see these things on facebook like talking about serious things and you think ‘oh that sucks’ and then you just forget it because you see something funny later. care and concern for future generations although the respondents in this study overwhelmingly expressed feeling like no one cares about these issues and perceived our culture be complacent against making change, participants also expressed concerns for future generations that will continue to confront the problems that global environmental change poses. when discussing potential problems they or others will confront in the future, many youth described dim prospects. omar, a 12th-grade african american boy, suggested, attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 91 i think it will affect future generations because like the more pollution there is the harder it’s going to be. iba, an 11th-grade african american girl continued, and people are going to start having more breathing problems. madah, a 10th-grade african american boy shared similar expectations, noting probably parts of the world where there’s going to be less water—i guess with the drier climate [there will be] more natural disasters, like i know [in] california there’s like a ton of wildfires nowadays. a large portion of youth in these focus groups expressed the belief that environmental change will lead to the negative health and living conditions they described above. seemingly because of these concerns and beliefs, youth expressed feeling care and concern for future generations. in discussing solutions to climate change, youth brought up the importance of delayed gratification and of finding a sense of pride for caring for future generations. rana, a 9th-grade african american girl, explained, it’s [recycling or caring for the environment] not like an immediate reward like fatima said, but… think of it in the long run. like your family and… your generations down and how that would help them. later she continued, but it’s still sort of like affecting you though… if it was something i did like that i would feel… proud because i did something that’s… big enough to… save generations down. in sum, the responses from focus group participants reveal that most youth believe that global environmental change will lead to negative health and living conditions for many people in the future; respondents also feel concern for future generations who will confront these problems. additionally, these responses display the complex process these youth experienced of trying to reconcile these dim expectations alongside their desire for change and concern for future generations, as in the example of rana’s belief that caring for future generations is also personally impactful. discussion this study examined the beliefs, attitudes, and perceptions of climate change among a sample of high school youth living in public housing neighborhoods in denver, colorado. participants’ responses revealed three themes that illustrate their complex and nuanced beliefs, feelings, and perceptions regarding global environmental change. the current study adds to the literature by including the voices of economically disadvantaged youth to better understand the attitudes and attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 92 perceptions of climate change among a group that may face a greater long-term risk of the negative effects associated with climate change (ashraf & faruk, 2018; bartlett, 2008). the vast majority of participants in this study believe that climate change is a real threat facing our planet and expressed concern for the problems that environmental change poses in their lives currently and that they anticipated occurring in the future. however, despite these expressed beliefs, a majority of focus group respondents said that no one in their lives and not enough people in society at large are motivated enough to address the issue. it is not a contested issue within the social sciences that young people benefit from the presence of emotionally supportive adults and peers in their development. theories of positive youth development clearly point to attachment to parents, social support, and overall caring relationships as protective factors that promote resilience (jenson, alter, nicotera, anthony, & forrest-bank, 2013). in addition to promoting positive youth development and resilience, supportive relationships and inspiring leadership are also integral organizational elements for creating empowering community settings (maton & salem, 1995). these are the same elements that are necessary for inciting civic engagement (zeldin, christens, & powers, 2013). for all of these reasons, it can be inferred that it is important that in learning about global environmental change risks and potential solutions, youth need to feel supported by the peers and adults in their lives, not only to promote their mental resilience, but also to inspire civic engagement to address the issue long-term. some youth in the present study expressed feeling discouraged that even if they did attempt to exercise agency, their efforts would fail. this is evident in raul’s comment, mentioned previously: well there are people who do it [make change efforts], a lot of adults tell us to—we can do something about it but when we try nobody’s there to listen. they tell us they will listen but they don’t…. raul’s language serves as a reminder that the failure of adults to provide appropriate environments for children and youth to participate in decision-making processes that affect their lives is an issue of climate justice, “an approach to climate action that links human rights with development in order to safeguard the rights of the most vulnerable” (vaghri, 2018, p. 105; sanson & burke, 2019). despite contributing least to the cause of climate change, youth are likely to be most severely affected by its consequences; yet, they continue to be excluded from any global discussions for resolution (vaghri, 2018). many of the findings in this study are consistent with previous research. for example, although the current investigation did not assess how youth assign responsibility for change-making, previous research from wray-lake, flanagan, and osgood (2010) showed a similar trend among youth of assigning responsibility for addressing climate change to others and society at large, rather than discussing personal responsibility. only one student in our focus groups used personal attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 93 language to discuss their responsibility for creating and addressing environmental change. as reported in the results, this example came from raul: and i mean it is our fault why it’s so bad. and at the same time it’s also our fault because none of us—really, not a lot of us—are motivated enough to fix it. yet, even in this case, raul used a plural form of a personal pronoun. no students in the study specifically referenced their own inadequate response to addressing environmental change with a singular personal pronoun, but one student got close by inferring that she would not personally take the time to learn about this issue if it came up on her social media feed. this prediction came from rana, a 9th-grade african american female who primarily discussed the importance of considering future generations in the focus group. she said, yeah i feel like i probably would just be scrolling and i’d see it [information about climate change] and then i’d just keep scrolling. furthermore, only one respondent took the initiative to suggest something she would like to do personally to induce change. this suggestion came from tatiana, a 10th-grade african american female, who advocated, we can start doing that [recycling and composting], too. and maybe we can start this by making like a program to train i mean like...get like six people to experiment on them to recycle, try to recycle, and use less. i don’t know like use less things just to see how they like it. and maybe like they can start recycling more because they like it. it would be cool. taken together, the results from this study highlight an overarching theme of avoiding personal responsibility with minimal exceptions among the study participants. notably, the current study diverged from prior research with regard to how youth responded to discussing the threats associated with climate change. specifically, a report by ojala (2012) found that in a study of 348 youth in sweden, commonly used coping skills included but were not limited to personal problem solving, deemphasizing seriousness of climate change, and placing trust in societal actors like politicians and environmental groups when learning about the threat. youth in the present study did not display these types of responses in focus group discussions. rather, they mostly discussed societal solutions to the problems of climate change, did not demonstrate de-emphasizing the seriousness of the issue, and did not indicate trust in societal actors as a source of hope. it is of importance that the present study had considerably fewer participants (n=34) than the swedish study (n=348). as such, it is possible that the present study’s sample did not capture youth who do employ the coping skills identified in the ojala (2012) study. however, another possible interpretation for the difference is that the ojala (2012) study included youth in sweden and there might be a substantial qualitative difference in the experience of minority youth in the united states to feel attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 94 comfortable putting trust in societal actors. in addition, results from the focus groups in the present study indicated that respondents believed climate change already does or is going to affect them personally in the future. this finding is supported by the comparison to hamilton college national youth polls (2007) which reported that african american youth are 12 percent more likely than youth from other racial and ethnic groups to believe climate change will personally affect them in the future. this may be another reason that respondents in the current study did not engage in de-emphasizing of the seriousness of climate change. many of us take our cues about what is important from our culture. media, authority figures, and institutions all send powerful messages about cultural beliefs, values, and norms that can influence what we perceive to be an urgent problem. in this way, culture has the power to mediate our society’s response to climate change (adger, barnett, brown, marshall & o'brien, 2013). the responses of the young people in this study suggest they are perceiving a heavy effect of culture on our society’s response to environmental change. from the perspective of these youth, society is generally aware of the issues surrounding global environmental change but is too complacent and unmotivated to respond with lasting change efforts. understanding the complex messages youth are perceiving from multiple culturally influential sources like teachers, social media, and peers is essential for addressing youths’ affective responses when learning about and addressing global environmental change both in and outside the classroom. the three major themes of this study indicate that respondents’ affective experience of climate change is a feeling that no one—especially adults—around them cares about creating change, a perception that our culture is too focused on immediate gratification to be able to address such a long-term and future-oriented issue, and concern for future generations. it should be noted that the focus groups in this study took place in the immediate aftermath of the marjory stoneman douglas high school shooting in parkland, florida. at this time, media attention was heavily focused on youth voice and power to make change. the youth in these focus groups referenced this shooting as an example of their perception that the media focuses on immediate tragedies rather than future-oriented issues. fatima, a 9th-grade african american girl, noted that she was more likely to see school shootings on the news than climate change reports. many of the youth seemed to hold competing views regarding how change happens. on one hand, youth expressed the belief that someone has to be famous to have influence to make change. mahad, a 10th-grade african american boy, suggested, i think it’s less how big you are and more how much influence you have. but in order to have more influence you have to be pretty big, popular. rana, a 9th-grade african american female, expressed a differing view for how change occurs: i feel like a lot of the problems that we have… [are] always brought to adults’ attention but sometimes they… have that mindset where it’s kind of like ‘it’s attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 95 not really going to affect me’ like ‘i’m already an adult’… a lot of the times it needs to be like a younger person or students that brings attention to… the big problems. these discussion points shed light on the influence of media in shaping youth’s perceptions. similarly, these quotes suggest some reasons that some youth may feel powerless to make change if they believe that only people with fame can be change agents. since the conclusion of this study, new media actors like greta thunberg have entered the public stage that offer concrete tools for youth to exercise their agency, most notably through school strikes (salamon, 2019). with these messages of youth agency gaining greater media attention, it is necessary that future research continue to explore how these messages impact youths’ perceptions and actions toward environmental change, as well as best practices for expanding their sense of agency. implications the findings in this study offer several implications for addressing the affective responses of low-income youth as they learn about and consider ways to address environmental change. it is important that practitioners and educators who work with youth first consider the affective responses of these youth and engage them in meaningful dialogue about their experiences, interpretations, and expectations of environmental change. practitioners should focus these discussions on promoting youths’ sense of self-efficacy and collective efficacy, which is the sense that they and others can effect change (sanson et al., 2019). schools are important settings for this type of safe learning and for implementing behavioral interventions for children affected by disasters (lai, esnard, lowe, & peek, 2016). sanson and colleagues (2019, p. 203) suggest reminding youth of “major global problems that have been solved in the past (e.g. women’s suffrage, apartheid)” and “pointing out that solutions to climate change exist.” beyond that, it is imperative that practitioners and educators show youth their care and commitment through continuous actions. one of the ways that practitioners and educators might be able to demonstrate this level of care is to create spaces for youth to be change agents (peek, tobin-gurley, cox, scannell, fletcher, & heykoop, 2016). rather than including youth voice for merely tokenistic effect, it is imperative that practitioners invest in youth-centered approaches to educating children about climate change and human rights and to honor the rights of children to participate in decision-making on issues that affect their lives (cumiskey, hoang, suzuki, pettigrew, & herrgård, 2015; vaghri, 2018). limitations finally, there were several limitations in this study that should be noted. the convenience sample of youth in public housing from an afterschool program limits the generalizability of these findings. similarly, the sample in this study was based on voluntary participation. as such, the youth who did not participate may have different attitudes, beliefs, and perceptions of global environmental change than those who were willing to take the survey and participate in the focus groups. furthermore, the survey measure used in this study cannot assess what youth attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public… 96 actually know about environmental change facts and myths since it was opinionbased. additionally, no follow up focus groups or surveys were administered. as it relates to the qualitative and mixed methods data analysis, the researchers cannot control for possible researcher bias. the researchers minimized this threat by working in a multidisciplinary team setting, writing memos throughout the analytic process, identifying positionality, and being as rigorous as possible. however, due to the ambiguities in the human language, there may have been themes in the data that the researchers were not able to observe. the researchers chose to use a mixed-methods design to combat some of these potential biases. there were no significant conflicts of interest between the researchers and the mixed-method study. however, we recognize that we do not share the same demographics as the participants in this study. as white, educationally and economically privileged researchers who have never lived in public housing, we approached this study with a sense of openness to learning about the experiences of the participants. we hope to create knowledge about how to better serve youth as they learn about this multifaceted and chronic problem and to create spaces for them to feel empowered as agents of change. jacqueline tejada, msw is a research assistant at the university of denver. she is interested in the relationship between socioeconomic status and the effects of and adaptation to environmental change. stephanie nisle, ma is a third-year doctoral student at the university of denver graduate school of social work. she has been conducting community-engaged research in public housing neighborhoods and is a member of the youth engaged in leadership and learning research team as of september 2017. she joined the research team to pursue her interests in youth empowerment and youth voice in low-resourced communities. jeff jenson, ph.d., is the philip d. and eleanor g. winn endowed professor for children and youth at the university of denver graduate school of social work. his research focuses on the application of a public health approach to preventing child and adolescent health and behavior problems and the evaluation of preventive interventions aimed at promoting healthy youth development. jenson has published seven books and more than 100 articles and chapters on topics of child and adolescent development and prevention science. he is chair of the coalition for the promotion of behavioral health and the current editor-in-chief of the journal of the society for social work and research. references adger, w. n., barnett, j., brown, k., marshall, n., & o'brien, k. 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(2013). the psychology and practice of youth-adult partnership: bridging generations for youth development and community change. american journal of community psychology, 51(3-4), 385-397. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10464-012-9558-y https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12342 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-014-1228-7 https://downloads.unicef.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/unicef-climate-change-report-2013.pdf https://downloads.unicef.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/unicef-climate-change-report-2013.pdf https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/cost-benefit_analysis_report_english_final.pdf https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/cost-benefit_analysis_report_english_final.pdf https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/climate-change/ https://www.colorado.edu/ecenter/energyclimate-justice/general-energy-climate-info/climate-change/impacts-colorado https://www.colorado.edu/ecenter/energyclimate-justice/general-energy-climate-info/climate-change/impacts-colorado https://doi.org/10.1177%2f0013916509335163 https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7721/chilyoutenvi.28.1.0104 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10464-012-9558-y login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(1), 2021 lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science education, environmental education, and outdoor science education s. brent jackson fisheries, wildlife, and conservation biology program, north carolina state university kathryn stevenson department of parks, recreation & tourism management, north carolina state university m. nils peterson fisheries, wildlife, and conservation biology program, north carolina state university danielle f. lawson college of health and human development & college of education, the pennsylvania state university ryan a. olson muddy sneakers e. garland joseph lewis and clark college citation: jackson, s. b., stevenson, k., peterson, m. n., lawson, d. f., olson, r. a., & joseph, e. g. (2021). lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science education, environmental education, and outdoor science education. children, youth and environments, 31(1), 116-145. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract science and environmental education may promote life-long engagement in science and environmental conservation. we used hierarchical multiple linear regression to investigate how childhood participation in science education, environmental education, and outdoor science education interact to encourage long-term participation in science and support for local environments. our survey of 231 high school students in north carolina suggests outdoor science education is positively associated with enjoying time outdoors (p = 0.065) and the perception of the value of local natural resources (p = 0.021) four to seven years later. we also found support for science confidence following a science education program (p = 0.004). keywords: environmental education, science education, outdoor science education, natural resources, science confidence http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 117 to address current environmental challenges, we need citizens who understand the science of complex environmental problems, have the skills to address them, and are motivated to do so. environmental challenges including biodiversity loss (cardinale et al., 2012) and climate change (ipcc, 2018) represent pressing global issues with potentially devastating repercussions. these are complex problems requiring a scientifically and environmentally literate citizenry. scientific literacy includes scientific knowledge, dispositions, skills, and behaviors (laugksch, 2000; oecd, 2014). environmental literacy includes parallel constructs, but emphasizes affective (e.g., pro-environmental attitudes) and behavioral dimensions (hollweg et al., 2011), and is often developed through nature-based learning (ballantyne & packer, 2002; kuo, barnes, & jordan, 2019). in short, scientific literacy includes what people know and can do about science, and environmental literacy includes a focus on what people know and how people feel and act with regard to the environment. perhaps because the fields have developed in parallel, science education (se) and environmental education (ee) can result in synergistic benefits for learners. these fields have distinct instructional approaches, with se efforts most often situated in formal settings like classrooms and focusing on outcomes related to knowledge and skills, and ee efforts focusing more on outcomes related to affect and behavior in non-formal and informal settings like the outdoors (dillon & scott, 2002; gough, 2002; littledyke, 2008; wals, brody, dillon, & stevenson, 2014). despite these differences, se and ee have been intertwined for decades, creating significant overlap (wals et al., 2014). for instance, se was presented as the primary tool for solving environmental problems (gough, 2002), early conceptualizations of ee emphasized science learning (e.g., the tbilisi declaration; unesco, 1977), and, when included in formal settings, ee is typically conducted in conjunction with science instruction rather than other subjects such as social studies, english, or art (gough, 2002; rickinson, 2001). outdoor science education (ose) explicitly bridges se and ee by focusing on science content knowledge while simultaneously encouraging pro-environmental attitudes (carrier et al., 2014; cronin-jones, 2000), creating an opportunity to foster both seand eerelated outcomes. when se and ee approaches are employed in tandem through ose, they may result in long-term gains for both science and environmental literacy outcomes. specifically, ose may boost science learning (cronin-jones, 2000; rios & brewer, 2014), provide context that reinforces recollection of long-term content knowledge (carrier et al., 2014; dillon & scott, 2002; falk & dierking, 2010), and promote pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors (ballantyne & packer, 2005; bogner, 1998). research suggests that these synergistic benefits of ose can result in retention of program content knowledge as well as pro-environmental attitudes up to three months after an ose experience (dettmann-easler & pease, 1999; stern, powell, & ardoin, 2008). previous qualitative research focused on the persistence of outcomes demonstrates that ose experiences can generate vivid memories and perceived pro-environmental attitudes that persist up to a year following an intervention (farmer, knapp, & benton, 2007). more recent research focused on the efficacy of outdoor learning highlights its role in improving student scores on academic assessments across multiple disciplines including science (dillon et al., lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 118 2016). carrier and colleagues (2014) found adults were more likely to recall science lessons from their childhood when the lessons occurred outside. similarly, although ee traditions often emphasize affective learning (iozzi, 1989; littledyke, 2008), knowledge-based se approaches may reinforce ee outcomes. knowledge alone does not lead to conservation behaviors, but it does play a role (kollmuss & agyeman, 2002). similarly, knowledge alone is not a direct driver of behavior, but is essential to sound environmental decision-making (frisk & larson, 2011). further, significant life experience research has identified knowledge-based activities including relevant readings and coursework as influential in life-long environmental engagement (chawla, 1998; tanner, 1980). early interventions are most likely to promote long-term gains in science and environmental literacy. early learning experiences may change general attitudes and orientations including science interest and motivation (bruce, bruce, conrad, & huang, 1997; eshach & fried, 2005; tyler-wood, ellison, lim, & periathiruvadi, 2012) and environmental sensitivity (chawla, 1998; peterson, 1982), which may lead to life-long patterns in behaviors such as pursuing a stem major in college (maltese & tai, 2010; prévot, clayton, & mathevet, 2018) and environmental action (lester, ma, lee, & lambert, 2007), respectively. for instance, childhood se experiences may lead children to develop positive attitudes toward and interest in science (eshach & fried, 2005; randler & hulde, 2007), which promote long-term engagement with science (crawley & black 1992; maltese & tai, 2010). within the context of ee, interventions early in life play an important role in the development of “life-long attitudes, values, and patterns of behavior toward natural environments” (wilson, 1996, p. 2). wells and lekies (2006) suggest participation in nature-based activities as a child leads to pro-environmental attitudes and to some degree, pro-environmental behavior among adults. heberlein (2012) strengthens the argument for working with children by suggesting that their attitudes are more susceptible to change than those of adults. what is less understood is the degree to which short-term synergistic benefits of blending se and ee approaches persist as learners’ age. much of the previous research on long-term impacts of se and ee has focused on single domains, such as the perceived benefits of childhood outdoor experiences on life-long environmental engagement (chawla, 1999; wells & lekies, 2006) or early science interventions in building science competencies that translate to sustained interest and motivation regarding science (eshach & fried, 2005; tyler-wood et al., 2012). research focused on citizen science efforts that include elements of both se and ee demonstrate the short-term synergistic potential of ose (lewandowski & oberhauser, 2017; schuttler, sorensen, jordan, cooper, & shwartz, 2018), but additional research is needed to explore how these relationships may continue to support one another over time. a review of nature-based citizen science literature conducted by schuttler and colleagues (2018) highlights se outcomes such as increased science knowledge, and ee outcomes including increased engagement with nature and the development of an emotional connection with nature, but schuttler et al. found no studies that examine these variables over time. while ose may simultaneously build science efficacy and connection to nature (carrier et al., 2014), we do not know the degree to which that experience will continue to lead to lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 119 long-term outcomes such as interest in science careers or support for conservation. identifying the degree to which key childhood experiences reinforce both se and ee outcomes may shed light on how to maximize early interventions to foster a citizenry that has the scientific know-how and deep commitment to addressing environmental challenges. this study seeks to improve our understanding of the mutualistic and long-term impacts of se, ee, and ose through a case study of high school students in western north carolina. we measured the presence of potential intermediate affect-related outcomes (i.e., science confidence, enjoying time outdoors) and long-term behavioral outcomes (i.e., pursuit of a stem major in college, support for local natural resources) from differing education programs. this approach differs from the methodology of several retrospective studies, which have asked adult participants to self-identify the linkages between experiences and their commitment to the environment as demonstrated by career choice or specific actions (chawla, 1999, 2007; james, bixler, & vadala, 2010; palmer, suggate, robottom & hart, 1999; tanner, 1980). these studies may be subject to recall and selection biases, as long-term retrospective recall has been identified as a poor measurement of actual events (golden, wrangham, & brashares, 2013). the present study reduces recall bias by engaging adolescents, versus adults, who are closer in age to participation in the educational programs. it limits selection bias by engaging a broad sample of high school students who were not chosen based on exhibiting extraordinary interest and engagement with the environment. we tested five hypotheses: • h1: participation in a multi-year long se program in high school will be positively related to the intention to pursue a stem major in college, as mediated by individuals’ science confidence. • h2: participation in a multi-year long ee program will be positively related to support for local natural resources, which will be mediated by enjoying time outdoors. • h3: participation in a yearlong ose program in fifth grade will be positively related to the intention to pursue a stem major in college and support for natural resources in high school, which will be mediated by science confidence and enjoying time outdoors, respectively. • h4: enjoying time outdoors will strengthen the positive relationship between science confidence and the intention to pursue a stem major in college. • h5: science confidence will strengthen the positive relationship between enjoying time outdoors and support for natural resources. methods sampling this study sampled high school students, as this group includes emerging adulthood developmental stages, when identities and worldviews are beginning to solidify and influence life paths and career trajectories (arnett, 2000; kroger, martinussen, & marcia, 2010). additionally, the high school years (i.e., ages 14-18) are proximate enough to childhood that the recalled memories of childhood lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 120 experiences may be more accurate than those of adults (brewin, andrews, & gotlib, 1993; halverson, 1988; stevenson et al., 2014). we surveyed students from two high schools in transylvania county located in western north carolina through may and june of 2017. the high schools were selected because the students in these schools would have participated in the ose program included in this study if they lived in the area during fifth grade, as well as had opportunity to participate in the ee and se programs of interest. the guidance counseling office at each high school emailed their respective student bodies with a request to complete our survey. in addition, a student volunteer at one of the high schools visited individual classes to encourage students to complete the survey. the possible sample included 1,068 students (731 at school a and 337 at school b), with a total of 186 students responding from school a (25% response rate) and 45 students responding from school b (13% response rate) for a total of 231 responses (22% response rate). our sample included ninth-grade students (n=51), tenth-grade students (n= 55), eleventh-grade students (n=70), and twelfth-grade students (n=55). a majority (64.1%) of the responding students identified as female (n=148), 32.5% identified as male (n=75), and 3.5% identified as other (n=8). the sample was primarily comprised of students identifying as white (n=186, 85.7%), with fewer hispanic (n=4, 1.8%), black (n=4, 1.8%), asian (n=3, 1.4%), native american (n=2, 0.9%), and mixed ethnicity students (n=17, 12.8%). due to the small sample size race was broken into two categories in our analysis with students identifying as white being categorized as white and all other students being categorized as nonwhite. the socio-economic status of the schools was evaluated by determining the percentage of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch (nicholson, slater, chriqui, & chaloupka, 2014). school a had 291 students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch, accounting for nearly 40% of the student population, whereas school b had 148 eligible students, accounting for nearly 44% of the student population. choice of activities for this study, we assessed whether students participated in programs exemplifying se, ee, and ose. the three programs we asked students about were time 4 real science (se), scouting (i.e., boy scouts/girl scouts; ee), and muddy sneakers (ose) (see table 1). time 4 real science is an after-school se program for high school students, representing a partnership between the local school district and the county 4h youth development program. participants are ninth through twelfth graders who spend 250 hours during and after school conducting scientific research in partnership with teachers and volunteer scientists from the community (time 4 real science, 2019). participation in the time 4 real science program varies so some of the students may have been actively involved in the program at the time they completed the survey for this study. in this study, scouting includes participating in either the boy scouts of america or the girl scouts of the usa. individuals can participate in scouting from kindergarten through high school (boy scouts of america, 2019; girl scouts, 2019). scouts cover a wide range of topics with emphasis on providing “leadership development lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 121 experiences” (girl scouts, 2019) as well as youth development and character building (boy scouts of america, 2019). both organizations offer several experiences related to enjoying and appreciating natural resources (boy scouts of america, 2019; girl scouts, 2019). it is possible that participants in this study were actively involved with scouts at the time they completed the survey, or that their involvement ended several years prior. muddy sneakers teaches fifth-grade science curriculum through experiential learning in local natural settings. the program is integrated into participating fifthgrade public schools in the western and piedmont regions of the carolinas. students participating in the program spend six to ten full school days over the course of the school year in local natural areas engaging in nature-based scientific inquiry focused around the core concepts of the state science curricula (muddy sneakers, n.d.). as muddy sneakers was operating in all of the transylvania county elementary schools at the time when the respondents were in fifth grade, our high school study participants likely participated in muddy sneakers if they attended one of the county’s elementary schools. participation in the muddy sneakers program would have concluded four to seven years before the survey for this study was administered. of the three programs, muddy sneakers is the only program that is mandatory as it is incorporated into the normal school day. time 4 real science and scouting are both voluntary programs that students can sign up for outside of normal school hours. though this does represent program variability, it offers an opportunity to contextualize how ose among a general student population (i.e., not self-selected) may promote se and ee outcomes as compared with those who self-select, who we might expect to report greater scores on respective outcome variables. some respondents participated in more than one program; in such instances our study counted them for each program in which they participated. table 1. program descriptions, participation age, duration, and enrollment type programs program description participation age range duration voluntary/integrated time 4 real science (se) after school research-oriented se program 14-18 year olds 250 hours voluntary opt-in enrollment scouting (ee) after school ee focused program 5-18 year olds dependent on individual but typically meet once a week voluntary opt-in enrollment muddy sneakers (ose) in school ose in a local natural area 10-11 year olds 6-10 school days integrated into school field trips for all fifth graders lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 122 we chose these programs for both their availability within the study area as well as their inclusion of approaches linked to our variables of interest. here, we outline distinctive approaches to which the literature points as emblematic of se or ee. note that these approaches are not mutually exclusive (e.g., se can occur outdoors, ee can employ se practices), but rather reflect associated emphases from these educational traditions (gough, 2002; wals et al., 2014). time 4 real science includes key attributes of impactful se: starting during childhood (eshach & fried, 2005; maltese & tai, 2010; tyler-wood et al., 2012), allowing for student-directed learning where students can pursue experiences that interest them, and allowing students to make direct connections to their own lives (carrier & stevenson, 2017; dierking, falk, rennie, anderson, & ellenbogen, 2003; lawson et al., 2018; lindemannmatthies, 2005; renninger, 2006) (table 2). key outcomes of the time 4 real science program are to develop science-related skills and prepare students to become scientists. time 4 real science has been active in the study area since 2006 and partners with the 4h youth development program. scouting includes key attributes of impactful ee: starting during childhood (braun & dierkes, 2017; wells & lekies, 2006), using outdoor settings (braun & dierkes, 2017; cronin-jones, 2000; martin, 2003), providing opportunities for participants to interact with positive role models (chawla, 1999; tanner, 1980), and having longer duration or repeated interventions (bogner, 1998; braun & dierkes, 2017; cronin-jones, 2000; rickinson, 2001; stern et al., 2008) (table 2). scouts have been active in the study area for 100 years (boy scouts of america: daniel boone council, 2020). key outcomes associated with scouting include character development, hands-on learning, and building an appreciation for the natural world. muddy sneakers includes all of the attributes listed for both time 4 real science and scouting (carrier & stevenson, 2017; carrier et al., 2014; priest, 1986) (table 2). key outcomes associated with muddy sneakers include teaching state science curriculum through outdoor experiences and developing an affective relationship with local natural resources. table 2. key attributes supporting educational approaches educational approaches best practices supporting literature science education connection to students’ lives carrier & stevenson, 2017 childhood experiences eshach & fried, 2005; maltese & tai, 2010; stake & mares, 2001; tyler-wood et al., 2012 free-choice learning and learner-centered environments ballantyne & packer, 2005; carrier & stevenson, 2017; dierking et al., 2003; renninger, 2006 longer duration and/or repeated interventions carrier & stevenson, 2017 environmental education childhood experiences braun & dierkes, 2017; chawla, 1999; dillon et al., 2016; tanner, 1980; vadala, bixler, & james, 2007; wells & lekies, 2006 outdoor settings ballantyne & packer, 2002; carrier, 2009 positive role models chawla, 1999; sivek, 2002; sward, 1999; tanner, 1980 longer duration and/or repeated interventions bogner, 1998; braun & dierkes, 2017; croninjones, 2000; stern et al., 2008 outdoor science education all of the above all of the above lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 123 survey instrument the survey instrument included questions focused on conservation and science attitudes, as well as questions about participation in specific se, ee, and ose programs. respondents self-reported participation in time 4 real science (se), scouting (ee), and muddy sneakers (ose) programming. we measured the intermediate se outcome “science confidence” with a scale consisting of nine questions previously used with adolescents (unfried, faber, stanhope, & wiebe, 2015). the scale displayed acceptable reliability (cronbach’s alpha = 0.94) and a principal component factor analysis indicated all items were associated with a single factor with factor loadings > 0.4 (table 3) (comrey & lee, 2013). the scores for the nine questions were added up for a maximum composite score of 45. we used “intention to pursue a science major in college” as a long-term se outcome. we asked participants to indicate whether they planned to go to college and if so, what was their intended major. respondents selected from a list of common majors, and we collapsed those choices into stem (math, physical sciences, biological sciences, and medicine) and non-stem majors (english, economics, education, psychology, communications, and history). we measured the intermediate ee outcome enjoying time outdoors with a single question: “are you someone who enjoys spending time in the outdoors?” and respondents indicated their level of agreement by selecting one of five responses on a likert scale ranging from “not at all” to “very much.” the long-term ee outcome was measured by asking individuals “do you think transylvania county’s natural resources are important to the community?”, which was scored using a five-point likert scale ranging from “not at all” to “very much.” we used a single item to measure “enjoying time outdoors” and “support for local natural resources” as they captured what we were interested in and contributed to our goal of a parsimonious survey instrument. students also self-reported grade level, gender, and race. the final survey instrument drew from previously validated instruments and was subject to expert review, as well as review by high school students to ensure its appropriateness for our target population. lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 124 table 3. principal component factor analysis of science confidence scale items science confidence items factor i am confident in science classes 0.74 i would consider a career in science 0.87 i expect to use science when i graduate from school 0.91 knowing science will help me earn a living 0.87 i will need science for my future work 0.88 i know i can do well in science 0.79 science will be important to me in my life’s work 0.91 i can handle most subjects well, but i struggle in science 0.48 i am sure i could do advanced work in science 0.85 chronbach’s alpha = 0.94 note: these items come from a previously validated scale (unfried et al., 2015). response items included: strongly agree, agree, neither agree or disagree, disagree, strongly disagree. data analysis we analyzed the data using stata software, version 14.2. we tested hypotheses 13 using stepwise multiple linear regression to conduct mediation analyses using the sobel goodman mediation test, following guidelines laid out by mackinnon, warsi and dwyer (1995). we conducted mediation analyses in three steps: 1) testing in sequence the relationship between each program (time 4 real science, scouts, and muddy sneakers) and its relationship with intermediate outcomes (science confidence, enjoying time outdoors); 2) testing the relationship between each program and long-term outcomes (intention to pursue a stem major, support for local natural resources); and 3) testing the relationship between each program and long-term outcomes, controlling for intermediate outcomes (table 4). we first regressed science confidence (step 1a, table 6) and enjoying time outdoors (step 1b, table 7) on participation in the three programs. second, we regressed intention to pursue a stem major (step 2a, table 6) and support for local natural resources (step 2b, table 7) on participation in the three programs. third, we regressed intention to pursue a stem major (step 3a, table 6) and support for local natural resources (step 3b, table 7) on science confidence, enjoying time outdoors, and participation in the three programs. we tested hypotheses 4 and 5 using stepwise linear regression to conduct moderation analyses in three steps: 1) testing in sequence the relationship between each program and long-term outcomes, controlling for intermediate outcomes; 2) testing the relationship between each program and long-term outcomes, controlling for both se and ee intermediate outcomes; and 3) testing the relationship between each program and long-term outcomes, controlling for both se and ee intermediate lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 125 outcomes, as well as the interaction between the two intermediate outcomes (table 5). we first regressed science confidence (step 1c, table 8) and enjoying time outdoors (step 1d, table 9) on participation in the three programs. second, we regressed intention to pursue a stem major (step 2c, table 8) and support for local natural resources (step 2d, table 9) on science confidence, enjoying time outdoors, and participation in three programs. third, we regressed intention to pursue a stem major (step 3c, table 8) and support for local natural resources (step 3d, table 9) on science confidence, enjoying time outdoors, science confidence*enjoying time outdoors, and participation in the three programs. examining the moderating effects of intermediary outcomes allows us to explore the moderating potential of se intermediate outcomes (science confidence) on ee long-term outcomes (support for local natural resources) and ee intermediate outcomes (enjoying time outdoors) on se long-term outcomes (intention to pursue a stem major). in all regression models, we controlled for demographics including the high school attended, grade level, gender, and race. table 4. stepwise mediation analysis mediation analysis description of analysis steps intent to pursue stem major (analysis a) support for local natural resources (analysis b) step 1: test if program participation predicts intermediary outcome ose + se + ee = science confidence ose + se + ee = enjoying time outdoors step 2: test if intermediate outcome predicts long-term outcome ose + se + ee = intent to pursue stem major ose + se + ee = support for local natural resources step 3: test if program participation predicts long-term outcome when controlling for intermediate outcome ose + se + ee + science confidence = intent to pursue stem major ose + se + ee + enjoying time outdoors = support for local natural resources note: this table provides a step-by-step roadmap of the mediation analyses. lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 126 table 5. stepwise moderation analysis moderation analysis description of analysis steps intent to pursue stem major (analysis c) support for local natural resources (analysis d) step 1: test if program participation predicts long-term outcome when controlling for intermediate outcome ose + se + ee + science confidence = intent to pursue stem major ose + se + ee + enjoying time outdoors = support for local natural resources step 2: test if program participation predicts long-term outcome when controlling for both se and ee intermediate outcomes ose + se + ee + science confidence + enjoying time outdoors = intent to pursue stem major ose + se + ee + science confidence + enjoying time outdoors = support for local natural resources step 3: test if program participation predicts long-term outcome when controlling for both se and ee intermediate outcomes and the interaction between intermediate outcomes ose + se + ee + science confidence + enjoying time outdoors + science confidence*enjoying time outdoors = intent to pursue stem major ose + se + ee + science confidence + enjoying time outdoors + science confidence*enjoying time outdoors = support for local natural resources note: this table provides a step-by-step roadmap of the moderation analyses. results nearly three-quarters of the students surveyed participated in muddy sneakers (ose program) (n = 170, 73.59%), with fewer scouts (ee program) (n = 53, 22.94%) and time 4 real science participants (se program) (n = 21, 9.09%). there was overlap between the three groups with 16 students participating in both muddy sneakers and time 4 real science, 36 students participating in muddy sneakers and scouts, one student participating in time 4 real science and scouts, and two students participating in all three programs. aggregate mean scores for students’ enjoyment of time outdoors was 3.85 out of 5.00 (sd = 1.11), and confidence in science was 29.40 out of 45.00 (sd = 8.18). few students planned to major in science (n = 71, 32.13%). support for local natural resources was 4.57 out of 5.00 (sd = 0.78). we found partial support for hypothesis 1, as participation in the se program time 4 real science predicted the intermediate se outcome science confidence (b = 5.529; p = 0.004) (step 1a, table 6, figure 1), and science confidence predicted the long-term se outcome interest in pursuing a stem major (b = 0.030; p < 0.001) (step 3a, table 6, figure 1). specifically, students participating in time 4 real science (se program) were 18.09% more confident on average than those that did not participate (se = 1.908). however, science confidence did not mediate the relationship between time 4 real science and interest in pursuing a stem major, as there was no relationship between participation in time 4 real science and intention to pursue a stem major in college (step 2a, table 6). lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 127 we did not detect support for hypothesis 2, with no relationship between participation in the ee program scouts and the intermediate ee outcome enjoying time outdoors (step 1b, table 7, figure 1) or the long-term ee outcome support for local natural resources (step 2b, table 7, figure 1). we found partial support for hypothesis 3, as participation in the ose program muddy sneakers served as a weak predictor for the intermediate ee outcome enjoying time outdoors (b = 0.324; p = 0.065) (step 1b, table 7, figure 1), and enjoying time outdoors predicted the long-term ee outcome appreciation for local natural resources (b = 0.279; p = 0.016) (step 3b, table 7, figure 1). specifically, students participating in muddy sneakers reported enjoying time outdoors an average of 10.68% (se = 0.175) more than those who did not participate and individuals that enjoyed time outdoors were on average 5.01% (se = 0.046) more supportive of local natural resources. we did not detect a relationship between muddy sneakers participation and se outcomes (step 1a and 2a, table 6, figure 1). we did not find support for hypothesis 4, as the moderating relationship between enjoying time outdoors and the relationship between science confidence and intention to pursue a stem major was marginal (b = 0.005; p = 0.091) (step 3c, table 8, figure 1). we also failed to detect support for hypothesis 5, the moderating effects of science confidence on the relationship between enjoying time outdoors and support for local natural resources (step 3d, table 9, figure 1). although we did not have hypotheses associated with demographic control variables, several relationships were detected. girls expressed a higher level of intention to choose a stem major in college than boys across models 2a (b = 0.163; p = 0.019), 3a (b = 0.126; p = 0.035) (table 6), and 3c (b = 0.123; p = 0.039) (table 8). students attending high school a and girls were more supportive of local natural resources than boys across model 2b (b = 0.252; p = 0.021), 3b (b = 0.241; p = 0.027) (table 7), and 3d (b = 0.222; p = 0.040) (table 9). given that boys have been shown to demonstrate greater interest and engagement with science than girls during middle school (catsambis, 1995), and some studies have shown that ose may be effective at engaging girls (tyler-wood et al., 2012), we also tested for an interaction between girls and the ose intervention. however, we found no moderating relationship of ose between gender and science confidence (b = 0.951; p = 0.751) or gender and intention to pursue a stem major (b = 0.143; p = 0.366). although the relationships were weak, younger students expressed greater enjoyment of time outdoors (b = -0.129; p = 0.066) (step 1b, table 7) and students identifying as non-white expressed lower levels of enjoyment of time outdoors and support for local natural resources (b = -0.264; p = 0.086) (model 3d, table 7). lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 128 table 6. mediation analysis: factors predicting intention to choose a stem major science confidence step 1a intention for stem major step 2a intention for stem major step 3a beta std. beta p beta std. beta p beta std. beta p muddy sneakers 1.240 0.067 0.325 -0.009 -0.008 0.909 -0.044 -0.041 0.506 scouts 1.410 0.072 0.290 0.006 0.005 0.945 -0.034 -0.030 0.628 time 4 real science 5.529 0.196 0.004** 0.081 0.050 0.474 -0.079 -0.049 0.424 science confidence 0.030 0.523 <0.001*** high school 0.428 0.021 0.761 -0.034 -0.029 0.694 -0.043 -0.037 0.554 grade -0.690 -0.093 0.169 -0.020 -0.046 0.512 -0.002 -0.004 0.947 gender 1.321 0.077 0.248 0.163 0.164 0.019* 0.126 0.127 0.035* race 0.894 0.037 0.585 0.010 0.007 0.920 -0.009 -0.006 0.918 intercept 27.949 0.000 0.302 0.054 -0.549 0.001 p 0.043* 0.431 <0.001*** r2 0.034 <0.001 0.264 n 223 213 213 notes: gender (male = 0, female = 1), race (white = 0, non-white = 1) + p < 0.1; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001 table 7. mediation analysis: factors predicting support for local natural resources enjoying time outdoors step 1b support for local nr step 2b support for local nr step 3b beta std. beta p beta std. beta p beta std. beta p muddy sneakers 0.324 0.128 0.065+ 0.279 0.155 0.021* 0.243 0.135 0.044* scouts -0.003 -0.001 0.986 0.100 0.053 0.431 0.101 0.053 0.424 time 4 real science 0.160 0.041 0.547 0.325 0.118 0.076+ 0.307 0.111 0.090+ enjoy time outdoors 0.112 0.157 0.016* high school -0.041 -0.015 0.836 -0.334 -0.168 0.014* -0.329 -0.166 0.014* grade -0.129 -0.126 0.066+ 0.027 0.038 0.566 0.042 0.057 0.380 gender 0.104 0.044 0.514 0.252 0.151 0.021* 0.241 0.144 0.027* race 0.105 0.031 0.647 -0.240 -0.101 0.126 -0.251 -0.105 0.105 intercept 3.905 <0.001 4.485 <0.001 4.049 <0.001 p 0.263 <0.001*** <0.001*** r2 0.009 0.081 0.101 n 223 223 223 notes: gender (male = 0, female = 1), race (white = 0, non-white = 1) + p < 0.1; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001 lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 129 table 8. moderation analysis: factors predicting intention to choose a stem major intention for stem major step 1c intention for stem major step 2c intention for stem major step 3c beta std. beta p beta std. beta p beta std. beta p muddy sneakers -0.044 -0.041 0.506 -0.045 -0.042 0.500 -0.042 -0.039 0.528 scouts -0.034 -0.030 0.628 -0.033 -0.029 0.633 -0.025 -0.022 0.717 time 4 real science -0.079 -0.049 0.424 -0.079 -0.049 0.425 -0.087 -0.054 0.380 science confidence 0.030 0.523 <0.001*** 0.030 0.521 0.000*** 0.013 0.222 0.236 enjoy time outdoors 0.004 0.009 0.890 -0.126 -0.289 0.121 science confidence *enjoy time outdoors 0.005 0.480 0.091+ high school -0.043 -0.037 0.554 -0.043 -0.037 0.556 -0.032 -0.027 0.660 grade -0.002 -0.004 0.947 -0.001 -0.003 0.958 -0.004 -0.010 0.870 gender 0.126 0.127 0.035* 0.126 0.126 0.036* 0.123 0.124 0.039* race -0.009 -0.006 0.918 -0.009 -0.006 0.917 -0.010 -0.007 0.908 intercept -0.549 <0.001 -0.560 0.003** -0.103 0.752 p <0.001 *** <0.001 *** <0.001 *** r2 0.264 0.260 0.267 n 213 213 213 notes: gender (male = 0, female = 1), race (white = 0, non-white = 1) + p < 0.1; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001 lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 130 table 9. moderation analysis: factors predicting support for local natural resources support for local nr step 1d support for local nr step 2d support for local nr step 3d beta std. beta p beta std. beta p beta std. beta p muddy sneakers 0.243 0.135 0.044* 0.233 0.129 0.052 0.233 0.130 0.051+ scouts 0.101 0.053 0.424 0.081 0.043 0.516 0.092 0.048 0.462 time 4 real science 0.307 0.111 0.090+ 0.235 0.085 0.199 0.226 0.082 0.217 enjoy time outdoors 0.112 0.157 0.016* 0.090 0.127 0.056 -0.083 -0.117 0.565 science confidence 0.014 0.139 0.038* -0.010 -0.101 0.616 science confidence *enjoy time outdoors 0.006 0.390 0.205 high school -0.329 -0.166 0.014* -0.366 -0.169 0.012* -0.320 -0.161 0.017* grade 0.042 0.057 0.380 0.049 0.066 0.307 0.045 0.062 0.343 gender 0.241 0.144 0.027* 0.225 0.135 0.037* 0.222 0.133 0.040* race -0.251 -0.105 0.105 -0.261 -0.110 0.090+ -0.264 -0.111 0.086+ intercept 4.049 <0.001 3.751 <0.001 4.365 <0.001 p <0.001*** <0.001*** <0.001*** r2 0.101 0.115 0.117 n 223 223 223 notes: gender (male = 0, female = 1), race (white = 0, non-white = 1); + p < 0.1; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001 figure 1. programs, outcomes, and their relationships note. this figure is a conceptual model of our mediation and moderation findings. standardized beta coefficient values (β) are provided for significant hypothesized relationships. lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 131 discussion local experiences in natural settings, repeated interventions over the course of the school year, and a focus on young students (fifth grade) may explain why muddy sneakers participants reported slightly higher enjoyment of time outdoors and greater propensity to consider local natural resources important four to seven years after their ose experience. a review of research focused on k-12 ee outcomes between 1994-2013 highlighted there were only six studies (18%) collecting followup data more than six months post intervention (ardoin, bowers, roth, & holthuis, 2018). our results demonstrating the persistence of positive conservation-related attitudes four to seven years after participation in the muddy sneakers program align with previous research demonstrating persistence of similar ee outcomes three months after an ose experience (dettmann-easler & pease, 1999; stern et al., 2008). previous research highlights that participating in ose instills enjoyment of time outdoors (ewert, place, & sibthorp, 2005), which could contribute to the development of an eco-centric versus an anthropocentric worldview and subsequent support for conservation (ewert et al., 2005; wells & lekies, 2006). some attributes of muddy sneakers that likely contribute to the program’s effectiveness at generating these long-term ee outcomes include the young age at which the intervention occurs (braun & dierkes, 2017; chawla, 1999; dillon et al., 2016; tanner, 1980; vadala et al., 2007; wells & lekies, 2006), the use of local outdoor settings (martin, 2003; rios & brewer, 2014), longer duration and repeated interventions (bogner, 1998; braun & dierkes, 2017; cronin-jones, 2000; rickinson, 2001), and use of small group sizes, which may increase the potential for an instructor to serve as a role model and provide opportunity for deep affective connections to local natural resources (chawla, 1999; sivek, 2002; tanner, 1980). this study suggests previously identified ose impacts on interest in science may diminish over time without recurring interventions. previous studies investigating science outcomes immediately following an ose experience identified increased science motivation and interest (dettweiler, ünlü, lauterbach, becker, & gschrey, 2015; zoldosova & prokop, 2006), and increased science content knowledge related to environmental science topics (cronin-jones, 2000). while increased interest in science and gains in science knowledge may result in science confidence, maintaining science confidence likely relies on continued interest and regular gains in content knowledge. previous research demonstrating students’ interest and performance in science declines throughout adolescence (bøe, henriksen, lyons, & schreiner, 2011; linn, lewis, tsuchida, & songer, 2000) may help explain why we did not find a relationship between participation in ose and science confidence or interest in pursuing a stem major several years later. it is possible that any gains in science confidence associated with childhood ose may have eroded without reinforcement throughout adolescence. future research should investigate whether repeated ose interventions may help these outcomes persist over time. participation in se was associated with science confidence, but future research with participants who are not self-selecting and over longer time periods is needed to understand how this may translate to persistent interest and participation in stem. additionally, the small sample size for this group (n = 21) makes it difficult to draw any inferences regarding our results. time 4 real science is an after-school lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 132 program for high school students that is focused on improving students’ sciencerelated skills by pairing them with scientists from their community who help them conduct a scientific research project. because time 4 real science occurs during high school, science confidence effects were still short-term relative to those measured for muddy sneakers. as participation in time 4 real science is voluntary, in contrast to muddy sneakers, it is possible that higher science confidence among time 4 real science students reflected self-selection bias in addition to effects from the program (aschbacher, li, & roth, 2010). however, the lack of relationship between time 4 real science participation and the choosing of a science major suggests that participation did not translate that confidence towards the intention to pursue a stem major. another aspect to consider when comparing potential long-term impacts of ose on science and environmental engagement is that our measure of engagement with the environment (i.e., support for local natural resources) required less personal commitment than our measure of engagement with science (i.e., choosing a stem major). further, the item we used could be interpreted as how much others (i.e., the community) value natural resources rather than self. however, the significant relationship found between participation in ose and the support for natural resources suggests that aspects of the program likely fostered some sort of lasting connection with local natural resources. future research should explore how science confidence and interest may relate to longterm science engagement outside of career choice (e.g., science hobbies; alexander, johnson & kelley, 2012; dabney et al., 2012; jones, corin, andre, childers, & stevens, 2017) and seeking scientific evidence in decision making (bell & lederman, 2000). future research should also seek to develop a more nuanced understanding of how ose in childhood may foster lasting connections with local natural resources. high variability in scouting programming may explain the surprising lack of relationships between scouting participation and enjoyment of time outdoors or support for local natural resources. although scouts have key attributes linked to ee, participants can choose a participation approach that spans 135 boy scout merit badges (boy scouts of america, 2019) and over 230 girl scout badges (girl scouts, 2019), many of which are not directly related to environmental education. arguably, scouting does aim to promote substantial experiences with the outdoors (boy scouts of america, 2019; girl scouts, 2019), but at least in this case, those collective experiences may not be enough to promote enjoyment of time outdoors or appreciation for local natural resources. in contrast, we have a firm understanding of the programmatic attributes of the ose experience related to this study. future research should continue to explore impacts of participation in scouts, while accounting for the type of participation individuals choose. the weak moderating relationships we identified between se and ee outcomes suggests that future research should continue to explore the potential for long-term moderating benefits of ose on engagement with both science and the environment. previous research suggests that ose can promote both science learning and environmental engagement in the short term (stern et al., 2008). some research suggests that these benefits may be synergistic, where learning science content may promote further environmental engagement (littledyke, 2008; wals et al., lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 133 2014), and learning outdoors may enhance science content knowledge and skills more than learning in settings not explicitly outdoors (carrier et al., 2014; croninjones, 2000; rios & brewer, 2014). though the interactions we tested were not significant, similar studies with larger sample sizes may increase the chances of detecting these relationships, supporting the notion that ose, or other interventions providing opportunity for engagement with science in the outdoors (e.g., naturebased citizen science; schuttler et al., 2018), may work to strengthen life-long engagement with both science and the environment. the positive relationship between female gender and commitment to stem majors demonstrated in our study may be explained by evidence that ose contributes to female student engagement with science. studies from diverse fields related to conservation and environmental education have documented more proenvironmental attitudes and behaviors among females as compared to males (arnocky & stroink, 2011; karpiak & baril, 2008; zelezny, chua, & aldrich, 2000), which our study mirrored. however, research around the gender stem gap suggests that girls are consistently less interested in science and less likely to pursue majors and careers, particularly as they age (brotman & moore, 2008; tyler-wood et al., 2012; wang & degol, 2017). our results suggest a shift in female patterns of stem participation, perhaps brought on by the numerous efforts in recent decades to mitigate a gender gap in stem fields (brotman & moore, 2008; holman, stuart-fox, & hauser, 2018; wang & degol, 2017). girls may also gain more interest in stem majors as a result of ose interventions (tyler-wood et al., 2012; zoldosova & prokop, 2006), although we did not find that relationship in our study. the unusually high interest in stem majors among girls in our study is encouraging in light of efforts to mitigate stem gender gaps, and our study highlights a need to monitor this issue as educational interventions attempt to address it and gender roles shift over time. other differences detected based on age and ethnicity are consistent with previous findings, and highlight a need to improve se and ee curricula for older and more diverse youth. several studies suggest younger students are more engaged with science (baram-tsabari & yarden, 2009; potvin & hasni, 2014; simpson & oliver, 1985) and exhibit a greater degree of environmental concern (buttel, 1979; liefländer & bogner, 2014; stevenson, peterson, bondell, mertig, & moore, 2013). the parallel findings in our study suggest continued efforts are needed to keep older students engaged in science and the environment. encouraging efforts with older students include programs like time 4 real science, and our results suggest they do work to boost science confidence. similarly, non-white people, particularly those identifying as african american, are underrepresented in outdoor recreation (schwartz & corkery, 2011), as well as conservation majors (porter & umbach, 2006) and careers (blockstein, 1990; lawrence, holland, & morrin, 1993). recent boosts in efforts to diversify outdoor recreation and conservation fields are also encouraging (diversify outdoors, 2018; outdoor afro, 2019), and techniques such as hiring diverse staff who may serve as potential role models (shin, levy, & london, 2016) and removing potential barriers (balcarczyk, smaldone, selin, pierskalla, & maumbe, 2015; foster, blair, bennett, bynum, & sterling, 2014; tsui, 2007) may help strengthen underrepresented individuals’ sense of belonging in lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 134 recreation, conservation, and stem fields. our results suggest that se and ee communities working with children should employ these strategies to ensure diverse stakeholders are engaged with science, the environment, and building a sustainable and just future. conclusion this study suggests childhood ose may help build life-long environmental engagement by promoting support for local natural resource protection up to seven years after program participation. although we did not find parallel long-term outcomes related to science engagement, future research should continue to explore the short-term science-related benefits of ose and the conditions under which those may persist. periodic science-based interventions (e.g., time 4 real science or similar programs) may reinforce the short-term gains related to science confidence others have found associated with childhood ose (cronin-jones, 2000; dettweiler et al., 2015; zoldosova & prokop, 2006). though it should be repeated with larger sample sizes, our analytical approach of quantitatively linking experiences with intended behaviors and commitments provides new support for the notion that such experiences serve as a mechanism for the persistence of ose outcomes. future research should explore other se outcomes such as content knowledge or skills to understand how ose may impact science engagement over time. additionally, our findings regarding the synergistic relationship between se and ee outcomes hint at a potential relationship that may aid in the development of educational interventions that work towards addressing issues associated with the compounding problems of disinterest in science and a disconnection from the natural world. brent jackson is a ph.d. student in the fisheries, wildlife, and conservation biology program at north carolina state university. his research explores the role of childhood experiences in driving life-long engagement with nature. brent’s research interests include environmental education, conservation biology, and human dimensions of natural resources. dr. kathryn stevenson is an assistant professor in the department of parks, recreation and tourism management at north carolina state university. both her research and teaching focus on environmental education, children & nature, and human dimensions of natural resources. nils peterson is a professor of fisheries, wildlife, and conservation biology at north carolina state university. his research focuses on unraveling the drivers of environmental behavior, using environmental education, conservation development, environmental conflict, and environmental policy making as natural experiments to test hypotheses. nils received his b.s. and m.s. degrees from texas a&m university, and his ph.d. from michigan state university. additional information about his research, teaching, and service activities is on his web page: https://faculty.cnr.ncsu.edu/nilspeterson/ https://faculty.cnr.ncsu.edu/nilspeterson/ lasting conservation and science-related outcomes associated with science… 135 dr. danielle f. lawson is an assistant professor in the college of health and human development & the college of education at the pennsylvania state university. her research aims to look at how impacts of environmental education programs targeted at youth trickle up to their parents and local communities. ryan alexander olson joined muddy sneakers as executive director in january 2012 after previously serving as the assistant director of land protection for the sc chapter of the nature conservancy. ryan received a b.a. from the university of the south and a j.d from the charleston school of law. throughout his educational and professional career, ryan has worked in and on behalf of the environment. specifically, his legal studies focused on environmental, property, and land use law. he credits his summer camp experiences in western nc and later the colorado outward bound school as the two most transformational experiences of his life. e. garland joseph is currently a history major at lewis and clark college. her studies are focused on the cold war and the different social and political events that occurred during that time. she is currently working for a project sponsored by watzek library archives titled “vietnamese portland: memory, history, and community.” for the project, she studies the interconnected nature of the vietnamese community in portland and transcribes oral histories. references alexander, j. m., johnson, k. e., & kelley, k. 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2019 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 29(2), 2019 child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances in the built environment mairéad whelan o’brien centre for the bachelor of health sciences, university of calgary tate hubkarao department of pediatrics and community health sciences, university of calgary antonia stang departments of pediatrics, emergency medicine and community health sciences cumming school of medicine, university of calgary alberta children’s hospital research institute stephen freedman cumming school of medicine, university of calgary alberta children’s hospital research institute alison macpherson faculty of health, school of kinesiology and health science, york university andrew howard sick kids hospital, university of toronto pamela fuselli parachute canada brent e. hagel departments of pediatrics and community health sciences, cumming school of medicine sport injury prevention research centre, faculty of kinesiology alberta children’s hospital research institute o’brien institute for public health university of calgary citation: whelan, m., hubkarao, t., stang, a., freedman, s., macpherson, a., howard, a., fuselli, p., & hagel, b. e. (2019). child bicyclist perspectives on danger and circumstances in the built environment. children, youth and environments, 29(2), 77-91. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 78 abstract danger perception and the built environment are associated with injury risk in adult bicyclists, but limited research exists related to child bicyclists. our pilot study describes child bicyclist perspectives on safety in the built environment. participants were children who came to the alberta children’s hospital emergency department with a bicycling injury sustained on public property. research team members interviewed participants about their injury circumstances (n=26). this research is based on thematic analysis of their responses to the open-ended interview questions. the risks children perceived were obstructions, debris, grade, visibility, and risky behavior. fear of perceived danger in the environment influenced participants’ bicycling experiences. the results inform child-contextual understanding of the built environment. keywords: pediatric injury, bicycling, children, built environment, perceived risk child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 79 background bicycling is an environmentally sustainable way for children to travel, and the physical activity decreases their risk of multiple chronic illnesses (sallis, floyd, rodríguez, & saelens, 2012). a child, in this paper, refers to anyone 17 years or younger. in canadian municipalities, use of active transportation such as bicycling is quite low, with 60 percent of parents reporting they drive their children to school every day (active healthy kids canada, 2014). this may be partly due to the high injury risk associated with active transportation in canadian cities; child bicycling injuries alone make up 6 percent of all injury-related emergency department (ed) visits in canada, with over 900 hospitalizations and 20 child deaths occurring annually (safe kids canada, 2007 cihi, 2017; parachute, 2016). optimizing the built environment (cdc, 2011) to facilitate active transportation has been shown to promote bicycle use and improve safety (carlson et al., 2014; reynolds, teschke, harris, winters, & cripton, 2009). for example, infrastructure features such as road type, intersection status, bicycle lanes, and hill grade can affect the risk of injury in adult bicyclists (teschke et al., 2012). research in this area has primarily been concentrated on adult bicyclists, even though children are more likely to bicycle than adults and have a greater burden of injury (ramagemorin, 2017; cihi, 2017). it is important to understand children’s bicycling habits and built environment perceptions because past research has shown that children have diverse perspectives on their modes of transportation, play, and parental influence (zwerts, allaert, janssens, wets, & witlox, 2010). information on youth bicycling behavior could yield insights on built environment design to decrease the incidence of injury among this population. understanding bicycling behavior and perception in adults has shown to be valuable information for determining their injury risk, but again, little information is known about how a child’s perception of the built environment influences their behavior and injury risk. perception, or the individual’s assessment of situational danger (cloutier, bergeron, & apparicio, 2011), may act as a mediating factor between the environment and injury risk for children (cho, rodríguez, & khattak, 2009). past literature shows that if an adult rider perceives danger, they may adjust their behavior to cycle more cautiously (cho et al., 2009). in addition to the gap in knowledge in child bicycling behavior, much of the research in this area on built environment and injury risk and uptake of active transportation is quantitative (law, petrenchik, king, & hurley, 2007; romanow et al., 2012). while quantitative analyses are important for determining statistical relationships and making inferences about causality, understanding the qualitative perspectives and lived experiences of bicyclists is important to contextualize these findings. children’s bicycle habits and behavior both differ, influence, and are influenced by those of adults, particularly parents (zwerts et al., 2010). understanding children’s perceptions of the built environment provides useful information for future study design with this population and stakeholders in urban planning. qualitative analysis of child perceptions of the built environment is valuable to understand how these perceptions relate to injury risk, and to advise future research evaluating child bicyclist behavior. therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore perspectives on injury circumstances and the built environment for child bicyclists. child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 80 method design this investigation was the pilot of a larger case-crossover study by hagel and colleagues (2019) to identify built environment features that influence child bicyclist injury risk. participants were children who came to the alberta children’s hospital emergency department with a bicycling injury sustained on public property. a research team member asked each participating child about the built environment at the site where his or her injury occurred as well as two additional randomly selected (control) sites along their route. the rationale for randomly selecting control sites along the child’s own route was to contrast environmental features where the child was previously bicycling without injury to the site where they were injured. the objective of the larger study was to compare the characteristics of the injury site with the randomly selected sites for each child (i.e., within-subject comparisons). the interviews involved mostly structured questions with fixedchoice responses, with some open-ended questions requesting further detail to understand the child’s bicycling experiences. the data for this paper are based upon these open-ended questions. recruitment following ethical approval by the conjoint health research ethics board at the university of calgary, we recruited children younger than 18 years old reporting to the alberta children’s hospital emergency department (ed) with an injury sustained while bicycling on public property (including sidewalks, roads, pathways, parks, trails, etc.) between july 11 and september 22, 2017. exclusion criteria included: injuries sustained outside calgary city limits; on private property; on a tricycle or motorized bike; while trick riding; racing or participating in a mass bicycling event; fatal injuries, and; if the child and/or their parents did not speak english and/or recall details of the bicycling route. parents did not have to be present for the injury event to participate in the interview as support for the child. volunteer research assistants in the ed screened participants based on these criteria, and if eligible, had them complete a consent to contact form. a study team member followed up over telephone or e-mail to enroll them and schedule an interview. interviews semi-structured interviews were scheduled with participants between two weeks and two months post-injury. parents were encouraged to be present and assist in the interviews; however, the children themselves were the participants. we included comments from parents in our analysis, as both comparisons to the child’s point of view and supplementary for information purposes (especially for children younger than 5, and when the parent was present during the interview). additionally, there is research that shows that parental perspectives heavily influence child perspectives on injury and safety in the built environment (gülgönen & corona, 2015). participants provided information on the bicycling route they had taken when they were injured, the location where the injury took place, and two randomly selected child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 81 control locations chosen by research team members along the child’s route before their injury occurred. one of the control locations was randomly selected, and the second control location was randomly chosen, but then matched to the nearest intersection. the interview contained open-ended questions about the participant’s bicycling experience, perceived safety at the injury location and route, description of the injury event, and general demographic details. the primary researcher responsible for conducting qualitative analyses was present to conduct every interview. a second coder was present for two interviews to familiarize themselves with the interview process. all interviewers were instructed to record in writing participant responses as verbatim as possible. as this study and questionnaire were originally designed to be structured and quantitative with openended questions being supplementary, the interview was not designed for qualitative analysis and therefore not audio recorded. analysis the braun and clarke (2006) method of thematic analysis was used to analyze the qualitative data. thematic analysis is a method of identifying patterns and themes in qualitative data that is based upon grounded theory, but without the strict theoretical frameworks required for grounded theory analysis. thematic analysis, specifically the braun and clarke method, is a reliable framework for analysis that is easier to apply to simpler data sets and can be integrated into spatial analysis later in our broader study program (braun & clarke, 2006; hagel et al., 2019; loebach & gilliand, 2010). we analyzed the data in five phases, drawing from the open-ended questions asking how the child got hurt and what they perceived as safe or unsafe on their bicycling route. phase one included attending interviews, inputting all data into redcap—a data entry platform (harris et al., 2009), re-reading participant responses, and transferring data into a comprehensive document. manual coding in phase two involved going through all participant responses and underlining key words and phrases (codes) describing either how the child was feeling or a factor in their injury/safety. initial themes were developed in phase three by labelling codes reflecting similar circumstances in consistent colors for visual linking before deciding on defining words for each theme. in phase four, we further reviewed and refined the themes through the creation of a mind-map of all codes. in phase five, we further grouped similarities in repeating codes and themes and labeled them as sub-themes. throughout, a team of two worked on coding with check-ins to facilitate inter-coder reliability. we kept thorough records of each step of analysis . as parents were encouraged to assist in the interview, their responses were included in the analysis. results during the four-month study period, 142 injured bicyclists were screened, 66 were eligible, and 26 were enrolled in our study (39 percent of eligible participants). table 1 lists the demographic characteristics of our study sample. there was a similar distribution across all age ranges. males constituted 73 percent of participants (19/26), and 68 percent (17/26) came from households with a selfreported median annual income of ≥$80,000. the majority (69 percent; 18/26) of participants felt they were experienced bicyclists. child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 82 table 1. demographic characteristics of study sample variable response number % sex male 19 73 female 7 27 age 0-4 years old 4 15 5-9 years old 8 31 10-12 years old 7 27 13-17 years old 7 27 median household income (2016) under $15,000 1 4 $15,000-$29,999 1 4 $30,000-$49,999 2 8 $50,000-$79,999 1 4 $80,000-$119,999 6 24 $120,000 or more 11 44 do not know 3 12 do you consider yourself to be an experienced bicyclist? no 5 19 yes 18 69 somewhat 3 12 table 2 summarizes characteristics of the participants’ injury circumstances and trip. the average trip length was 0.74 kilometers, ranging from 0.09-2.74 kilometers. the most common purpose for bicycling was recreation (50 percent of trips). almost half (42 percent) of participants’ injuries resulted from a collision with an obstruction in the form of a motor vehicle, person, or object physically blocking the route. no participants were brought to the ed in an ambulance or hospitalized. over half of participants (62 percent) had upper extremity injuries such as abrasions, fractures, or sprains. table 2. characteristics of injury circumstances and bicycle trip variable response number % collision (motor vehicle, person, object, obstruction) no 15 57.69 yes 11 42.31 ambulance no 26 100 yes 0 0 hospital admission no 26 100 yes 0 0 trip distance (km)average .737 trip distance (km)range .086 – 2.74 in exploring injury circumstances and perceived dangers for children using the thematic analysis, three major themes emerged: external parties, environment, child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 83 and self. these results were visualized through thematic mind map exercises (summarized in table 3) as per phase four of braun and clarke’s method of thematic analysis (2006). table 3. themes, sub-themes, and associated codes from qualitative results major themes sub-themes associated codes external parties pedestrians high traffic; people in way; lot of people; walking; go around people negligence “need to be more aware”; obstruction; ignoring automobiles busy road; parked cars; new drivers; fear of cars; high traffic; speeding environment design no sidewalk; too narrow; need more signage; sharp turns; designed for cars, not bikes debris sticks; rocks; pinecones; leaves; gravel; bumpy; garbage obstruction storm drain; post box; “in the way”; object in path; curb; tree; ramp grade not level; steep; big hill visibility sharp turn; too many trees; can’t see; dark; shady; can’t see around bend self fear scared; panic; going too fast; lost control; distracted; freaked out risky behavior no pedals; no helmet; jumping; standing on bike; riding; toddler bike; racing; no hands; swerving self-blame “my fault”; dangerous; silly; distracted inexperience teaching how to bike; just learning; not good biker; too young; training wheels theme: external parties the theme of external parties referred to the presence of external persons such as motor vehicle drivers or pedestrians, who through interacting with the participant, contributed to the injury event. two (8 percent) injuries involved a collision with a motor vehicle, however 9/26 (35 percent) of participants mentioned motor vehicles being around that indirectly contributed to their injury (due to swerving around, having to stop too fast, etc.). the possibility for interaction with motor vehicles, especially during times of high traffic volume, increased feelings of fear of injury in children. this interaction led to increased fear of being on the road, and more frequent bicycling on the sidewalk or separated paths, especially for children less than 9 years old or just learning to bicycle. when talking about bicycling on sidewalks or paths, participants cited interactions with pedestrians being more common. in injury circumstances, participants felt pedestrians were child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 84 “in the way,” forcing bicyclists to collide with them or swerve off-course. motor vehicles and pedestrians were both seen as a threat to safety and an obstruction that negatively affected maneuverability. some participants felt that drivers and pedestrians were exhibiting negligence (i.e., inattention, ignorance, or lack of prudence resulting in harm) by not making efforts to be aware of children, with drivers failing to stop for bicyclists, and pedestrians failing to move out of the way when children rang their bicycle bells. a participant said that “people need to be more aware of kids biking” and there needs to be more pavement just for bicyclists (participant #25). two parents (8 percent) called for signage to be added to paths to alert others of child bicyclists in the area (participants #5 and #24). motor vehicle driver inattention was cited multiple times with participants stating that “new drivers are a problem” because they do not pay attention or noting that the presence of motor vehicles increased fear and risk. theme: environment the participants’ perceptions of dangers in the built environment were related to visibility, grade, obstructions, and design. participants or their parents were concerned with visibility on the route, whether a turn was too sharp, poor lighting, or obstructions in the child’s line of sight. visibility became an issue when intersections were designed in such a way that cars or bicyclists could not see each other. as previously noted, parents called for signs to be placed to warn drivers and pedestrians to watch for kids on their bikes, or alternatively, to warn children on their bikes about upcoming obstructions or turns. other obstacles included trees or sharp turns obstructing a child’s view of the path, especially if they were going down a hill or were going too fast for their skill level. at injury sites, children frequently described going down a “really big hill,” and ending up going “way too fast” (participant #17). closely associated with these statements was the feeling of “losing control” of the bicycle prior to injury. ten out of 26 (38 percent) participants mentioned that they were going “too fast” in their injury circumstance description, and 11 out of 26 (42 percent) mentioned they were going downhill at the time of their injury. parents and children perceived hills or steepness to be difficult for young cyclists to maneuver. the above two subthemes, visibility and grade, were those most closely associated with feelings of fear for children while bicycling, resulting in the child referring to loss of control of the bike due to speed or feelings of panic. an obstruction—an object physically blocking the path or route of a bicyclist—can include hedges, trees, mailboxes, posts, ramps, debris, and/or drains. the most common obstruction with which participants struggled was hitting or transitioning on/off a curb. one participant noted that the distinction between “curbs with sharp edges” or soft edges (i.e., non-mountable vs. mountable curbs) affected bicycling difficulty (participant #11). another sub-theme related to obstruction was debris on the route, which children perceived as a main agent of danger; small gravel, child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 85 rocks, leaves, and pinecones were mentioned the most. young children (less than five) in particular noted debris such as single pinecones or a couple of small rocks, which parents otherwise noted as insignificant, as being scary. swerving away from debris was reported as a major factor in many injury events. design of the route was often brought up as hazardous, especially by the parents. infrastructure that had child cyclists interacting closely with motor vehicles, either on the road or at an intersection, were areas where parents and children would exercise increased caution. other concerns like pathways being too narrow or having sharp turns were also repeatedly mentioned. neighborhoods, roads, or intersections being designed for vehicles and not for bicyclists were common complaints. theme: self nine out of 26 (35 percent) children blamed themselves for their injury, with one child stating that “it wasn’t the site that was unsafe, it was my fault that i messed up and fell” (participant #2). the most common reason for self-blaming was risky behavior. the most common instance of risk-taking was the child riding their bicycle with no hands on the handlebars, but also included standing on the bicycle, racing with a friend, riding with one hand on the handlebars, “doing swervies” (participant #19), ignoring what their parents told them about bicycling safety, or purposively riding an improperly sized bike. some parents felt the main risk was that participants were inexperienced bicyclists, having just learned how to bike or had their training wheels removed recently if they were young (less than 9). most child participants themselves felt that they were experienced bicyclists (18/26; 69 percent) and rarely blamed their skill for their injury event; rather, they pointed to the situation or risk-taking behavior in which they engaged. this was a point of contention between several participants and their parents. discussion the objective of this study was to explore perspectives on injury circumstances and the built environment for child bicyclists. the study sample demographics were representative of the typical bicycling population in canada, which is predominantly male and relatively high-income (ramage-morin, 2017). we uncovered three major themes describing children’s perspectives on bicycling, including the influence of external parties, the environment, and themselves as bicyclists. in teschke et al.’s (2012) study, most injuries were from a collision and motor vehicle-related, contrary to few of the cases in our study being collisions and only two being related to motor vehicles. most collision injury events in this study were reported with objects such as posts, curbs, or trees in descriptions of injury circumstance. either swerving away from or hitting an obstruction were the dominant injury circumstances reported by the participants. related to the assertion of cho and colleagues (2009), increased perception of danger surrounding motor vehicles could have caused the bicyclists to ride more cautiously, resulting in fewer motorvehicle injuries. children in our study may also be less experienced in navigating environmental obstructions or bicycling in different types of locations than teschke child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 86 and colleagues’ (2012) research. a common theme in children’s descriptions of their injury was the sense of fear causing them to panic, react with less logic, and lose control of the bicycle. fear was reportedly caused by some features of the built environment such as a steep hill grade, high speed, debris, or sharp turns. these reactions were more common for new bicyclists and those younger than 12 years old. the perspectives of parents provided useful context to why the child was fearful, reflecting past qualitative literature that explored the influence of parental safety concerns in shaping children’s perceptions of their experience in urban centers (gülgönen & corona, 2015). research by teschke and colleagues (2012) found similar fears, particularly hill grade and speed, to be significantly associated with injury risk in adults. currently no other literature on the subject with children exists, and therefore adults are reasonable comparators at this time. based on past research with adult bicyclists, perception of the built environment can be a mediator between the built environment and injury risk (cho et al., 2009). it is possible this same phenomenon occurs with children, with fear mediating the relation between the built environment and injury. the teschke et al. (2012) study is currently being replicated with children by members of our research team and expanded nationally to three other municipalities in canada (hagel et al., 2019). another thematic area to note was the perception of others versus the child bicyclist in the context of the built environment. the behaviors, notably negligence, of other pedestrians or drivers were cited to be a major concern for child safety and their use of active transportation. indeed, past research by cloutier and colleagues (2011) shows that parents limit their children’s active transportation to school due to safety issues, especially relating to cars. the child bicyclists in the current study expressed differing sentiments about motor vehicles and pedestrians: cars were regarded with fear, while pedestrians were annoying, “in the way” (participants #23, #25, #26), and a nuisance for bicyclists. it was also very interesting to see how child bicyclists perceived themselves in their environments. the participant was likely to blame themselves for their injury if they were being risky or “silly”—an unexpected finding, especially for younger children. this implies that children are aware that their behaviors may be dangerous or increase their chances of injury, but will undertake them anyway (examples in our sample included riding with no hands on the handlebars, no feet on the pedals, racing, or standing up on the bicycle). although we are not suggesting that a bicycle is a toy, these results suggest the importance of taking children’s playing and risk-taking behavior into account when considering built environment design. urban bicycling courses tailored towards children or bicycling safety courses for children which try to limit risky playing, have shown varying results in the literature as to their effectiveness in preventing risk-taking behavior (richmond, zhang, stover, howard, & macarthur, 2014). although it is difficult to alter children’s risky behavior, we may be able to alter the built environment to minimize harm. for example, traffic calming and safer built environment design child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 87 have been shown to reduce harm to child bicyclists through traffic calming features or simply moving features like bus stops away from parks and playgrounds (retting, ferguson, & mccartt, 2003). urban planners, especially in local neighborhoods where most children bicycle, should incorporate into their built environment designs the inevitable tendency for kids to practice unsafe behaviors involved in everyday “fun.” although we did not examine peer influence (i.e., cycling with parents versus other children) on risk taking behavior in our analyses, this may be an interesting area of future research. another note on self-blaming was that if the participant cited themselves as the reason for their injury, it was almost always about their risky behavior and not their cycling experience. most children claimed to be experienced cyclists, even when their parents disagreed or the participant had recently learned how to bicycle. the above findings indicate that children are aware of their risk-taking, but may overestimate their skill level as a bicyclist. this finding is potentially a reflection of the dunning-kruger effect in psychology, where individuals of low ability or skill tend to overestimate their competencies (kruger & dunning, 1999). the dunning-kruger effect occurs because people, in this case child bicyclists, lack the experience to critically analyze their abilities. it should be noted that the dunning-kruger effect has primarily been studied with individuals of the same age and group (e.g., students in a class), and little research has compared children’s perception of their own ability with older age groups. further research in this area should be performed to measure this effect empirically. our limitations concern the recruitment method and generalizability of qualitative results. there was significant loss-to-follow-up between the consent to contact and enrollment periods, possibly because research team members were only phoning to follow up with potential participants during working hours. additionally, we only recruited from the hospital ed, possibly missing children in the intensive care unit or trauma ward or those with injuries not deemed to require ed care. these recruitment methods may have resulted in a selection bias by unintentionally excluding working parents or more severely injured children. this bias could be reflected in table 2, where we can see that no participants were admitted to the hospital or transported in an ambulance, with only relatively minor injuries in our sample. the exclusion of severely injured children in our study could be another reason we saw so few motor vehicle-bicyclist collision cases, as past research has shown that collision with a motor vehicle increases the severity of injury (embree et al., 2016; hagel, romanow, enns, williamson, & rowe 2015; romanow et al., 2012). there may also be concern regarding the possibility of recall bias, given that children were self-reporting their injury and some were interviewed up to two months post-injury due to logistical scheduling details. although this may have affected the accuracy of details, we believe it is still important to record the child’s perspective on their injury and that potential errors still contribute to an overall impression of the child’s bicycling injury. moreover, recommendations in research for pediatric injury recall indicate that one to three months is the optimal recall period for interviews; therefore our interview and recruitment period is supported in the literature (harel et al., 1994). child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 88 additionally, since this project was not originally designed for qualitative analysis, interviews were not audio recorded and responses were written down by research team members to match the children’s stories. this is an issue of measurement validity because it may have compromised the richness of the responses. conclusions results from this research indicate that child bicyclist perspectives are important in interpreting interactions with the built environment and injury risk. hill grade, going too fast, and obstructions in the path were highlighted as difficult for young bicyclists to manage. the negligence of pedestrians and motor vehicle drivers was also cited as a hazard. many children were engaging in risk-taking behavior prior to their injury, even if they knew that it was something “silly” and dangerous to undertake. further research is required on the association between perceived injury risk and actual injury risk to confirm whether there is a relationship and how proactive safety protocols can be adapted to accommodate for child fear and panic. ultimately, this research is a preliminary qualitative case study on child bicyclists and may be used to generate new questions about child-sensitive built environments. acknowledgements this study was supported by the cihr team grant: environments and health: intersectoral prevention research, the built environment and active transportation safety in children and youth #ip2–150706. we gratefully acknowledge the support of pediatric emergency research canada and the pediatric emergency research team at the alberta children’s hospital for their assistance with study recruitment. author contributions m. whelan, t. hubkarao, and b.e. hagel conceived of this study. b.e. hagel, a. stang, s. freedman, a. macpherson, a. howard and p. fuselli contributed to acquisition of funding. m. whelan contributed to data collection. m. whelan and b.e. hagel contributed to the qualitative analysis. m. whelan finalized the thematic coding and drafted the initial manuscript. all authors contributed to interpretation of the data, critically reviewed the paper and approve the submission. references active healthy kids canada (2014). is canada in the running? report card on physical activity for children and youth. retrieved from http://dvqdas9jty7g6.cloudfront.net/reportcard2014/ahkc_2014_reportcard_shor t_eng.pdf braun, v., & clarke, v. (2006). using thematic analysis in psychology. qualitative research in psychology, 3(2), 77-101. file:///c:/users/maireadwhelan/desktop/%20http:/dvqdas9jty7g6.cloudfront.net/reportcard2014/ahkc_2014_reportcard_short_eng.pdf file:///c:/users/maireadwhelan/desktop/%20http:/dvqdas9jty7g6.cloudfront.net/reportcard2014/ahkc_2014_reportcard_short_eng.pdf file:///c:/users/maireadwhelan/desktop/%20http:/dvqdas9jty7g6.cloudfront.net/reportcard2014/ahkc_2014_reportcard_short_eng.pdf child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 89 canadian institute for health information (cihi) (2017). injury and trauma emergency department and hospitalization statistics, 2015–2016. retrieved from https://secure.cihi.ca/estore/productfamily.htm?locale=en&pf=pfc3235 carlson, j. a., sallis, j. f., kerr, j., conway, t. l., cain, k., frank, l. d., & saelens, b. e. (2014). built environment characteristics and parent active transportation are associated with active travel to school in youth age 12–15. british journal of sports medicine, 48(22), 1634-1639. doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2016.08.044 centers for disease control and prevention (cdc) (2011). impact of the built environment on health. retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/nceh/publications/factsheets/impactofthebuiltenvironmentonh ealth.pdf cho, g., rodríguez, d. a., & khattak, a. j. (2009). the role of the built environment in explaining relationships between perceived and actual pedestrian and bicyclist safety. accident analysis & prevention, 41(4), 692-702. doi: 10.1016/j.aap.2009.03.008 cloutier, m. s., bergeron, j., & apparicio, p. (2011). predictors of parental risk perceptions: the case of child pedestrian injuries in school context. risk analysis, 31(2), 312-323. doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1539-6924.2010.01501.x daley, m., rissel, c., & lloyd, b. (2007). all dressed up and nowhere to go? a qualitative research study of the barriers and enablers to cycling in inner sydney. road & transport research: a journal of australian and new zealand research and practice, 16(4), 42. embree, t. e., romanow, n. t., djerboua, m. s., morgunov, n. j., bourdeaux, j. j., & hagel, b. e. (2016). risk factors for bicycling injuries in children and adolescents: a systematic review. pediatrics, e20160282. gülgönen, t. & corona, y. (2015). children's perspectives on their urban environment and their appropriation of public spaces in mexico city. children, youth and environments, 25(2), 208-228. doi:10.7721/chilyoutenvi.25.2.0208 hagel, b. e., macpherson, a., howard, a., fuselli, p., cloutier, m-s, winters, m., richmond, s. a., ..., hubka, t. (2019). the built environment and active transportation safety in children and youth: a study protocol. bmc public health, 19(728). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-019-7024-6 hagel, b. e., romanow, n. t., enns, n., williamson, j., & rowe, b. h. (2015). severe bicycling injury risk factors in children and adolescents: a case–control study. accident analysis & prevention, 78, 165-172. https://secure.cihi.ca/estore/productfamily.htm?locale=en&pf=pfc3235 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2016.08.044 http://www.cdc.gov/nceh/publications/factsheets/impactofthebuiltenvironmentonhealth.pdf http://www.cdc.gov/nceh/publications/factsheets/impactofthebuiltenvironmentonhealth.pdf https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-019-7024-6 child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 90 harel, y., overpeck, m. d., jones, d. h., scheidt, p. c., bijur, p. e., trumble, a. c., & anderson, j. (1994). the effects of recall on estimating annual nonfatal injury rates for children and adolescents. american journal of public health, 84(4), 599605. doi: https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.84.4.599 harris, p. a., taylor, r., thielke, r., payne, j., gonzalez, n., & conde, j. g. (2009). research electronic data capture (redcap)—a metadata-driven methodology and workflow process for providing translational research informatics support. journal of biomedical informatics, 42(2), 377-381. doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbi.2008.08.010 kruger, j., & dunning, d. (1999). unskilled and unaware of it: how difficulties in recognizing one's own incompetence lead to inflated self-assessments. journal of personality and social psychology, 77(6), 1121. law, m., petrenchik, t., king, g., & hurley, p. (2007). perceived environmental barriers to recreational, community, and school participation for children and youth with physical disabilities. archives of physical medicine and rehabilitation, 88(12), 1636-1642. doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apmr.2007.07.035 loebach, j. & gilliland, j. (2010). child-led tours to uncover children's perceptions and use of neighborhood environments. children, youth and environments, 20(1), 52-90. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7721/chilyoutenvi.20.1.0052 parachute (2016). unintentional injury trends for canadian children, june. toronto: parachute. retrieved from: http://horizon.parachutecanada.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/06/skw-trendreport-final.pdf retting, r. a., ferguson, s. a., & mccartt, a. t. (2003). a review of evidence-based traffic engineering measures designed to reduce pedestrian–motor vehicle crashes. american journal of public health, 93(9), 1456-1463. reynolds, c. c., teschke, k., harris, m. a., winters, m., & cripton, p. a. (2009). the impact of transportation infrastructure on bicycling injuries and crashes: a review of the literature. environmental health, 8(1), 47. doi: https://doi.org/10.1186/1476-069x-8-47 ramage-morin, p. l. (2017). health reports: cycling in canada (vol. 28, no. 4). statistics canada. retrieved from http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/82-003x/2017004/article/14788-eng.htm romanow, n. t., couperthwaite, a. b., mccormack, g. r., nettel-aguirre, a., rowe, b. h., & hagel, b. e. (2012). environmental determinants of bicycling injuries in alberta, canada. journal of environmental and public health. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/487681 http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7721/chilyoutenvi.20.1.0052 http://horizon.parachutecanada.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/06/skw-trend-report-final.pdf http://horizon.parachutecanada.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/06/skw-trend-report-final.pdf https://doi.org/10.1186/1476-069x-8-47 http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/82-003-x/2017004/article/14788-eng.htm http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/82-003-x/2017004/article/14788-eng.htm http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/487681 child bicyclist perspectives on danger and injury circumstances… 91 richmond, s. a., zhang, y. j., stover, a., howard, a., & macarthur, c. (2014). prevention of bicycle-related injuries in children and youth: a systematic review of bicycle skills training interventions. injury prevention, 20(3), 191-5. doi: 10.1136/injuryprev-2013-040933 safe kids canada (2007). child and youth unintentional injury: 10 years in review 1994-2003. retrieved from http://www.parachutecanada.org/downloads/research/child_and_youth_unintentio nal_injury 1994-2003.pdf sallis, j. f., floyd, m. f., rodríguez, d. a., & saelens, b. e. (2012). role of built environments in physical activity, obesity, and cardiovascular disease. circulation, 125(5), 729-737. doi: https://doi.org/10.1161/circulationaha.110.969022 teschke, k., harris, m. a., reynolds, c. c., winters, m., babul, s., chipman, m., ... & cripton, a. (2012). route infrastructure and the risk of injuries to bicyclists: a case-crossover study. american journal of public health, 102(12), 2336-2343. doi: https://dx.doi.org/10.2105%2fajph.2012.300762 zwerts, e., allaert, g., janssens, d., wets, g., & witlox, f. (2010). how children view their travel behaviour: a case study from flanders (belgium). journal of transport geography, 18(6), 702-710. http://www.parachutecanada.org/downloads/research/child_and_youth_unintentional_injury http://www.parachutecanada.org/downloads/research/child_and_youth_unintentional_injury https://doi.org/10.1161/circulationaha.110.969022 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2021 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 31(3), 2021 meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool during outdoor and indoor play annette pic myae han department of human development and family sciences university of delaware citation: pic, a., & han, m. (2021). meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool during outdoor and indoor play. children, youth and environments, 31(3), 116-136. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract this study explored peer conflict among preschoolers during indoor and outdoor free play in a nature-based preschool. we collected data through observations and video recordings of 15 preschoolers and analyzed and coded the data using an event sampling method. the findings revealed differences in primary conflict catalysts between indoor and outdoor settings. play ideas was the main conflict catalyst in the outdoor setting, while distribution of resources was the primary conflict catalyst in the indoor setting. the implications of the study suggest that outdoor nature environments seem to provide children more meaningful conflict situations around play ideas rather than the mere possession of material. keywords: peer conflict, outdoor, nature, free play, early childhood education, preschool http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 117 introduction conflicts are naturally occurring events (chen et al., 2001) and an inevitable part of life. learning conflict management and resolution skills are important to children’s cognitive development and later life relationships (chen et al., 2001; laursen et al., 1996; nucci et al., 1996) as conflict situations provide children with opportunities to acquire and practice social skills such as negotiation, resource sharing, cooperation, emotional regulation, and conflict management (aasen et al., 2009; wheeler, 2004). however, peer conflict in early childhood often has a negative connotation and is sometimes construed as increasing classroom tension. this negative view of conflict can be a source of distress to early childhood teachers when they focus on conflict avoidance or quickly trying to restore peace (arcaro-mcphee et al., 2002; chen, 2003) instead of using the developmental benefits of peer conflict engagement. because the majority of studies conducted to understand children’s peer conflict have focused on indoor classrooms, there is a need to expand the range of study contexts since children’s behaviors are largely influenced by their immediate environment (bronfenbrenner, 1986). one understudied context in the conflict literature is the outdoor, natural environment. this literature is scant, in part, due to the fact that nature-based programs are not a typical early childhood setting in the u.s. interestingly, however, the number of nature-based preschools in the united states has more than doubled in the past few years (naaee, 2020). nature preschools have gained more attention because they employ curricula rich in child-led learning and free play, and tend to offer larger natural outdoor play spaces (finch & bailie, 2015). features of the natural environment (e.g., open space, natural lighting, changing landscape) differ from those of indoor classrooms (e.g., controlled climates, four walls, predictable, designated spaces, and fluorescent lighting). the outdoor environment affords opportunities for children to engage in deeply sustained play, explore independently, develop physical skills, and learn without direct adult control (bohling et al., 2010; fjørtoft, 2004; maynard et al., 2013; stack & nikiforidou, 2019; stephenson, 2003; tovey, 2007). the availability of resources in naturebased programs also differs from standard indoor classrooms. materials in naturebased outdoor classrooms are primarily natural materials that are renewable and plentiful, which allow for longer and more in-depth engagement (bohling et al., 2010; dennis et al., 2014). likewise, nature-based preschools provide an ideal and important context in which to study and understand children’s naturally occurring behaviors such as conflict engagement and management. studying children’s conflict in a nature-based program could provide deeper insight into understanding conflict in addition to the study of conflicts in the indoor setting. the purpose of this study is to understand how and why conflict emerges among children during child-initiated play in outdoor and indoor free play, and investigate whether there are any differing patterns of conflict between the outdoor and indoor settings at a nature-based preschool. meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 118 review of the literature peer conflict during the early years previous research that has examined conflict in the early years (ages 2-5) refers to peer conflict among children as an event in which one child protests, retaliates, or resists the action or verbalization of another child (chen et al., 2001; shantz, 1987). the conflict can be destructive (threats, coercion) or constructive (mutual problem solving) in nature. both forms contribute to children’s social, emotional, moral, and cognitive development (chen et al., 2001; laursen et al., 2001; shantz, 1987; wheeler, 2004) as well as the formation and maintenance of interpersonal relationships (laursen et al., 1996). peer conflict is defined as a mutual disagreement or hostility between two or more people who are of equal or similar power (noakes & rinaldi, 2006; sidorowicz & hair, 2009). participating in, and navigating through, conflict provides a venue for children to practice and develop negotiation skills, logical thinking, perspective taking, relationship management, and problem solving (aasen et al., 2009; laursen et al., 2001; malloy & mcmurray, 1996; piaget, 1932; wheeler, 2004). conflict among preschooler peers tends to occur most often during child-led time (malloy & mcmurray, 1996). conflict is different from aggression. conflict refers to incompatible behaviors or goals, while aggression suggests the intent to harm or injure another individual (parke & slaby, 1983; shantz, 1987). aggressive behaviors may occur during conflict, but conflict in and of itself is not aggression (shantz, 1987; wheeler, 2004). research suggests most conflict episodes do not involve aggression (shantz, 1987). however, when conflicts are elevated, aggressive conflicts could happen with a higher frequency during free play compared to guided activities (cordoni et al., 2016). conflicts are generated by an initial action. previous research has identified five distinct catalysts for conflict between children: physical harm, psychological harm, distribution of resources, play ideas, and social-conventional issues (chen et al., 2001; killen & turiel, 1991). according to prior studies conducted in indoor classrooms and laboratories, the largest percentage of conflicts among toddlers and preschoolers are initiated over possession disputes/distribution of resources (chen et al., 2001; shantz, 1987). the second most frequently occurring catalyst was response to another child’s actions or lack of actions such as refusal to adopt a suggested fantasy role (shantz, 1987). conflicts involving physical and psychological harm were observed more often in free play settings than in structured peer-group settings (killen & turiel, 1991). chen and colleagues (2001) noted significant age-related patterns in the conflict catalyst. for example, between the ages of 2 and 5, conflicts initiated by distribution of resources decreased while conflicts over play ideas increased. contextual factors contextual factors such as setting location and availability of space have been shown to influence the presence of conflict among children. play is the primary context in which young children engage in social activities where conflicts arise. further, play provides children opportunities to explore roles, try new skills, test meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 119 already acquired skills, and develop socialization techniques that allow them to navigate, negotiate, and resolve peer conflict. therefore, this study uses free play context to explore conflict in a nature-based preschool. a naturalistic, observational study of preschoolers that examined possession disputes during indoor free play conducted by ramsey (1986) found situational factors such as the types, quality, and distribution of materials present in a setting were significantly related to the occurrence of possession-related conflict episodes. additionally, ramsey (1986) noted the accessibility of the space also significantly impacted possession disputes. for instance, possession-based conflicts were more likely to occur in areas with closed spaces or single entrances (ramsey, 1986). on the contrary, a mixed methods study conducted by stack and nikiforidou (2019), which examined indoor and outdoor possession-based conflict among 12 preschoolers, found no difference in the rate of such conflicts by setting. a study by killen and turiel (1991) found the structuredness of activities was more related to the occurrence of conflicts rather than indoor or outdoor setting factors. specifically, they reported more distribution of resources conflicts in semistructured peer group settings than in free play. nature preschool as a new context of study the terms “nature-based preschool” and “nature preschool” are used interchangeably in the literature (larimore, 2016). further, these may be referred to as a place-based school, outdoor preschool, nature kindergarten, forest kindergarten, zoo and aquarium school, etc. (naaee, 2020). nature-based outdoor classrooms are designed for use throughout the seasons and in all types of weather. nature-based programs either provide outdoor and indoor nature experiences for children, or conduct the entire program outdoors. further, naturebased programs generally share three common elements: 1) nature themes and daily nature exploration are central to programming, 2) programs are equally committed to both high standards and developmentally appropriate practices in early childhood education, and 3) programs employ best practices of environmental education (finch & bailie, 2015). nature-based outdoor classrooms support unique exploration opportunities (bohling et al., 2010; finch & bailie, 2015), child-initiated and full body learning, and the opportunity to interact directly with nature, which may promote environmental stewardship (kuo et al., 2019). nature-based programs’ outdoor play space may include commercialized play equipment; however, the programs primarily feature natural elements such as logs, gardens, slopes, digging pits, shrub hideaways, water sources (i.e., a rain barrel), and “loose parts” such as sticks, rocks, seed pods, and stalks (finch & bailie, 2015). the presence of plentiful and renewable natural materials provides open-ended and evolving use; a stick can become a wand, cane, broom, pencil, or spatula. in a qualitative case study conducted in a nature preschool, bohling and colleagues (2010) reported only 18% of the 60 documented teacher observations represented adult-directed activities; the remaining were child-initiated. these findings support literature suggesting the natural outdoor environment lends itself to child-initiated meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 120 learning by providing a larger degree of freedom and a smaller degree of adult control (sutterby & frost, 2006; maynard et al., 2013). additionally, in the outdoor environment, when teachers do plan activities, they tend to have a greater emphasis on children’s collaboration and social skills (maynard et al., 2013). while empirical research on nature-based learning is accumulating (jordan & chawla, 2019), scant research exits on peer conflict in nature-based preschool settings. a deeper understanding is warranted given the rise in nature-based programs. further, although previous empirical research studies examined conflict episodes during free play in relation to emergent social and emotional skills development, most studies focused on the indoor space or were conducted in a laboratory setting; few have included an outdoor nature-based program. to add to the existing literature, this study addressed three research questions: 1) how does peer conflict emerge among children during outdoor, child-initiated play in a nature-based preschool? 2) how does peer conflict emerge among children during indoor, child-initiated play in a nature-based preschool? 3) are there any patterns of conflict between indoor and outdoor settings? method setting the participating nature preschool in this study is the only one in the area and is operated by a lab preschool affiliated with a university in the mid-atlantic region of the united states. the nature preschool enrolls up to 16 children ages 3 to 4 years (age at fall enrollment). the program operates half-days monday through friday, 9:15 am to 1:00 pm. the outdoor environment is used for two-thirds of the school day, and the children are outdoors in all weather types for approximately three hours each day. the outdoor setting includes access to a forested area, meadow, creek, and pond. for this study, the outdoor data was obtained during free play that occurred in the forested area. the design of the nature-based preschool indoor setting reflects a standard indoor preschool classroom. the outdoor space is a forested area approximately 5,000 square feet. the space provides children access to a bird blind, stage, mud kitchen, wooden planks and pallets, rope swing, and large wooden spool tables (figures 1a and 1b). there is an abundance of natural materials such as rocks, sticks, dirt, mud, bark, seeds, and plants. in addition to the naturally occurring materials, a few “indoor” items such as miniature fairies, markers, colored pencils, kitchen utensils, and butterfly wing costumes are also available outdoors. children engage in extended play in the forested area selecting between free play and adult-planned nature-based activities that integrate science, math, literacy, and the arts. planned activities, such as painting the sky’s reflection on a mirror, occur at the art picnic table and the writing table. the remaining space is open for free play. rules govern the use of the rope swing and workbench tools as well as the number of children allowed at the activity table. meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 121 figure 1a. nature preschool outdoor setting figure 1b. nature preschool outdoor setting meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 122 the indoor space is 700 square feet and configured into “centers” with three tables that allow for various activities such as writing, playdough, painting, table games, and manipulatives (figure 2). the space also contains a light table with magnetic colored tiles for building and creating, and two centers marked by area rugs. one area rug is designated for train and block play, while the other is for reading among pillows and sitting together for circle time. there is also a dramatic play area that converts to a science center as needed. children have access to books, stuffed toys, blocks, puzzles, small manipulatives, dramatic play props, and art supplies. the room is intentionally set up according to the weekly lesson plan. for example, for the lesson we can see, feel, touch, and hear the fall changes all around us! the science center contained plants, magnifying glasses, clipboards and pencils; the back activity table contained painting with watercolors; and the middle activity table contained a leaf sorting activity. children are free to move about the room selecting from the planned activities. rules govern the number of children allowed at each center. figure 2. nature preschool indoor setting the class is instructed by a lead teacher and an early childhood education (ece) (ages 0-8) pre-service teacher completing her practicum. additional classroom support is provided by ece undergraduate university field placement students, and a lab school staff member. the lead teacher has a bs in ece, a ms in literacy, naturalist certification, and 17 years of teaching experience. according to the lead teacher, the nature preschool uses an emergent curriculum combining children’s interests and needs, what is occurring in the nature environment, teaching strategies gold assessment indicators (lambert, 2020), and past experiences. meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 123 teachers encourage cooperative learning and social skills and purposefully select a balance of childand teacher-directed activities to foster social, physical, cognitive, and language development. the scope and sequence of curriculum themes change year to year and are dependent upon the children enrolled. participants fifteen children aged 36-60 months (mean age 48.5 months) participated in this study. eight of the children were female; eight were caucasian, two were greek, two were asian, and three were other (white/filipino, pakistani, serbian). three of the children attended the nature preschool program the previous year, seven were dual language learners, and none of the participating children had a documented disability. the researchers assigned each focal child a number (001-015) for identification purposes, observed each individual child on a designated day, and video recorded them during their indoor and outdoor free play. data collection in accordance with institutional review board (irb) requirements, we obtained parental consent for collection of observation and demographic data prior to data collection. demographic data (including child age, gender, home language, years enrolled, cognitive and/or physical limitations) were obtained from the school office manager. weekly lesson plans were provided by the lead teacher. one researcher collected naturalistic observation data through video recording and field notes over the course of five consecutive weeks in november and december. each focal child was video-recorded for a 30-minute observation period during both their indoor and outdoor free play to obtain a running record of social interactions. we collected an average of 28 minutes, 47 seconds of indoor data and 29 minutes, 38 seconds of outdoor data for each focal child, for a total of 461 minutes, 52 seconds of indoor and 474 minutes, 31 seconds of outdoor video data. to increase the children’s comfort level with the researcher, the researcher was introduced to the class and spent time with the children in the indoor and outdoor settings prior to data collection. the initial time was spent without equipment, then progressed to the researcher capturing written observation notes and finally using a video camera to both familiarize the children with the equipment and to test its battery life and microphone. spending time in the indoor and outdoor setting also allowed the researcher to become familiar with class routines, available play opportunities, and space configuration and use. the researcher collected video data by following the focal child at a distance that did not interfere with the child’s peer interactions or play. prior to conducting focal child observations, the researcher met with the lead teacher and program director to discuss the procedure. all meeting participants agreed that children and teachers would conduct their day as usual and if the researcher observed a conflict that held potential to cause harm and no other adult was present, the researcher would notify the closest teacher. the collected video data were transcribed verbatim by the researcher, however during the transcription process, the lead teacher was consulted to review selected portions of video data to clarify unclear child dialogue. meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 124 the researcher gathered written field notes at the beginning of each observation session and during the video recording process to provide setting details and to collect any information deemed important for constructing a complete picture of the conflict occurrences. field notes are used in qualitative research to “assist in the maintenance of the research instrument” (marshall & rossman, 2016, p. 117), and to document pertinent contextual information (phillippi & lauderdale, 2018), allowing for creating the full depth of the study context. the researcher collected nonjudgmental descriptions of the context and what was observed. for example, field notes contained information regarding date, time, focal child id number, weather (temperature, precipitation, wind), number of children and teachers present, and additional environmental information deemed important for forming a complete picture (e.g., parental presence). member checking notes were maintained on the back of the field notes and in a separate notebook. member checking occurred between the researchers and the lead teacher to verify data and ensure accurate and correct representation of the children (marshall & rossman, 2016). trustworthiness, rigor, and ethics this study employed multiple processes to reduce subjectivity and maintain trustworthiness, rigor and ethics. our submission of the research protocol included a letter of support from the participant site as well as scripts for participant recruitment and child assent. data was reported anonymously for all participants and pseudonyms were used in the findings . transcribed discourse has been reported and portrayed as accurately and faithfully as possible. to address potential researcher bias and confirmation bias, direct quotes and concrete examples are provided, and the write-up acknowledges that description is the product of interpretation. likewise, regular peer debriefing with another researcher throughout the research process addressed potential researcher bias and ensured analyses were grounded in the data. to ensure the researcher captured accurate focal child data, member checking with the lead teacher occurred during and after data collection. for inter-rater reliability of the coding process, a non-involved peer researcher was trained on the identification of a conflict event and the coding process. coding agreement between researchers to identify conflict events was 100%. coding agreement in other categories was 93.8%. the two researchers collectively reviewed and discussed any coding disagreements until 100% agreement was reached. further, the researchers searched for disconfirming evidence in the data and continually revaluate impressions, responses, and emergent themes. data coding the event sampling method is used to identify specific behaviors to serve as the unit of analysis (miller, 2018) and is commonly used to discover an event’s causes and results (wortham, 1995). the unit of analysis for this study was the conflict event and participants as a whole group rather than focusing on individual child behaviors. the researchers reviewed a total of 30 transcripts, 627 pages, using event sampling (indoor, n=15; outdoor, n=15). the definition of a conflict we constructed was informed by previous research: a social interaction in which an meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 125 emotional exchange occurs between two or more individuals that is characterized by events in which one individual protests, resists, retaliates, or opposes the actions of another individual, and the second individual’s action is met with resistance or acceptance (chen et al., 2001; garvey, 1984; shantz, 1987). we identified incidents that met our definition of a conflict event, and used only transcripts that contained a conflict event in the coding process (indoor n=10; outdoor n=10). after identification of conflict events, we reviewed each conflict event in detail in order to develop a rich picture of the conflict sequence. the data analyzed for this study focused on the observed conflict events and the types of incidents that sparked conflicts—or “conflict catalysts”—that occurred between children. the catalyst coding process began with a priori categories identified in previous research: physical harm, psychological harm, distribution of resources, play ideas, and social--conventional issues (chen et al., 2001; killen & turiel 1991; shantz, 1987). we reviewed the indoor conflict event data first, followed by the outdoor data. each a priori catalyst category was observed at least one time. additionally, two conflict catalysts were identified that not been listed or described in the a priori category descriptions: tickling and accusation. a review of existing literature found that tickling in adults has been reported to cause discomfort and pain (harris & alvarado, 2005); therefore, tickling was added to the description of a physical harm catalyst. accusation of a false action has been reported to cause psychological harm in adults (brooks & greenberg, 2021); therefore, accusation was added to the description of a psychological harm catalyst. catalysts that appeared in our data and their descriptions are listed in table 1. after coding for conflict catalyst, we then coded the data for conflict location, duration, and relevant item or action of interest, for instance, the use of a toy or exclusion from an activity. table 1. catalyst definitions catalyst coding description distribution of resources dr fairness issues such as violation of sharing, turn taking, grabbing, taking play idea pi who will do what, how, when and where, use of play space social-conventional issues sci violation of class or school rules about running indoors, how to take turns, or cleaning up time and procedure, number of center participants physical harm ph hitting, biting, punching, kicking, tickling psychological harm psh name-calling, teasing, accusation note: bold type indicates new emerged category descriptions not identified in previous children’s conflict literature. meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 126 results outdoor conflicts our first research question explored how peer conflict emerges among children during outdoor child-initiated play in a nature-based preschool. there were 22 conflict events noted in the outdoor setting transcripts. the locations of the majority of the outdoor conflicts were evenly distributed between the jumping stump (n = 5, 22.72%), open play space (n = 4, 18.18%), stage (n = 3, 13.64%), and mud kitchen (n = 3, 13.64%). the remaining conflicts occurred at the fairy garden (n = 2, 9.09%), obstacle course (n = 2, 9.09%), snack table (n = 1, 4.54%) and workbench (n = 1, 4.54%). conflict events noted in the outdoor setting were an average of 49.72 seconds and ranged from 18 to 151 seconds. three types of catalysts were observed in the outdoor setting: play ideas, distribution of resources, and physical harm. play ideas were the main catalyst observed in the outdoor space and accounted for 54.6% (n = 12) of outdoor conflict, while distribution of resources catalyst accounted for 40.9% (n = 9) of outdoor conflict. play ideas as the main conflict catalyst in the outdoor setting the conflict catalyst that emerged most often in the outdoor setting was opposing views around play ideas. there were 12 play idea conflict events in the outdoor setting, of which five were centered around the use of the play space, five entailed the type of play, and two were in regard to who would do what, how, when, and where. the following example of a play ideas conflict occurred at the outdoor stage. the outdoor stage provides the children with the opportunity to engage in collaborative group play. likewise, the openness and structuredness of the space allow for children to create their own show. the stage is constructed of wood, sits a few inches off the ground, and has colorful sheer curtains across the back. five classmates decided to put on a show about unicorns. each child was dancing, singing and shouting while moving around the stage. one child appeared to be the leader directing the movements and stage location for dancing. marlow went behind the curtain area to dance and sing. when lucas reached his hand out and attempted to touch marlow while motioning for her to return to the front of the stage, the following exchange occurred: marlow: “stop, stop, stop stop!” (lucas lifts the curtain and goes under the curtain to the backside of the stage) “stop! you stop it!” (marlow tries to get lucas to go back to the other side of the curtain by placing her arm on his jacket) lucas: “no. you stop it!” marlow: “no!” classmate directing the show: “ok guys we got to start the show” lucas: “no!” classmate directing the show: “we gotta start the show” (lucas steps backward off the stage, then gently touches marlow’s back and walks to the front of the stage) meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 127 this conflict sequence demonstrates the fluid and temporary nature of play idea conflict that emerges in the outdoor setting over the use of the play space. the conflict unfolded over varying desires between two classmates for the proper place to dance during the unicorn show. both children were able to express their intentions and understood the intention of the other (dunn & slomkowski, 1992). lucas displayed his desire to follow the “director’s” instructions to have all show participants dance in front of the curtain, while marlow desired to dance behind the curtain. lucas attempted to obtain marlow’s compliance, while marlow voiced her refusal. this conflict also demonstrates the socially oriented issues of conflict. it is not uncommon for young children to focus on their intended goal and not take the perspective of their peer (denham et al., 2003; chen et al., 2001). another example of a play ideas conflict occurred at the obstacle course when two children expressed their personal desire to achieve individual goals. an adult university undergraduate student was present and attempted to help the classmates understand the perspective of their peer. lucy: “i’m a teacher okay” (holds up her hand for jacob to hold) adult: “you’re the teacher.” jacob: “no” (pulls hand away) lucy: “i’m a teacher.” adult: “oh, she wants to help you cross, that’s what she’s saying.” lucy: “cause i’m a just a teacher” (reaches up to hold jacob’s hand) jacob: “well noo” (begins to walk, moves his hand away again) lucy: “i’m a, i just said i’m a teacher. i’m gonna help you.” (lucy reaches up, holds jacob’s coat sleeve) jacob: “no i wa wa wa wanna walk i don’t want you help me.” lucy: “yes. i need to.” jacob: “i don’t want you to” (tries to move his arms away) lucy: “yes i do” (lucy holds both of jacob’s hands) adult: “listen to jacob, he doesn’t want you to, okay.” lucy: “‘kay.” this conflict emerged due to peers possessing separate play type desires and goals. lucy wanted to assume the role of a teacher while jacob desired to independently walk on the balance beam. both children persisted verbally and physically to achieve their goal by using expressive language and actions to communicate their individual desire. lucy’s attempts to hold jacob’s hand and his withdrawal of his hand demonstrate the use of physical actions to express their opposing desire. the exchange between the children provides both children with the opportunity to understand the perspective of their peer and recognize their needs. indoor conflicts our second research question explored how peer conflict emerges among children during indoor child-initiated play in a nature-based preschool. there were 33 conflict events noted in the indoor setting transcripts. the majority of indoor meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 128 conflict events (n = 18, 54.54%) occurred at the light table, followed by the middle activity table (n = 6, 18.18%). the remaining indoor conflict events occurred at the train carpet (n = 4, 12.12%), play kitchen (n = 2, 6.06%), snack table (n = 1, 3.03%), science center (n = 1, 3.03%) and the bookshelf (n = 1, 3.03%). the average indoor conflict duration was 38 seconds, with a range of 4 to 117 seconds. four types of catalysts were observed in the indoor setting: distribution of resources, play ideas, social-conventional issues, and psychological harm. in the indoor setting, distribution of resources (n = 25, 75.8%) was the most frequently observed catalyst, which is consistent with previous research (chen et al., 2001; killen & turiel 1991; shantz, 1987). play ideas was the next-frequent catalyst type (n = 4, 12.1%) in the indoor setting, which is also consistent with previous research (chen et al., 2001). distribution of resources as the main conflict catalyst in the indoor setting distribution of resources was the primary conflict catalyst in the indoor setting. thirteen of the 25 distribution of resources conflicts occurred at the light table over magnetic tiles. the next most prevalent item involved in conflicts was trains (n = 4). below is an example of why conflict emerged at the light table. (kara takes a large stack of the square light tiles with which both children were building and places them in front of her. greg looks into the bin to select additional tiles and notices the stack is gone. he turns towards kara and sees the stack in front of her. greg reaches for the stack of square light tiles shouting kara’s name.) greg: “kara!” kara: “ahh, i… sorry (she notices greg taking the light tile stack and grabs it with both hands) “no!” (greg tugs them back from her grasp. kara leans over the light tile stack and pulls on the light tile stack.) greg: “mine!” (both children tugging on the stack of light tiles) the scarcity of light tiles generated distribution of resources conflict as the children tried to control the available tiles in order to build their structures. individual goals resulted in disputes around access to and use of the shared light tiles. conflicts catalyzed by distribution of resources in the indoor setting generally occurred during activities that contained less physical movement such as standing at the light table or sitting at a table playing with plastic dinosaurs, and those that had limited quantities of materials. patterns of conflict between indoor and outdoor settings the third research question sought to understand if any patterns of conflict emerged between the indoor and outdoor settings. we did observe differences in the frequency and locations of conflicts between indoor and outdoor settings. among the 55 conflict incidents, 22 (60%) were identified in the outdoor setting compared to 33 conflict events (40%) reported in the indoor setting. the location of the conflicts in the outdoor setting was evenly distributed across different areas such as the jumping stump, open play space, stage, mud kitchen, fairy garden, obstacle course, snack table and workbench, while the indoor conflicts largely meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 129 occurred at the same places such as the light table (n = 18) and the middle activity table (n = 6). we observed three types of conflict catalysts in the outdoor setting: play ideas (n = 12), distribution of resources (n = 9), and physical harm (n = 1). we observed four types of catalysts in the indoor setting: distribution of resources (n = 25), play ideas (n = 4), social-conventional issues (n = 3), and psychological harm (n = 1). thus, play ideas was the main category of conflict catalyst observed in the outdoor setting while distribution of resources was the primary catalyst in the indoor setting. there were differences noted across the two settings in the form of the play ideas conflicts; specifically, in the outdoor space five of the conflicts involved the use of play space, five centered on the type of play, and two were about who would do what, how, when and where. in contrast, only the latter appeared as a type of play ideas catalyst in the indoor setting. figure 3. frequency of catalyst by setting discussion although conflict may be viewed by adults as a non-desirable behavior, peer conflict is inevitable during early childhood and is recognized as an important part of the developmental process. peer conflict has been investigated in previous studies, but rarely in nature-based programs that incorporate an outdoor classroom. our findings suggest conflict catalyst and frequency vary by setting; thus, these findings add to the literature by filling the gap in understanding peer conflict in a naturebased preschool and a natural outdoor setting. meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 130 the main finding of the study raises a key question about whether the difference in primary conflict catalysts between settings is a direct result of the outdoor environment itself. the difference in conflict catalyst by setting may be due to a variety of factors that differ between settings, such as the quantity of resources, available space, lighting, noise level, and activity center participant restrictions. for example, play ideas may be a more prevalent conflict catalyst in the outdoor space due to the wide-open spaces, opportunities for deep sustained play, and abundant supply of loose parts in the form of natural materials (bohling et al., 2010; fjørtoft, 2004), as well as the naturally occurring materials that present differently with weather and seasonal changes (bohling et al., 2010) unlike the prefabricated items and manufactured manipulatives found indoors. further, the outdoor setting naturally provides new play opportunities allowing for natural objects (e.g., sticks, stones, bark) to be more easily reinvented and play spaces to be reconfigured. this suggests that children may engage in more meaningful conflict situations such as asserting different play ideas rather than merely arguing over the possession of materials. our conflict catalyst analysis revealed that distribution of resources (i.e., fairness issues such as violation of sharing, turn taking, grabbing, taking) was the primary catalyst for conflict in the indoor setting, which is consistent with decades of previous studies that established possession-based conflict as the most prevalent among preschoolers in indoor classrooms (chen et al., 2001; shantz, 1987). moreover, this result was not surprising given the observed indoor distribution of resources conflicts were disputes over object possession and ownership generated by a limited supply of an item (e.g., magnetic tiles, tree stump pillow, train engine, icing bag, dinosaur). further, previous research has asserted that conflicts over distribution of resources are more likely to occur in areas with a single entrance and closed spaces (ramsey, 1986), and these types of areas are more prevalent in the indoor setting in this study. additionally, our findings are different from the previous study by stack and nikiforidou (2019) that found nearly equal possession-based disputes in the indoor and outdoor settings. the outdoor environment in their study was a large garden area that adjoined the front and back sides of the main building while our outdoor setting was surrounded by nature and located away from the building. in our study, twenty-five indoor conflicts were due to the distribution of resources compared to only nine in the outdoor setting. notably almost half of the distribution of resources catalysts in the outdoors were generated by non-nature-based items (e.g., rake, plastic turtle, paint). children seem to have fewer conflicts over nature-based materials. it might be possible that they view the nature-based materials as part of nature instead of one’s possession and therefore, they may be more willing to share with each other. the wide-open spaces might also have contributed to fewer distribution of resources conflicts. chen and colleagues (2001) noted age-related patterns of conflict catalysts that suggested distribution of resources conflicts decrease between ages 2 and 5, while play ideas conflicts increase. in our study, this pattern emerged between the two settings, which suggests the natural, outdoor environment may challenge children meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 131 to be developmentally ahead. with the same age children, play ideas emerged as the primary catalyst in the outdoor setting but not in the indoor setting. in the outdoor setting, play ideas conflicts were initiated by opposing views on roles in play, types of play in which to engage, and the intended use of items during play. engagement in symbolic play occurred frequently in the outdoor space as large groups of children engaged collectively in activities such as turning the mud kitchen into a candy shop, and building a school pool with a diving board. frequent symbolic play created opportunities to discuss participant roles such as who will be which superhero, who will be in charge of cooking, and who will gather the food. these discussions became conflicts when suggestions were met with an opposing view. often, the observed play discourse was longer and used more advanced vocabulary during play ideas conflicts than during distribution of resources conflicts. further, the outdoor environment afforded children opportunities to rearrange their surroundings to fit the play frame, generating conflict around item usage such as the use of a plank for creating a ramp to climb onto a wooden spool table as opposed to it being used as a seesaw. social-conventional issues were observed only in the indoor setting. these conflicts were due to limitations placed on the number of children allowed at each indoor center. in contrast, because the outdoor setting had fewer centers with restrictions on the number of participants, children had more freedom to gather in larger groups. previous research (e.g., bohling et al., 2010) suggests children play collectively in larger groups in the outdoor environment. play in larger groups was not possible in the indoor setting due to space limitations and participant restrictions. these restrictions set up potential for social-conventional issues conflicts when children desired to enter an activity but the activity center was full. our study contributes to the understanding of child development by examining peer conflicts in outdoor nature settings in contrast to the typical conflict study done only in an indoor setting. engagement in peer conflict is important for child development as it provides children with opportunity to practice conflict management skills and foster moral, social, emotional and cognitive development (chen et al., 2001; shantz, 1987; wheeler, 2004). this study provides insight into the benefits of outdoor nature play and supports increasing children’s outdoor free play time as a way to provide opportunity for children to engage in more meaningful conflict. an implication of the study is that the outdoor nature environment seems to provide children more meaningful conflict events around play ideas rather than around the mere possession of materials, which was the catalyst commonly identified in previous literature. thus, the nature-based outdoor environment is likely to provide more opportunities to practice perspective taking, communication, negotiation, and self-regulation skills. our findings can be added to the existing literature in support of the additional value of and need for outdoor nature-based experiences (kuo et al., 2019). limitations and future research first, small sample size limits the generalizability of the study findings. findings may be different in other nature-based preschools due to variety of factors such as class size, adult-child ratios, and teacher certification and experience. using meaningful conflicts in nature? exploring peer conflict in a nature preschool… 132 multiple nature-based preschools may give better representation. second, our study only included typically developing children and did not include children with documented disabilities. malloy and mcmurray (1996) noted children with disabilities tend to use conflict strategies not used by typically developing children. lastly, the presence of the researcher during the data collection may have influenced participants’ behavior. although we did not experience this directly, some children might have been conscious about the presence of the researcher. future research can seek to understand the differences in conflict catalyst between the indoor and outdoor settings by more deeply investigating the relationship between the type of catalyst and the type of play (symbolic, constructive, functional) in a nature-based preschool. additionally, future research could investigate the effects of conflict duration as our data revealed that outdoor conflicts seemed to last longer than indoor conflicts. the longer conflict duration may be related to the higher quality of play afforded by the outdoor environment and/or the ability for children to engage in independent play which may allow them to engage in longer conflict negotiation situations. future study should also examine conflict in nature-based programs in relation to individual characteristics such as race, gender, language, and disability. annette pic (ms, ph.d. 2023) is a doctoral student at the university of delaware in the department of human development and family sciences with a concentration in early childhood policy & systems. her areas of interest are child-initiated learning in nature-based preschools, and peer conflict resolution in the context of free play. she has past experience working with children and families in the new directions early head start program and the early learning center both affiliated with the university of delaware. myae han, ph.d. is a professor of early childhood education in the department of human development and family sciences at the university of delaware, chair of early education/child development sig at the american educational research association (aera) and past president of the association for the study of play (tasp). her area of research includes play and language/literacy. she serves in the delaware institute for excellence in early childhood professional development. she has been a reviewer of various journals including early education and development, journal of research in childhood education, journal of literacy research, and international journal of early childhood research. references aasen, w., grindheim, l. t., & waters, j. 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(2019). designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism spectrum disorder. children, youth and environments, 29(1), 137-152. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract interacting with nature is understood to improve physical, sensory, social, and emotional wellbeing. with a significant rise in diagnosis of autism spectrum disorder, now more than ever it is important to provide these children and youth with carefully designed outdoor environments that meet their unique needs and increase the meaningfulness of their daily lives. this report describes the development and features of a newly installed sensory garden at the els center of excellence in florida. keywords: autism spectrum disorder, sensation, garden, learning, autonomy http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 138 introduction autism spectrum disorder (asd) represents a range of developmental disabilities that may manifest as significant deficits in social communication; restrictive, repetitive, or stereotypical behaviors; atypical responses to sensory input; and behavioral challenges (american psychiatric association, 2013). these challenges may lead to difficulties with social relationships, academic proficiency, and/or occupational performance (american psychiatric association, 2013). while it is understood that the disorder has a biological component and genetics plays a role in its familial prevalence, there is no marker or test for diagnosis. instead, a diagnosis of asd is made on the basis of parent report and clinical observation (norbury & sparks, 2013). autism spectrum disorder impacts all socioeconomic, racial, and ethnic groups (baio et al., 2018). there has been a significant increase in the frequency of asd diagnosis. in 2000, the asd prevalence rate in the u.s. was 1 in 150 (about 6.7 per 1000), while the current rate is 1 in 40 (kogan et al., 2018). boys are over four times more likely to be diagnosed than girls, a rate of 1 in 42 compared to 1 in 189 for girls (baio, 2014). in regions such as europe, asia, and north america, studies have found the prevalence of asd to be between 1 and 2 percent of the general population (centers for disease control and prevention, 2016). autism spectrum disorder is the fastest-growing serious developmental disability in the u.s. (autism speaks, 2012). understanding the concerns within the autism community it is generally understood that if you meet one person with autism, you have met one person with autism. that is, while many common characteristics are shared, how many and the severity of each characteristic varies within each individual. individuals typically experience challenges with communication and social interactions. some with asd have a limited spoken vocabulary, others have none, and yet others speak prolifically. cognitive limitations are common and motor skills may also be impaired. many individuals with asd experience sensory integration challenges. sensation refers to incoming information from the environment such as the smell of roses or the sound of a drone. integration is the interpretation of and use of sensory information. for most people, roses smell good while listening to the sound of a lawn mower is a minor distraction that is noted then ignored. intact sensory integration enables humans to more or less effortlessly go about their daily lives with little interruption. serious and persistent problems with sensory integration may lead to a diagnosis of sensory processing disorder, which may be thought of as a disorganized nervous system. it may be challenging to process sensory cues from the environment, including sound, sight, smell, taste, touch, balance, and movement while simultaneously maintaining emotional regulation (tomchek, little, & dunn, 2015). this means that remaining composed and focused on tasks may be very hard because the sensory systems are not processing in a typical manner. some individuals with asd may avoid certain sensory experiences, while some may seek them out. they may react negatively to certain sound frequencies, to noise, lighting, movement, or touch, or may perseveratively engage in obtaining them. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 139 a garden may be a buffer to the varied challenges that individuals with asd experience (sachs & vincenta, 2011). gardens can provide children with important productive and holistic opportunities to be outside and exercise, socialize, learn, nurture their sensory systems, and improve their health. all children, regardless of skill or ability, deserve and need to participate in outdoor activities. in this field report we identify how challenges for children with asd were addressed through design and installation of a sensory garden and the children’s response to it. the sensory arts garden at the els center of excellence the sensory arts garden at the els center of excellence is purposely designed for individuals with asd and the community of parents, educators, therapists, and caretakers that support and enrich their lives. the center, located in jupiter, florida, is committed to helping individuals with asd realize their full potential to lead positive, productive, and rewarding lives though world-class educational, recreational, and therapeutic programming. the new garden opened in late 2017 and was designed by a collaboration between landscape architect david kamp, president of dirtworks, pc and his design team; marlene sotelo, a music therapist, special educator, and the chief operating officer (coo) for the els for autism foundation at the els center of excellence; and amy wagenfeld, an occupational therapist, educator, and researcher with expertise in therapeutic outdoor space design. grounded in interdisciplinary research and collaboration, the garden expands the center’s program into a vibrant outdoor setting, celebrating individual strengths and preferences, and positioning nature as an essential partner in health and wellness. this unique collaboration also helped balance meeting the special needs of individuals with asd while simultaneously welcoming the larger community. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 140 figure 1. enclosed by a verdant planted perimeter, the overall layout offers clear circulation, distinct settings, and well-defined destinations. source: all images are credited to dirtworks, pc designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 141 figure 2. diverse sensory experiences, clear circulation and form, and accommodation for a range of abilities makes for a garden that honors individual strengths and preferences, reduces stress and anxiety, and encourages social engagement. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 142 with meticulous attention to detail and thoughtful arrangement of plants, materials, furnishings, and spaces, the garden balances a range of stimulating and calming sensory experiences intended to allay stress and anxiety and gently elevate the senses—sight, smell, touch, taste, sound, as well as sense of balance (vestibular) and position and movement in space (proprioception). the 13,000-square foot garden refuge offers a nurturing, sensory-rich, environmentally sensitive therapeutic setting that supports children and youth with asd by providing opportunity to work, play, socialize, and learn in the space. serenity, security, and restoration are the foundation of the design, thus honoring individual strengths and preferences, addressing the realities of hypoand hypersensitivities, fostering curiosity and meaningful interactions, and most importantly, welcoming all regardless of ability. this is reinforced by our users. a parent shared, “my son, andrew, loves the swing in the one of the places away so much, we bought one for him to enjoy at home as well. one of his rewards for working in his classroom is to go out into the sensory garden for a break – he always makes a beeline for the swing!” a staff member said, “the garden is a place of peace and tranquility. it is space that i go to in moments when i need to stop, think, breathe and reset my intention for the day. it is truly a gift.” although unable to express himself with words, it is evident from student colin’s body language and affect that he loves to be on campus and in the garden, particularly when doing yoga. figure 3. reduced and integrated sensory spaces provide refuge when experiencing sensory overload. each space features seating options to acknowledge personal choice. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 143 figure 4. a grid of foxtail palms offers repetitive visual structure and brings comfort and clarity of expectations. figure 5. a spacious curved trellis serves as a welcoming transition from the lower school building, campus courtyard, and the front of the campus. the activity space, an oval “lawn” of artificial turf, features a variety of fixed and movable seating. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 144 figure 6. safety and security are reflected in the overall design, details, and material selections. designing any environment, inside or out, is enhanced when a team of highly specialized interventionists work together (wagenfeld & winterbottom, 2015). for this garden design to successfully address the breadth and complexity of asd, the project necessitated a particularly close collaboration between the landscape architect, the center’s coo, and an occupational therapist. the outcome of this interdisciplinary partnership reflects a nuanced response to the varied experiences of those with asd while balancing the programming needs of a vibrant and growing teaching and therapeutic facility. this partnership began with a series of tours. multiple walks around the center’s campus, accompanied by the coo, engendered a deeper understanding of the needs of this special population for the landscape architect. these immersive experiences enabled ideas to flow on how to create a garden that could meet the unique needs of its varying visitors. for instance, during one tour, the coo provided an anecdote regarding the need for hula-hoops on the center’s golf course during golf group instruction to help the children know where to wait and stand until it was their turn. from this emerged the concept of garden rings as boundaries or markers, which is also reinforced in the classrooms where instructors use small carpet squares for children to sit on. considerations for routine, pattern, sightlines, and wayfinding inform the overall garden form; the garden also preserves a degree of openness that promotes continued discovery, autonomy, and flexible use. easy transitions, clear circulation patterns and destinations, and deceptively simple geometries make for a comprehensible and inviting space for the children and youth. by offering a place to pause before entering and take in unobstructed views of the space in its entirety, designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 145 the garden’s entry portals allay potential fears of the unknown or anxiety about what to expect of a garden visit. a verdant, planted perimeter encloses the space and focuses attention within the garden. overhead, a uniform canopy of foxtail palms offers a structural rhythm, calming enclosure, and relief from the sun. the designers carefully considered every plant, material, and furnishing for its appropriateness, safety, durability, and therapeutic potential. “sensory rooms,” aligned on the garden’s axis, discretely target each of the five senses and feature customized lightweight fiberglass planters—a material that reduced cost and precluded the need for heavy equipment on the small site. the planters’ varying heights bring a rich variety of sensory-appropriate plants to a comfortable and easily accessed position for visitors big and small, mobile and seated. each room is ringed by a dark band in the pavement, forming a subtle visual boundary and signaling a change in sensory experience. small, movable, musical sculptures activate these spaces with sound. teachers and therapists reposition the instruments at their discretion to encourage cooperative exchanges or to support an individual’s creative explorations. figure 8. “sensory rooms” discretely target the five senses. each room, framed by a distinctive paving band, features curved varying height custom planters, bringing a rich variety of sensory appropriate plants within comfortable and easy access. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 146 figure 9. metal chimes, located on opposite sides of a planter, create opportunities for a musical dialogue in one of the sensory rooms. figure 10. the suite of musical sculptures enriches the tactile and auditory textures of the garden. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 147 a series of reduced and integrated sensory spaces, or “places away,” along the garden perimeter provide calming counterpoints for those who may experience hypersensitivity or seek a moment of respite and refuge. to enhance feelings of serenity and tranquility, the planting palette within these spaces is purposely muted. structured, trunk-supporting, straight-backed benches with armrests provide structure in key areas as well as opportunities to strengthen abdominal and upper body postural muscles. pebble seats offer a playful alternative and varying levels of proprioceptive and vestibular experience. outdoor furniture is purposely located to encourage social interactions in some areas while offering privacy and respite in others. water spheres provide rich sensory experiences including touch, sight, sound, and proprioceptive and vestibular input. their placement, low to the ground and tucked into planting beds, require squatting, reach, and balance to access. smooth and rigid surfaces offer varied tactile engagement. all furnishings are secured to foundations to prevent movement or tipping, and to comply with the south florida hurricane preparedness code. a simple ground plane unifies the space, while changes in color or material at key points signal a transition, a new experience, or bring one’s focus towards the body and senses. insertions of large pebble pavers heighten tactile engagement, proprioception, and gross motor skills in key areas. encircling paving bands in other areas mimic the hula hoop concept of positioning children within a ring or circle. like in the classrooms, these visual and tactile boundaries provide consistency, structure, and organization and enable greater independence, clearer expectations, and richer engagement in the environment. figure 11. water spheres provide many sensory experiences. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 148 figure 12. a small “lawn” encircled by a paving band provide visual cues, signaling changes in sensory experience and activity. the garden’s deceptively simple layout accommodates a variety of needs: solitude and socialization, calming respite and activity, focused interest, and simple distractions. figure 13. structured, upper body supporting, straight-backed benches provide stability while “pebble” seats offer a playful alternative and varying levels of proprioceptive and vestibular experiences. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 149 figure 14. a small group gathering space within a ring is orientating and focusing. a muted planting pallet enhances feelings of serenity and tranquility. the planting strategy was deliberately shaped through a melding of salutogenic, health-promoting design principles and a deep understanding of the unique needs of children and youth with asd. all materials were thoroughly vetted for toxicity concerns and an environmentally sensitive coordinated maintenance program insures that chemicals are used only as a last resort. trees, such as a gumbo limbo and a bay rum were selected for their structural qualities—limb structure, shape, and shade capacity, visual, olfactory, and tactile features, and semi-permeability for clear sight lines within the garden. repeated patterns of planting provide the just right amount of consistency balanced with interest and mystery to which individuals with asd tend to respond in a positive manner. safety and security, the thread that unites all other considerations, are reflected in the overall design, details, and material selections. smooth and consistent surfaces, strong and durable materials, and design that eliminates awkward corners address the potential for collisions and adverse reactions. careful selection and placement of plant materials promote safety and minimize negative sensory responses, while simultaneously allowing staff and family members to observe the children at a distance as they independently discover the garden. obstacles and solutions we encountered some unanticipated design challenges and obstacles while creating the sensory arts garden, a few of which are described below, along with our solutions. designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 150 • we needed to balance asd-specific design elements with making the garden appropriate and engaging for the general public. in addition, the varied ages of individuals accessing the garden posed challenges in planning for a design to support appropriate activities, furniture size, and purpose. o solution: multiple meetings and maintaining open communication between all team members. good listening was essential. • we needed to consider how enticing the water features might be for the children. o solution: a green buffer of plants and river rocks wide enough to prevent full immersion, yet narrow enough to welcome touching ring the water features. • the swing has proven to be so popular that the children wore a trench beneath it from pumping their feet to activate it. o solution: backfill the trench with soil and fasten a large rectangle of artificial turf beneath the swing. as the turf wears out, it will be a simple fix to replace. • the lemon verbena has become such a child favorite that it literally degrades from curious fingers. we also noted frequent pulling of pieces off the potted glory bush plants and soft to the touch cacti for a bit of enjoyable tactile stimuli on the go. similarly, one child was found to be repeatedly relocating a clump of holly fern planted nearby the swing. maintenance staff replaced it, only to find it moved yet again. o solution: plan for replacement in the maintenance budget. as needed (all) plants get replaced, and sometimes relocated. implications in establishing a vibrant outdoor living classroom, an enriching therapeutic environment, and an inclusive, welcoming space for all, the sensory arts garden further advances the center’s position as a leader in the field, and broadens their influence within the asd community. it serves to promote the value, acceptance, and inclusion of individuals with asd as well as offer a destination for social and community events. the garden extends invitations for children to feel whole and safe on their own terms—to be part of something bigger than themselves without feeling overwhelmed. since its opening, the children have found reprieve in the garden’s “places away” and enrichment through exploration of the plants in the sensory rooms. children have identified favorite spots within the garden and return daily to engage with these spaces, exploring their subtle changes and new growth. the garden is now an established space for outdoor instruction, providing opportunities to connect with students who may be challenging to reach inside the classroom. high school students can be found working independently on their laptops or with a teaching assistant on classroom assignments. music and yoga classes and reading groups have all benefited from this sensory-rich, living classroom that welcomes all regardless of age, ability, or preference. within a lush designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 151 and safe setting, the garden provides opportunity and choice for everyone to engage with nature on their own terms, in their own way, and at their own pace. from quiet and serene reflection by the water bubblers, to active sensory involvement on the swing, or smelling and tasting herbs found in the sensory rooms, the garden offers various opportunities for participation including providing a venue for vocational training for the older students and clients of the foundation. everyone takes from the garden what they need and want. research to evaluate the impact of experiencing the garden and attentional behaviors is planned. findings may contribute to the growing body of evidence supporting the global positive impact of interaction with nature and healthy development. amy wagenfeld, ph.d., otr/l, scem, faota is associate professor and capstone coordinator in the occupational therapy doctorate program johnson & wales university and is principal of design+consultation marlene sotelo, ed.d. bcba-d, mt-bc is the chief operating officer for the els for autism foundation david kamp, fasla, lf, na is president of dirtworks, pc references american psychiatric association (2013). diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed.). arlington, va: american psychiatric publishing. autism speaks (2012). facts about autism. retrieved from http://www.autismspeaks.org/what-autism/facts-about-autism baio, j., wiggins, l., christensen, d. l., maenner, m. j., daniels, j…. & dowling, n. f. (2018). prevalence and characteristics of autism spectrum disorder among children aged 8 years — autism and developmental disabilities monitoring network, 11 sites, united states, 2014. mmwr surveillance summaries 67(6), 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.ss6706a1 baio, j. (2014). prevalence of autism spectrum disorders among children aged 8 years. surveillance summaries 63(ss03), 1—21. retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/ss/ss6302.pdf centers for disease control and prevention (2018). autism spectrum disorder: data and statistics. retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/autism/index.html centers for disease control and prevention (2016). summary of autism spectrum disorder (asd) prevalence studies. retrieved from http://www.autismspeaks.org/what-autism/facts-about-autism http://dx.doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.ss6706a1 http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/ss/ss6302.pdf http://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/autism/index.html designing an impactful sensory garden for children and youth with autism… 152 https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/autism/documents/asdprevalencedatatable20 16.pdf kogan, m. d., vladutiu, c. j., schieve, l. a., ghandour, r. m., blumberg, s. j. … lu, m. c. (2018). the prevalence of parent-reported autism spectrum disorder among us children. pediatrics, 142(6), e20174161. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2017-4161 norbury, c. f., & sparks, a. (2013). difference or disorder: cultural issues in understanding neurodevelopmental disorders. developmental psychology, 49, 45-58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0027446 sachs, n., & vincenta, t. (2011). outdoor environments for children with autism and special needs. implications, 9(1), 1-8. tomchek, s. d., little, l. m., & dunn, w. (2015). sensory pattern contributions to developmental performance in children with autism spectrum disorder. american journal of occupational therapy, 69, 2-10, http://dx.doi.org/10.5014/ajot.2015.018044 wagenfeld, a. & winterbottom, d. (2015). interprofessional collaboration: designing outdoor environments though landscape architecture and occupational therapy. edra connections, 5-7. websites • autism speaks: http://www.autismspeaks.org • autism society: http://www.autism-society.org • els for autism: http://www.elsforautism.org/the-els-center-of-excellence/ • national autism societysigns of autism: http://nationalautismassociation.org/resources/signs-of-autism/ https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/autism/documents/asdprevalencedatatable2016.pdf https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/autism/documents/asdprevalencedatatable2016.pdf https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2017-4161 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0027446 http://dx.doi.org/10.5014/ajot.2015.018044 http://www.autismspeaks.org/ http://nationalautismassociation.org/resources/signs-of-autism/ login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2022 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 32(3), 2022 pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program during a pandemic: lessons learned linlin li gary weiser kim luttgen megan schneider chun-wei (kevin) huang wested momo hayakawa joan freese beth daniels mai chue lor emily jensen twin cities pbs citation: li, l., hayakawa, m., freese, j., daniels, b., weiser, g., luttgen, k., lor, m. c., schneider, m., huang, c.-w., & jensen, e. (2022). pivoting an inperson transmedia science program to a virtual program during a pandemic: lessons learned. children, youth and environments, 32(3), 53-81. http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract school closures because of natural phenomena, such as covid-19, underscore long-standing gaps in access to science education in the united states of america, particularly for young students. when educators have to pivot to deliver virtual instruction, it is important to identify feasible remote learning strategies for science content across formal and informal learning environments. this article discusses two evaluation studies of a multiplatform science learning program was originally developed for an in-person, formal learning environment that was modified based on infrastructure, preparations, and resource availability to meet the needs of distance learning in formal and informal learning environments due to covid-19. keywords: multiplatform science learning, distance learning, next generation science standards pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 54 school closures in response to the covid-19 pandemic underscored long-standing gaps in access to science education in the united states, particularly for young students. for decades, u.s. schools serving students from disadvantaged communities have struggled with limited budgets to find resources and teachers for their science classrooms. on the national assessment of educational progress in 2015, only 22% of u.s. fourth-grade students from low-income communities scored at or above proficient in science achievement (u.s. department of education, 2015). as schools across the country transitioned to virtual learning in response to the covid-19 pandemic, addressing issues of access and equity in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (stem) education became more urgent than ever. it became important to identify feasible remote learning strategies for science content across formal and informal learning environments. hero elementary, funded by the u.s. department of education ready to learn (rtl) grant, provides opportunities for early science engagement and learning across diverse student populations through multiplatform media collections. the overarching goal of hero elementary is “to build the science and literacy skills of diverse students ages five to eight and promote equity for historically underrepresented children in science (race-ethnic minorities, children in low-income households, children with disabilities, english learners)” (ellington et al., 2021). it embeds next generation science standards (ngss) learning opportunities for students in kindergarten through second grade across an animated show, digital games, non-fiction e-articles, hands-on activities, and a digital science notebook. in response to the need for distance learning during both the formal school day and informal learning time (such as after school and during the summer), the hero elementary developer further collaborated with researchers and educators to modify its content and delivery strategies. specifically, hero elementary staff developed hands-on activity videos and activity plans for instruction with (1) wholeclass, synchronous modes; (2) interactive learning for individual, asynchronous modes; and (3) hybrid modes. this paper presents two evaluation studies of hero elementary that analyze the wide variation in implementation of the multiplatform program across formal (study 1) and informal (study 2) learning environments that had pivoted to virtual instruction. theoretical framework there is a concerted effort to identify effective strategies to promote equity and access in stem learning, including studying how the design of learning resources and pedagogical approaches can support historically underrepresented groups of students and encourage them to participate in stem learning (heaster-ekholm, 2020; lee et al., 2015; ryoo & calabrese barton, 2018; vossoughi et al., 2016). at the same time, technology resources have become more accessible, particularly among minority and low-income families (mcclure et al., 2017; rideout & katz, 2016). levinson and barrod (2018) found that while hurdles still exist for low-income families (e.g., opacity of app stores, cost, technology infrastructure), these families utilize innovative approaches to integrate technology into their lives to enrich their children’s experiences. further, lee and barron (2015) reported that while latinx families had the least access to technology, they still consumed educational media—via television and dvds—and pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 55 participated in higher rates of joint media engagement than families who only spoke english. while significant discrepancies in technology ownership exist between latinx families and non-hispanic families, over 60% of latinx families have a television, computer, high-speed internet, video game player, and/or smartphone at home. correspondingly, a growing body of literature has championed the design and use of digital resources to promote inclusion and accessibility for educational purposes (caria et al., 2018; cheng & lai, 2020; knight et al., 2013). in the u.s., students typically participate in formal learning environments, which typically include traditional education in a classroom-based setting designed specifically to educate students. many students also experience informal learning environments outside of formal school programming, such as before-school programs, after-school programs, clubs offered by community-based organizations, science centers at museum, and summer camps. informal learning environments can be defined as “an array of safe, structured programs that provide children and youth ages kindergarten through high school with a range of supervised activities intentionally designed to encourage learning and development outside of the typical school day” (little et al., 2008, p. 2). both formal and informal learning environments can benefit from including multiplatform educational resources. in contrast to a single medium, such as a television series or a digital game, multiplatform learning environments combine the use of multiple, related media platforms (e.g., a television series, a digital game, and hands-on materials) to address the same learning concepts, using the same characters and setting (fisch, 2016). well-designed multiplatform learning environments provide opportunities for students to extend their learning time and space across formal and informal learning environments while experiencing the affordances of game-like, narrative-based curricular materials, which may enhance students’ motivation and engagement in the learning process (lacasa, 2010). research on multiplatform educational programs has found positive impacts in school and at home, including actively involving students in the narrative, creating a unified learning experience, improving the learning process by integrating students’ knowledge and skills, developing 21st century skills (e.g., collaboration and critical thinking), and improving student achievement (andreu et al., 2012; cohen et al., 2012; mccarthy et al., 2015; miller, 2012; rosenfeld et al., 2019; thai et al., 2019; verbruggen et al., 2020). the impact of covid-19 on learning environments beginning in march 2020, and continuing through the summer of 2020, the covid-19 pandemic forced schools and informal learning environments to close their buildings and required “social distancing,” or maintaining a distance of 6 feet or more from other people. while the duration of these closures varied by u.s. geographical regions (e.g., 3 weeks to 1 year), the educational system abruptly pivoted to virtual learning out of necessity. primary schools varied in the infrastructure that was available to pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 56 support teaching in this new environment. science was often excluded from curricula because educators lacked the tools and capacity to teach science virtually as well as the time to synchronously teach their students. moreover, because educators often could not provide one-on-one support to students in this virtual learning environment, adult caregivers were called upon to assist their children through school activities. however, many caregivers faced personal, technical, logistical, and financial barriers, which limited their ability to assist their students with virtual learning during the pandemic (abuhammad, 2020). feasible options in this emergency context where schools had to quickly implement a virtual learning experience were largely limited to prepackaged curricula, such as video lessons and resources accessible to students asynchronously (i.e., resources that could be accessed any time; daniel, 2020). the program multiplatform-based programs provide the opportunity to deliver early science content at a lower cost and on a flexible schedule, increasing opportunities for students to be exposed to science learning and maximizing the number of students who can benefit (clark & dede, 2009). virtual environments for delivering programs also provide opportunities for personalization or flexible implementation suited to classroom needs (kucirkova et al., 2021). although literature has shown that multiplatform resources often produce greater learning than a single learning media, the benefits of multiplatform learning occur when related media and quality educational content are connected in meaningful and relevant ways for students (fisch et al., 2016; fisch et al., 2014; piotrowski et al., 2012). hero elementary is a multiplatform, equity-focused educational initiative that provides science and literacy instruction to learners in kindergarten through second grade from underserved communities. more specifically, hero elementary includes science content designed to meet the vision of the ngss while supporting communication skills aligned with the common core standards for english language arts. it uses the transformative transmedia framework for early stem learners (ellington et al., 2021) as a guide to support equity and access in science education. in addition, the design of hero elementary was informed by research on literacy for english learners, students with disabilities, latinx learners, and students from low socioeconomic communities (national academies of sciences, engineering, and medicine, 2017), as well as universal design for learning and computer-assisted instruction frameworks (cast, 2011; weng et al., 2014). many best practices articulated in universal design for learning emphasize flexible learning environments and multiple modes for learning to maximize accessibility and ensure that individual learning differences are accommodated during instruction. media collections referred to as “playlists” are central to the hero elementary design. each playlist focuses on a given science concept and contains an animated television story in which the characters learn about the science concept; a live action, song-based video featuring the superpowers of science (science practices); a digital or analog game; two hands-on activities; a digital pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 57 journal for reflection and communication; and a non-fiction e-book. a noted feature of the hero elementary design is its openness to flexible implementation approaches. educators are encouraged to customize hero elementary to suit their learning community by selecting high-interest playlists that align with their community’s goals, rather than presenting the materials in a specific, predetermined sequence. hero elementary also provides professional development for educators to learn about the media resources, program design, and equity strategies that effectively engage young students in science learning. table 1 summarizes the content types within hero elementary and their typical implementation in an in-person setting. table 1. types of program content in hero elementary type of content description in-person implementation in-person resources animated video an 11-minute animated video, depicting a story in which a team of students explore core science concepts as they investigate a phenomenon using science and engineering practices. students watch the video individually or as a whole group. this is followed with group discussion. • 11-minute video • co-viewing guide to support student discourse • content management system live-action music video a 90-second live-action video based on a song that addresses one science and engineering practice. the lyrics describe the practice, and the live action video shows students using the practice in an everyday scenario. students watch the music video individually or as a whole group. • 90-second video • content management system hands-on activity a science investigation, facilitated by an educator. includes scientific discourse. students may work as individuals, in pairs or small groups, or as a whole group. activities include exploration and age appropriate scientific discourse. • detailed activity plan • list of materials needed • (optional) “how-to” video digital game a suite of digital games tied to science topics for grades kindergarten through second grade. games are based on constructivist principles and feature core science concepts and science and engineering practices. students play the game individually or they may share a device and play with a partner. • digital game • “how to play” video • content management system analog game a game that focuses on core science content, played instudents play the game with others. • detailed activity plan pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 58 person by a group of students and facilitated by an educator. • game materials science power notebook a digital science notebook tool in which students record their observations and work out their understanding about the science they are learning. notebook pages are related to specific animated videos or handson activities. directions for the science power notebook pages are embedded within the hands-on activity plans or video co-viewing guides. students first discuss the page with a partner or in small groups. then, they create their pages individually on a device. finally, they share their pages with other students. • interactive digital notebook page • directions for educators • content management system non-fiction ebook informative articles in digital format, with available voiceover, that provide children with additional information about the science topic. students access the ebooks online and read or listen to the content. • digital ebook content management system material modifications made to hero elementary due to the pandemic because of the covid-19 pandemic and the shelter-in-place order, student learning transitioned from in-school instruction to distance learning. to determine the viability of implementing hero elementary in distance learning environments, the educational outreach team and the research team at hero elementary quickly reached out to educators via emails, phone calls, and online video meetings to learn how to best modify hero elementary to suit educators’ changing teaching strategies. educators reported that they used both synchronous and asynchronous instructional strategies during distance learning to address the varying needs of family schedules and technology accessibility. they also reported using a variety of platforms to communicate with students during closures, such as class dojo, google classroom, google calendar, flipgrid, and seesaw. educators also created paper packets for students to pick up and provided instructional support via online platforms. while the educational outreach team and research team gathered information directly from educators, the hero elementary content development team analyzed the affordances and challenges that arose when adapting content for distancelearning environments (table 1). they drew on existing information to develop a plan for modifying content so that hero elementary could be flexible and support multiple distance implementation options. to provide a support system for students and their families, the modified hero elementary content encouraged educators to connect with individual students, either by phone or online. in addition to staying in touch with students and families, hero elementary encouraged educators to send home materials for hands-on activities and analog games, enabling students to have opportunities to do these activities in a similar pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 59 way as they would have in a classroom or an out-of-school program. table 2 shows supports and modifications for implementing hero elementary in distancelearning environments. resources and trainings related to hero elementary implementation in distance learning were made available to educators. table 2. supports and modifications for distance implementation type of content considerations for distance implementation modifications for distance implementation animated video students watching as a group online could discuss the content with an educator as usual. students watching individually at home needed additional support for discussion: • individual conversation with their educator online; • have a whole-class discussion via zoom; or • support for a conversation with someone at home. • train educators to hold discussions with individual students who access the video asynchronously. • home co-viewing guide document to support families in having conversations at home. live-action music video students could watch these short music videos individually or as a group online. no need for additional support. hands-on activity (synchronous) students meeting as a group online could engage in a live, interactive demo and discussion with their educator, or they could watch a video demonstration of the activity as a group and discuss with their educator while online. • distance implementation overview document helped educators select their approach. • live demo document supports educators to offer an interactive “live demonstration” of the activity in which students drive the investigation and engage in meaningful scientific discourse. students decide how to investigate and direct the educator’s action. they observe and analyze the results, and the educator facilitates discussion. if students have materials available at home, they may investigate along with the rest of the group. • each hands-on activity was re-created in an engaging video. the video invites viewers to observe, ask questions, analyze data, and explain phenomena during pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 60 the investigation. educators can show the videos to students in online meetings instead of doing a live demo. they may then engage students in discussion following the video or pause the video and discuss as appropriate throughout the investigation. hands-on activity (asynchronous) students who do hands-on activities individually from home needed support for doing the activity. educators had two options for creating opportunities for discussion among students who worked individually and asynchronously: • educators could contact students and have one-on-one discussions. • educators could schedule a synchronous, online discussion for their whole group. • distance implementation overview document helped educators select their approach. • the home version of each activity was a modified version of the in-person, educatorfacilitated activity plans, providing support for students to do the activities at home with adult oversight. these plans were written so that noneducators could follow the steps and engage in a fun family activity, incorporating meaningful science learning. activities were written to be child-directed as much as possible. • the videos of hands-on activities were made available for students to watch at home if they were not able to do the activity themselves. • a discussion guide was developed for each activity to support educators in facilitating scientific discourse digital game digital games were originally designed to be played by individual students on their own devices no modifications were developed for digital games. analog game modalities for analog games mirrored those for hands-on activities: • students meeting as a group online could engage in a live, interactive analog game and discussion with their educator, or they could watch a video demonstration of the game as a group and discuss with their educator while online. • students working • distance implementation overview document helped educators select their approach. • live demo document supports educators to offer an interactive version of the game in which students drive game play and engage in meaningful scientific discourse. students decide what to do on their turn and pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 61 asynchronously from home needed support for playing analog games and educators needed to create opportunities for these students to discuss the analog games. direct the educator’s actions. • each analog game was recreated in an engaging video. the video invites viewers to play along. educators can show the videos to students in online meetings instead of doing a live demo. they may then engage students in discussion following the video or pause the video and discuss as appropriate during game play. • the home version of each analog game was a modified version of the in-person, educator-facilitated game, providing support for students to play the game at home with other family members. these plans were written so that non-educators could follow the steps and engage in a fun family game that includes science learning. games were written to be childdirected as much as possible. • the videos of analog games were made available for students to watch at home if they were not able to play the games themselves. science power notebook it was not feasible for students to engage in pair or small-group discussion as they would have done in person. most students had only one digital device to use at home, and this was often a tablet or phone. thus, engaging in a video chat while simultaneously opening their digital notebooks was not possible. • the videos of analog games were made available to support use of the science power notebook in the context of watching a video or engaging in a handson activity, the distance documents for hands-on activities and videos end by telling students to open their notebooks. in addition, the content management system lists the science power notebook following the appropriate activities. non-fiction ebook ebooks are available digitally via students’ digital devices. no modifications were developed for nonfiction ebooks. pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 62 research questions the present paper includes two studies that sought to understand the virtual implementation of hero elementary across formal school and informal learning environments. study 1, implemented in the spring of 2020, focused on the program’s impact and implementation in a formal virtual classroom environment. study 2, implemented in the summer of 2020, examined the program’s implementation in an informal virtual environment. both studies addressed the following implementation research questions: 1. what were the variations in implementing the virtual hero elementary? 2. which components of the virtual hero elementary were the most successful and/or challenging? in addition to these questions, study 1 examined the impact of the virtual program on students’ science knowledge and engagement. study 1: implementation of modified hero elementary resources in a formal virtual learning environment study design and sample study 1 used a multi-site cluster, randomized, experimental design that randomly assigned 34 second-grade classrooms (n = 810 students) from 20 schools in california that served economically disadvantaged students to either a treatment or control group. the treatment classrooms implemented the hero elementary intervention, while control classrooms implemented their business-as-usual science activities. the original study sample consisted of 810 students in 34 classrooms (17 treatment and 17 control classrooms). although the sudden transition from inschool instruction to distance learning instruction due to covid-19 created challenges for implementing hero elementary, 12 out of 17 treatment classrooms were able to continue hero elementary in distance learning environments. similarly, 12 out of 17 control classrooms were able to remain in the study and provide valuable data on their remote instruction experiences and practices. to understand teachers’ use of hero elementary and their science instruction, as well as the successes and challenges teachers faced during distance learning, we collected teacher survey and interview data. in addition, 318 students (160 treatment students and 158 control students) completed a researcher-developed, ngss-aligned online assessment. this assessment included 18 items that assessed second-grade students’ knowledge of matter and its interactions. the reliability of the assessment is 0.70. students completed the pre-assessment in school before school closures and completed the post-assessment at home during school closures. to ensure the integrity of the assessment scores, teachers communicated with parents about the importance of students completing the assessment independently and highlighted the expectation that parents would support students only with technical challenges. given the circumstances of unexpectedly and rapidly transitioning to remote learning, pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 63 however, it is not surprising that students’ completion of the post-assessment was low. analysis of the student demographic data indicated that more than three-fourths of the final analytic sample qualified for a free or reduced-price lunch program (indicating low socioeconomical status) and about 65% were latinx. there were no statistical differences between the treatment and control groups on students’ ethnicity, free or reduced-price lunch status, english learner status, or gender. table 3 provides the demographic information for the impact sample. table 3. demographic information for study 1 sample, by condition percentage of treatment students percentage of control students percentage of total students ethnicity asian 14.65 19.87 17.25 black/african american 5.10 7.69 6.39 hispanic 68.79 60.90 64.86 white/caucasian 8.92 5.77 4.15 other 2.55 5.77 7.35 significance test a p = .211 free / reduced-price lunch no 19.44 23.58 21.50 yes 80.56 76.42 78.50 significance test a p = .413 english learner no 55.06 62.66 58.86 yes 44.94 37.34 41.14 significance test a p = .173 gender female 56.60 55.70 56.15 male 43.40 44.30 43.85 significance test a p = .910 afisher’s exact test (n = 160 for treatment group, n = 158 for control group, total n = 318) pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 64 most teachers who participated in the study were regular classroom teachers with more than five years of teaching experiences and were responsible for providing instruction in all content areas. two teachers were science specialists who provided only science instruction for several different classes. all teachers reported that they had no specialized science training outside of the general education classes that were required for their credentials. results to study the impacts of hero elementary, the research team used a two-level hierarchical linear model to analyze student science content outcomes (i.e., scores on the post-assessment). this model considered the clustering nature of the data, as students were nested within teachers. the results indicated that treatment students performed better than control students on the post-assessment (the adjusted mean for the treatment group is 13.27 versus 12.76 for the control group; effect size is 0.15), although the difference was not statistically significant (table 4). table 4. the effect of hero elementary on student science achievement adjusted means outcome measure treatment (standard deviation) control (standard deviation) difference (standard error) p-value effect size unweighted student sample size postassessment 13.27 (3.11) 12.76 (3.55) 0.51 (0.38) .176 0.15 318 note. standard errors were estimated using the huber-white procedure (greene, 2003). effect sizes were calculated by dividing impact estimates by the pooled standard deviation of the outcome variable. the analysis of the treatment and control teacher interviews and surveys indicated wide variations in the virtual implementation of activities. teachers reported that they used both synchronous and asynchronous instructional strategies during distance learning. they generally used zoom or google meet to emulate in-school instruction and discussion. most of the participating teachers scheduled one or two whole-class meetings per week. about a quarter of the teachers met with the whole class several times a day or met with small groups for discussions throughout the week. to address the varying needs of family schedules, teachers provided students with access to assignments asynchronously. science instruction during distance learning varied widely from none at all to daily. one teacher in the control group shared, “i can tell you now, that was non-existent, aside from the videos, because we were told we had to focus on math and language arts.” although science was de-emphasized in favor of english language arts and math at most sites, some control teachers tried to implement some form of science instruction at least once a week. the most common activities in control classrooms were watching a video from mystery science, brainpop, or other online sources and responding to questions during a class discussion or in writing. a few teachers pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 65 provided instructions for activities that could be done safely at home. as all participating teachers adjusted their core course instructions to distance learning environments, treatment group teachers also modified their implementation of the hero elementary program to fit the distance learning environment. the treatment teachers continued to use videos and digital games throughout the implementation of the program, chose alternatives for hands-on activities, and implemented notebook and ebook activities when possible. video activities among the playlist activities, teachers consistently found that the videos were the easiest activity to implement during distance learning, because, as one teacher explained, “all you have to do is put the youtube video directly into the google slide… when they put it in present mode, it just automatically plays.” teachers reported that the videos were fun and engaging for students. one teacher pointed out, “the videos, i think, were really simple to put in because they were a highly preferred activity for the kids. they loved watching them, they enjoyed the songs, the interstitials… so that was really simple.” teachers also saw students connecting with the characters in the videos and believed this was a key factor in their students’ high engagement levels. one teacher shared: they, across the board, were connecting with the characters, which was really great to see… everyone was able to connect, and that's what i appreciated, that was across the board. i saw students from different genders, different ethnicities, all connecting to one character or another, or more than one character. teachers also found that the videos engaged all students in a shared learning experience. one teacher explained that the easy-to-understand storylines provided students with individualized education programs and english learners “an entry point where they could actively participate in discussion about topics that they maybe didn’t fully understand, but that they could connect to through the video and through the characters in the cartoon.” another teacher agreed, characterizing the episodes as “a great equalizer” that “created the most equal platform for special education, english learners, and other abilities to all come together.” for these reasons, teachers found the episodes to be “one of the strongest components of the program.” teachers appreciated that the videos established compelling, real-world contexts for the playlists’ key science concepts. they found that students were able to understand the key idea in each video. teachers also found that the videos supported students’ learning by highlighting the superpowers of science (i.e., the scientific practices). the videos provided clear definitions and examples of the “superpowers.” this was especially useful during distance learning because class discussions were challenging, and having a short, easy to understand video was an pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 66 effective way to introduce a scientific practice. one teacher explained: in the distance learning i was using the videos, the little, short videos on what the superpowers were more than i was [using them] in the classroom. just because in the classroom, i felt like i could just skip that and just go and talk to them about why this was important. whereas, through distance learning, i was using those little videos because i didn't have the ability to explicitly state it. digital games all treatment teachers implemented the digital games as individual activities during distance learning. some teachers had students play the game during group meeting times to monitor them; others implemented the activities asynchronously. while some teachers reported that the games took a long time to load, most agreed that they were easy to implement. students understood the game mechanics and could play independently, making the games well-suited to the distance learning environment. according to teachers, students continued to find the games to be interesting, engaging, and easy to use during distance learning—just as they had while in the classroom. students regularly chose to play the games when they had the freedom to choose an activity. students enjoyed talking to each other about the games and would often comment on the games when they were together as a class. one teacher shared: i had a lot of comments about the game. they really like it… students would say, ‘you guys, it's so funny, you get to do x, y, and z. got to try it out. this was my high score, what was your high score?’ different things like that. hands-on activities teachers identified students’ lack of access to the physical hands-on activity materials as a prominent barrier to implementation during distance learning. however, many teachers found that the video of the hands-on activity was an effective alternative to the physical activity. most teachers assigned videos of the hands-on activities for students to watch on their own; some teachers had students watch the video as a class on zoom. they found that the explanations in the videos of the hands-on activities were thorough and easy to follow. one teacher shared: i actually really thought she did a way better job than i could have done because she was really prepared and there's a script on how to tie in the concept and you know, how they talk about it. i think that was really helpful even in the future... not that a teacher would use the video [in person], but they could watch it to see how to introduce it or what kinds of things you can say as you’re talking about, talking through the experiment. teachers also appreciated that the videos of the hands-on activities highlighted the superpowers of science. one teacher said: pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 67 with the distance learning, when i would send them the hands-on activity video, i love that… she always said, “we're going to use our superpowers of science,” because i think my students, when we were implementing it in the class, i think that was when the dots were starting to connect, with each activity we do building on the next. i think that was definitely educational, those superpowers of science. when possible, some teachers demonstrated the activity live on zoom. some teachers sent instructions to students so that they could try the activities on their own at home if they had the materials. one enterprising teacher sent the materials to a subset of students and had them conduct the experiment live on zoom for the rest of the class as the “professors of the classroom.” regardless of their approach to implementation, most teachers reported discussing the experiment during the whole-class zoom meetings. some teachers also posted questions for students to respond to asynchronously. overall, teachers noticed that student engagement during the distance learning setting was not as good as it had been during in-school implementation. teachers attributed the lack of engagement to the fact that students were no longer directly interacting with materials, classmates, and their teacher: i definitely think it would be more [engaging] if we were in the classroom and they were doing these experiments themselves as opposed to just watching and talking about it... i would say it was probably more [engaging] when we were in the class. i think when the kids see a stranger on their computer, it’s less engaging than if you're like, “oh, this is my teacher, and she's talking to me, and i haven't seen her.” however, teachers reported high levels of engagement from several students who managed to conduct the hands-on activities at home, either individually or with parental support: “for students that got to try it on their own, it was amazing.” one teacher described their students’ enthusiasm: i would ask, ‘oh, did anybody try out the experiments?’ and we would have a little discussion, and it was so fun because they would bring in what they made or what they used, like the melting of the ice cubes and the heating and cooling. they showed a lot of cool melted things. notebooks teachers attempted to implement the notebooks synchronously and asynchronously but encountered problems with both models. when implementing the notebooks synchronously, teachers observed that students needed significant support to navigate the platform. they noted that students had trouble fitting their work onto the digital notepad and accessing the camera and audio recording features. students had similar issues when teachers assigned the notebook as individual, asynchronous work, and students often did not complete the activity. teachers also pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 68 struggled to provide support for using the notebook remotely; students lost interest in the activity when they could not easily get answers to their questions. teachers reported that while students enjoyed using the notebooks when they were in the classroom before covid-19, engagement dropped significantly in the distance learning environment. a key factor that contributed to lack of engagement was that many students switched from using the notebook on tablets in the classroom to using laptops at home. “the students lost their interest because it’s not the same as on the tablet,” explained one teacher. another teacher added, “they can’t take pictures. it was just like typing and dragging pictures.” ebooks the majority of teachers assigned the ebooks to students as an individual activity. the rest of the teachers experimented with reading the ebooks as a class on zoom. some teachers read aloud, and others asked students to read aloud. some teachers also supplemented the ebooks with their own materials. for example, one teacher asked students to record vocabulary words in science journals. another teacher had students read independently and then created comprehension and “cite the evidence” questions for students to answer during discussion. a third teacher supplemented the text by asking students to answer questions about the ebooks’ content, report something they had learned, and annotate the text. teachers reported that students’ engagement in ebooks diminished after transitioning to distance learning. it was logistically challenging to access and navigate the ebook platform, which contributed to the low engagement levels. however, several teachers noted that the read-aloud feature of the ebooks was critical for engaging students who struggled to read, including english learners and students with individualized education programs. “they were easy books for the struggling readers,” one teacher explained and added, “the read-aloud feature made it accessible for english learners and struggling students.” another noted that this was especially important because, “a lot of my students struggle with reading still.” yet another teacher elaborated: what i appreciated most… was that it read to them because i do have some students who would not have been able to access the text otherwise. and then i did have a few students who played with the spanish version and were listening to that just because they wanted to. i do have some spanish speakers, but they don’t read in spanish, not much, but it was a new feature for them. but definitely helped that it had the option [of it being] read to them. the distance learning context changed how teachers interacted with students to keep them engaged and motivated in science learning. reflections from teachers indicated that they used a variety of strategies to adapt the activities to fit the sudden need for distance learning. teachers adjusted how activities were implemented, as well as the format (synchronous versus asynchronous), attempting different methods to keep the students engaged in science learning as in-person, hands-on learning experiences were no longer an option. pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 69 study 2: implementation of modified hero elementary resources in an informal virtual learning environment study design this study examined how hero elementary was used in informal learning environments by studying six summer programs. the developers of hero elementary recruited organizations that implemented educational activities in informal learning environments. they also used a “train-the-trainer" model to teach the organizations to use the modified resources when implementing hero elementary virtually. all informal educators had access to the same training, educator resources, and technology. to help the developers improve the feasibility of implementing hero elementary in summer programs, the informal educators reported the successes and barriers of hero elementary implementation through interviews. telemetry, or educator dashboard data, provided quantitative data on activities completed by students for each classroom. study sample the program was implemented by educators in informal environments serving english learners, students from low-income households, and latinx populations. two hundred and five students in 14 classrooms at six summer or after-school programs across six states participated in distance learning during the summer of 2020 (table 5). the informal educators ranged in their teaching experiences because in many informal learning environments, educators are not required to have a teaching license or a bachelor’s degree. while some educators who taught in the summer school programs did have a teaching license and were formal educators during the school year, they co-taught with part-time staff members who were working towards college degrees. moreover, as physical learning spaces (e.g., school buildings) were closing and shifting to virtual learning environments, many informal learning spaces were unable to retain staff, and thus the staffing was unpredictable from month to month, and the staff turn-over was high. pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 70 table 5. study 2 participation by program and location program type location number of students number of playlists summer program central minnesota 32 6 after-school east texas 27 12 after-school east texas 6 4 after-school east texas 20 14 after-school south dakota 16 6 after-school south dakota 7 2 after-school south dakota 7 3 summer program northeast ohio 9 4 summer program northeast ohio 7 2 summer program northeast ohio 7 3 after-school central maryland 12 5 after-school central maryland 29 2 summer program eastern nebraska 6 9 summer program eastern nebraska 20 10 results across 14 classrooms, educators implemented the program to best fit their schedules, resources, and communities. some organizations implemented all the activities synchronously. for example, the educators played the digital games in real time as their students watched, and students participated by voicing their ideas for the next step that the teacher should take in the game. some organizations also provided hardcopy resources (by driving and dropping off the materials at each student’s residence) in response to students’ lack of access to technology such as wi-fi and devices. these activity packets were supplementary resources to the program. some organizations also allowed older students and older siblings to participate. the educators created roles for the older students so that they could support the younger students. older siblings also provided technical support, such as logging into the program and providing digital game support. virtual implementation successes the virtual “train-the-trainer" model of professional development highlighted flexibility and adaptation. the modified resources that were developed since the pandemic began were presented to educators as learning materials that could be modified to accommodate a broad range of students. regarding the program pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 71 materials, an educator noted, “a lot of the materials given to us early on helped us get started... we also would look at some of the playlists and try to see how we can make it... fit our kids.” during the programs with students, educators would log onto a video conferencing platform such as zoom at scheduled times of the week to synchronously implement the program. during this time, educators would often share their screen and focus on a particular activity (typically the hands-on activity or animated video episode). other activities were usually reserved for asynchronous implementation, with debriefs and check-ins during the synchronous session. one educator reflected on the virtual implementation and said: we show it [the episode] as a whole group over zoom. we all watch it together. and then we have a group discussion afterwards with all the science questions, like whether it’s investigating or comparing. we have those discussions afterwards. we use the guide that gives the questions. while on zoom, some educators encouraged students to use the chat feature during the hands-on activity to express ideas, predictions, and encouragement. one educator explained, “we get the kids to use their chat. kindergarten to second grade, they know how. they use the chat not so much with the cartoon [episode] part of it, but when we do the actual experiment.” moreover, the range of different activities (videos, digital games, hands-on activities, ebooks, and a digital notebook) and multiple representations of key ngss-aligned science concepts woven throughout each of the activities engaged students with different learning preferences and abilities. one teacher noted: it was particularly great for them to have five different types of activities, each that appeared to be helpful for different students, like those who are english learners, have individualized education programs, or are visual learners and kinesthetic learners, the ones that really like the hands-on activities. they can see the content in different ways, in different modalities. some educators took advantage of the fact that students accessed the virtual program materials from home. educators would ask students to collect materials from their homes during the synchronous session so students could complete part of the hands-on activity. educators would use the “advance” and “pause” features of the recorded video to discuss and reflect on the activity with the students and have students try aspects of the activity with the materials they had at home. students then had an opportunity to share their experience to the group: “we have to do scavenger hunts or different things to make it hands-on with the different materials. we don't know what they have at home, but we encourage them to find things that they have at home.” another unique feature of implementing the program that was only possible in this virtual learning environment was the participation of siblings. older siblings could pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 72 support their younger siblings in using hero elementary virtually, especially if their parents were not available or were unfamiliar with technology. older siblings and friends who participated in the synchronous sessions frequently praised and encouraged younger students as they made predictions and discussed possible outcomes and results. educators noticed that students continued to log on and remained engaged with the virtual program. educators reported that students were eager to engage in the activities, which allowed for successful lessons. one educator explained: what's so encouraging is that these kids continue to come on hero elementary virtual learning to participate after being in [virtual] school continuously. they're enjoying it and they love it. that means whatever we put into them [the lessons] is productive. if not, then they wouldn't continue to return. educator comments and telemetry showed that educators attempted different strategies to implement the activities (e.g., conducting a live demonstration versus sharing a video demonstration, or implementing one playlist per week versus one playlist biweekly) based on students’ capacities and abilities. this meant that while students were assigned the same playlist, they worked on different playlist activities. these findings about the successes of implementing hero elementary in a virtual environment suggest that educators’ adaptations of the resources, including accommodations and modifications, provided students with greater access to the virtual learning content. virtual implementation barriers many students experienced barriers to participating in the virtual learning program. technology was the first and most significant barrier to program access, including lack of reliable internet connectivity and lack of an available device, which prevented some students from logging onto their hero elementary accounts. some of the activities in the playlist, such as the digital game, require a strong internet connection, so children with weak connections could not complete these activities. additionally, during synchronous sessions using zoom, many students could not access hero elementary at the same time because their devices did not allow two browser windows to operate simultaneously. lack of access to technology was particularly challenging in rural communities. some caregivers lacked the necessary devices and wi-fi access, and others had the devices but had to learn how to use them. limited experience with technology was a barrier for caregivers supporting their child’s participation in the virtual learning program (e.g., caregivers had difficulties logging children into the web platform). additionally, there was inconsistent participation for students who lived and traveled between two households, which led to inconsistent access to internet connectivity and caregiver support. some households also lacked parental supervision during the school hours due to work schedules. in many of these cases, older siblings would keep the younger sibling safe but would forget to log into the virtual learning platform at the designated synchronous time. hence, given the pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 73 numerous barriers that impacted families as schools and programs suddenly switched to virtual learning, there was inconsistent attendance and completion of activities across playlists. furthermore, because educators were not physically present with students and the additional support at home from caregivers or siblings may have been inconsistent, it was difficult to observe or provide individual support for students in this learning environment. one educator explained: you can't really know exactly what a child is thinking per se over the internet. and they're not going to ask [as many] questions. their questions are different than say if they were there physically [together] looking at a handson to this activity, rather than doing it over the zoom. discussion study 1 and study 2 shed light on successes, challenges, adaptations, and modifications that educators experienced as they pivoted to a virtual learning environment from an in-person environment. findings from both studies—across both formal and informal virtual learning environments—stress the importance of using learning platforms that are flexible. across both studies, each implementation of hero elementary was unique. though all sites struggled with technology issues, whether students faced unreliable internet connectivity or lack of technology support, it was clear that both formal and informal educators were able to adapt the program to fit the needs of their students and this new learning environment. the modified documents and options provided by the developers offered an opportunity for formal and informal educators to try new methods of delivery and assess how to best meet the needs of their students. these choices ultimately allowed sites to successfully implement the virtual hero elementary across a full semester. the present studies highlight the implementation of a science program in a virtual learning environment in two different learning settings, formal and informal. students participating in hero elementary through their formal classrooms were led through the program by trained second-grade teachers, while students participating in informal, summer hero elementary programs were led by informal educators who varied in their teaching experience and use of tools and techniques. formal teachers had support from their school administration because the entire school was switching to a virtual learning environment; this may have led to a smoother transition and more consistent implementation of the program as compared to the informal learning environment. in contrast, the informal environment may have lacked the infrastructure to pivot to distance learning, which may have caused delays and inconsistent implementation of the program. nonetheless, informal programs were also able to implement a modified version of the distance hero elementary program among students who had access to technology, thus highlighting the feasibility of program implementation across both formal and informal contexts. pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 74 conclusion the covid-19 school closures underlined the importance of effective distance learning strategies. since the spring of 2020, temporary school closures in over 180 countries have kept 1.6 billion students out of school (azevedo, 2020; world bank, 2020). the stressors associated with the pandemic and lack of access to schools (e.g., loss of routines, social isolation, lack of technology) have challenged teachers to provide developmentally appropriate educational experiences to all students. practical contributions the present evaluation studies documented the rich, complex, lived educational experiences of children and educators who abruptly transitioned from their typical learning environments to a novel virtual learning environment. once distance learning became a reality in the spring of 2020, schools were forced to make decisions about how much time students would spend learning online. this resulted in science and other subjects being considered as optional for distance learners at some schools. schools with adequate resources may not have had to sacrifice certain subjects in the transition to distance learning. however, students attending schools that were not requiring all subjects to be taught during distance learning did not have the benefit of accessing a well-rounded education, which may result in educational discrepancies and delays in the future. the disruptions to student learning due to covid-19 may have longer-term impacts on student learning, depending on the resources they had to decrease the opportunity gaps that were heightened during the pandemic. the teacher interviews underlined the inequities that students and their families face on a regular basis. distance learning provided a glimpse into the homes of families that did not have access to the technology necessary for their students to function as online learners. many families lacked devices like computers, laptops, and tablets, as well as access to high-speed internet. the cost of technology was a major barrier to access for some families; families may have used older computers or students may have had to share devices with their siblings. teachers mentioned additional inequities in the form of insufficient adult support and guidance for young students and those with individualized education programs. many parents and guardians did not have the time to help their students or the computer literacy to navigate online activities. some caregivers also faced language barriers when attempting to communicate with their child’s teacher. parents and guardians of students with individualized education programs also may not have had the requisite pedagogical skills to assist their child when schools were not providing the appropriate support. one teacher summarized: yeah, so that is another equity issue where students with individualized education programs and students from lower socio-economic backgrounds had a lot less support in general during distance learning because they didn’t have their parents, they didn’t have any of the pullout services, they didn’t have anyone providing guidance, and so that was one of the hardest affected groups in my classroom and unfortunately probably one of the groups that had the least engagement with hero elementary. pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 75 our findings provide strong practical support for (1) equitable access to technology, such as wi-fi connection and tablets, (2) access to a flexible virtual learning program, and (3) foundational technological knowledge—for both educators and families—to provide robust educational opportunities and support for students across formal and informal learning environments. scientific contributions to provide effective virtual learning and draw upon best practices to ensure students are engaged in science and are accessing quality education, teachers, school principals, and district leadership need to acquire new technologies and instructional approaches, as well as develop creative and effective ways to connect with students (kaden, 2020). it is imperative that hero elementary and programs like it can be implemented flexibly in different environments to ensure that students have continued learning opportunities despite interruptions to the typical learning environment. hero elementary’s multiplatform design, which presented the same learning concepts in multiple related media formats, allowed students to flexibly engage in learning through whatever types of media suited their needs best. indeed, the results from study 1 indicated that hero elementary was positively associated with gains in students’ science knowledge (specifically, matter and its interactions; effect size = 0.15), although differences from the control group were not statistically significant. in addition, treatment teachers reported that students were using more scientific vocabulary and making connections between the activities in hero elementary and their own lives. while multiplatform programs like hero elementary have shown initial evidence of promoting science learning in virtual learning environments, future research can continue to explore (1) the strengths in and affordance of each medium for enhancing science learning, (2) the potential impact of multiplatform programs on in-person formal and informal learning environments, and (3) the expected implementation fidelity and impact on learning in environments where all students have access to sufficient technology. the findings of these evaluation studies contribute to research by documenting the efforts of teachers, researchers, and program developers working together to address students’ needs based on schools’ infrastructure, preparations, and resource availability. there are a large number of socioeconomically disadvantaged students in today’s public school classrooms. approximately 24% of schools in the u.s. are considered high-poverty—that is, having more than 75% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch (u.s. department of education, 2009-2015). to reach diverse populations of student learners, researchers have emphasized the importance of identifying and implementing best strategies when designing learning resources (smith & abrams, 2019; davey & marx, 2020; dyjur et al., 2021). hero elementary provides an example of using effective design strategies and pedagogical practices to create accessible science learning experiences. the implementation of hero elementary in formal and informal learning environments contributes to a growing effort to support historically underrepresented groups of students to participate in science learning through multiplatform products. this research shines new light on the field’s understanding of which of the available remote learning strategies are most effective—with or without the internet, webenabled devices, and comprehensive educational support. multiplatform learning pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 76 environments such as hero elementary demonstrate the potential to address student needs in distance learning. researchers and developers of multiplatform programs can continue to leverage play and television narratives in their designs to develop interactive experiences that are engaging and meaningful for students. such designs should include socio-technical structures that engage users, allow for individuals’ continual growth within the communities and cultures in which they are nested, and encourage active learner, child-centered, inquiry-based learning (barab et al., 2005, clarke & dede, 2009). dr. linlin li is a senior research associate at wested and directs cross-site, multiyear, federally funded projects. she earned her ph.d. in human development and family studies from the university of north carolina at greensboro. her research interests are on the areas of developmental psychology, early math and science intervention, inclusion of children with disabilities in the regular education classroom, and family engagement. her recent work involves using interactive games to design and evaluate interventions for students living in poverty and at risk for academic difficulties. dr. momo hayakawa is the managing director of child development and research and oversees the formative and evaluation research conducted on hero elementary. she earned her ph.d. in child development from the institute of child development at the university of minnesota and holds a master’s degree in social sciences from university of california, irvine. her research interests lie in the intersection of early childhood education and innovative prevention and intervention programs, and her work has been published in peer-reviewed journals, book chapters, and presented at international conferences. joan freese is senior managing director of educational and digital media at twin cities pbs. her work utilizes educational technology and media to provide equitable learning experiences for all learners. joan is executive producer of hero elementary, a broad and engaging educational media initiative focused on science and literacy learning for k-2 children. she is also pi for the nsf funded scigirlscode, which supports middle school girls and educators with computational thinking and coding skills. under joan’s leadership, the scigirls website earned an emmy award for new approaches in children’s programming and a parents’ choice gold award. beth daniels manages the content and education for hero elementary. she guides content and pedagogy across media platforms to engage and empower young children in underserved communities, their families, and educators. beth received her med in curriculum and instruction: youth development from the university of minnesota and a ba in psychology, computer science, and education (macalester college). she designs/develops award-winning digital educational content, including oregon trail ii, big science ideas: systems, and reading explorations. she has taught grades k-8 and coached community-based afterschool programs. her presentations address youth program quality, experiential learning, accessibility, scienceliteracy integration, and racial justice in education. pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 77 dr. gary weiser is a research associate at wested. he earned his phd in science education at teachers college, columbia university. gary brings an evidencecentered approach to design, research, and program evaluation, which fuses quasiexperimental and experimental designs, mixed methods, and qualitative research. his research work focuses on the next generation science standards, supporting english language arts and the development of rich, standardsaligned assessments. gary continues to promote science in interdisciplinary learning with a focus on using stem and the arts to help children learn about the environment and sustainability issues. kim luttgen is a research associate ii with the learning and technology content area at wested. she earned her bs in software engineering from california state university, sacramento and a single subject math, science, and technology california professional clear teaching credential with cross-cultural, language & academic development emphasis from national university. kim brings her experience as a software developer, teacher, and teacher trainer to bear on research projects evaluating the effects of technology-based curricula and assessment on learning and attitudes of students and teachers. mai chue lor received a bs degree in early childhood foundations from the university of minnesota – twin cities in 2016. she currently serves as the outreach specialist at twin cities pbs on the ready to learn grant hero elementary. megan schneider is a program associate and operations coordinator with the learning and technology content area at wested. she brings experience in teaching, coaching, and project management as well as an interest in educational equity, pedagogy, teacher preparation, and stem education. megan supports project management, timeline and task organization, and team and client coordination. prior to working at wested, she taught middle school mathematics and science and served as a grade-level coach for first-year teachers. megan earned her ms in educational studies from johns hopkins university and her ba in cognitive science from university of california, berkeley. dr. chun-wei (kevin) huang is a senior research associate with the learning and technology content area at wested. he is a co-principal investigator and lead methodologist for several federally funded projects. he earned his ph.d. in applied statistics and measurement from the university of maryland at college park. his research interests include using modern statistical and psychometric methods to study learning, behavioral, and attitudinal changes among children and teachers. his recent work involves developing a screener to identify pre-k-1st graders who are at risk in early math learning and designing online assessment tools to track student learning over time. emily jensen is the community engagement manager for hero elementary and mashopolis at tpt, pbs. prior to tpt, emily worked with governments in mexico, united arab emirates and colombia, creating teacher professional development and education programs for children ages 5-11. her master’s is in international educational development from teachers college, columbia university. emily is a pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 78 fulbright scholar whose research focused on access to education for minority children in post-soviet nations and has worked for over 12 years in community engagement, leading initiatives at the minnesota state senate and the minnesota house of representatives. references abuhammad, s. (2020). barriers to distance learning during the covid-19 outbreak: a qualitative review from parents’ perspective. heliyon, e05482. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2020.e05482 andreu, l., marti, j., & aldas, j. (2012). the use of digital transmedia storytelling for case studies in marketing education. inted2012 proceedings, 14061414. azevedo, j. p. (2020). learning poverty in the time of covid-19: a crisis within a crisis. world bank group. http://hdl.handle.net/10986/34850 barab, s., thomas, m., dodge, t., carteaux, r., & tuzun, h. (2005). making learning fun: quest atlantis, a game without guns. educational technology research and development, 53(1), 86-107. https://doi.org/10.1007/bf02504859 caria, s., paterno, f., santoro, c., & semucci, v. (2018). the design of web games for helping young high-functioning autistics in learning how to manage money. mobile networks and applications, 23(6), 1735-1748. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11036-018-1069-0 center for applied special technology (cast) (2011). universal design for learning guidelines version 2.0, wakefield, ma. http://www.udlcenter.org/aboutudl/udlguidelines/downloads cheng, s. c., & lai, c. l. (2020). facilitating learning for students with special needs: a review of technology-supported special education studies. journal of computers in education, 7(2), 131-153. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40692019-00150-8 clarke, j., & dede, c. (2009). design for scalability: a case study of the river city curriculum. journal of science education and technology, 18(4), 353–365. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10956-009-9156-4 cohen, j., ducamp, g., kjellstrom, w., & tillman, d. (2012, march, 5). what happens when children encounter the t-book?: the potential for transmedia books in teacher education. society for information technology & teacher education international conference, waynesville, nc. https://www.learntechlib.org/p/39712/ https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2020.e05482 http://hdl.handle.net/10986/34850 https://doi.org/10.1007/bf02504859 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11036-018-1069-0 http://www.udlcenter.org/aboutudl/udlguidelines/downloads https://doi.org/10.1007/s40692-019-00150-8 https://doi.org/10.1007/s40692-019-00150-8 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10956-009-9156-4 http://www.learntechlib.org/p/39712/ http://www.learntechlib.org/p/39712/ pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 79 daniel, s. j. (2020). education and the covid-19 pandemic. prospects, 49, 91–96. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11125-020-09464-3 davey, a., & marx, s. (2020). eap 4.0: transforming the english for academic purposes toolkit to meet the evolving needs and expectations of digital students. in k. borthwick & a. plutino (eds.), education 4.0 revolution: transformative approaches to language teaching and learning, assessment and campus design (pp. 53-59). research-publishing.net. https://doi.org/10.14705/rpnet.2020.42.1087 dyjur, p., ferreira, c., & clancy, t. (2021). increasing accessibility and diversity by using a udl framework in an infographics assignment. currents in teaching & learning, 12(2), 71–83. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eue&an=14896507 3&site=ehost-live ellington, r., daniels, b., orozco, f., santiago, a., & arnold, a. l. (2021). transformative transmedia framework for early stem learners: harnessing the power of science, literacy, and media. journal of educational multimedia and hypermedia, 30(1), 5–34. https://www.learntechlib.org/primary/p/217700/ fisch, s. m. (2016). introduction to the special section: transmedia in the service of education. journal of children and media, 10(2), 225-228. https://doi.org/10.1080/17482798.2016.1140482 fisch, s. m., damashek, s. & aladé, f. (2016) designing media for cross-platform learning: developing models for production and instructional design. journal of children and media, 10(2), 238-247. https://doi.org/10.1080/17482798.2016.1140485 fisch, s. m., lesh, r., motoki, e., crespo, s., & melfi, v. (2014). cross-platform learning: how do children learn from multiple media? in f. c. blumberg (ed.), learning by playing: video gaming in education (pp. 207–219). oxford university press. greene, w. h. (2003) econometric analysis. macmillan publishing company. heaster-ekholm, k. l. (2020). popular instructional design models: their theoretical roots and cultural considerations. international journal of education and development using information and communication technology, 16(3), 5065. kaden, u. (2020). covid-19 school closure-related changes to the professional life of a k–12 teacher. education sciences, 10(6), 165. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci10060165 knight, v., mckissick, b. r., & saunders, a. (2013). a review of technology-based https://doi.org/10.1007/s11125-020-09464-3 https://doi.org/10.14705/rpnet.2020.42.1087 http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eue&an=148965073&site=ehost-live http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eue&an=148965073&site=ehost-live http://www.learntechlib.org/primary/p/217700/ https://doi.org/10.1080/17482798.2016.1140482 https://doi.org/10.1080/17482798.2016.1140485 https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci10060165 pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 80 interventions to teach academic skills to students with autism spectrum disorder. journal of autism and developmental disorders, 43(11), 26282648. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-013-1814-y kucirkova, n., gerard, l., & linn, m. c. (2021). designing personalized instruction: a research and design framework. british journal of educational technology (april), 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1111/bjet.13119 lacasa, p. (2010). children transmedia and virtual experiences inside and outside the classrooms. in s. l. wong, et al. (eds.), proceedings of the 18th international conference on computers in education: enhancing and sustaining new knowledge through the use of digital technology in education (pp. 663-667). putrajaya, malaysia: asia-pacific society for computers in education. lee, j., & barron, b. (2015). aprendiendo en casa: media as a resource for learning among hispanic-latino families. a report of the families and media project. joan ganz cooney center at sesame workshop. lee, o., miller, e., & januszyk, r. (2015). ngss for all students. nsta press. levinson, a., & barrod, b. (2018). latino immigrant families learning with digital media across settings and generations. digital education review, 33, 150169. https://doi.org/10.1344/der.2018.33.150-169 little, p. m. d., wimer, c., & weiss, h. b. (2008). after-school programs in the 21st century: their potential and what it takes to achieve it. issues and opportunities in out-of-school time evaluation, no. 10. harvard family research project. mccarthy, b., li, l., atienza, s., & tiu, m. (2015, june). engaging families in early mathematics learning: a study of a preschool family engagement model. paper presented at the jean piaget society conference, toronto, ontario. mcclure, e., vaala, s., & spiewak toub, t. (2017). quickreport: discovering kids’ apps: do family strategies vary by income? the joan ganz cooney center at sesame workshop. https://joanganzcooneycenter.org/wp content/uploads/2017/06/jgcc_discoveringkidsapps.pdf miller, a. (2012). game-based learning to teach and assess 21st century skills. edutopia. http://www.edutopia.org/blog/game-learning-21st-century-skillsandrewmiller national academies of sciences, engineering, and medicine (2017). promoting the educational success of children and youth learning english: promising futures. the national academies press. https://doi.org/10.17226/24677 piotrowski, j. t., jennings, n. a., & linebarger, d. l. (2012). extending the lessons https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-013-1814-y https://doi.org/10.1111/bjet.13119 https://doi.org/10.1344/der.2018.33.150-169 https://joanganzcooneycenter.org/wp-%20content/uploads/2017/06/jgcc_discoveringkidsapps.pdf https://joanganzcooneycenter.org/wp-%20content/uploads/2017/06/jgcc_discoveringkidsapps.pdf http://www.edutopia.org/blog/game-learning-21st-century-skills-andrewmiller http://www.edutopia.org/blog/game-learning-21st-century-skills-andrewmiller https://doi.org/10.17226/24677 pivoting an in-person multiplatform science program to a virtual program… 81 of educational television with young children. journal of children and media, 7, 216–234. https://doi.org/10.1080/17482798.2012.693053 rideout, v., & katz, v. s. (2016). opportunity for all? technology and learning in lowerincome families. the joan ganz cooney center at sesame workshop. rosenfeld, d., dominguez, x., llorente, c., pasnik, s., moorthy, s., hupert, n., gerard, s. & vidiksis, r. (2019). a curriculum supplement that integrates transmedia to promote early math learning: a randomized controlled trial of a pbs kids intervention. early childhood research quarterly, 49, 241-253. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecresq.2019.07.003 ryoo, j. j., & calabrese barton, a. (2018). equity in stem-rich making: pedagogies and designs. equity & excellence in education, 51(1), 3–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10665684.2018.1436996 smith, k., & abrams, s. s. (2019). gamification and accessibility. international journal of information & learning technology, 36(2), 104–123. https://doi.org/10.1108/ijilt-062018-0061 thai, k., li, l., & schachner, a. (2019). accelerating early math learning with a digital math resource: a cluster randomized controlled trial. paper presented at the american educational research association annual meeting, toronto, canada. u.s. department of education, institute of education sciences, national center for education statistics, national assessment of educational progress (naep), 2009 and 2015 science assessments. verbruggen, s., depaepe, f., & torbeyns, j. (2020). effectiveness of educational technology in early mathematics education: a systematic literature review. international journal of child-computer interaction, 100220. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijcci.2020.100220 vossoughi, s., hooper, p. k., & escudé, m. (2016). making through the lens of culture and power: toward transformative visions for educational equity. harvard educational review, 86(2), 206–232. https://doi.org/10.17763/0017-8055.86.2.206 weng, p. l., maeda, y., & bouck, e. c. (2014). effectiveness of cognitive skillsbased computer-assisted instruction for students with disabilities: a synthesis. remedial and special education, 35(3), 167-180. https://doi.org/10.1177/0741932513514858 world bank (2020). the covid-19 pandemic: shocks to education and policy responses. world bank. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/33696 https://doi.org/10.1080/17482798.2012.693053 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecresq.2019.07.003 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10665684.2018.1436996 https://doi.org/10.1108/ijilt-06-%202018-0061 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijcci.2020.100220 https://doi.org/10.17763/0017-8055.86.2.206 https://doi.org/10.1177/0741932513514858 https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/33696 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields 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  contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: urban playground: how child-friendly planning and design… 151 urban playground: how child-friendly planning and design can save cities tim gill (2021) london: riba publishing, 208 pages $47.50 (paperback); isbn: 978-1859469293 many urban designers and planners will have come across the idea of child-friendly cities, however few are likely to fully appreciate the enormous potential for childfriendly planning and design to improve cities for all citizens. in urban playground tim gill provides a cogent explanation of why child-friendly planning is not only important for children, but for the future survival of cities themselves. this book is full of insights to help urban designers, planners, politicians and policy makers create more livable, resilient and prosperous cities. moreover, the implications of the arguments in this book go further than “saving cities.” child-friendly urban planning provides an effective strategy for responding to the global challenges currently facing humanity, including the climate emergency and biodiversity loss. gill explains: “looking at planning and design through children’s eyes does not just offer fresh perspectives and a compelling new urban vision. it reveals the best way to set cities on a firm course away from ecological, economic and social decay.” this book shows why child-friendly planning is needed and how it can be done. tim gill is ideally placed to explain the link between child-friendly planning and sustainable cities that are livable for all city residents. his experience in urban design, transport, children’s play and well-being advocacy, planning, and public policy provides a rich understanding of the complexities involved in understanding the changing nature of children’s play and the importance of the people and places around children to their well-being. gill’s research has been widely published in academic and mainstream media. this book provides a holistic perspective that brings together the understandings from researchers, policy makers and children and families themselves. gill explains that not only do children value play opportunities and facilities, they also value walkability, lack of traffic, and the presence of nature. not surprisingly, many of the child-friendly initiatives discussed in the book involve the promotion of child-friendly, active transport modes: walking, cycling and public transit. throughout urban playground, gill emphasizes the importance of taming traffic, particularly on residential streets. child-friendly street design necessitates reducing both the speed and the volume of traffic. gill explains that there is a strong rationale for reducing motor vehicle speeds on almost all urban streets, and this is an integral component of the child-friendly planning in many of the case studies outlined in chapters 3 and 4. lower speeds not only support child-friendly neighborhoods in terms of enhancing children’s safety and mobility; they can also provide opportunities for reclaiming space for play and thus help increase the affordances provided for children. book review: urban playground: how child-friendly planning and design… 152 many cities appreciate that slower streets are safer for children, and many city mayors also realize that prioritizing initiatives for children increases community support for road safety or sustainability initiatives. this is the case, for example, in fortaleza, brazil, where the city focused on the benefits for children in tackling public resistance to initiatives to tame traffic and reduce road space. gill argues that child-friendly planning “is unsurpassed as a way to overcome unreasonable opposition.” urban playground begins by introducing the links between children and urban planning, explaining why planning for children matters. chapter 2 then provides a working definition of child-friendly planning: “an evolving set of ideas about shaping streets, parks, squares and other public spaces so that children are active and visible in urban life. it takes children’s views and experiences seriously, and aims, through planning and design, to expand their opportunities to play, explore and get around their neighborhood and the wider city.” gill employs a conceptual framework devised by the finnish researcher marketta kyttä to describe two key dimensions of child-friendly urban planning. the first focuses on children’s mobility—their ability to get to places, especially on their own (their independent mobility). the second is the number and type of spaces and facilities on offer in a neighborhood (the affordances). chapter 3 provides a detailed case study of rotterdam. a concerted effort by city authorities transformed rotterdam from “the worst municipality in the netherlands to bring up a child” in 2006, to one which now has a well-deserved reputation for child-friendly urban planning with positive social and economic outcomes. while gill notes that the story is not one of unqualified success, valuable lessons and insights come from studying rotterdam’s child-friendly planning approach. children have been involved in new designs for their streets, in many cases creating play features in reclaimed street space. an important lesson from rotterdam is that while some residents have been hostile to making residential streets more child-friendly (e.g., calmer), the city continues to make progress and is clear about its objectives. chapter 4 provides case studies of child-friendly urban planning in 13 cities from north and south america, europe and the middle east. these range from highdensity (e.g., barcelona and fortaleza) to low-density cities (e.g., boulder and edmonton), and include a range of population sizes and average incomes. while gill recognizes that each city is unique and requires its own strategies, the case studies provide valuable examples of child-friendly planning, as well as some of the challenges involved. chapter 4 also outlines broader initiatives that have influenced multiple cities, including unicef’s child-friendly cities initiative, the bernard van leer foundation’s urban95 initiative, and the city of children network, which focuses on building local political support for child-friendly policies. this network was instrumental in helping the mayor of pontevedra, spain, to promote lower speeds, active travel and street play initiatives, all of which contribute to pontevedra’s status as a model child-friendly, livable and environmentally and economically healthy city. book review: urban playground: how child-friendly planning and design… 153 in chapter 5 readers are provided with a detailed and well-explained framework for putting child-friendly planning into practice. the chapter is structured around four “building blocks” of child-friendly neighborhoods, nine “principles” for implementing these, and a set of 18 “tools” (introduced with the relevant principles or building blocks) from which planners and policy makers can find inspiration for their city. for example, “building block 1” is: “livable streets: streets that feel safe and are not dominated by cars.” principle 2 is to “build a shared vision and set of values,” and tool 2 is about “formulating a vision for your city.” part of this tool suggests a “focus on building a long-term, collective vision that responds to the climate crisis and engages with global statements of values and vision such as the un convention on the rights of the child and sustainable development goals.” the “principles” are important not only for child-friendly planning, but also for their economic, political and social value. chapter 6 reflects on issues facing child-friendly planning in the future. these include questions of city density, the challenges of low-income areas and of gentrification, and the dangers of assuming that technology (e.g., self-driving cars) will benefit children in future cities. gill’s writing style, combined with the format of the book, makes reading urban playground a pleasure. this is not another boring academic text. the structure of the book is logical and clearly explained in the first chapter. the arguments about child-friendly planning are clear, engaging and persuasive. they are powerfully supported with superb photos (including some historical photographs), maps (including gis analyses), diagrams and tables. the photos of child-friendly environments from all over the world are high-quality color images, and the largeformat publication size enhances their visual impact. this book is a must-read for all those interested in children’s well-being, and equally for those concerned with the future of cities. urban playground would be an excellent text for urban planning or design courses, urban transport courses, courses on sustainability, and urban geography courses. it has the potential to transform the way we think about our cities and neighborhoods and how they are designed. it provides a well-documented and compelling rationale for child-friendly planning’s role in creating better cities for children and all city residents, as well as promoting global sustainability. more importantly, it provides the techniques and strategies to enable child-friendly planning to thrive in the world’s cities. review by paul tranter paul tranter is an honorary associate professor in the school of science at the university of new south wales, canberra, australia. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. book review: children living in sustainable built environments: new urbanisms… 165 children living in sustainable built environments: new urbanisms, new citizens pia christensen, sophie hadfield-hill, john horton and peter kraftl (2018) new york: routledge, 230 pages $86.71 (hardback); isbn: 978-1138809390 this book is perhaps one of the first of its type: the authors have undertaken a broad, interdisciplinary approach to understanding the daily life, activities, and inclusion of children (aged 9-16) in sustainable communities. the authorssuccessfully employ mixed-methods research, integrating quantitative methods such as gps device mapping with qualitative tools such as photographs, observations, interviews, and community-building workshops. the goal for the research is to investigate the multiple ways children’s lives are (and are not) recursively produced in, through, and with the everyday lives of sustainable urbanism. the book draws its primary inference from a study of 250 people, primarily children (part of the research project called new urbanisms, new citizens) and youth in four newly built sustainable communities in the united kingdom. the research resonates with the contemporary approach to childhood studies, in which children are treated as interconnected social actors and, sometimes, participants and co-researchers who have the power to bring change to their community—and through cultural and societal processes, change within themselves as well. the book has a well-defined, three-part structure: investigating experiences of youth and children, implications of their participation in community building, and finding empirical data to facilitate the building of sustainable communities, especially from the perspective of children. in setting the context, there is no reference to the communities in the broader geographic context. this keeps the location of the study area obscured from readers. the theoretical framework of the book emerges out of prout’s (2005) seminal work that emphasizes the heterogeneity of childhood processes. this, as the authors rightly point out, is in direct contradiction with piaget’s theory that children’s development is homogeneous based on age. a thorough literature review in the introductory section of the book establishes the authors’ formidable knowledge of the subject. the contemporaneity of the book is revealed through the perspectives of intersectionality and intergenerationality with respect to nonhuman materialities. the authors endeavor to comprehensively present principles and visions of sustainable development from across the globe, including the united kingdom, north america, and india. this produces a noteworthy cross-fertilization of ideas regarding the context of sustainability and the physical and social dimensions of sustainable communities. the sustainable community under research uses diverse eco-technologies that the authors find are entangled in the daily lives of the users. the authors’ approach of digging deeper into household members’, including children’s, interactions and daily lived experiences with technology seems to be relatively uncommon. the novel book review: children living in sustainable built environments: new urbanisms… 166 approach rewarded the authors through findings such as a “taken-for-grantedness” of sustainable technologies among child and adult members of the society; while it is common for the children to be curious about, for example, solar panels, in contrast, the adults easily get frustrated with and even opposed to sustainable technologies. the authors cover only the walkability aspect of children’s mobility. the book can be appreciated for laying out a brief historical background of the concept of shared streets, including examples of dutch woonerfs and english home zones. the study finds the children to be very mobile but within boundaries, mostly specified by their parents. contrary to the popular belief that shared streets are commonly used by children for play, the authors argue that children do not prefer shared streets unless those spaces have some kind of enclosure. in analyzing the perception of safety in shared streets, the authors point out that lack of signage in shared streets creates a state of confusion for both motorists and children. while this finding may be novel for sustainable communities of the global north, its veracity is debatable for children living in the cities of the global south where there is limited or no signage except on arterial roads. the study finds significant insights while exploring the roles and experiences of the children as participants in community-making. interviews with children yield three strings of discussion: how the children form an integral and positive force in welcoming of new neighbors, and thus facilitate interaction among the adults of the community; how the children discover nuances of identity, innovative routes and open up spaces for community use; and how the children themselves, or at times along with their parents, construct issues of exclusion based on socio-economic or class distinctions. it is surprising that even in contemporary communities like the ones in this study, the authors find a lack of policy focus on the everyday lives of children. this finding calls for further research on how urban planners can work more closely with children and use their acquired, everyday knowledge. in the chapter titled “vital politics,” the authors argue that the younger population members are often considered to be outsiders, affecting the position of children and youth in the political scenario. this finding reflects the bitter truth of exclusion of children from urban policies that have been discussed previously by eminent authors of children literature like lynch (1977) and chawla (2002). the findings in this field are not particularly new, but the authors remind readers of the fact that inclusiveness was an integral part of the vision of the (sustainable) communities in this study. the authors introduce the context of children and play through a comprehensive historical discussion establishing play as an essential entity and right in a child’s life. this is probably one of the few chapters where the authors go extensively beyond the boundaries of europe and north america and discuss the state of play from diverse cultures. the book discusses the relationship of public space to children’s play—how the usage of space changes with the advent of children within it, and the impact of public space on social relationships within the community. the authors’ stance on this aspect is an important and rather uncommon one: they argue for “denaturing” the childhood-nature-play triad, not by taking away the book review: children living in sustainable built environments: new urbanisms… 167 element of nature but by adding openness to the definition of nature and play. they emphasize that development can not be based on play alone unless we accept a broader definition of play that includes a range of opportunities for all the users of a community. owing to the constant migration of population from rural to urban places where space is getting constricted, this is probably a thought to be contemplated. in conclusion, the authors call for researchers in multidisciplinary fields to work together in understanding the impacts of sustainable communities on children around the globe. the book presents a good narrative, especially with raw interview data that allows the readers to draw subjective interpretations of the issues. also, as the book covers a wide range of subjects, we get a holistic view of lives at these sustainable communities through nuanced views from different socio-economic actors. the book’s inclusion of essential historical background on various themes (such as children’s literature, sustainable development, play, shared streets) allows a novice reader on the subject to comprehend the issues. being an urban planner and architect myself, i feel there is a definite lack of graphics, specifically when discussing the built environment and design aspect of spaces and streets. some of the recent works by carroll and colleagues (2015) and krishnamurthy (2019) focus on this aspect of the built environment and children’s use of contemporary everyday spaces. although this book at times engages examples from around the globe, the inferences seem to be confined within the geographical and cultural boundaries of the studied environment. they should be tested in the light of diverse socio-cultural aspects. to conclude, this is a very well-written book and should be read and further built upon by researchers and practitioners from various perspectives of childhood studies, including urban planning, the built environment, and human geography. overall, the book is thorough in its theoretical framework, methodology, and the nuances of its findings, based on which the authors conclude that there is a hopeful future in the field of childhood studies. references carroll, p., witten, k., kearns, r., & donovan, p. (2015). kids in the city: children’s use and experiences of urban neighbourhoods in auckland, new zealand. journal of urban design 20(4), 417-436. chawla, l. (ed.) (2002). growing up in an urbanizing world. london: earthscan publications. krishnamurthy, s. (2019). reclaiming spaces: child inclusive urban design. cities & health 3(1-2), 86-98. lynch, k. (ed.) (1977). growing up in cities. cambridge, mass: mit press. book review: children living in sustainable built environments: new urbanisms… 168 prout, a. (2004). the future of childhood: towards the interdisciplinary study of children. review by arindam roy arindam roy is a ph.d. student in regional development planning in the school of planning, college of design, architecture, art and planning (daap) at the university of cincinnati. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.  2018 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 28(2), 2018 living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children christiana cabicieri profice universidade estadual de santa cruz léa tiriba universidade federal do estado do rio de janeiro citation: profice, c. c., & tiriba, l. (2018). living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children. children, youth and environments, 28(2), 102-116. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi abstract in a contemporary context of material and symbolic distancing between people and nature and the urbanization of living spaces, researchers sounded the alarm about the nature deficit and negative consequences on child health and well-being. this research aimed to explore how nature is experienced during school by tupinambá children, an ethnic group in brazil. starting from concepts such as biophilia, affordances, and place, we describe the research background of the tupinambá, as well as their life context. we adopt a multi-method approach using photographic and interview records as well as participatory observations. our results allow us to affirm that participants’ daily school life promotes biophilia through outdoor activities and direct contact with nature. in nature, children perceive affordances through interactions with living beings and landscape elements. traditional knowledge is shared in daily school life and teachers allow children to make their own discoveries in the natural environment. the tupinambá experience can inspire schools in other contexts to carry out activities in nature and thus promote environmental awareness. keywords: children and nature, indigenous community, place attachment, biophilia, affordances http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 103 introduction in an urban and industrialized society, nature and human beings belong to distinct worlds; it is this concept that underlies the contemporary socio-environmental crisis. this divorce between nature and culture has made technological-scientific societies use living beings and ecosystem services as natural resources endowed with economic value. at the same time, traditional communities in developing countries that subsist and support their way of life and culture through nature are increasingly vulnerable to the expansion of cities and agricultural frontiers over forests. however, the urbanization of living environments is an issue that affects both industrialized countries and emergent ones such as brazil. the un predicts that by 2050 the world's urban population will reach 66 percent (unfpa, 2017). according to a recent study, 70 percent of the brazilian population already lives in urban areas (ibge, 2013). people’s daily lives, and particularly those of children, increasingly occur in closed, built environments with artificial lighting and climate control, populated by inanimate beings and electronic devices. thus, the development and urbanization of western industrialized societies confine children in houses and schools with limited opportunities for interaction with nature, its beings, and life processes. against this background of material and symbolic distancing between people and nature, over the last decades many childhood and human development researchers have sounded the alarm about the negative consequences on child health and wellbeing (chawla, 1992; 2009; soga & gaston, 2016; wells, 2000). concepts such as biophilia (wilson, 1984) and nature deficit (louv, 2009) have inspired investigations about the child-nature connection. in short, this research contends that natural contexts offer interactive opportunities with living beings and processes that are fundamental to individual development. moreover, the deprivation of this type of natural experience entails damage to both humans and nature itself. without experiencing nature directly, and thinking about it only in terms of resources to be exploited, people feel less concerned about or committed to solving the serious environmental problems caused by the expansion of cities, such as the reduction of forests and the loss of socio-biodiversity. with these ideas in mind, our research aimed to explore how nature is experienced by tupinambá children during the school period. in the next section, we present the theoretical references that guide the field of child-nature research, as well as the concepts adopted in our work, namely: biophilia, affordances, and place attachment. next, we describe the research background of the tupinambá ethnic group in brazil, as well as their life context in their socio-historical and environmental dimensions. in the methods section, we describe participants and procedures we adopted in our multi-method approach, using photographic and interview records as well as participatory observations. in the results and discussion sections, we share research data and discuss them from our theoretical perspective. in the conclusion, we consider the importance of promoting direct interactions between children and nature, especially during the school period. living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 104 conceptual framework in the assessment of child-nature interaction, the concept of biophilia (wilson, 1984) is often discussed in the literature of person-environment studies (crain, 2011; kellert & wilson, 1993; zhang, goodale & chen, 2014; profice, santos & anjos, 2016). biophilia refers to humans’ attraction to living beings and natural elements and environments. although conceived of as a human condition, biophilia happens through people's experiences (vygotsky, 2010), especially through opportunities to interact with animals, plants, trees, forests, lakes, and beaches. hence, we can assume that children who spend most of their time indoors with little or no contact with nature have their biophilia interrupted, or at least disturbed. in this scenario of nature deficit (louv, 2009), children are deprived of contact with other living beings and tend to know them less, and are thus less knowledgeable about their protection. alternatively, children who interact daily with the beings and elements of nature have their biophilia promoted, are aware of natural processes and cycles, tend to regard nature highly, and feel responsible for its protection. the concept of affordances is also relevant to our discussion. affordances are defined as properties in the environment that are recognized by animals, including humans, through their own bodily and mental equipment of interaction (gibson, 1979). under this perspective, children unveil ways to interact with other people, beings, and elements in their environments (natural or built). we can only find affordances when there is a body in an environment; we can never identify them separately, whether in the individual or the surroundings (heft, 1988). in contexts of natural predominance, children perceive affordances according to their own physical and mental conditions; for example, for a small child, a tree can serve as shadow or shelter, while for an older one it can incite them to climb to get a fruit or simply to hang on. in this sense, outdoor free play is very relevant to promoting biophilia, enabling children to experience affordances in nature without objects or equipment; their own biophilic tendency guides their bodies to interact with living beings, processes, and natural elements. another important concept for our research is place attachment, that is, the positive bonds between people or with a particular location where well-being is experienced (chawla, 1992). children’s place attachments, like affordances, are dependent on the characteristics of each individual or group as well as aspects of the environment. the experience of a place is carried in memory, through smells, sounds, light, textures, and sensations of well-being and safety or uneasiness and apprehension. all dimensions from the environment contribute to place attachment. children develop their attachment to nature as a place through their everyday, recurrent and meaningful experiences with living beings and natural processes. in conditions where interactions with natural beings and environments are limited and have little meaning for children, place attachment occurs in closed environments between walls populated by objects and unnatural processes. we can therefore articulate our conceptual references as follows: in life contexts where nature is present, biophilia is experienced—children know and affectively attach themselves to natural beings and elements, and are prone to protect them. alternatively, in life living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 105 contexts with little nature, biophilia is interrupted—children do not create a positive attachment to the natural world and tend not to care about its protection. research background although urbanization is a dominant global tendency, some communities continue to live in tight, direct, and daily contact with nature and its elements. some of these are traditional communities that are local and indigenous, such as the tupinambá. the land of the tupinambá of olivença is in ilhéus, bahia, in northeast brazil. the tupinambá were the first indigenous people in brazil to have contact with european travelers and colonizers during the xvith century. the way of life and cultural reality of the two groups were significantly different in terms of their traditions, political organization, religious rituals, and education. one of the main differences between the two cultures, with respect to how children are treated, was the fact that the indigenous culture did not exploit children for labor, nor did it inflict punishment or physical and verbal abuse on children (fernandes, 1975). today, about 4,300 tupinambá of olivença indians live in a community located in the municipalities of ilhéus, buerarema, and una, in the state of bahia. they live in a zone of the brazilian atlantic forest biome, which is highly threatened by the advances of urbanization and deforestation. in this context, in 2009, research groups led by the authors, the socio environmental studies and research group from the universidade estadual de santa cruz and the childhood, ancestral traditions, and environment culture research group from the universidade federal do estado do rio de janeiro, in partnership with teachers and indigenous leaders, initiated a research effort that focused on the interaction between children and natural environments, and their outdoor activities during school time. as of 2014, the research team has carried out observations of the daily school routine of 10 branches of the indigenous tupinambá school of olivença (ceito) using a multimethod and participatory approach (darbyshire, macdougall, & schiller, 2005). the school branches, except for the central school, are simple local buildings that are adapted to function as a school with multiple grades and multiple ages. the 10 branch schools were sapucaeira, katuana, low acuípe, middle acuípe i, middle acuípe ii, taba jairi, tukum, serra negra, itapoã, and mamão. method participants and procedures we conducted drawing sessions and interviews with 91 children aged 6 to 14 years. the mean age of the sample was 8.55 years (sd = 1.85 years), and 45 of them (49.5 percent) were girls, while 46 (50.5 percent) were boys. outdoor school activities were videotaped and photographed. we also interviewed teachers, but these data are still being analyzed, and they will be presented in a future publication. the research team comprised the two authors of this work, as well as undergraduate and master’s students.1 1 all the ethical and institutional research protocols for studies with indigenous communities were adhered to, with ethical approval obtained from the national council of research living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 106 like all the national indigenous schools, the ceito’s political pedagogical project is guided by the national indigenous education guidelines (mec, 2012). according to these guidelines, the indigenous schools must do their best to respect community traditions, the knowledge shared through generations, and the traditional methods of educating that are specific to each group or ethnicity. these guidelines affirm that indigenous school education must be differentiated, bilingual, and specific to each group. accordingly, and in consonance with the local context, a part of the everyday school routine at the ceito is conducted outdoors, in direct interaction with the natural world. further, 80 percent of the ceito’s teachers stated that they spent more than one hour per day outdoors within a four-hour school period, in the mornings or evenings. however, the teachers who participated in the present study were educated in conventional public schools, since at that time the regulation referred to above did not yet exist. for this reason, the indigenous schools used both western educational practices and cultural activities in a local hybrid between the written, western way of teaching and learning, and the oral transmission of traditional knowledge. as mentioned earlier, the tupinambás were the first indigenous group to have contact with the european world in the 1500s. consequently, they incorporated western cultural and pedagogical features in their school practices. the researchers visited each school branch twice. in the first session, children were instructed to draw pictures based on the theme “nature and the natural world around you.” each child received a square, blank sheet of paper (21cm × 21cm) and a box of 12 colored pencils. as they completed their drawings, they were interviewed by previously trained members of the research team. during these interviews, each child was first asked to describe their drawing and its elements. then, the children answered five questions about their feelings and knowledge about nature: what are your feelings about nature? what is the value of nature? what is good about nature? what is bad about nature? how should human beings’ relationship with nature be? at the end of the interview, we asked them questions related to indigenous belongingness and evaluation of the school. an analysis of these last questions has not been included in the present article. ethics. free and informed voluntary participation forms were collected, as well as permission for use of the images. living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 107 results and discussion nature outside the school figure 1. playing in the sand (source: research team) during the school period, the teacher accompanied the children to a beach; the children climbed a hill and then slid down the sand (figure 1). the ability of children to realize the playful affordances of their environment is evident here. another relevant reflection is the low interference on the part of the adult educator, who observed the children but did not always participate actively in the game. the children belonged to multiple age groups, and they did not require equipment, paraphernalia, or industrialized toys to engage in play. the properties of sand and its arrangement showed the children what can be done: slide, climb, roll, run, sink, and build. thus, this activity was direct, with little mediation, and without instructions or interference. the sand hill was high, and it allowed for a broad view of the atlantic forest around it. living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 108 figure 2. swimming in the creek (source: research team) while swimming in the river, the children had direct interaction with the water. again, the game was nature itself; a tree branch was a trampoline, and it was possible to dive, swim, float, run, climb, and balance on the rocks (figure 2). the children’s perception of these affordances did result from an adult-centric and explanatory pedagogical orientation, characteristic of western and urban schools. the central and organizing axis was nature itself, its elements, and their configuration. children knew how to play and have fun there; they did not need guidance from the teacher. the educators were present, but they rarely interfered when monitoring the group. this is consistent with observations of how indigenous and traditional people educate and learn. figure 3 shows rope play outside the school. the children jumped as the teacher, who held one end of the rope, sang to mark a rhythm that accelerated progressively. in this image, it is evident that the school building and the outside premises did not have very precise borders; the outdoor spaces were an extension of the school, which are much ampler than its building, which is generally a very simple house with few comfortable furnishings. living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 109 figure 3. rope play in front of the school figure 4. playing on a tree (source: research team) living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 110 a tree provided distinct affordances for children: climbing, hanging upside down, playing in groups under its shade, reaping its fruit, and looking up and down (figure 4). in this way, nature also promotes group play, face-to-face interactions, peer negotiations, and the negotiation of rules. again, adults did not need to interfere or set standards to prevent things from getting out of control. this allowed the children to self-organize. indigenous school education guidelines demand that educators continually reflect on their practices, mediating school practices and experiences in nature, and placing themselves as facilitators of the teachinglearning process and not the protagonists. among the indigenous educators, we did not observe panic about safety issues in the outdoor activities. the opposite happens in urban and conventional schools, in which children leaving a school building to experience nature is perceived to be difficult and risky. indigenous teachers are attentive to the safety of all, yet they do not assume that a disaster, such as drowning, falling, or breaking a bone, is imminent. they are not terrified of the presence of animals and insects or of diseases and contamination. outdoor school experiences allow children to observe nature, its elements, beings, and processes; such activities motivate movement, observation, contemplation, and cognitive curiosity. our observations revealed a high degree of autonomy of movement in tupinambá boys and girls; they moved around in groups or alone in the environment. the older ones took care of the younger ones, handling instruments that are not common in the hands of urban children, like knives and machetes. what children feel and know about nature table 1 shows the frequency of the children’s responses, distributed in categories defined from the analysis of the material itself. children’s responses to open-ended questions were grouped thematically by the researchers. good feelings were expressed in 71.4 percent of the answers to the first question. regarding the value of nature examined in the second question, it is clear that the children were aware of nature’s direct importance in everyday life, guaranteeing ecosystem services (energy, water, and air) and human well-being (44.0 percent and 20.9 percent, respectively). the same trend was observed in the third question about what is good in nature. children’s responses most often included living beings, ecosystem resources and services, and responses related to human well-being. in their response to the question about what is bad in nature, children highlighted dangerous animals and poisonous plants (38.5 percent), followed by responses of “nothing” (40.7 percent). regarding the ideal relationship between humans and nature, most children (48.4 percent) were found to adopt a biocentric attitude, in which they favored other living beings in interactions with people. a further 31.9 percent of the children were interpreted to have an eco-centric attitude, in which human beings and other beings of nature must be mutually benefited through interactions. finally, only 2.2 percent of the children were identified to have an anthropocentric attitude, in which humans have primacy over natural beings and processes and can make use of them indiscriminately. finally, 17 percent of the responses were categorized as indefinite/no response. living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 111 table 1. answer clusters from interview questions what are your feelings about nature? good feelings 71.4% bad feelings 2.2% resources 3.3% ethical/environmental concerns 13.2% others/no answer 9.9% total 100% what is the value of nature? ecosystem resources and services 44% human well-being 20.9% environmental issues 8.8% others/no answer 26.4% total 100% what is good in nature? animals, plants, and landscape elements 56% resources, ecosystem services, and human well-being 25.3% everything 8.8% others/no answer 9.9% total 100% what is bad in nature? aggressive animals, poisons, dangerous plants, and natural disasters 38.5% human behaviors that damage nature 5.5% nothing 40.7% others/no answer 15.3% total 100% how should human beings’ relationship with nature be? biocentric 48.4% eco-centric 31.9% anthropocentric 2.2% undefined/no answer 17.6% total 100% as demonstrated above, the questions asked in the interviews did not focus on the theme of play, but the words “to play” and “play” appeared spontaneously in 14.3 percent (n = 13) of the participating child interviews. in some interviews, even when the word “play” did not appear, it was possible to recognize that participation in the natural environment and its elements were part of the playful universe of children. living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 112 eight-year-old rilary, for example, included her home and her school, along with the river and a rock in her depiction of “nature” (figure 5). the landscape includes natural elements that are in harmony. in spite of the absence of a human figure, the positive attachment to the place can be perceived by the anthropomorphism of the calm and smiling sun. in her interview, rilary was able to associate nature with good experiences; pleasant affective memories; aesthetic pleasure; and important natural resources like water, solar energy, and wind; as well as a source of income like cocoa. the sun and the rain provide playfulness and enchantment (table 2). figure 5. rilary, 8 years old table 2. interview of rilary, 8 years old what are your feelings about nature? i think it’s very beautiful. i like it. there’s a place that goes from my grandmother’s house to the beautiful beach; i think nature is beautiful. what is the value of nature? to make a house, to make a river with water, a tree is used to give an apple, to give fruit, and also gives the rain that gives water to drink, the sun to dry clothes, dry the cocoa to sell. what is good in nature? a house, a river, the sun to play, the rain that i also like to fill the tanks, that’s it. what is bad in nature? to eat spoiled fruits, and to drink beach water. that is bad, and you cannot. how should human beings’ relationship with nature be? because people find nature to be beautiful; it has beautiful scenery and also has a lot of pretty things, tasty things, and fruits. living in nature and having a lot of good things; live in nature too, because it is beautiful and very good. living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 113 nine-year-old joão pedro’s drawing (figure 6) included the forest, his house, two rivers, bushes, clouds, the sun, fish, coconut trees, his parents holding hands, and the road. he explained that it was raining and the fish were swimming. nature is omnipresent in his life; she is present in all forms and demands care and attention. according to him, there is nothing bad in nature. the smiling face of the sun completes the landscape that provides well-being and security. in his interview, he revealed his biophilic tendency and attachment to the natural world that surrounds him (table 3). planting and caring are activities that complement each other and are beneficial both to the people who feed on the plants and for the protection of nature. figure 6. joão pedro, 9 years old table 3. interview of joão pedro, 9 years old what are your feelings about nature? we must take care, plant, and care with tenderness what is the value of nature? to plant stuff what is good in nature? there are plants and rivers what is bad in nature? nothing how should human beings’ relationship with nature be? it must be a relationship of love and care final considerations this study demonstrates how nature is experienced by tupinambá children during the school period and their feelings about the natural world. through the use of different methodological tools, it was possible to estimate the participants’ biophilic living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 114 tendencies and to identify their play affordances, as well as their attachment to the natural place in which they live. nature is ubiquitous in their lives, and tupinambá children are aware of its importance in their daily life and well-being. this indicates how natural and human interests are shared in this community through their traditional knowledge. like all low-income communities in brazil, indigenous people experience the problems of a society with unjust income distribution. health, transportation, and education public services are precarious. teachers work for a minimum wage and rarely have opportunities for training. despite this unfavorable social context, tupinambá teachers recreate their pedagogy daily, integrating nature into their school practices, and thus strengthening children’s biophilia and attachment to the natural place. from our research, we can conclude that school, whether in traditional or urban communities and in emerging or industrialized countries, has an essential role in promoting child-nature interaction. it is in school that children spend much of their life and where socially relevant knowledge is shared. we cannot let this everyday experience be wasted in closed and lifeless environments, have teachers and students teaching and learning knowledge that reinforces the separation between people and nature. schools need to go outside and include living things and natural processes in their own pedagogical dynamics. children need free play opportunities in nature to promote their biophilia so that they develop attachment to living beings and the landscape. future research should focus on theoretical deepening, methodological improvement and, if possible, on conducting longitudinal studies to identify the extent to which childhood experiences in nature strengthen biophilia and contribute to environmental awareness. christiana cabicieri profice has a ph.d. in psychology and is a full professor in the department of philosophy and human sciences of the state university of santa cruz (uesc) in ilhéus / bahia. she is a researcher and lecturer in the postgraduate program in development and environment and conducts research in the area of human-environment studies and social-environmental interactions. she currently coordinates interdisciplinary research on children's environmental perception of nature. léa tiriba has a ph.d. in education. she is a full professor in the school of education at the federal university of rio de janeiro (unirio) in rio de janeiro. she is a researcher and teacher in the graduate program in education and develops research in the area of early childhood education and the training of educators. she currently coordinates research on the conception of childhood and nature and the role of the school in environmental education. references chawla, l. (1992). childhood place attachment. in i. altman, & s. low (eds.), human behavior and environment (pp. 63-86). new york: plenum press. living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 115 chawla, l. (2009). growing up green: becoming an agent of care for the natural world. the journal of developmental processes, 4(1), 6-23. crain, w. (2011). theories of development: concepts and applications. new york: pearson educator inc. darbyshire, p., macdougall, c., & schiller, w. (2005). multiple methods in qualitative research with children: more insight or just more? qualitative research, 5(4). http://doi.org/10.1177/1468794105056921. fernandes, f. (1975). notas sobre a educação na sociedade tupinambá. in f. fernandes (ed.), a investigação etnológica no brasil e outros ensaios (pp. 33-83). petrópolis: vozes. gibson, j. (1979). the ecological approach of visual perception. boston: houghton miffin. heft, h. (1988). affordances of children's environments: a functional approach to environment description. children's environments quarterly, 5(3), 29-37. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi ibge (2013). pesquisa nacional de amostra de domicílios. retreived from http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/estatistica/populacao/trabalhoerendimento/pn ad2013/default_brasil.shtm kellert, s., & wilson, e. (1993). the biophilia hypothesis. washington: island press. louv, r. (2009). last child in the woods: saving our children from nature-deficit disorder. chapel hill: algonquin books. mec (2012). diretrizes curriculares nacionais da educação básica. profice, c., santos, g. m., & anjos, n. a. (2016). children and nature in tukum village: indigenous education and biophilia. journal of child & adolescent behavior, 4(6), 1-6. http://dx.doi.org/10.4172/2375-4494.1000320 soga, m., & gaston, k. (2016). extinction of experience: the loss of human–nature interactions. frontiers in ecology and environment, 14(2), 94–101. http://doi:10.1002/fee.1225 vygotsky, l. s. (2010). quarta aula: a questão do meio na pedologia. psicologia usp, 21(4), 681-701. http://doi:10.1590/s0103-65642010000400003 wilson, e. o. (1984). bioplilia. cambridge: harvard university press. http://doi.org/10.1177/1468794105056921 http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublication?journalcode=chilyoutenvi http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/estatistica/populacao/trabalhoerendimento/pnad2013/default_brasil.shtm http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/estatistica/populacao/trabalhoerendimento/pnad2013/default_brasil.shtm http://dx.doi.org/10.4172/2375-4494.1000320 http://doi:10.1002/fee.1225 http://doi:10.1590/s0103-65642010000400003 living and playing in nature: daily experiences of tupinambá children 116 wells. n. (2000). at home with nature: effects of “greenness” on children’s cognitive functioning. environment and behavior, 32(6), 775-795. http://doi/abs/10.1177/00139160021972793 unfpa (2017). the state of world population. retrieved from https://www.unfpa.org/swop zhang, w., goodale, e., & chen, j. (2014). how contact with nature affects children’s biophilia, biophobia and conservation attitude in china. biological conservation, 177, 109-116. http://doi:10.1016/j.biocon.2014.06.011 http://doi/abs/10.1177/00139160021972793 https://www.unfpa.org/swop http://doi:10.1016/j.biocon.2014.06.011 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open 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children, youth and environment network university of cincinnati volume number 2020 1 30 photo size children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati i editors: dr. victoria carr, dr. rhonda brown, and dr. vikas mehta, university of cincinnati managing editor: leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati assistant managing editor: ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book+media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and ozlemnur ataol, eindhoven university of technology copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial advisory board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; yolanda alicia corona-caraveo, universidad autónoma metropolitana xochimilco, mexico; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image from meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12 student experiences of the school cafeteria by christine c. caruso and amy rosenthal children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii acknowledgement of reviewers as editors of children, youth and environments, we count on the informed judgment of our reviewers to make the highest quality research and information available online to scholars and practitioners around the world. in a doubleblind review process, a minimum of two experts contribute comments about each paper published in cye. their advice is essential to determining whether an article is accepted for publication and invaluable to authors when undertaking revisions. we, therefore, take this opportunity to thank all those who have acted as reviewers for cye during the last year for your time, energy and commitment to the journal! the following list reflects reviewers of papers in 2019. — the editors jennifer adams, university of calgary, canada; sabirah adams, university of cape town, south africa; sylvia almeida, monash university, australia; avianto amri, macquarie university, australia; eva ärlemalm-hagsér, mälardalen university, sweden; sally atkinson-sheppard, bath spa university, uk; stephanie ayers, arizona state university, usa; meeta banerjee, california state university, northridge, usa; gina besenyi, kansas state university, usa; mark blades, the university of sheffield, uk; louise chawla, university of colorado, boulder, usa; mary ann davis, university of new orleans, usa; laura dell, university of cincinnati, usa; claire dente, west chester university of pennsylvania, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; yke eijkemans, utrecht university, netherlands; megan ennes, university of florida, usa; kim ferguson, sarah lawrence college, usa; mariela fernandez, clemson university, usa; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway, norway; leah frerichs, university of north carolina, chapel hill, usa; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; brandi gilbert, the urban institute, usa; matteo giusti, university of gavle, sweden; abigail hackett, manchester metropolitan university, uk; julia hall, d'youville college, usa; christina han, university of british columbia, canada; susan handy, university of california, davis, usa; jorgelina hardoy, iied america latina, argentina; harry heft, denison university, usa; liisa horelli, aalto university, finland; laura huerta migus, association of children's museums, usa; fran hughes, tafe nsw, australia; andrew kaczynski, university of south carolina, usa; peter kahn, university of washington, usa; yue li, miami university, ohio, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; yany lopez, university of the philippines, philippines; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine maxwell, cornell university, usa; clea mcneely, university of tennessee, knoxville, usa; laura nabors, university of cincinnati, usa; arthur orsini, vancouver coastal health, canada; ayse ozbil, northumbria university, uk; jenny ritchie, victoria university of wellington, new zealand; kim rollings, university of notre dame, usa; fahriye sancar, university of colorado–boulder, usa; susan schmidt, luther college, usa; ramphal sillah, midlands state university, zimbabwe; jamie spinney, southern utah university, usa; ruth steiner, university of florida, usa; jodi streelasky, university of victoria, canada; paul tranter, unsw canberra, australia; trish tucker, university of western ontario, canada; ziba vaghri, university of victoria, canada; mohan vinjamuri, lehman college, city university of new york, usa; anne margrethe wagner, university of copenhagen, denmark; nancy wells, cornell university, usa; ruth wilson, bowling green state university, usa. children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth and environments vol. 30 no. 1 2020 issn 1546-2250 as this issue of children, youth and environments (cye) goes to press, living, working, learning, and playing exclusively in home environments have been the norm for millions of people across the globe while the covid 19 pandemic continues its community spread. some people only find the situation an inconvenience, but manageable. too many others are besieged with job loss, inadequate housing, and mental health issues and we would like to express our hope for worldwide compassion toward those whose needs are immeasurable and for those who have lost loved ones to the coronavirus. we respect and applaud the health care providers and other essential workers who are on the frontline in the fight to reduce virus casualties and ensure basic needs for others are met. we encourage everyone to adhere to the guidelines set forth by the world health organization and the center for disease control as businesses and services re-open. you may notice a new look in the front matter for this issue of cye that includes a list of our editors, advisory board, and editorial review board members. we have also acknowledged the many reviewers whose time and commitment to ensuring manuscripts published in cye are of the highest quality. we would like to express our appreciation for the contributions of the many people who continue to bring interesting research, field reports, and book and media reviews to our esteemed readership. cye offers a unique niche journal for dissemination of scholarship and practice and we are continually awed by the work submitted by cye authors. inside this issue, you will find tignanelli’s report on the antipodean cities project aimed to connect geographically distant cities through children’s collective cartographies. storli and green detail their respective research on children’s experiences in outdoor environments and tejada’s research describes how self and collective efficacy and youth agency are critical to youths’ responses to global environmental change. fadgen, kozu, and prescott’s article provides a comparative analysis of law and policies in three countries as a means for improving children’s safety and welfare after a natural disaster and caruso and rosenthal report the findings of their investigation into students’ experiences in the cafeteria. another interesting article focuses on the tapestry of stories myers weaves to highlight the struggles and protective factors for lgbtqiap+ youth. we wrap this issue with several reviews of books, some with authors’ responses, that promise to be of interest to our readers. happy reading! children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv children, youth and environments vol. 30 no. 1 2020 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles protecting children in foster care during natural disasters: a comparison of the united states, aotearoa new zealand, and japan timothy p. fadgen, shuei kozu, and dana e. prescott 1-24 narratives from the closet: stories of lgbtqiap+ youth karen myers and katherine r. evans 25-46 exploring rural alaskan children’s spatial autonomy and environmental competency through a draw-write-and-tell method carie j. green and shayle lliaban 47-65 children’s involvement in free play and the use of play materials in the outdoor early childhood education and care environment rune storli, ellen beate hansen sandseter, and ole johan sando 66-82 attitudes and perceptions of environmental change among youth living in public housing jacqueline tejada, stephanie nisle, and jeffrey m. jenson 83-100 meeting students where they eat: a qualitative study exploring k-12 student experiences of the school cafeteria christine c. caruso and amy rosenthal 101-122 field report antipode cities: primal urbanism valentino tignanelli 123-134 book reviews building kids’ citizenship through community engagement by bob coulter reviewed by bijan kimiagar 135-138 author’s response by bob coulter children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati v children, youth and environments vol. 30 no. 1 2020 issn 1546-2250 table of contents continued book reviews continued disclosing childhoods: research and knowledge production for a critical childhood studies by spyros spyrou reviewed by claire o’kane 139-143 author’s response by spyros spyrou placemaking with children and youth: participatory practices for planning sustainable communities by victoria derr, louise chawla, and mara mintzer reviewed by jackie bourke 144-146 shaping urbanization for children: a handbook on child-responsive urban planning by jens aert reviewed by tuline gülgönen 147-150 author’s response by jens aert film review inventing tomorrow, directed by laura nix reviewed by victoria derr 151-153 vol 30 no 1 cover and fm cye_cover_30_1 front matter cye front matter cye login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription 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subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. front matter cye 33 1 2023 a journal of research, policy and applications children, youth and environments network university of cincinnati volume number 2023 1 33 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati i editors: dr. victoria carr, dr. rhonda brown, and dr. vikas mehta, university of cincinnati managing editor: dr. leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati assistant managing editor: ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book+media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and dr. ozlemnur ataol, maastricht university copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial advisory board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; yolanda alicia corona-caraveo, universidad autónoma metropolitana xochimilco, mexico; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image: frolicking on the nearby beach from the historical note youth village hedenesse: the rise and demise of a progressive youth initiative by willem van vliet- children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii acknowledgement of reviewers as editors of children, youth and environments, we count on the informed judgment of our reviewers to make the highest quality research and information available online to scholars and practitioners around the world. in a doubleblind review process, a minimum of two experts contribute comments about each paper published in cye. their advice is essential to determining whether an article is accepted for publication and invaluable to authors when undertaking revisions. we, therefore, take this opportunity to thank all those who have acted as reviewers for cye during the last year for your time, energy and commitment to the journal! the following list reflects reviewers of papers in 2022. — the editors mohit kumar agarwal, bbd university; fatemeh aminpour, unsw australia; kathryn j. andrews, st. bonaventure university; eva ärlemalm-hagsér, mälardalen university; firtri arlinkasari, queensland university of technology; özlemnur ataol, maastricht university; paula barros, the federal university of minas gerais; michelle e. e. bauer, university of ottawa; thomas beery, university of kristianstad; sarah bexell, university of denver; mark blades, the university of sheffield; mary boat, university of cincinnati; elizabeth boileau, university of minnesota duluth; alison bowers, stanford university; brenton button, university of winnipeg; caitlin cahill, pratt institute; johana evelyn castilla, university of stavanger; louise chawla, university of colorado boulder; keith christensen, utah state university; aaron clark-ginsberg, rand corporation; dawn coe, the university of tennessee, knoxville; kylie dankiw, university of south australia; victoria derr, california state university, monterey bay; antonio duran, florida international university; sue elliott, university of new england, australia; christina ergler, university of otago; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago; samantha friedman, northumbria university; yuya fukano, chiba university; carie green, south dakota state university; sarah gusler, university of cincinnati; matthew hagler, yale university; debra harwood, brock university; harry heft, denison university; ahed helles, al-aqsa university; christine hempel, aarhus university; benjamin hickerson, unc greensboro; liisa horelli, aalto university; janine hunter, university of dundee; stephen hunter, university of alberta; wanda hurren, university of victoria; steven b. jackson, north carolina state university; susan jagger, ryerson university; lenka janik blaskova, university of exeter; charlotte jones, university of tasmania; jin-kyu jung, university of washington bothell; isami kinoshita, chiba university; angela kreutz, deakin university; erin largo-wight, university of north florida; rachel larimore, michigan state university; claire lee, oxford brookes university; susan letourneau, new york hall of science; janet loebach, cornell university; raejean lopez, university of cincinnati; helen lynch, university college cork; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university; anne louise meincke, university of dundee; scott morrison, elon university; kathleen nolan, st. francis college; catriona o'toole, maynooth university; deniz pamuk, mersin university; chelsea pelletier, unbc; barry percy-smith, university huddersfield; panu pihkala, university of helsinki; pavol prokop, comenius university bratislava; ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati; gabby salazar, university of florida; loukia sarroub, university of nebraska-lincoln; kym simoncini, university of canberra; givago souza, universidade federal do pará; michael sulkowski, university of alabama; pauline van den berg, eindhoven university of technology; susan wake, unitec institute of technology; robert warner, university of utah; nancy wells, cornell university; yuchang yuan, university of cincinnati; janet zydney, university of cincinnati. children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 1 2023 issn 1546-2250 inside this issue, you will find diverse scholarly work spanning across the globe. we start our trip in istanbul where ataol and co-authors studied online artwork elicitations of children to reveal young people’s value as social agents in urban planning and their role in fighting against the continuous challenges our planet faces. ataol and co-authors also demonstrate that children’s participation better informs when children guide knowledge generation. crossing the globe, we arrive in toronto where souza donato and co-authors examine how neighborhood landscape affordances relate to children’s play during covid-19. findings suggest the greater number of landscape characteristics and the higher the population density is related to decreased time spent outdoors. additionally, children who had access to trails within their neighborhoods were more likely to spend time outdoors during the pandemic. moving south, we arrive in the midwestern united states where altenburger conducted an ethnographic case study examining how building design focused on engagement and safety is used to also support school practices. ultimately, findings revealed that the educational environment that prioritizes students’ containment to secure sufficient attendance rates leaves the teenagers feeling betrayed and untrusted. heading across the atlantic ocean, we arrive in scotland where rae and co-authors looked at the relationship between school environment and identity development to reveal access to social places relates to social identity. next, we arrive in sweden, where almers and co-authors address how primary school children’s perspectives on a ‘good schoolyard’ can be illuminated through envisioning workshops using model-making and explain ways to best engage children through this type of research. heading to the southern hemisphere, we arrive in australia where miller and co-authors investigated the distribution and use of purpose-built nature play spaces to reveal their prevalence and suggest most south australian schools have facilities to provide nature-based play and learning. we end our world tour in brazil where silva and iared studied children’s sensory responses to green areas around their school to reveal interesting and rich ways urban contexts can be used to spark interest in environmental education. the issue continues with a historical note by van vilet– detailing the emergence of ‘hedenesse,’ a self-governing youth village in west zeeuws-flanders, the netherlands, after world war ii. this is followed by a report from the field. dillon and co-authors share their project focusing on outdoor gardening in early childhood education in the united arab emirates. we close our issue with bergamini’s review of earthquake children: building resilience from the ruins of tokyo, by janet borland. happy reading! children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 1 2023 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles co-generating urban knowledge with children in istanbul: children as urban investigators and problem solvers özlemnur ataol, sukanya krishnamurthy, oana druta, and pieter van wesemael 1-24 the role of toronto’s neighborhood landscape characteristics in facilitating outdoor play during the covid-19 outbreak cibele carla souza donato, robert c. corry, raktim mitra, sarah a. moore, and leigh vanderloo 25-49 alarm will sound: student perceptions of risk-free space at school elke altenburger 50-75 social places and senior pupils’ identity in a secondary school environment: an interpretative phenomenological analysis lynn rae, edward edgerton, and jim mckechnie 76-100 the perfect schoolyard for future children: primary school children’s participation in envisioning workshops ellen almers, per askerlund, and tobias samuelsson 101-121 characterizing the available outdoor spaces and their use in south australian public primary schools nicole c. miller, saravana kumar, karma l. pearce, and katherine l. baldock 122-143 aesthetic experience in the green areas of a brazilian city: an eco-phenomenological approach to environmental education cyntia thaís da silva and valéria ghisloti iared 144-160 historical note youth village hedenesse: the rise and demise of a progressive youth initiative willem van vliet- 161-176 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati v children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 1 2023 issn 1546-2250 report from the field the superhero garden project: outdoor gardening in early childhood education in the united arab emirates anna marie dillon, edward nichols, and asia foster 177-187 book reviews earthquake children: building resilience from the ruins of tokyo, by janet borland reviewed by clara bergamini 188-190 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required 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children, youth and environments network university of cincinnati volume number 2023 2 33 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati i editors: dr. victoria carr, dr. rhonda brown, and dr. vikas mehta, university of cincinnati managing editor: dr. leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati assistant managing editor: dr. ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book+media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and dr. ozlemnur ataol, maastricht university copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial advisory board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image from the article drawing play: a content analysis of children’s drawings of where they like to play by sarah barriage, darcey k. desouza, shoshana zitter, & chethan sarabu children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 2 2023 issn 1546-2250 inside this issue, you will find diverse scholarly work spanning across the globe. we start our trip with a scoping review where williams and colleagues identified studies where children were active participants in the design, creation, and production processes in the construction of a physical environment. findings aided in the creation of a reporting checklist for studies including children in the “co” processes. next, we head to denmark where christensen and simovska qualitatively studied children’s wellbeing at school to reveal that school facilities, workload, rhythms, time schedules and numerous transitions all play pivotal roles in student experiences of wellbeing, as well as their ability to be involved in decision making processes at school. heading across the atlantic, we arrive at an urban medical clinic in the united states where barriage and colleagues asked children to draw where they liked to play. findings revealed that physical, outdoor environments were common elements in the drawings while playing with other children was not. traveling south to brazil, macena and colleagues investigated children’s contact with nature during the covid-19 pandemic. findings revealed that children had frequent contact with nature during this time and suggest there was a period of (re)connection with nature. returning to the united states, traub and mainzer conducted a meta-analysis focusing on outdoor nature spaces and their impacts on students across disciplines to reveal that though there is rising diversity amongst approaches to studying holistic wellness, there continues to be gaps within the discipline for the broader conceptualization. we then cross the atlantic to arrive in kerman, iran where mani and colleagues developed a new valid and reliable measure to capture children’s perceived restorativeness in their everyday environments. results showed that the different environments included in the study scored differently based on their size, degree of naturalness, and the available play equipment. we head back to brazil to end our world tour where stencel and colleagues studied rural children’s first experiences with urban elementary school spaces. data from multiple methods revealed that rural children found the urban spaces restrictive and controlled which led to the children having a difficult time constructing new meaning for the spaces. stencel and colleagues suggest that educators in the urban educational space should provide opportunities for children to manage certain spaces to support their development, increase satisfaction with the school environment, and ease this new transition for the children. the issue continues with three reports from the field. first, martz and colleagues used a qualitative gis approach to evaluate environmental education programs. next, orr and colleagues share how they were able to reduce nature aversion with elementary students during environmental education programs. lastly, banerjee and colleagues share how their program was able to empower adolescent girls during covid-19. we close our issue with derr’s review of teaching in the anthropocene: education in the face of environmental crisis, edited by alysha farrell, candy skyhar, and michelle lam. happy reading! children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 2 2023 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles conceptualization of co-creation, co-design and co-production with children for health-promoting physical environments: a systematic search and scoping review tiffany williams, kim ward, and melody smith 1-38 what do the experts say? children’s perspectives on wellbeing in schools else nyborg christensen and venka simovska 39-62 drawing play: a content analysis of children’s drawings of places where they like to play sarah barriage, darcey k. desouza, shoshana zitter, and chethan sarabu 63-89 “i connect with nature every day”: brazilian children and their contact with nature during the covid-19 pandemic christiane f. s. macena, iani d. lauer-leite, maria inês g. higuchi, jorge antonio s. costa, and jaílson s. novais 90-107 holistic wellness in elementary schoolyard environments: an analysis of 2000-2021 research studies julia traub and stephen mainzer 108-129 a new perceived restorativeness scale for children’s everyday environment (prs-chee): evaluating the restorative potential of orphanages’ outdoor spaces from the viewpoint of children maryam mani, helen woolley, and jean russell 130-152 rural children’s first experiences of urban elementary school space: a child-centered multi-method case study in brazil letícia michele stencel, jungja park-cordoso, ana paula soares da silva 153-174 reports from the field evaluating environmental education programs using a qualitative gis approach corey j. martz, rebecca l. powell, bryan wee, and angela myers 175-187 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 2 2023 issn 1546-2250 reports from the field continued minimizing nature aversion among elementary students during environmental education programs brian orr, glen hvenegaard, and carolyn cook 188-196 empowering adolescent girls during a global pandemic: an initiative through the scheme for adolescent girls and the kanyashree prakalpa convergence (sag-kp) program arpita banerjee, arnab karar, nilanjana ghosh, indrani bhattacharyya, and santwana adhikari 197-206 book reviews teaching in the anthropocene: education in the face of environmental crisis, edited by alysha farrell, candy skyhar, and michelle lam reviewed by victoria derr 207-209 cye_cover_33_2 front matter cye 33 2 2023.pdf login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. volume 35 number 1 2025 a journal of research, policy and applications children, youth and environments network university of cincinnati children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati i editors: dr. victoria carr and dr. rhonda brown, university of cincinnati managing editor: dr. leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati editorial assistant: claire underwood, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book+media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and dr. ozlemnur ataol, the university of groningen special projects editor: dr. ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; victoria derr, california state university monterey bay; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; vikas mehta, university of cincinnati; robin moore, north carolina state university; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial review board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; angela kreutz, deakin university, australia; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; john holland mckendrick, glasgow caledonian university, uk; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; julia torquati, university of nebraska-lincoln, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peerreviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image is from the article nurturing empathy: exploring teachers’ insights from minnesota’s nature preschools by claire underwood, julie ernst and nathan meyer acknowledgement of reviewers in 2024 as editors of children, youth and environments, we count on the informed judgment of our reviewers to make the highest quality research and information available online to scholars and practitioners around the world. in a double-blind review process, a minimum of two experts contribute comments about each paper published in cye. their advice is essential to determining whether an article is accepted for publication and invaluable to authors when undertaking revisions. we, therefore, take this opportunity to thank all those https://www.cyenetwork.org/ children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati ii who have acted as reviewers for cye during the last year for your time, energy and commitment to the journal! the following list reflects reviewers of papers in 2024. — the editors veronica aguinaga, southwestern oklahoma state university; fatemeh aminpour, unsw australia; fitri arlinkasari, universitas yarsi; meredith banasiak, boulder associates architects; patty born, hamline university; tiara brown, james madison university; keith christensen, utah state university; kimberly cole, the ohio state university; mathilde duflos, université de tours; ian evans, massey university; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; whitney gecker, massachusetts college of liberal arts; alexandra gkloumpou, aristotle university of thessaloniki; pamela graham, northumbria university; leah hollstein, the university of cincinnati; liisa horelli, aalto university; susan jagger, toronto metropolitan university; kari anne jørgensen-vittersø, oslo metropolitan university; nicola kemp, canterbury christ church university; angela kreutz, deakin university; dana maurie lung, prescott college; laura malinin, colorado state university; lorraine e maxwell, cornell university; anne louise meincke, university of dundee; sara neyer, university of cincinnati; rachel ramsden, university of british columbia; saurabh singhal, lancaster university management school; shidratul moontaha suha, eotvos lorand university; pai tang, tongji university; zeynep tarcin turgay, gebze technical university; robert warner, university of utah; julie willis, the university of melbourne; martha zanabria, universidad autónoma metropolitana xochimilco children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iii children, youth and environments vol. 35 no. 1 2025 issn 1546-2250 call for submissions the children, youth and environments journal is inviting submissions for research articles, field reports, and book/media reviews that contribute to the discourse in the following areas: • quantitative and qualitative empirical research • theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations • critical literature reviews • design analyses • post-occupancy evaluations • policy studies • program assessments for more information about submission guidelines and processes, please visit the cye submission page. for all additional questions, please contact cyenetwork@gmail.com. we’re excited to read your work! call for field reports do you have an engaging new project or program you would like to share more widely? would you like to write a report or story about it for cye? cye offers an opportunity to publish brief (3000 words) field reports about initiatives around environments for children and youth. this call is for researchers, practitioners, policy makers, community leaders and others involved in creating projects or programs with children and youth to share insights about their work. a field report tells a real-life story about a specific program or project initiative, that links children and youth to a particular setting or environment in a reflective and informative way. it includes contextual information such as location and participants, a rich description of the initiative from the perspective of those involved and concisely situates the initiative within a theoretical framework. the overall aim is to provide our readers with enough information so that they could develop a similar program or project and benefit from your experience and insights. note: field reports are not peer-reviewed in the same manner as articles, but undergo an in-house review by the cye associate editors who manage field reports. they will provide helpful feedback and support for field report authors through to cye publication. more information is available here: cye field report guidelines. we look forward to hearing from potential field report authors in the coming year, dr. daniela digiacomo and dr. sue elliott cye associate editors children, youth and environments vol. 35 no. 1 2025 issn 1546-2250 inside this issue https://www.cyenetwork.org/submit http://cyenetwork@gmail.com/ https://www.cyenetwork.org/_files/ugd/356584_6e1d105f9e6348e6a1b052306bee6d3d.pdf https://journals.uc.edu/index.php/cye/libraryfiles/downloadpublic/6 mailto:daniela.digiacomo@uky.edu mailto:sue.elliott@une.edu.au children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati iv inside this issue, you will find diverse scholarly work that spans across the globe. we first arrive in the midwestern region of the united states where underwood and coauthors interviewed teachers to explore how nature preschools foster empathy development in young children. by focusing on teachers' experiences, they were able to create a conceptual model highlighting the role of the natural environment, school culture, and teachers in nurturing empathy in children. next, jones analyzed participant-created digital stories and interviews about garden programs at u.s. secondary schools to evaluate themes in environment, instruction, assessment, and professional learning. findings revealed there are common themes like building relationships and student leadership and suggested that stakeholders could benefit from garden-based education resources focused on justice and cultural sustainability. heading west to texas, trina and coauthors studied a nature-based preschool in texas to test if outdoor environments with appropriate landscape elements encourage steam-related behaviors in children aged 3-5. they found that children engage in more steam activities in settings with flexible features like sand and water play areas, loose parts, and varied natural topography. staying in texas, guerrero and co-authors conducted an online survey of early childhood educators to explore their views on outdoor play settings and their design features that various forms of play. the analysis of quantitative and qualitative data informs practical implications for architects and early childhood centers to design environments that intentionally foster these types of play. heading back east, moore and coauthors examined horse camp experiences of historically underserved youth (ages 9-18) through letters written to their assigned horses and interviews with riding instructors. the analyses revealed that the program helped participants develop positive relationship skills such as respect, responsibility, discipline, and social connections, providing valuable opportunities for socio-emotional growth through interactions with horses. spanning across the united states, iwinski and coauthors analyzed data from 468 families in a longitudinal birth cohort study and found that early access to green space and outdoor items positively influences children's cognitive development and household environment. they emphasized the importance of promoting green spaces and reducing household chaos to support executive function and well-being, with implications for education and policy. the issue continues with two reports from the field. first, derr and coauthors describe a partnership between a land trust, elementary school, and university in california, focused on fostering empathic relationships for children with limited access to nature. using an action research framework, the partnership co-creates, co-learns, and documents "magical moments" of joy and connection with the land and each other. next, reyes and share an initiative in santa ana chiautempan, mexico, where "play yards" were created to promote free play and recover public space for recreation. the evaluation, based on surveys and field observations, showed the initiative's positive impact on children's holistic development. we wrap this issue with two book reviews: thueneman’s review of the extended mind: the power of thinking outside the brain by annie murphy paul and wilson’s review of the nature of inclusive play by amy wagenfeld and chad kennedy. happy reading! children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati v children, youth and environments vol. 35 no. 1 2025 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles nurturing empathy: exploring teachers’ insights from minnesota’s nature preschools claire underwood, julie ernst and nathan meyer 1-30 growing stronger: incorporating culturally responsive and sustaining practices in garden-based education kimberly j. jones 31-54 the role of landscape elements in outdoor learning environment design to facilitate steam learning in early years: a case study approach nazia afrin trina, muntazar monsur, nilda cosco, stephanie shine, ann mastergeorge, and leehu loon 55-81 designing for children’s social play affordances lori guerrero, kristi gaines, malinda j. colwell, debajyoti pati, and charles klein 82-113 qualitative study of human-equine interaction for historically underserved youth alexis p. moore, suzanne meeks, lesley m. harris, rachel ricks, unurzaya amarsaikhan, doroty sato, elizabeth cash, alexandra cowand, noah b. clark, sandra e. sephton, and david m. simpson 114-140 growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos on children’s executive function samantha j. iwinski, sehyun ju, ledan yang, mayra cuevas, aaron ebata, dina izenstark, brent mcbride, and kelly k. bost 141-173 reports from the field centering empathic relations and co-learning in an outdoor education partnership: “i know carneros creek loves me because…” victoria derr, juan ramirez, nicole therese bonello, and madison moreno 174-188 play yards and their contribution to comprehensive child development josé manuel reyes, sr. and p. eduardo lugo, sr. 189-200 book reviews the extended mind: the power of thinking outside the brain, by annie murphy paul reviewed by kelsey downie thueneman 201-204 the nature of inclusive play, by amy wagenfeld and chad kennedy reviewed by ruth wilson 205-206 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our 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me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. volume 33 number 3 2023 a journal of research, policy and applications children, youth and environments network university of cincinnati 1 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati editors: dr. victoria carr and dr. rhonda brown, university of cincinnati managing editor: dr. leslie kochanowski, university of cincinnati editorial assistant: claire underwood, university of cincinnati field report editors: dr. sue elliott, university of new england and dr. daniela digiacomo, university of kentucky book+media editors: dr. catherine volpe, university of new england and dr. ozlemnur ataol, maastricht university special projects editor: dr. ann rossmiller, university of cincinnati copy editor: dr. jennifer steffel johnson, university of colorado advisory board: louise chawla, university of colorado; victoria derr, california state university monterey bay; roger hart, city university of new york; lynn liben, pennsylvania state university; vikas mehta, university of cincinnati; robin moore, north carolina state university; fahriye sancar, university of colorado; willem van vliet, university of colorado. editorial review board: nicole ardoin, stanford university, usa; mark blades, university of sheffield, uk; caitlin cahill, pratt institute, usa; sudeshna chatterjee, action for children’s environments, india; debra cushing, queensland university of technology, australia; victoria derr, california state university, usa; janet dyment, university of tasmania, australia; ingunn fjørtoft, university of south-eastern norway; claire freeman, university of otago, new zealand; enakshi ganguly, haq centre for child rights, india; jorgelina hardoy, int’l institute for environment & development, argentina; laurie harmon, university of wisconsin, usa; harry heft, denison university, usa; lia karsten, universiteit van amsterdam, netherlands; isami kinoshita, chiba university, japan; angela kreutz, deakin university, australia; kevin lalor, dublin institute of technology, ireland; jill litt, university of colorado, usa; janet loebach, cornell university, usa; laura malinin, colorado state university, usa; lorraine e. maxwell, cornell university, usa; barry percy-smith, university of huddersfield, uk; edith phaswana, thabo mbeki african leadership institute unisa, south africa; gina porter, durham university, uk; sharon ergetta sutton, parsons the new school, usa; julia torquati, university of nebraskalincoln, usa; nancy wells, cornell university, usa the children, youth and environments journal disseminates knowledge and stimulates discussion in support of inclusive and sustainable environments for children and youth everywhere. cye has a global community and connects the worlds of research, policy and practice. the cye journal is a peer-reviewed, multi-disciplinary, online journal, highlighting the physical environments where children and youth live, learn, work and play. the journal values the capacity of children and young people to meaningfully participate in the processes that shape their lives, and publishes papers from distinct viewpoints, varied approaches, and diverse cultures and regions around the world. the journal offers researchers a high-quality, refereed outlet for sharing work pertaining to the physical environments that impact the lives of children and youth around the world. the journal publishes papers in the form of research articles, field reports and book/media reviews ranging from quantitative and qualitative empirical research; theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations; critical literature reviews; design analyses; post-occupancy evaluations; policy studies; and program assessments. children, youth and environments appeared as a print journal from 1984-1995 as children’s environments quarterly and children’s environments. in 2003, it was revived as an online journal, which now reaches readers in more than 160 countries. readers and authors include researchers and practitioners in education, childhood studies, geography, sociology, child and youth development, child welfare, child rights advocacy, development studies, architecture, landscape architecture and design, urban design, and planning. cye is endorsed by un-habitat and guided by a distinguished editorial advisory board. for more information visit https://www.cyenetwork.org cover image from the article how has the child-friendly cities initiative promoted public spaces for children? sudeshna chatterjee (photo credit: thomson reuters foundation/sophie davies) https://www.cyenetwork.org/ 2 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 3 2023 issn 1546-2250 statement on conflict in israel and palestinian territories cye’s editors would like to express their grave concern for the children, youth and people of israel and the occupied palestinian territories. we invoke the united nations children's fund’s (unicef) call to “protect children and the civilian infrastructure they rely on, and to immediately, and unconditionally, release all civilian hostages held in the gaza strip, especially children” (russell, 2023). further, we join the united nations in their call for a full humanitarian ceasefire (guterres, 2023). we seek to raise awareness to the consequences of conflict and violence on children’s lives and well-being, including death or physical injury, separation from family members, disruptions in healthcare and education, hunger, malnutrition, and exposure to traumatic events (save the children, n.d.). we refer our readers to unicef, save the children, or other humanitarian organizations to stay informed about the plight of our most vulnerable citizens and lend support to the critical work they do “so that all children can fully enjoy all their rights and the conditions for their development that respond to their intrinsic dignity as human beings” (un committee on the rights of the child, 2023). cye is dedicated to bridging theory, research, practice, action, and policy related to protecting children’s environments and promoting their well-being and participation. in the past, cye has published special issues and other research articles on these and related topics. although not an exhaustive list, here are a few references in reverse chronological order: special issue (2013). children, violence, community and the physical environment. children, youth and environments, 23(1), including: lalor, k. (2013). children, violence, community and the physical environment: foreword to the special issue. children, youth and environments, 23(1), i-vii. https://doi.org/10.1353/cye.2013.0008 mcalister, s., haydon, d., & scraton, p. (2013). violence in the lives of children and youth in “post-conflict” northern ireland. children, youth and environments, 23(1), 1-22. https://doi.org/10.1353/cye.2013.0001 macneil, c. (2013). supporting asset-based youth and community development in conflict zones: a training example from the democratic republic of the congo. children, youth and environments, 23(1), 211-220. https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2013.0003 special issue (2007). pushing the boundaries: critical international perspectives on child and youth participation-focus on the middle east and north africa and africa. children, youth and environments, 17(3), including: pyalara (2007). no wall can stop us: pyalara in pictures. children, youth and environments, 17(3), https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0052 hart, j. (2007). empowerment or frustration? participatory programming with young palestinians. children, youth and environments, 17(3), 1-23. https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0043 https://doi.org/10.1353/cye.2013.0008 https://doi.org/10.1353/cye.2013.0001 https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2013.0003 https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0052 https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0043 3 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati hammad, s., & bakri, t. (2007). learning by doing: the experience of popular achievement in palestine. children, youth and environments, 17(3), 24-48. https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0038 thompson, e., & arsalan, l. (2007). preparing youth for leadership roles in changing environments: the jordan experience. children, youth and environments, 17(3), 49-65. https://doiorg.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0039 rosen, d. m. (2007). [review of the book children and war by j. marten, ed.]. children, youth and environments, 17(3), 247-250. https://doi.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0053 nepal, s.c.n. (2005). working with “local governance” in a conflict situation: the experience of save the children norway in nepal. children, youth and environments, 15(2), 290-298. https://doiorg.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2005.0014 boyden, j. (2003). children under fire: challenging assumptions about children's resilience. children, youth and environments, 13(1), 1-29. https://doi.org/10.1353/cye.2003.0017 we call on researchers and practitioners to expand the knowledge base on these topics by submitting proposals for special issues of the journal, research papers, field reports, and position papers that examine how environments, design, and projects and programs influence children and youth who experience war, violence, and conflict, as well as their efforts to organize and advocate for their own safety and well-being in tumultuous circumstances. references guterres, a. (2023, november 27). noting ‘guns have fallen silent’, hostages, prisoners released, secretary-general urges continued dialogue between parties aimed at full humanitarian ceasefire. un. https://press.un.org/en/2023/sgsm22050.doc.htm russell, c. (2023, november 22). unicef executive director catherine russell’s remarks. at the un security council briefing on the protection of children in gaza. unicef. https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/unicef-executivedirector-catherine-russells-remarks-un-security-council-briefing save the children, (n.d.). 5 ways children are impacted by. the gaza israel conflict. retrieved november 27, 2023, from https://www.savethechildren.org/us/charity-stories/ways-gaza-israel-conflict-impacting-children united nations (2023, november 1). un child rights committee condemns killing of children in gaza strip, from https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2023/11/un-child-rights-committee-condemns-killing-children-gaza-strip https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0038 https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0039 https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0039 https://doi.org/10.1353/cye.2007.0053 https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2005.0014 https://doi-org.uc.idm.oclc.org/10.1353/cye.2005.0014 https://doi.org/10.1353/cye.2003.0017 4 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 3 2023 issn 1546-2250 editorial changes: dr. vikas mehta joins cye advisory board after 7 years as co-editor the children, youth and environments editorial team would like to extend its sincere appreciation to dr. vikas mehta for his significant contributions to the journal. his creative vision for cye and expertise regarding equitable and communicative environments have been instrumental for ensuring that the articles we publish are of the highest quality. his harmonious collegiality enriched our collective responsibility for the publication of the journal over the past eight years and we look forward to a continued professional relationship with him in his new role as a cye advisory board member. dr. mehta, professor of urbanism, is the fruth/gemini chair, and ohio eminent scholar of urban/environmental design at the university of cincinnati. his published works on public spaces questions why these spaces matter and how we might realize their potential. his esthetic lens is evident in the inaugural exhibition celebrating the stewardship transfer of cye from university colorado – boulder to the university of cincinnati in 2016. it can be viewed on our website at cyenetwork.org. remembering yolanda corona the cye community lost a dear colleague this year when dr. yolanda corona caraveo passed on to the ancestors. a professor in the department of education and communication at the autonomous metropolitan university, xochimilco, yolanda committed her academic life to elevating voices of children, particularly the indigenous children of mexico. she published in both spanish and english, contributing more than 20 articles and book chapters and 12 books which focused on children’s rights, their appropriation of public space, their relationships with nature, and the role of play, culture, and arts in their lives. yolanda also facilitated more than 20 years of children’s rights workshops for teachers and cultural promoters, and was a leader of the latin american red de investigación y reflexión con niños (research and reflection with children network). she was an early proponent of children’s participation, and helped shape the perspective that participation is not only a process for planning and governance but also a central aspect of daily life for children in diverse communities around the world. in her final years, yolanda also was dedicated to promoting children and youth voices and agency for climate justice. yolanda leaves a legacy of hundreds of students and colleagues who have been deeply impacted by her spirit of joy, care, and generosity. yolanda built friendships no matter where she went. beyond academia, yolanda was a loving mother, wife, and dear friend to many, a talented painter, and a warm and supportive member of her community in tepoztlán. her work will live on through the many hearts and minds she has touched. descanse en paz. http://cyenetwork.org/ 5 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 3 2023 issn 1546-2250 call for submissions the children, youth and environments journal is inviting submissions for research articles, field reports, and book/media reviews that contribute to the discourse in the following areas: ● quantitative and qualitative empirical research ● theoretical, methodological, and historical investigations ● critical literature reviews ● design analyses ● post-occupancy evaluations ● policy studies ● program assessments for more information about submission guidelines and processes, please visit the cye submission page. for all additional questions, please contact cyenetwork@gmail.com. we’re excited to read your work! inside this issue inside this issue, you will find diverse scholarly work spanning across the globe. we start a thorough review of the child-friendly cities initiative across 24 countries spanning the last 30 years. chatterjee navigates common criticisms to the initiative to demonstrate how this work has promoted public spaces for children. next, we head to honolulu, hawai’i where kong and colleagues explore the connection between place-based cultural education and well-being among native hawaiian youth as they engage in restoring a royal native hawaiian fishpond. in california, derr and coauthors investigated how sustainability practices take shape and unfold in historically excluded schools who have won sustainability awards to reveal three domains of a sustainability-in-place model. heading inland to cover the united states and canada, meltzer and coauthors investigated factors related to teenagers’ loneliness during the covid-19 pandemic. findings suggest potential policies to help teens during similar crises. returning to california, minaravesh and coauthors investigated the development of fourth grader children’s environmental attitudes in the south bay region, a historically environmentally disadvantaged neighborhood that are rarely heard from in these types of studies. findings from focus group data suggests children conveyed positive eco-perspectives despite unfavorable local conditions. then we make our way east across the globe to vienna, where stark and coauthors conducted a case study connecting the influence of redesigning the infrastructure surrounding an elementary school on students’ mobility behavior. the issue continues with a report from the field in thailand where nunma and kanki analyzed the foundation of child development’s strategic mural creation to show how they facilitated child-centric activities in vibrant play spaces. we close our issue with two book reviews: ellinger’s review of high-quality outdoor learning: evidence-based education outside the classroom for children, teachers and society, edited by rolf jucker and jakob von au, and gull’s review of naturally inclusive: engaging children of all abilities outdoors, by ruth wilson. happy reading! https://www.cyenetwork.org/submit http://cyenetwork@gmail.com 6 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 3 2023 issn 1546-2250 table of contents articles how has the child-friendly cities initiative promoted public spaces for children? sudeshna chatterjee 1-34 restoring a royal fishpond with native hawaiian youth: traditional ecological knowledge fosters well-being and relational virtuosity thao n. le, sera kong, shawn patrick kalani, bruce keaulani, and kehaulani lum 35-69 blurring boundaries and realizing just potential: how diverse california schools enact sustainability-in-place victoria derr, red glines, and cristan molinelli-ruberto 70-91 overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ connectedness to others during the covid-19 pandemic gabriella meltzer, tony dinh, nnenia campbell, alice fothergill, and christine gibb 92-126 “everyone can help the earth”: environmental dispositions of elementary students in los angeles california’s south bay bita minaravesh, darren ruddell, and jennifer b. unger 127-151 active and independent mobility on the way to school: case study of the redesign of the infrastructure surrounding bunte schule währing in the city of vienna juliane stark, sebastian kaiser, and florian aschauer 152-183 reports from the field the role of the foundation of child development and murals in empowering children’s and community transformation in bangkok pilaiporn nunma and kiyoko kanki 184-194 7 children, youth and environments eissn: 15462250 published by and © university of cincinnati children, youth and environments vol. 33 no. 3 2023 issn 1546-2250 book reviews high-quality outdoor learning: evidence-based education outside the classroom for children, teachers and society, edited by rolf jucker and jakob von au reviewed by jan ellinger 195-197 naturally inclusive: engaging children of all abilities outdoors, by ruth wilson reviewed by carla gull 198-200 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2024 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 34(1), 2024 using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design meredith banasiak boulder associates architects boulder, colorado citation: banasiak, m. (2024). using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design. children, youth and environments, 34(1), 82-99. https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/850 abstract a trip to the doctor can be a stressful experience for children. patient experience can be improved when healthcare settings are designed to support children’s attentional states of engagement and distraction. this essay describes when to use engagement and distraction, and how these states can be supported by clinic designers, clinicians, staff, and child life specialists through aligning environmental design and technology interventions in the outpatient pediatric healthcare setting throughout the patient’s healthcare journey. keywords: attention, distraction, pain, stress management, healthcare setting using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 83 introduction in designing the pediatric healthcare outpatient experience, there is a general aim to create a child-friendly environment to support the physical and psychological needs of the patient. design professionals such as architects, interior designers, and design trade partners often include “positive distractions” (ulrich, 1991) in pediatric healthcare settings to support patient experience (jiang, 2020). the intention behind using positive distractions is to shift focus away from negative internal thoughts and external triggers within the physical healthcare setting. it has been suggested that positive distractions can mitigate stress particularly during long waits and inpatient stays (mccuskey shepley, 2006) when boredom and negative rumination can occur. in short stay experiences such as outpatient visits, distraction in general can be supportive in some aspects of clinical care such as pain management. however, distraction can be counter-productive when the aim is to engage patients by helping focus a patient’s attention on the clinical encounter, not divert attention away from it. understanding these distinct attentional aims— engagement and distraction—and aligning these aims with steps along the healthcare journey can help professionals who are involved in designing patient experience set appropriate goals and align interventions with those goals. outpatient clinic patient flows are organized around patient-provider encounters. these encounters, or visits, typically occur in examination or consult rooms for the purpose of evaluation and clinical decision making. results from a survey of pediatricians in the united states found that most providers spend approximately 9–13 minutes with each patient during routine care visits (grisham, 2017). however, time spent with the provider constitutes only a fraction of the entire patient journey. a routine pediatric outpatient journey encompasses additional steps before and after the patient-provider encounter (figure 1), such as: plan and schedule the visit (offsite), arrive at the site, check-in, wait, move to the exam or consult room, have vitals taken and undergo triage, wait again, visit with the healthcare provider, check out, navigate to the exit, depart from the site, and execute post-visit orders which may include a pharmacy visit, and at-home care responsibilities. painful procedures, such as immunizations and laboratory blood draws, which can benefit from supporting patient distraction, may occur at other points in the journey. the number and sequencing of these painful events within the patient journey should be carefully considered because of their potential to disrupt a patient’s target attentional state. using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 84 figure 1. patient and parent/caregiver outpatient clinic journey steps, and aligned attention mechanisms specialty visits and complex cases often require additional steps, transitions, handoffs, locations, and clinic time. although it falls outside the scope of this paper, designing the journey to eliminate wait, reduce steps, and minimize transitions should be prioritized. in cases where these procedural steps are unavoidable, knowing when and how to support attentional goals can improve patient experience. patient engagement there is great benefit to patients of all ages in being engaged in their healthcare journey. the world health organization (2016) recommends to health systems worldwide that individuals and families be empowered to be active participants in their care. the institute of medicine (2001) advocates for patient involvement in decision making to improve quality of care, and the united nations convention on the rights of the child (2003) mandates that children have the right to participate in decision making. patient engagement and patient activation have been correlated with increased self-confidence in pediatric patients (jeremic, 2016), better health outcomes, better patient experience, and lower costs (greene et al., 2015; hibbard & greene, 2013). the outpatient clinic setting offers an opportunity for patients to engage with healthcare providers, gain health literacy, and practice health ownership behaviors during clinical encounters. however, a parent/caregiver’s and clinician’s willingness and ability to embrace and promote engagement during a clinical encounter can be influenced by organizational culture as well as individual differences. for example, adults may restrict children’s engagement in an effort to protect them from difficult information and decision-making (coyne & harder, 2011). a clinician’s lack of motivation to promote patient engagement may be the result of a “desire to maintain control, a lack of time, personal beliefs, the type of [patient] illness, and training in patient-caregiver relationships” (longtin et al., 2010, p. 53). explaining a procedure to a patient might take too much time, or there may be an assumption that the patient is not capable of understanding, especially in the case of young using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 85 pediatric patients or patients with developmental disability. yet, for any ability, even babies, there is a level in which patients can engage. long-term health gains from engaging patients should outweigh short-term staff efficiency goals, and this should be an organizational-level priority for health systems. impacts of low health literacy include more and longer hospital stays, and higher costs (vernon et al., 2007; mahadevan, 2013). it has been suggested that engaging patients at their level shows respect, increases a patient’s sense of dignity, and creates a participatory partnership with the provider increasing communication and trust (kovacs burns et al., 2014). in direct patient care, engagement allows patients, parents/caregivers, and healthcare providers to participate in shared decision making (carman et al., 2013). while engagement strategies will vary by age and ability, clinical encounters can offer a learning opportunity to engage even the youngest patients. for medical procedures, simply knowing what to expect in an unfamiliar setting with strange equipment can be empowering because it reduces fear of the unknown, and eliminates associated anxiety for the patient, parent/caregiver, and clinician (armfield & heaton, 2013). attention a first step to supporting patient engagement is understanding how engagement maps to mechanisms of attention. while attention is not a firmly defined construct, a leading concept describes attention as selective information processing (oberauer, 2019). in this framework, information processing may be driven by voluntary or involuntary attention. voluntary attention is an internally motivated and goal-oriented allocation of attention resources. historically, voluntary attention has been linked with the cognitive effort required to direct attention to a stimuli (james, 1892). the cognitive effort required to sustain attention varies based on the developmentally dependent task difficulty (for example, the complexity of the health information being discussed relative to the age of the patient) as well as the degree, quality, and location of any competing or task-relevant perceptual and sensory stimuli in the environment (stevenson et al., 2018). focusing on a conversation with a clinician and simultaneously tuning out other stimuli in the environment as well as internal thoughts is an example of utilizing voluntary attention. in contrast, involuntary attention is driven by external stimulation as when attention is captured by a stimulus in the environment (r. cohen, 2018; shiffrin & schneider, 1977). shifting attention to a phone ringing during a conversation with a clinician is an example of utilizing involuntary attention. in this case, the attentional shift to the phone ringing would be an unwelcome interruption to sustaining attention on the clinician conversation. task-irrelevant stimuli and unwelcome distractions from the environment, such as a phone ringing, require cognitive effort to inhibit a redirection of attention (diamond, 2013). inhibition and attention are closely linked with working memory. working memory includes “the mechanisms and processes that hold the mental representations currently most needed for an ongoing cognitive task available for processing” (oberauer, 2019, p. 1). for pediatric patients, neural mechanisms associated with attention, inhibition, and working memory develop slowly over a child’s first five years (garon et al., 2008), not reaching maturity until early adulthood; this limits a child’s ability to attend, inhibit, and engage working using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 86 memory. thus, it can be assumed that the younger the pediatric patient is, the more they may be prone to distraction and to decreased “interference control,” or the ability to free behavior from being controlled by the immediate environment (brocki & bohlin, 2004). individual differences in working memory capacity also impact a person’s ability to filter out distractions (vogel et al., 2005), and how long it takes to disengage from distractions (fukuda & vogel, 2011). thus, given that pediatric patients may experience greater challenges focusing attention and inhibiting distraction, efforts to externally support these mechanisms should be considered. for routine outpatient visits, the climactic point at which healthcare decision making occurs is during the patient-healthcare provider encounter in the exam or consult room. it is this point where attention is most important. the design of the space where engagement occurs may impact attention and the cognitive effort required to sustain it and foster engagement. a recent review found modest evidence that the environment may moderate engagement (bosch & lorusso, 2019). for example, exam rooms designed so healthcare providers are at eye level with patients and parent/caregivers promote a more equitable and engaged dialogue compared to settings where a provider stands above a patient, or behind a computer screen (orloski et al., 2019). further, to support learning in school applications, it has been suggested to “provide information visually,” and “monitor noise levels to avoid competing distractions” (kalbfleisch, 2021). by extension, to support patientprovider engagement in exam and consult rooms, task-relevant props can be used to direct and focus attention, and competing stimuli that can serve as distraction should be eliminated from the engagement space. additionally, reviewing health information through verbal and visual communication, such as by using toy-like props and models to explain complex issues, sharing age-appropriate content on a large computer monitor, or drawing on a white board may facilitate attentional bias by directing visual and auditory attention to the content. having access to nature in the outpatient setting may also increase attention and engagement. there is robust evidence pointing to benefits of nature on health dimensions including improved attention, cognitive functioning, reduced stress, and improved mood (kuo, 2015). research also suggests children’s contact with nature promotes physical and psychological health (chawla, 2015), including benefits to children diagnosed with attention deficits who experienced improved concentration following nature walking (taylor & kuo, 2009). a review of nature’s impact on attentional processes showed that exposure to real-world (non-virtual) nature supported focused attention and inhibition, as well as working memory (stevenson et al., 2018). another study showed negative emotions were reduced and positive emotions increased during nature therapy (oh et al., 2020). such evidence inspired boulder community health in boulder, colorado, usa to develop a program that takes advantage of nature benefits during clinical visits by offering patients behavioral healthcare appointments in nature settings, holding therapy sessions outdoors in public natural spaces around the city (boulder community health, 2022). using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 87 patient engagement can be extended to related activities and spaces leading up to, and following, the patient–healthcare provider visit. for example, one pediatric outpatient clinic developed a playful wayfinding game using environmental graphics to help patients navigate to their assigned exam room upon arrival to the clinic, instead of being escorted by a medical assistant or clinic staff (hastings, 2019). such problem-solving based tasks may inhibit stress, and because it is taskrelevant to the upcoming clinical encounter, may also prepare the patient to be more engaged during the visit. activities that shift health data to the patient, thereby increasing a patient’s health status awareness, health literacy, and sense of health ownership and responsibility can increase engagement from an early age. for instance, patients can take their own vital measurements of blood pressure, pulse and weight at check-in through a clinic-based kiosk instead of being passive during the process as these measurements are taken by medical assistants at a vitals station in a semi-private corridor. the digital therapeutic platform xploro provides another example. intended to be used before a healthcare visit, xploro is specifically designed to deliver health information to young patients to empower and engage them in their own health journey using augmented reality, gameplay, and artificial intelligence (xploro, 2020). a study found that children who interacted with xploro before a clinical procedure reported having improved perceptions of procedural knowledge and involvement, and had significantly lower levels of anxiety before the procedure than those who had not interacted with the digital platform (bray et al., 2020). digital game researchers have encouraged pediatricians to participate in developing more health-related media and games given their effectiveness in addressing health topics and populations (shifrin et al., 2015). a digital intervention like xploro not only aims to increase health literacy, but also dispel anxiety associated with the unknown by instilling a sense of predictability. helping patients predict what to expect through engagement can be supported by setting expectations through simulations and play prior to procedures. for children, engagement might include overcoming fears about strange equipment, unfamiliar faces, and darkness. while it may take extra time to explain to a pediatric patient what is happening, benefits include a lower risk of adverse effects and improved long-term healthcare engagement (lerwick, 2016), as well as more effective healthcare visits. in imaging, for example, reducing patients’ stress has been found to help reduce their motion, resulting in more accurate images (powell et al., 2015), more efficient and therefore shorter appointments (durand et al., 2015; etzel-hardman et al., 2009), reduced use of sedation and therefore fewer adverse effects (etzel-hardman et al., 2009), improved patient safety and less error and therefore less need for reimaging and additional radiation exposure (powell et al., 2015), and improved patient and parent/caregiver satisfaction (etzel-hardman et al., 2009). in a radiology clinic, giving pediatric patients the ability to act out what they will be experiencing with toys or stuffed animals in the waiting room can help them prepare for the imaging procedure and better anticipate what is an unfamiliar sensory experience. a study evaluating role-playing protocols using the philips kitten scanner, a toy-scale version of an mri scanner where children can “scan” stuffed animals, showed a 30% reduction in sedation needs among participating children (cavarocchi et al., 2019). the use of full-size mock scanners ranging from using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 88 an mri simulator to a simple toy tunnel (barnea-goraly et al., 2014; kalbfleisch, 2010), vr simulations (brown et al., 2018), and even instructional videos (ahlander et al., 2018) have been shown to decrease patient anxiety and improve image quality. stress and anxiety are often an impediment to engagement; thus, during periods of wait and transition, finding opportunities to reduce stress and nurture calm can support enhanced engagement at other critical points in the patient journey. researchers have linked exposure to nature stimuli with a reduction in stress (thompson et al., 2012) suggesting that interaction with nature may mediate the effects of stress and enhance coping mechanisms in the presence of distractions. others have suggested that nature experiences may restore working memory (kaplan, 1995; kaplan & berman, 2010; stevenson et al., 2018) following attentional fatigue. requiring a patient to be engaged for a long period of time during a healthcare visit can be cognitively taxing. taking a break to rest and recover from attentional demands in the presence of nature may be one way to restore attention and focus. physical moments of pause in the healthcare setting create places that allow a person to process cognitive information. nature-based interventions such as natural playgrounds, gardens, and courtyards that invite dynamic interaction with nature are preferred (whitehouse et al., 2001) and afford deeper engagement with nature and thereby more benefits than passive exposure (chawla, 2022). however, biophilic, or nature-based, design elements such as views to nature from a window, and even large, realistic nature-themed artwork can be introduced into transition spaces to help patients and parent/caregivers reduce stress, restore attention, guide internal processing, and better cope with negative emotions. designing for attention and stress reduction benefits afforded by nature in healthcare settings is not only supportive for patients and parents/caregivers, but also can help offset fatigue and burnout for healthcare workers. given the intense and often sustained directed attentional demands during clinical encounters and procedures, a supportive break space with exposure to, or opportunities for immersion in, nature may reduce stress and restore attention and focus for staff. distraction a key goal for routine pediatric outpatient visits is to support engagement throughout the healthcare journey. however, for certain types of painful and anxiety-inducing events, distraction becomes an important tool. while engagement benefits from interventions which focus directed voluntary attention, distraction aims to redirect attention to an external source. to meet the definition of a true distraction, stimuli must be salient enough to capture attention. distractions are beneficial in healthcare setting when they are used to decrease pain perception and to disrupt feelings of anxiety. in healthcare settings, there should be clear intent on whether patients would benefit from removing irrelevant distractions in order to more readily focus their attention and promote engagement, or whether distractions should be intentionally interjected into the healthcare setting to divert a child’s attention away from the clinical experience or internally motivated negative thoughts. using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 89 the term “positive distraction” was first described by design researcher roger ulrich as “an environmental feature or element that elicits positive feelings, holds attention and interest without taxing or stressing the individual, and therefore may block or reduce worrisome thoughts” (1991, p. 102). in contrast to positive distractions, ulrich described “negative distractions” as “environmental elements that assert their presence, are difficult to ignore, and are stressful” (1991, p. 105). ulrich called for more research to examine the impact of television in particular as a potential negative distraction (ulrich, 1991). nonetheless, over the preceding decades, televisions and mobile devices have become ubiquitous during periods of waiting during healthcare visits. technology-based distractions can be an obstacle to patient engagement because they so powerfully consume attention. for example, if a patient is watching a television program or playing on a mobile device in the waiting room, it can be hard for a patient—no matter what age—to shift attention away from the technology source and transition to fully participating in the next stop on their healthcare journey. design professionals such as architects and interior designers often interpret positive distraction to simply mean distraction during a healthcare visit. the danger is that failing to recognize the negative distraction counterpart which ulrich advised against can be counterproductive to fostering engagement during healthcare visits. nonetheless, often healthcare providers and designers promote distractions for the very reason that they divert the patient’s attention from what is happening during the healthcare visit. this practice is especially used with pediatric patients who have less control over emotional and behavioral responses to unknown and scary situations. some clinicians may use external distractions to capture the attention of the patient in an attempt to avoid emotional and behavioral reactions that may result in medical errors, safety risks to patients and staff, and wasted staff time. during pediatric clinical encounters, videos and mobile apps are often used because of their power to fully consume a child’s attention so the clinician can focus on a procedure or conversation with a parent/caregiver. such digital distractions result in a missed opportunity to engage with the patient and to support children in their right to participate in decision making (united nations convention on the rights of the child, 2003). moreover, using digital distractions in the healthcare environment results in sending a mixed message to patients and parents/caregivers by implicitly suggesting it is okay to use digital technology within the healthcare clinic, while at the same time advising that it be limited in use at home. the american academy of pediatrics council on media recommends “avoiding using media as the only way to calm your child” (2016, p. 4) due to concern about how it impacts a child’s ability to develop their own emotional regulation. nonetheless, distractions that are cognitively engaging, including technology interventions, can be useful for mitigating stress during long periods of waiting when negative rumination and stress can set in. persons experiencing acute stress have shown impairments in engaging directed attention, and in turn are more susceptible to environmental interference on attention (sänger et al., 2014). in classroom settings, it has been suggested that teachers can guide higher-level using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 90 thinking as a means to disrupt stress using different strategies including taskfocused problem-solving (kalbfleisch, 2021). similarly, a problem-solving task could be presented to a pediatric patient while they are waiting. moreover, providing the child with a clinically relevant task-based distraction may require less attentional task-shifting on the part of the patient when they transition from the waiting state to the clinical encounter, compared with other unrelated but consuming distractions. a study examining the use of distractions while waiting at the hospital suggested the value of distraction is its potential to transform expectations for healthcare visits from something that is boring and unpleasant and incites resistance, to something that is perceived as an attraction (mclaughlan et al., 2019). this particular study evaluated pediatric patient reactions to an aquarium and animal enclosure, among other design interventions, in the hospital waiting area and suggested that such interventions potentially foster a “desire to return” to the hospital versus a feeling of aversion (mclaughlan et al., 2019). more research is needed on the use of attention-consuming, yet task-irrelevant, distractions in short-term outpatient waiting areas with expectation-based benefits weighed against potential impacts to a patient’s ability to subsequently task-shift and engage in the clinical encounter following waiting periods. in the same way that such distractions are used to disrupt feelings of anxiety so too can they be used to divert attention resources from a pain response. evidence suggests that distraction, in the form of a cognitively demanding task, can lower ratings of pain (bantick et al., 2002; petrovic et al., 2000) and is correlated with decreased activity in pain regions of the brain (bantick et al., 2002; bushnell et al., 2013) and spinal cord (sprenger et al., 2012). distraction engages the allocation of the brain’s finite attention resources to limit the extent a pain sensation is attended to (mcrae et al., 2010). thus, distraction interventions can be effective for both procedural and chronic pain management including pediatric and adult procedures such as: burn treatment, immunizations, needle procedures, cancer care, and venous access (boerner et al., 2015; l. cohen et al., 2013; kwekkeboom, 2003). alternatives such as pharmacological interventions or restraint vary in effectiveness, may have unwelcome side effects, and in the case of restraint specifically, can cause harmful psychological distress in children (bukola & paula, 2017). a review of distraction interventions in needle procedures for children and adolescents suggests interactive distractions may have slightly more efficacy in reducing pain perception over passive distractions (birnie et al., 2014). while it seems that interactive, immersive and cognitively demanding qualities are key to designing the most effective environmental interventions for using distraction in pain management, additional research on the efficacy of environmental distraction interventions is needed. “virtual anesthesia” is a distraction technique currently being used to support pain management in pediatric patients who cannot undergo medical anesthesia. a metaanalysis found that the use of virtual reality is an effective distraction intervention to reduce pain and anxiety in children (eijlers et al., 2019). one study even found that the implementation of virtual reality negated the need for anesthesia in using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 91 transnasal endoscopy in the evaluation and treatment of eosinophilic esophagitis, a procedure that previously required sedation (nguyen et al., 2019). virtual reality offers a non-opioid, non-sedating option for reducing pain and anxiety related to medical procedures and further research should be conducted to explore its full potential. moreover, technology-based interventions such as virtual reality and digital projections offer a means to provide distraction while maintaining a sterile environment (marques da rosa, 2021). conclusion when developing goals to enhance patient experience, healthcare providers and designers should consider how best to support a patient at each segment in their healthcare journey, as well as how design and experience decisions may impact a patient’s downstream attentional states following activities in which their engagement is intentionally disrupted. the answer to when to engage or distract comes with a situational understanding of the different activities that take place throughout the healthcare journey. for most aspects of a routine outpatient visit, fostering and sustaining engagement is the key priority: focusing and engaging attention can help pediatric patients decrease fears of the unknown, practice health ownership behaviors during clinical encounters, and improve their health literacy and health ownership. providing exposure to or immersion in nature in the healthcare setting may help reduce the cognitive effort required for sustaining attention and may reduce stress. distraction does have a place in the healthcare setting during events in which the aim is decreasing pain perception and supporting stress management, but distraction should not be promoted in settings where it might obstruct patient engagement. high-level environmental and technological interventional strategies aligned with target engagement and distraction states for different segments of the patient journey are summarized in table 1. however, to effectively provide systematic and evidence-based guidance on attention-based interventions for the pediatric population and its subgroups, including age and individual difference, more experimental research is needed. this call for research includes studies on attention mechanisms in the field of neuroscience, and translational research in clinical science and design research. using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 92 table 1. attention-based interventional strategies aligned with steps in a pediatric outpatient clinic visit meredith banasiak, m.arch., edac, is director of research for boulder associates architects where she is responsible for cultivating research partnerships with healthcare organizations and using evidence in design to optimize human experience. an early adopter of neuroarchitecture, she works across research, practice, and pedagogy to support a transformational shift in design towards a attentional aim: engage patient journey segment interventional strategy arrive • arrive to site by personal or public transportation • navigate to clinic reduce stress and anxiety to support attention mechanisms, e.g., through nature and biophilic interventions. check-in • check-in at reception desk, kiosk, or by mobile device • wait in waiting room foster engagement and health literacy in patients and parents/caregivers by offering kiosks for selftaking vital measurements of blood pressure, pulse and weight. help patients predict what to expect through physical or virtual simulations and play opportunities prior to the actual clinical procedure. prepare • travel to exam or consult room • have vitals, triage and history taken • wait in exam or consult room help patients reduce stress by offering situationally relevant problem-solving tasks, e.g., by gamifying wayfinding and allowing patients to self-navigate to their assigned exam destination using environmental graphics. be examined by, and/or consult with healthcare provider help patients and parents/caregivers focus on the provider conversation by using task-relevant, toylike props and models to direct and focus attention, especially when explaining complex issues. to direct visual and auditory attention, age-appropriate content can be shared on a large computer monitor, or by drawing on a white board. eliminate competing stimuli which can serve as distraction from the encounter space. attentional aim: distract receive immunizations divert attention resources from a pain response to decrease pain perception and disrupt feelings of anxiety using immersive, interactive and cognitively demanding interventions, e.g., by using technology-based games and ageappropriate video programming. using attention-based goals to guide pediatric outpatient design 93 person-centered, science-informed culture. she is a board member of the academy of neuroscience for architecture, and has published in psychology, medicine and design research literature. references ahlander, b. m., engvall, j., maret, e., & ericsson, e. 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2025 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 35(1), 2025 the role of landscape elements in outdoor learning environment design to facilitate steam learning in early years: a case study approach nazia afrin trina muntazar monsur department of landscape architecture, texas tech university nilda cosco department of landscape architecture and environmental planning, north carolina state university stephanie shine ann mastergeorge department of human development and family sciences, texas tech university leehu loon department of landscape architecture, texas tech university citation: trina, n. a., monsur, m., cosco, n., shine, s., mastergeorge, a., & loon, l. (2025). the role of landscape elements in outdoor learning environment design to facilitate steam learning in early years: a case study approach. children, youth and environments, 35(1), 55-81. https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/850 abstract children learn from their surroundings during the early years, and a diverse natural environment inherently affords informal steam (science, technology, engineering, arts, and mathematics) learning behaviors. engaging in steam activities helps young minds not only appreciate and understand their environment but also enhances curiosity, questioning, exploration, discussion, investigation, reflection, and the formation of ideas and theories. postulating that an outdoor learning environment designed with appropriate landscape elements for children ages 3-5 is associated with increased occurrences of steam-related behaviors and learning activities, the study utilized a nature-based preschool in texas as a case study to test the hypothesis. during recess, we videotaped the play and learning behaviors of 171 children in 18 different play settings with multiple cameras and coded the video data using maxqda software. the findings reveal that children engage in steam-related activities in settings that offer varied and flexible affordances, such as sand and water play areas, loose parts play, and places with diverse natural topography. keywords: landscape elements, steam learning, affordances, video analysis the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 56 introduction outdoor environments offer children opportunities to connect with nature and learn about their physical surroundings through activities such as exploring, experimenting, manipulating, practicing, changing, discovering, creating, and challenging themselves (moore, 2006). from early childhood, children engage with their environment by experimenting with its functional properties relative to their own capabilities (adolph & kretch, 2015). such exploratory behaviors of children are essential for perceptual-motor development. as children grow, their interaction with the environment evolves, highlighting the importance of designing spaces that support various developmental stages (gibson, 2014; heft, 1988). many of these exploratory behaviors are associated with effective steam learning in the early childhood context. steam is the acronym for an educational approach that integrates science, technology, engineering, the arts, and mathematics to advance critical thinking and problem-solving abilities of learners, essentially adding the "arts" element to the traditional stem fields to accommodate the spirit of creativity/imagination with critical thinking abilities, which are inseparable in the early years. exposure to steam in early years is associated with enhanced appreciation of and interest in science (aldemir & kermani, 2017), later academic successes in math (hunting et al., 2012), school readiness (bustamante et al., 2017), and stem/steam career interests in later years (dejarnette, 2012). considering the value of steam activities in the early years and the natural landscape’s capacity to promote behaviors associated with steam, the design of outdoor environments needs to be reimagined to accommodate children’s early informal learning behaviors. we found the following concepts and theories useful in an in-depth understanding of the complex relationships between outdoor environments and steam learning behaviors. affordance theory affordances are functional properties of the environment connected to the characteristics of the individual. the concept of affordance is crucial for understanding how individuals interact with their environments, as it refers to the opportunities for action that the environment provides (gibson & pick, 2000). this interaction is critical for development, especially in early childhood. this paper aims to elucidate the process by which children interact with these affordances within diverse natural settings, leading to a myriad of positive developmental outcomes such as steam learning. human interaction with the environment operates within a constant and dynamic system, regardless of an individual’s awareness (heft, 1988). this interaction is facilitated through perceptual learning from infancy onwards. through continuous interaction with environmental affordances, the perceptual system allows for the acquisition and refinement of motor and cognitive skills (adolph & kretch, 2015). affordances are universally accessible, transcending age, abilities, and cultural and physical differences (gibson, 2014). further, this inclusivity underscores the importance of designing environments that cater to diverse user needs, ensuring equitable access to developmental opportunities (clark & uzzell, 2002). the the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 57 landscape elements used to create an outdoor play and learning environment significantly impact how children perceive and utilize environmental affordances. affordance permits children to correlate material properties with their actions (miller, 2010; trina, 2022). effective design considers the arrangement of animate and inanimate objects and dynamic elements like air and water (heft, 1988). by providing diverse stimuli, designers can facilitate rich, exploratory experiences that support perceptual learning and development (clark & uzzell, 2002). thus, children with varying abilities interact uniquely with the same environment, necessitating flexible and inclusive design approaches (gibson, 2014). steam in early years although steam combines science, technology, engineering, the arts, and mathematics, we perceive it as a collective learning framework in the context of early learning. while it is useful to separate these domains for observation and examination, children do not learn about their world in narrowly defined subject matter domains in their early years; rather, quality learning happens in the intersections and overlaps of the steam domains (worth, 2019). it is useful to revisit the “integration of stem” diagram (figure 1) as proposed by karen worth, which suggests the nature of this overlap and the need to integrate the steam domains. figure 1. the integration of stem/steam by karen worth (2019) steam learning capabilities and environmental affordances during the early years must be considered as “more extensive than the knowledge and skills associated with the individual stem disciplines” (murphy et al., 2019, p. 124). rather, a range of behaviors and interactions with the environment inspiring problem-solving, design thinking, creativity, exploration, question and answer, and critical thinking are the core of steam in early childhood. these environmental affordances and individual capabilities are best nurtured in a learning environment that promotes hands-on, real-world contexts and presents learners with authentic problems to work on (hefty, 2015). our approach to early childhood steam in this research the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 58 aligns with this “collective” learning framework with overlapping environmental affordances and learning motivations/behaviors of children that work together to advance steam during the early years. steam behavioral settings behavioral setting is a concept derived from ecological psychology, referring to the functional arrangement of environmental components (landscape elements) that support specific behaviors (winkel et al., 2009). in designing for developmental phases, whether for children or adults, it is crucial to create settings that accommodate a wide range of activities and interactions (loebach, 2005). natural elements within designed environments, such as sand, water, and topographical variations, offer unique affordances that enrich children's science experiences. such outdoor environment design connects children with nature and supports diverse learning and developmental opportunities (kellert, 2012). understanding these interactions can guide designers in creating natural play settings that promote steam learning opportunities and lifelong engagement with the environment. children’s outdoor play is linked with multiple developmental benefits (louv, 2008). a rich outdoor play and learning environment is an essential element of childcare design that ensures children’s quality play and learning time in contact with daylight and nature. innovative landscape design strategies are required to improve the quality of time spent outdoors in childcare centers where children spend most of their waking hours. the childcare center's outdoor play and learning area often serves as a modern substitute for the backyards of the past. however, these outdoor areas usually feature stand-alone play equipment set on a uniform grassy landscape, lacking diversity and connection to the essence of being outdoors (herrington & studtmann, 1998). such designs primarily focus on physical development, overlooking children's social, emotional, and cognitive growth. there is a pressing need for design approaches that embrace these developmental aspects and integrate the distinctive qualities of outdoor environments to create enriching spaces for children (herrington & studtmann, 1998). when designing play areas for children, it is crucial to consider the landscape elements that can be used for play. allowing children to select their activities and shape their play environment is an essential aspect of their play experience (chawla, 2015; fjørtoft & sageie, 2000; moore, 1989). intentionally designed outdoor learning environments encourage children to engage with nature, fostering creativity, problem-solving, and inquiry-based exploration (harvey et al., 2020; speldewinde et al., 2021). bush kinders, for example, offer opportunities for handson learning using natural features such as trees, loose materials, and sensory-rich areas. these elements inspire curiosity and experimentation, essential for developing engineering, technological, and mathematical skills (mawson, 2014). intentionally designed natural play spaces also integrate sensory pathways, climbing structures, and water play areas, enhancing cognitive and physical development (moser & martinsen, 2010). such environments enrich learning by connecting children with nature while nurturing essential steam skills. the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 59 research hypothesis and research questions this research hypothesizes that outdoor learning environments in childcare settings, designed with appropriate landscape elements and offering diverse play and learning affordances, can increase occurrences of steam-related behaviors and steam learning, through: 1. steam concept development (e.g., a child builds a simple bridge with a plank, learning about balance and developing engineering concepts) and 2. steam learning activities (e.g., children engage in water play by creating channels in the sand and observing how water flows, promoting experimentation with cause and effect in physics—a science learning activity). our research questions were: a) how are different types of natural play settings associated with children's steam learning behavior occurrences? and b) which play settings at the case study site are associated with steam learning affordances? we expected that answering these research questions would enhance our understanding of the complex relationships between environmental affordances and associated learning behaviors to advance steam in early outdoor settings. research method case study qualitative research was the preferred research strategy to answer the research questions. the case study is particularly appropriate for comprehending children's intricate steam learning behaviors in a versatile natural play setting. in a nutshell, the case study method enables researchers to retain the comprehensive and significant attributes of real-world events (yin, 2003). this study examines an existing naturalized outdoor setting where children engage in play and other self-initiated activities. it also investigates the importance of designing physical environments that provide rich play experiences to support steam learning and development. while outdoor play settings are pivotal for steam learning and steam concept development in early childhood (trina et al., 2024), studying children's behavior in this context is challenging due to the need to conduct naturalistic observations in outdoor settings (cutter-mackenzie et al., 2015). qualitative educational research has traditionally relied on methods such as observations, interviews, field diaries, and document analysis to study different aspects of children's interactions, learning, and development (ukkonen-mikkola & ferreira, 2020). this study utilized video recording as a primary method to investigate preschoolers' steam behaviors and to identify their learning in an early childcare setting. overview of the case study center the will smith (ws) zoo school in san antonio, texas, is a nature-focused preschool designed to connect young children with nature through its educational philosophy, teaching methods, classroom environment, and outdoor spaces. the school campus includes two acres where children spend a minimum of 50% of their day outside, engaging with natural materials like rocks, mud, water, sand, twigs, the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 60 and leaves. the school's landscape features a wide variety of plants and numerous outdoor play and learning settings (figure 2), promoting nature play involving steam learning activities. this unique design, along with extended outdoor playtime, creates an ideal environment for studying how affordance-rich natural environments can provide diverse steam learning experiences. figure 2. distinct play and learning settings of the will smith zoo school, san antonio, texas water play sand play primary pathway and art area sensory pathway vegetable garden large blocks and construction loose parts play wildlife habitat acoustic play settings outdoor classroom deck, platforms and stages topography and landforms the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 61 figure 2, continued multipurpose lawn fixed play structure natural relaxation area sensory garden moveable play structure storage this case study location encompasses a variety of play and learning environments, from which this research examined a total of 18 distinct settings. the integration of varying physical elements, such as climbing levels, rolling surfaces, jumping platforms, and sliding areas, promotes active physical play. these elements create a sense of both enclosure and openness, offering diverse spatial experiences at different heights. the inclusion of a large number of trees and shrubs within these environments adds aesthetic appeal and fosters creativity and steam learning opportunities. some natural features provide spaces for dens, and some perform as practical tools in teaching children about environmental topics and seasonal changes. additionally, materials like wood, water, sand, stones, and vegetation provide rich sources of both educational and creative stimulation. natural features such as boulders and rocks enhance physical activity while encouraging imaginative, dramatic, and social play. furthermore, the use of movable or loose parts extends beyond creating a tactile environment; it supports creative and imaginative play, offering children the chance to interact with and understand their surroundings more deeply. participants participants were 3–to 5-year-old children enrolled in the selected childcare center with parental consent. during this study, 171 children at the ws zoo school were video recorded while playing in diverse play settings. the human research protection program of texas tech university authorized the irb approval (irb2021489) for all data collection activities. the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 62 data collection procedure: video recording researchers assigned random numbers to each participating child during the video data collection process. children with parental consent for research participation but not for video recording wore tags with a distinctive red color so that the researchers could identify them easily during video data analysis. for collecting data, children were recorded for 2 hours and 48 minutes over two consecutive days during their free-play time at the school’s outdoor learning landscape. these days were scheduled based on prior discussions with the childcare center’s director. during video data collection, the research team members did not interact with children and observed passively. there was no interference with the children’s and their teachers’ daily outdoor activities. video data was collected using fixed cameras (ipads and 360 cameras) and mobile phones (for closeup recordings of children’s behaviors of interest during the experimental sessions). observational data analysis and momentary time sample recording the primary challenge of all observation is extracting relevant data from a vast array of complex children’s activities. to address this issue, we used time sampling observation (hintze et al., 2002). this type of observation was applied to focus on a selected aspect of behavior to reveal the frequency of that behavior and to focus on an activity involving a child/group of children using a particular play setting, e.g., sand/water play area, to evaluate the appropriateness of the play setting. momentary time sampling recording is used when the observed behaviors are difficult to count. a behavior is challenging to quantify when it may be unpredictable or occur at a rapid pace, making it difficult to track. because brief time sampling can underestimate the occurrence of a behavior, it may be more beneficial for documenting more frequent and long-term behaviors (miller, 2010). for video analysis, this research used momentary time sampling recording, also called interval recording, in which behavior is examined throughout specific time periods (miller, 2010). momentary time sampling involves reviewing the recording to determine whether a behavior occurs or does not occur near the end of the interval. for this study, we removed the recorded periods during which no activities were observed. the remaining video recordings from all the target areas (totaling 2 hours and 48 minutes at baseline) were segmented into 3-minute intervals. this resulted in a dataset of 312 observations of children in 18 target play settings, as sampled in figure 3. we used maxqda video analysis software to assess the relationship between different play settings and children's steam activities (figure 3). the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 63 figure 3. example of video coding and analysis in maxqda software coding for video analysis researchers applied different codes during the video data analysis, in categories including existing play settings, steam learning behaviors, types of play behaviors, social play behaviors, sensory play behaviors, and conversation (table 1). this research examined a total of 18 distinct play settings in the case study location. the steam learning behavior category followed the findings of a scoping review paper (trina et al., 2024). the category of play behavior types used in this assessment was based on smilansky’s (1968) taxonomy (loebach & cox, 2020), with the addition of the “no play” category. behaviors such as running and climbing were categorized as functional play for this study. we added a sensory play, or exploration, category to differentiate behaviors in which the focus of a child’s actions appeared to be oriented more around what an object is than what can be done with it. the social play behavior coding category describes a child's level of social engagement in play, while the conversation coding categorizes their verbal interactions during play. the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 64 table 1. coding categories for video analysis of the existing outdoor play settings and children's behavior existing play settings steam learning behavior types of play behavior social play behavior sensory play behavior conversa tion • sand play • water play • primary pathways • sensory pathway • plants: trees, shrubs, edible garden • sensory garden/ grass mazes and tall grass areas • large blocks and natural construction • loose parts play • wildlife/ bird, butterfly, and pollinator habitat • acoustic play settings • art area • outdoor classroom • pretend and performance/ decks, platforms and stages • topography and landforms/ mounds and slopes • multipurpose lawn • fixed play structures • moveable play structures/ portable toys and equipment • natural healing and relaxation area science + technology + engineering • observing • exploring • describing/ prescribing/ predicting/ concluding • hypothesis/ cause and effect/ experiments • asking questions • building/ construction • manipulating mathematics • sorting/ classifying • measuring • comparing • counting • balancing arts • art • music • dance • language and literacy • signs/ symbols • functional/ physical play • constructive play • dramatic play • game with rules • no play • solitary play • parallel play • couple • group play • playing with an adult • conflict • other • touch • sight • sound • smell • taste • self • one child • multiple children • adult • child and adult • none the researchers divided the 2 hours and 48 minutes of video into 56 equal 3minute time frames following the momentary time sampling technique. from the last 15 seconds of recordings of each interval, the most observed behavior of each child was coded across all six categories: existing play settings, steam learning behaviors, types of play behavior, social play behavior, sensory play behavior, and conversation (see table 1). for example, if ten children were in a particular area, the researcher would pause the video at the 15-second mark and code the predominant behavior observed for each child. if a child moved in and out of an area, the researcher recorded the dominant behavior during the time the child was present. moreover, if a child engaged in multiple behaviors within a category, like dramatic play and physical play at the same time, the behavior with the longest duration or highest frequency was recorded. if no behavior is observed in any of the six categories, the coding is recorded as blank. the video could be paused, zoomed in, or rewound if necessary. in the coding scheme, the same behavior (e.g., building) might have been sampled multiple times for each child. we did not control for this “double coding,” as the aim the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 65 was to gauge the relative frequencies of various steam-supportive play and learning behaviors across the outdoor play settings. while individual child-level frequencies were not feasible to register, children typically engaged in the same behavior for the entire 15-second segment. in cases where multiple behaviors occurred within the segment, the predominant behavior was apparent due to differences in duration. when behavior was too mixed or a child was in the area for too short a time to determine an evident predominant behavior, the behavior was labeled as “uncodable.” intercoder reliability two pre-trained research assistants coded the video data. each researcher coded 5 minutes of video data from a target area. afterward, similarities, differences, and potential coding challenges were discussed. the protocol was then updated with suggestions for handling difficulties and ambiguities. when a difficulty arose during coding, the research team reviewed the video together to decide how to code the behavior. the degree of agreement is quantified by kappa, which is 0.97. data analysis and results the hypothesis to be tested was that the ws zoo school's outdoor play and learning environment, designed with affordance-rich landscape elements, is associated with increased occurrences of steam-related behaviors and steam learning. in other words, this study aimed to establish a relationship between 18 existing outdoor play and learning settings and the associated steam-supportive activities of preschoolers. through video observation of children in the outdoor play areas of the ws zoo school, this study documented a positive relationship between affordance-rich outdoor play settings and the frequency of steam-related behaviors exhibited by children. while a positive association was observed in most settings, the level of engagement varied, with some areas showing limited steam-related behaviors. two key findings structured the analysis presented in the following sections: (a) landscape elements in existing natural play settings that shape the type and frequency of children's steam learning behaviors; and (b) temporal patterns illustrating how steam-supportive settings influence the duration and complexity of children's play, social interactions, sensory explorations, and conversational exchanges. temporal patterns of children's behavior during outdoor play time the ws zoo school video analysis revealed that children's play in existing outdoor play settings is supported by both the natural and constructed surroundings. nature delivered far more variables in the form of play props and open-ended play opportunities than traditional childcare outdoor environments with large areas of safety surfaces and fixed equipment. the ws zoo school's nature-based and diverse early childhood learning environment let children experience the changing seasons, see the life cycles of plants, animals, and insects, and explore and play with natural materials. the temporal pattern analysis data (table 2) for the ws zoo school highlights distinct patterns of children's behaviors during outdoor play time across diverse play settings. group play emerges as the most visible social play behavior, the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 66 consistently observed across the timeline, which indicates its prominence in fostering social interactions among children. similarly, conversational interactions, primarily involving multiple children, are frequently noted, underscoring the social nature of the play settings. solitary play also appears less frequently compared to group and parallel play, indicating a stronger inclination towards collaborative social play in these settings. sensory play behaviors, specifically those related to taste and smell, are less visible, suggesting these sensory experiences are less prevalent or less emphasized during observed play periods. table 2. temporal patterns of children's play behavior types, social play, sensory play, and conversation behavior during outdoor play time in existing play settings the analysis of the temporal distribution of steam behaviors in children during outdoor play, as detailed in table 3, underscores prominent and sporadic activities within steam disciplines. mathematics behaviors, particularly balancing, sorting and comparing, are the most consistently observed, suggesting these skills are frequently explored and reinforced in outdoor play settings. in contrast, arts-related behaviors such as dance and music are notably less frequent, indicating that these activities may not be as integrally facilitated or may occur less naturally in these settings. among science + technology + engineering behaviors, building/ construction, cause and effect, exploring and describing activities emerge as significantly engaged, reflecting the children's interaction with materials and structures conducive to understanding physical and spatial concepts. this pattern reveals that the available affordances of the ws zoo school make it a steamsupportive outdoor play setting. the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 67 table 3. temporal patterns of children's steam learning behaviors during outdoor play time in existing settings play settings and their relation to steam learning behaviors undoubtedly, this research, while analyzing existing play settings at the ws zoo school, is not just about the presence of natural elements but how they are integrated into the environment. the design of pathways, the proximity of different elements to each other, and overall accessibility significantly impacted how children interact with the natural outdoor environment and, consequently, their steam learning experiences. in such a setting thoughtfully equipped with selected materials and abundant exploration opportunities, children will naturally express their curiosity and questions verbally and through actions (worth & grollman, 2003). in the ws zoo school setting, children can self-select areas in which to play, with whom they want to play, and the types of play activities in which they wish to engage. it is observed that children frequently engage in steam-related activities in affordance-rich, diverse natural settings. they actively explore and manipulate objects, closely examining the characteristics of texture, size, or material. these properties influence how children use these items; for instance, they use large, sturdy tree logs to construct climbing structures and softer materials (e.g., a piece of cloth) to cover their faces and act like ghosts. table 4 shows a comprehensive table of the frequencies of steam learning behaviors across the various play settings, illustrating a notable variance in engagement levels. video data reveals that most steam learning behaviors are visible in places with loose parts play materials, suggesting that child interactions with diverse natural materials promote steam learning. storage facilities specially designed with multiple affordances are another setting where we identified many steam-related activities. large blocks and construction areas on the site offer the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 68 opportunities for children to interact with peers and practice socialization skills. the areas help children to be more creative. similarly, areas with a large number of child-friendly plants demonstrate substantial engagement, aligning with their potential to foster observational capacity and exploration skills. conversely, acoustic play settings, art areas, and pretend and performance areas show moderate levels of steam activity, suggesting smaller but specific contributions to steam learning. notably, in areas with the presence of moveable play structures and with diverse topography and landforms, children display a greater engagement with steam learning activities than in the settings with fixed play structures, pointing to their limited direct efficacy in promoting observable steam behaviors. these insights underscore the need for diverse play settings to cultivate varied steam learning experiences and highlight the importance of designing educational play areas that enhance settings conducive to active and multifaceted learning. table 4. frequencies of steam learning behaviors across diverse play settings table 5 illustrates the relationship between children's steam learning behaviors and associated play settings, revealing distinct patterns of engagement across various environments. mathematics activities, particularly comparing, measuring, and sorting, are prevalent in both structured and unstructured environments, such as outdoor classroom areas and loose parts play areas with the availability of plants, while balancing activities are visible only in large blocks and natural construction areas, suggesting these settings are conducive to quantitative explorations. in the realm of science + technology + engineering, building/construction, and cause and effect activities are notably frequent in areas designed for manipulative play, such as sand and water play, highlighting the importance of tangible, hands-on experiences in fostering engineering skills. language and literacy activities within the arts category are primarily observed in the outdoor classroom, loose parts play the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 69 areas, and areas with plants and sensory gardens, indicating these settings support narrative and communicative developments. conversely, behaviors such as exploration and observation are predominantly seen in nature-focused settings like plants and the natural healing and relaxation area, underscoring the role of natural environments in promoting inquiry-based learning. table 5. mapping steam learning behaviors across diverse outdoor play settings in table 5, the sizes of the dots reflect the frequency of each steam learning behavior identified in each setting, with each frequency count represented by different colored dots. for instance, larger red dots indicate the maximum frequency, and in science + technology + engineering coding, describing/ prescribing/ predicting/ concluding behaviors are at the maximum frequency in the plants: trees, shrubs, edible garden environment. the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 70 mapping interaction and play dynamics across diverse outdoor learning environments this case study site (figure 4) has spatial arrangements that are aesthetically pleasing, functional, and conducive to learning. different activities like sand play, water play, or multipurpose lawn areas contribute to a diverse range of play and learning experiences. for instance, a well-placed water and sand play area encourages more interactive and exploratory learning. a mix of formal and informal learning and enjoyable experiences in these naturalized settings was most closely linked with fostering environmentally responsible behaviors in children. figure 4. affordance-rich outdoor learning environments of the will smith zoo school the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 71 in this study, the video data demonstrates how the children of the ws zoo school spend their time in their outdoor play environment and which type of play and learning activities dominate the nature-oriented zoo school playground. the final analysis delineates the distribution of children's play behavior types, social play, sensory play and conversation behavior across various play settings, offering insights into the correlation between play behaviors and specific environments (table 6). table 6. mapping interaction and play dynamics across diverse outdoor play settings the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 72 in table 6, the size of the dots reflects the frequency of each behavior identified in each setting, with each frequency count represented by different colored dots. larger red dots indicate the maximum frequency; for instance, the most frequent conversation behavior is “none” in the moveable play structures/portable toys environment; in social behavior coding, “solitary play,” has the maximum frequency in loose parts play; in play behavior type coding, “no play” has the maximum frequency in the natural healing and relaxation area, and “dramatic play” shows the most frequent behavior in loose parts play areas. notably, group play, couple play, and parallel play behaviors, highlighted through consistent presence across settings like large blocks and natural construction areas and places with moveable play structures/portable toys, suggest these areas are central hubs for collaborative and social interactions. sensory behaviors associated with touch are predominantly observed in settings such as sand play and water play, indicating these environments are particularly conducive to tactile engagements. in contrast, dramatic play exhibits a strong presence in settings not designed for imaginative activities but rather in areas with loose parts of play materials. on the other hand, solitary play is less frequent, occurring sporadically across most settings but with less consistency than group play, indicating a broader preference or opportunity for social play in these environments. according to smith roley et al. (2015), this pattern underscores the role of unstructured and sensoryrich play settings in facilitating specific types of interactions and developmental behaviors among children. records of the use of plants and plant materials in children’s play activities a large number of play and learning opportunities provided by plants and plant materials in this context are revealed. further, video analysis reveals how children interact with the existing trees on this site and also reveals their favorite activities around and with trees. for instance, figure 5 illustrates that existing plants including quercus virginiana (live oak), sophora secundiflora (texas mountain laurel), albizia julibrissin (silk tree), rhapidophyllum hystrix (needle palm), and lantana corticoids (texas lantana) are used by children in their play and influence their steam activities. the blend of thoughtfully designed play areas and abundant plants and plant materials enables children to express their thoughts in innovative ways. in this study, we found that children's access to a variety of natural materials allows them to develop a wide range of skills. children engaged in critical thinking as they purposefully selected plant materials to serve as props in their pretend play. the plant-derived loose parts provided by a well-designed planting palette ensured that children had rich and diverse plant resources as play props, “affording” them to engage in free play. in the well-designed outdoor settings of the ws zoo school, children can convert simple parts of plants into objects with several functionalities. the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 73 figure 4. diverse plants and plant materials and associated children's behavior discussion well-designed play areas incorporate diverse natural elements like trees, shrubs, plants, soil, sand, water, leaves, flowers, seeds, and small sticks. these features stimulate children's senses and broaden their range of play activities (frost, 2015). for many children, a wild natural environment may appear intimidating. however, at the ws zoo school, the natural setting is structured and accessible, enabling children to feel secure while engaged in diverse play settings to explore and understand their surroundings. this research underscores the pivotal role of affordance-rich outdoor play environments in fostering steam learning behaviors among preschool children. through the in-depth analysis of children's interactions within the ws zoo school's the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 74 naturalized play settings, the findings of this research suggest that well-designed outdoor environments with diverse natural landscape elements are associated with increased occurrences of behaviors indicative of steam learning. the findings also reveal that children engage in a wide array of steam learning behaviors when provided with environments that offer open-ended and exploratory play opportunities. the study demonstrates that natural materials, such as sand, water, plants, and loose parts, provide affordances for children’s inquiry-based learning and social interactions, thereby creating a dynamic and inclusive learning environment that transcends traditional play structures. these elements encourage children to engage in critical thinking and problem-solving and foster their creativity and social collaboration. moreover, the temporal analysis of children's behavior patterns highlights the importance of diverse play settings in promoting specific steam learning activities. settings that incorporate moveable play structures, varied topography, and natural elements like plants and water are particularly conducive to activities such as building, sorting, comparing, and exploring—core components of steam education. by identifying which sub-sets of the environment are associated with particular behaviors, this research provides actionable insights for designing outdoor spaces that support early childhood steam learning. the findings advocate for a shift in the design of childcare outdoor spaces towards more diverse, naturalized environments that prioritize children's developmental needs through the provision of rich, exploratory play opportunities. the findings from this study aligned with several previous studies that emphasize the critical role of natural settings and landscape elements in outdoor learning environments (cetken-aktas & sevimli-celik, 2023; herrington & studtmann, 1998; van dijk-wesselius et al., 2022; wight et al., 2016). similar to this research, cetken-aktas and sevimli-celik (2023) highlight that an environment rich in natural elements, such as trees, water, and varied topography, significantly encourages creative, collaborative, and inquiry-based play, which are essential components of steam learning. further, the present study concludes that movable and flexible natural play settings are more effective in promoting diverse steam activities, echoing findings from the wight et al. (2016) study, which observed that such environments foster environmental responsibility behaviors through hands-on interaction. furthermore, both the results of the present study and those of herrington and studtmann (1998) agree that landscape interventions in outdoor play areas can enhance not just physical development but also cognitive, social, and emotional growth, providing a more holistic developmental experience for children. opportunities to interact with diverse nature play settings are beneficial for children in many different ways and empirical evidence suggests that nature connections are directly related to multiple developmental domains including cognitive development. high-quality, affordance-rich outdoor learning environments can ensure quality outdoor times for children. it is critical to understand how intentional use of landscape elements in outdoor learning environment design can facilitate steam learning in a childcare setting. this research provides insights for designers, the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 75 early childhood educators, researchers, and policymakers about innovative ways to design affordance-rich play settings to improve nature interactions in an outdoor environment for children in a childcare/preschool setting where children spend a significant portion of the day. limitations, delimitations, and future research the momentary time sampling data analysis method is limited to recording events that occur within a predetermined period and is subject to clock monitoring. however, this technique is particularly effective in providing an objective record of children's behavior and indicating whether concerns require intervention in the specified play settings. momentary time sampling is a relatively straightforward method for video data analysis, as it estimates overall behavior rather than the documentation of each occurrence (miller, 2010). in this research, the momentary time sample method is used to capture behaviors at specific moments in time rather than continuous actions. it may underestimate a child's behavior, as the children may engage in a behavior throughout an interval but cease just before the end of the interval. however, this study focused on identifying patterns and relationships between nature-based outdoor play environments and steam-related behaviors, which is inferred from the observed frequency and variety of steamrelated behaviors rather than being directly measured through standardized assessment tools. future studies should employ longitudinal or experimental designs to quantify the impact of such environments on steam learning outcomes. to mitigate this limitation, researchers also perform frequent reliability checks between coders to ensure consistency in interpreting behaviors, particularly in ambiguous scenarios. although this study was conducted at a single case study site, the ws zoo school, the insights gained offer a foundation for understanding children's interactions in play settings and can be adapted to explore other environments that foster steam learning activities. this study focused on specific landscape elements and outdoor play settings, with a particular emphasis on preschool children aged 3-5 years. by narrowing the scope to this age group, the study provides a detailed understanding of their unique interaction dynamics within naturalized outdoor environments. this targeted approach allows for an in-depth exploration of how these settings support steam learning behaviors, offering valuable insights that might be less apparent in broader studies. the exclusion of indoor and more structured learning environments enables a concentrated examination of the benefits provided by nature-based outdoor play areas. future studies should compare different educational settings, further illuminating the positive impact of outdoor environments on steam learning behaviors. most importantly, intervention studies that implement and evaluate changes in play settings based on empirical findings could validate the effectiveness of specific design elements in enhancing the steam learning activities in an outdoor play area. conclusions the design of the outdoor learning environment at the ws zoo school influences the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 76 the richness and diversity of children’s play and steam learning activities. play and learning occur more readily in spaces that offer various possibilities, known as affordances, which are the potential activities a space allows (gibson, 2014; morgenthaler et al., 2024; sharma-brymer et al., 2018). the design, size, landscape, and elements within this case study site, being both natural and manmade, shape these affordances. for instance, video data shows that children identified a concrete area as perfect for bouncing a ball, while a grassy hill was used for rolling down. a child’s perspective on these affordances, such as viewing a climbable tree as an exciting challenge rather than a hazard, often differs from an adult's more cautious viewpoint. it is crucial for those who provide play opportunities to recognize and consider the different ways children might engage with these affordances beyond current or adult use (tunnicliffe & kennedy, 2022). the more varied and intricate an affordance is, the more action possibilities it presents to children. this study highlighted that children’s play in this well-designed, affordance-rich natural setting was rich in focused and imaginative social interactions. playing in such natural surroundings also increases children’s curiosity about their environment, leading to more vivid recounts of their experiences (elkind, 2007). in these spaces, children actively shape their surroundings with intent and become deeply engrossed in their activities. these observations suggest that the intentional design of an outdoor environment with diverse landscape elements can facilitate behaviors that are advantageous for early steam education (e.g., creativity, social interaction, and detailed observation). outdoor learning environments can influence steam education with intentional design elements. those elements can offer steam learning affordances and create informal environments crucial to steam education, such as a diverse range of natural resources that children can use in their play, fostering creativity, social interaction, and complex activities like construction projects. traditional playgrounds are not as effective in encouraging stem-related play (weiser, 2022). in sum, this case study serves as an exemplary illustration of how unstructured, affordance-rich natural environments can provide a wide range of steam learning opportunities while increasing the flexibility and adaptability of settings for children's active engagement. nazia afrin trina is a ph.d. candidate and research assistant in the department of landscape architecture at texas tech university. her research identifies relationships between the built environment and children's behavior, mainly focusing on how well-designed outdoor spaces can bolster informal learning in the steam fields (science, technology, engineering, arts, and mathematics). dr. muntazar monsur is an associate professor in texas tech university’s department of landscape architecture. his teaching and research focus on enhancing the quality of children’s lives by improving their surrounding environment. the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 77 nilda cosco, ph.d., is the director of programs at the natural learning initiative, and research professor in the department of landscape architecture and environmental planning at nc state university. professor cosco’s research focuses on the impact of outdoor environments on health outcomes such as obesity, sedentary lifestyles, attention functioning, and well-being. stephanie shine, ph.d., is the executive director of the center for early head start. she is also an associate professor of practice in the human development and family sciences department at texas tech university. she has dedicated her life to serving the children of her community in more ways than one. by educating the future educators of the world, she is passing on her experience and advice to the new generation. dr. ann mastergeorge is a professor in human development and family sciences and is the senior director for engaged scholarship initiatives in the college of human sciences at texas tech university with expertise in early development in both typical and atypical populations. she holds the rockwell endowed professorship and is a developmental scholar who studies health disparities, the impact of poverty on developmental outcomes, and prevention and early intervention strategies and outcomes for young children at risk for autism. leehu loon is a professor of landscape architecture and chair of the department of landscape architecture at texas tech university. he is a licensed landscape architect who has practiced in oregon, washington, d.c., and china. he advocates for the profession and serves on the board of directors for the council of landscape architectural registration boards (clarb). references adolph, k. e., & kretch, k. s. 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(2012). a study of rural preschool practitioners’ views on young children’s mathematical thinking. mathematics education research journal, 24, 39-57. kellert, s. r. (2012). building for life: designing and understanding the humannature connection. island press. loebach, j. (2005). designing learning environments for children: an affordancebased approach to providing developmentally appropriate settings [unpublished master’s dissertation]. dalhousie university. loebach, j., & cox, a. (2020). tool for observing play outdoors (topo): a new typology for capturing children’s play behaviors in outdoor environments. international journal of environmental research and public health, 17(15), 5611. louv, r. (2008). last child in the woods: saving our children from nature-deficit disorder. algonquin books. mawson, w. b. (2014). experiencing the ‘wild woods’: the impact of pedagogy on children's experience of a natural environment. european early childhood education research journal, 22(4), 513-524. miller, d. (2010). this never would have happened indoors: supporting preschoolage children’s learning in a nature explore classroom in minnesota. in momentary time sample recording. the university of kansas, department of special education. retrieved 20 july 2024 from https://specialconnections.ku.edu/assessment/data_based_decision_making/ teacher_tools/momentary_time_sample_recording moore, r. (1989). playgrounds at the crossroads. in i. altman & e. h. zube (eds.), public and places and spaces (pp. 83-120). springer. moore, r. (2006). playgrounds: a 150-year-old model. in h. frumkin, r. geller, i. l. rubin, & j. nodvin (eds.), safe and healthy school environments (pp. 86-103). oxford university press. morgenthaler, t., lynch, h., loebach, j., pentland, d., & schulze, c. (2024). using the theory of affordances to understand environment–play transactions: environmental taxonomy of outdoor play space features—a scoping review. the american journal of occupational therapy, 78(4), 7804185120. moser, t., & martinsen, m. t. (2010). the outdoor environment in norwegian kindergartens as pedagogical space for toddlers' play, learning and development. european early childhood education research journal, 18(4), https://specialconnections.ku.edu/assessment/data_based_decision_making/teacher_tools/momentary_time_sample_recording https://specialconnections.ku.edu/assessment/data_based_decision_making/teacher_tools/momentary_time_sample_recording javascript:; javascript:; javascript:; javascript:; javascript:; the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 80 457-471. murphy, s., macdonald, a., danaia, l., & wang, c. (2019). an analysis of australian stem education strategies. policy futures in education, 17(2), 122-139. https://doi.org/10.1177/1478210318774190 sharma-brymer, v., brymer, e., gray, t., & davids, k. (2018). affordances guiding forest school practice: the application of the ecological dynamics approach. journal of outdoor and environmental education, 21, 103-115. smilansky, s. (1968). the effects of sociodramatic play on disadvantaged preschool children. wiley. smith roley, s., bissell, j., & frolek clark, g. (2015). occupational therapy for children and youth using sensory integration theory and methods in schoolbased practice. american journal of occupational therapy, 69(s3). doi: 10.5014/ajot.2015.696s04 speldewinde, c., kilderry, a., & campbell, c. (2021). “all the things children can see”: understanding children’s noticing in bush kinders. journal of outdoor and environmental education, 24(2), 151-167. trina, n. a. (2022). the play value of plants: altering parts of plants as loose parts play materials in early childhood learning landscapes. available from https://www.asla.org/2023studentawards/9119.html trina, n. a., monsur, m., cosco, n., shine, s., loon, l., & mastergeorge, a. (2024). how do nature-based outdoor learning environments affect preschoolers’ steam concept formation? a scoping review. education sciences, 14(6), 627. tunnicliffe, s. d., & kennedy, t. j. (2022). play and stem education in the early years: international policies and practices. springer nature. ukkonen-mikkola, t., & ferreira, j. (2020). video recording as a research method for investigating children under three years of age. [conference presentation]. 15th international academic meeting of the university of primorska, slovenia. van dijk-wesselius, j. e., maas, j., van vugt, m., & van den berg, a. e. (2022). a comparison of children's play and non-play behavior before and after schoolyard greening monitored by video observations. journal of environmental psychology, 80, 101760. weiser, l. e. (2022). young children’s free play in nature: an essential foundation for stem learning in germany. in s. d. tunniclife & t. j. kennedy (eds.), play and stem education in the early years: international policies and practices (pp. 85-103). springer. wight, r. a., kloos, h., maltbie, c. v., & carr, v. w. (2016). can playscapes the role of landscape elements on outdoor learning environment design… 81 promote early childhood inquiry towards environmentally responsible behaviors? an exploratory study. environmental education research, 22(4), 518-537. winkel, g., saegert, s., & evans, g. w. (2009). an ecological perspective on theory, methods, and analysis in environmental psychology: advances and challenges. journal of environmental psychology, 29(3), 318-328. worth, k., & grollman, s. (2003). worms, shadows and whirlpools: science in the early childhood classroom. eric. worth, k. (2019). science in early learning environments. in cohen, l. e. & waitestupiansky, s. (eds.), stem in early childhood education (pp. 3-21). routledge. yin, r. k. (2003). case study research: design and methods. sage publications. https://books.google.com/books?id=bwea_9zgqmwc https://books.google.com/books?id=bwea_9zgqmwc login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? 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keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2023 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments, 33(3), 2023 overcoming isolation: teenagers’ connectedness to others during the covid-19 pandemic gabriella meltzer columbia mailman school of public health tony dinh university of ottawa nnenia campbell natural hazards center at the university of colorado boulder alice fothergill university of vermont christine gibb university of ottawa citation: meltzer, g., dinh, t., campbell, n., fothergill, a., & gibb, c. (2023). overcoming isolation: teenagers’ connectedness to others during the covid-19 pandemic. children, youth and environments, 33(3), 92-126. https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/850 abstract the covid-19 pandemic was characterized by loneliness, especially among teenagers. this study explored the coping mechanisms, activities, challenges, places visited, and sources of support that predicted teenagers feeling connected to others during covid-19. data come from surveys administered in the united states and canada in summer 2022. multivariate logistic regression showed that producing personal protective equipment, supporting siblings, getting involved in the local community, becoming more politically active, and taking language classes were positively associated with connectedness. in addition, teens in canada were more likely to feel connected to others than teens in the united states. these findings can inform policies to enhance resilience in teenagers during protracted crises. keywords: covid-19, teenagers, connectedness, isolation, resilience overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 93 introduction the covid-19 pandemic highlighted the adolescent mental health epidemic in the united states and canada, and the ways in which social isolation and connectedness can shape the resilience of teenagers during protracted crises. research has mostly focused on the negative effects of social isolation during the pandemic: poor academic performance, difficulty making friends, increased anxiety, behavioral problems, emotional distress, and suicide (garriguet, 2021; government of canada, 2020; o’sullivan et al., 2021). this negative focus, and a corresponding dearth of studies on the potential for adolescent resilience and agency, reinforce a discursive framing of adolescents as passive, vulnerable recipients of policies, programs, and circumstances beyond their control. like fothergill and peek (2015), masten and motti-stefanidi (2020), percy-smith et al. (2022), and zhang et al. (2020), we foreground the possibility that adolescents possess and deploy capabilities in crises in addition to vulnerabilities. this article explores the relationship between social isolation, connectedness, and resilience in the context of the covid-19 pandemic, with a specific focus on how teenagers cultivated resilience through building and maintaining social connections. expanding on the work of other scholars (bond et al., 2007; orben et al., 2020), our starting point is that connectedness is positively associated with resilience and coping capacity (brown & westaway, 2011; parsons et al., 2016). our inquiry thus centers on what fosters a sense of connection in teenagers. amplification of teenage mental health challenges during the pandemic pre-pandemic, 10-20% of teenagers worldwide encountered mental health challenges (kieling et al., 2011). however, in canada as of 2020, 4% of children and teenagers had only fair or poor mental health as reported by their parents and guardians. this rate was much higher among older youth ages 15-17, with stark gender differences—10% of boys compared to 24% of girls reported fair or poor mental health (government of canada, 2020). youth from lower-income canadian households were also less likely to report excellent or very good mental health and were more likely to contemplate suicide than their more affluent counterparts (garriguet, 2021). in the united states, the pre-pandemic state of the mental health crisis among teenagers was even more acute. in 2016-2019, over one in five children living below the federal poverty level had a mental, behavioral, or developmental disorder (cdc, 2022). twenty-one percent of all 12-17-year-olds reported experiencing a “major depressive episode,” and 36.7% of high school students reported persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness (bitsko, 2022). girls in high school were more likely than boys to report suicidal ideation, attempt suicide, and require medical treatment after a suicide attempt (bitsko, 2022). black and hispanic children ages 5-17 were nearly 50% less likely to seek mental health services in comparison to non-hispanic whites (marrast et al., 2016). these findings underscore the urgency of delving deeper into both the amplifying impact of protracted crises on adolescent mental health, and the ways in which sociodemographic factors including age, gender, race, and class intersect to produce different outcomes. the covid-19 pandemic has exacerbated the youth mental health crisis worldwide (de figueiredo et al., 2021; imran et al., 2020). notwithstanding the physical harm https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?6hy9nf https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?6hy9nf https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?6hy9nf https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?wwqque https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?wwqque https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?wwqque https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?wwqque https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?wwqque https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?zymmml https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?zymmml https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?fblrl9 https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?xfxv3p overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 94 wrought by covid-19, shelter-in-place orders magnified the effects of social isolation and resulted in a total disruption of normal routines among teens living in the united states, the united kingdom, and australia (gruber et al., 2021; hyde et al., 2021; shukla et al., 2023). the pandemic illuminated significant barriers to accessing mental health care, including breaks in care, limited access to telehealth resources, mental health professional shortages, and societal stigma (panchal et al., 2021). pre-existing mental health conditions worsened due to isolation, uncertainty, lack of daily routines, and limited access to health services (jones et al., 2021). in a rapid scoping review of 63 studies, loades et al. (2020) found that children and adolescents were more likely to experience high rates of depression and anxiety during and after enforced isolation early in the pandemic, which the researchers anticipated would escalate with ongoing isolation. relatedly, an irish study found that adverse mental health effects such as social isolation, depression, and anxiety were particularly pronounced among young people (o’sullivan et al., 2021). such findings are also reflected in empirical evidence in both the united states and canada. magson et al. (2021) observed significant increases in symptoms of depression, anxiety, and suicidality reported among american teenagers ages 1316. the u.s. centers for disease control and prevention (cdc) described a similarly worrying trend among american teenagers, where 37% of high school students reported experiencing poor mental health during the covid-19 pandemic, and 44% reported persistently feeling sad or hopeless during the past year (cdc, 2022). in canada, 57% of study participants ages 15-17 reported a decline in their mental health during the pandemic (government of canada, 2020). the findings from these studies underscore the need to not only pursue solutions from governmental agencies and health authorities, for example, but also to investigate the strategies that teenagers themselves can adopt to develop resilience. connection and resilience through social capital as highlighted by magson et al. (2021), promoting connection and a sense of belonging among adolescents during and after periods of isolation is a promising approach in building resilience. encouraging engagement and connectedness enables teenagers to cultivate agency and resilience, thereby enhancing their control over their own mental health outcomes (bond et al., 2007; orben et al., 2020). we can use social capital theory to help us understand the mechanisms behind building and maintaining these crucial connections. social capital theory provides a valuable framework for exploring how one builds connectedness. bonding social capital involves relationships within a group or community, bridging social capital refers to connections between different social groups, and linking social capital pertains to relationships among individuals or institutions at different levels of the societal power hierarchy (szreter & woolcock, 2004; woolcock, 2001). social capital, including the networks, norms, and trust that facilitate cooperation and coordination among people and groups, can positively impact resilience during and after disasters. research by hawkins and maurer (2010) on disaster resilience overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 95 after hurricane katrina found that strong ties within a group or community (bonding social capital) were more important for emotional support, while connections between different groups or communities (bridging social capital) were more critical for accessing crucial resources and information needed in recovery. similar findings were observed in pitas and ehmer’s (2020) study in puerto rico after hurricane maria. alternatively, poortinga’s (2012) study on floods in the u.k. suggested that bridging social capital was a more effective predictor of fostering resilience and connectedness than in-group, bonding social capital. wong and kohler’s (2020) research on the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in japan found that bridging social capital was more crucial than bonding social capital for disaster recovery and building resilience. social capital clearly shapes disaster outcomes, which elicits the question: what activities, interactions, and coping mechanisms can teenagers embrace to develop social capital and a sense of connection during times of crisis? teens who participate in extracurricular activities, such as sports teams, clubs, or volunteering, build their social capital by connecting with community members and organizations (darling et al., 2005; eccles & barber, 1999; linver et al., 2009; taylor et al., 2017). community engagement such as volunteering and church activities has been linked to positive educational trajectories, particularly among racially diverse groups and those from both lowand middle-class families (eccles & barber, 1999; taylor et al., 2017). moreover, academically disadvantaged youth may derive greater benefit in terms of connections gained from extracurriculars than those from upperor middle-class backgrounds (linver et al., 2009). teenagers also build social capital through civic engagement and participation in political activities (duke et al., 2009; kahne et al., 2006; kim & morgül, 2017). high school student engagement plays a pivotal role in fostering norms for civic commitment and engagement, social trust, and knowledge of social networks (duke et al., 2009; kahne et al., 2006). relatedly, kim and morgül (2017) emphasize that neighborhood resources and safety enhance adolescents' community involvement, while noting that socioeconomic disadvantages reduce their likelihood to volunteer. teens’ social capital grows through the relationships they build with peers and adults, such as teachers and mentors; these people, in turn, can provide social support and enhance teens’ feelings of connectedness (hughes et al., 2001; rhodes et al., 2000; wentzel & caldwell, 1997). conversely, teenagers who do not engage in social (scales et al., 2011; shanahan et al., 2007), extracurricular (wilson, 2009), or civic (bohnert et al., 2010) activities feel less connected and experience more social isolation. these activities that foster connectedness, however, were greatly impacted by covid-19 school closures and shelter-in-place orders (digiacomo et al., 2022). digital opportunities amid pandemic disruptions the pandemic-catalyzed upheaval of routine activities and increased reliance on digital technologies have had mixed impacts on teens’ connectedness. the shift to virtual formats did not provide the same level of engagement or social connection as in-person activities (lee et al., 2021; scott et al., 2021). the pandemic overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 96 disrupted traditional forms of civic and political engagement, such as volunteering and community service (arya & henn, 2021; theocharis & moor, 2021). it also led to social distancing guidelines and restrictions on in-person gatherings, which may have reduced opportunities for teens to build and maintain relationships with peers and adults. however, the pandemic also provided new situations and avenues for teenagers to reclaim control of their mental health outcomes. many teens have used technology to build resilience through staying connected with friends and family, and some have even reported feeling closer to their family members during the pandemic (ellis et al., 2020; fish et al., 2020). relatedly, recent literature has highlighted the numerous methods leveraged by teenagers in building relationships across online spaces such as music collaboration (crooke et al., 2021), political engagement with black lives matter (estellés et al., 2022; bishop et al., 2022), civic engagement (mohamad, 2020), and online gaming (hsu & chang, 2022). building on this literature review, this study probes what enabled teenagers ages 12-18 in the united states and canada to feel connected to other people during the covid-19 pandemic based on nationally representative surveys administered in summer 2022. methods sample and data collection data for this analysis come from our life in covid study (gibb et al., 2023), a mixed-methods, multi-year study that aims to understand the lived experiences of children, teens, and older adults in the united states and canada during the covid-19 pandemic through the lenses of vulnerability, mobilities, and capacities. in july 2022, the research team conducted three, nationally representative online surveys in the united states and canada of parents or guardians of children ages 511, teenagers ages 12-18, and older adults ages 65 and over. the analysis presented in the current paper solely uses the data collected from teenagers.1 respondents were asked about their challenges, coping strategies, activities, and relationships during the pandemic, as well as their history with covid-19 and their sociodemographics. qualtrics recruited participants and administered the survey on their secure online platform in english, french, and spanish in july and august 2022. qualtrics identified potential participants through avenues such as website intercepts, referrals, email lists, gaming sites, customer loyalty portals, and social media platforms. quotas were applied to ensure representativeness of respondents in terms of age, gender identity, race/ethnicity, and primary spoken language. all respondents provided informed assent/consent at the beginning of the survey and were compensated with an amount agreed upon with qualtrics in the form of gift cards, airline miles, or rewards points at retail outlets. parent or guardian consent 1 the 12-year-olds are included in the teenager category for two reasons: (1) the age range of the first covid-19 vaccines approved for minors was 12 to 17 years old, and (2) we determined that 12-year-olds can complete the survey on their own without assistance from an adult. overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 97 was also obtained for those respondents under the age of 18. data were quality checked by both the research team and qualtrics in the form of attention checks and assessment of short answer responses. there were 1,002 good quality responses by the close of the survey period for an incidence rate of 23%. surveys took an average of five minutes to complete. all procedures were approved by the institutional review board at the university of vermont and the research ethics board at the university of ottawa. measures and analytic strategy our outcome of interest was whether teenagers felt connected to others during the pandemic. it was based on the question, “which of the following best describes how you have felt during the pandemic?” where one of several response options was “connected to other people.” those respondents who did not check this box were treated as not feeling connected to others. our primary exposures of interest were teenagers’ activities, challenges, coping strategies, sources of support, and places visited during the pandemic. appendix a shows all the options for these questions in the survey, where each response was categorized as “yes” or “no.” covariates of interest included the following sociodemographics: gender, age, race/ethnicity, religion, place of residence (including region in canada), primary language spoken (in canada only), annual household income (in usd), and parental marital status. appendix a shows the response options for each of these variables. covariates related to history with covid-19 included personal and household experience with covid-19 based on responding in the affirmative to any of the following: had covid-19, was hospitalized, was symptomatic, or had long-term symptoms or other health problems. respondents were also asked whether their household had experienced job loss or reduced working hours due to the pandemic; whether they had received a covid-19 vaccine; and whether they would socialize with those who had not been vaccinated. we conducted bivariate analyses using pearson’s chi-square tests followed by univariate and multivariate logistic regression to predict whether a teenage respondent felt connected to others. we built five multivariate models, each focusing on a different aspect of teenagers’ covid experiences: extracurricular activities (model 1), sources of support (model 2), coping mechanisms (model 3), pandemic-related activities (model 4), and challenges faced (model 5). all analyses were conducted in stata 17 (statacorp, 2021). results appendix a shows the results of univariate and bivariate analyses. the vast majority of teenage respondents (92%) reported not feeling connected to others during the pandemic. over half (52%) of participants identified as female, 46% as male, and 2% as gender non-binary or other. twenty-five percent of respondents were 18 years old, while ages 12-17 were more evenly distributed. exactly half lived in the united states and canada, respectively, and among canadians, the majority primarily spoke english (71%) as opposed to french (20%) or another language (8%) and resided in central (61%) or northern canada (16%). most respondents identified as white/caucasian (75%), followed by asian/pacific https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?wbqmnv overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 98 islander (13%), black/african american/canadian (8%), hispanic/latinx (4%), and indigenous/native american/alaska native (3%). most teenagers identified their religion as christianity (57%), though sizable portions reported being atheist/agnostic (13%) or preferred not to share their religious beliefs (14%). annual household income was relatively normally distributed, centered around the $50,000-$99,000 range (30%). most teenagers’ parents or guardians were married or in a domestic partnership (62%), though 26% lived in single-parent households. in terms of experiences with the covid-19 virus, 46% had become ill from the virus themselves and 61% had household members who had. thirty-five percent reported that a member of their primary household had been economically impacted by the pandemic. the vast majority (77%) were vaccinated against covid-19, followed by 14% who had not and would not be vaccinated. of those who had been vaccinated, 42% said they would unconditionally socialize with those who had not been vaccinated, while 31% said they would do so, but only according to public health guidelines. the most common extracurricular activities during the pandemic were sports or dance (28%), music (26%), and fine arts (23%). however, 34% of respondents had not participated in any of the listed extracurricular activities during the pandemic. it should be noted that the survey did not distinguish between virtual and in-person extracurricular activities. the most visited places during the pandemic included parks/natural environments (50%), grocery stores/pharmacies/retail stores (50%), school/childcare facilities (42%), neighborhood streets (39%), friends’ homes (37%), and grandparents’ (30%) and other family members’ (30%) homes. the most endorsed challenges were the inability to visit friends (62%), go to school (49%), or do usual activities (46%), as well as missing important milestones (43%) and being afraid of going out and catching covid-19 (42%). the most practiced coping mechanisms were connecting with friends remotely (69%), playing video games (51%), spending time with a pet (40%), and connecting with family members (36%) and teachers and classmates (32%) remotely. only 5% percent reported engaging in harmful coping behaviors. most teens reported that they sought help from family members (80%), followed by friends (54%), and teachers/coaches (22%). the most popular pandemic-related activities included reaching out/providing support to a friend or family member (30%), running errands for a friend or family member (28%), helping a sibling with homework (24%), and creating artwork or food for someone (23%). nearly 24% did not participate in any of the listed activities. based on bivariate analyses, those who participated in several activities were more likely to report feeling connected to others, including music (e.g., lessons, band, choir) (p = 0.01), religious activities (p = 0.04), language classes (p = 0.01), volunteer or community service projects (p = 0.03), and general activities (e.g., girl scouts/girl guides) (p = 0.01). those who did not report participating in any activities were less likely to feel connected to others (p = 0.01). of places visited during the pandemic, only school or a childcare center was negatively associated with feeling connected to others (p = 0.01). in terms of challenges, those who were unable to visit their friends were less likely to feel connected (p =0.04), while those overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 99 who missed summer camp were more likely to feel connected to others (p < 0.01). those whose coping mechanisms included talking or playing with neighbors (p = 0.01), volunteering (p = 0.03), talking with a trusted adult (p = 0.04), or becoming more politically active (p <0.01) were more likely to feel connected to others. those whose sources of support included teachers or coaches (p < 0.01), neighbors (p = 0.01), or religious clergy (p < 0.01) were also more likely to feel connected to others. the following pandemic-related activities were associated with feeling more connected to others: taking on a job to help family with expenses (p = 0.01), making personal protective equipment to donate (p < 0.01), helping a sibling with homework (p < 0.01), and helping someone get a vaccine (p < 0.01). those who reported not doing any activities (p = 0.03) or did not report any religious beliefs (p = 0.01) were less likely to feel connected to others. table 1 shows the results of univariate and multivariate logistic regression predicting the association between select extracurriculars and feeling connected to others. controlling for gender, age, and country of residence, those who participated in language classes [aor (adjusted odds ratio) 2.21, 95% ci (confidence interval) (1.22, 4.00)] were over twice as likely to report feeling connected to others compared to those who did not, while those who did not participate in any of the listed extracurriculars (aor 0.42; 95% ci 0.20, 0.89) were over 60% less likely to feel connected. overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 100 table 1. logistic regression predicting the association between extracurriculars and feeling connected. 12-18 age group, n =1002 factor crude odds ratio (95% ci) p-value multivariate odds ratio (95% ci)a p-value gender male 1.00 1.00 female 0.62 (0.39, 0.99) 0.05 0.67 (0.42, 1.09) 0.11 non-binary or other 1.38 (0.39, 4.81) 0.62 1.26 (0.34, 4.64) 0.73 age 12 to 18 1.01 (0.90, 1.13) 0.90 1.04 (0.92, 1.18) 0.49 country of residence canada 1.00 1.00 united states 0.67 (0.42, 1.06) 0.08 0.6 (0.37, 0.99) 0.05 extracurriculars music activity (e.g., lessons, band, choir) 2.37 (1.49, 3.77) 0.01 1.54 (0.93, 2.54) 0.09 religious activity 1.75 (1.03, 3.00) 0.04 1.37 (0.78, 2.43) 0.27 language class 3.31 (1.88, 5.82) 0.01 2.21 (1.22, 4.00) 0.01 volunteer or community service project 1.98 (1.07, 3.66) 0.03 1.38 (0.71, 2.65) 0.34 general activities (e.g., boy/girl scouts/guides) 2.57 (1.48, 4.48) 0.01 1.75 (0.97, 3.15) 0.06 none of the above 0.25 (0.13, 0.49) 0.01 0.42 (0.20, 0.89) 0.02 a controlling for gender, age, and country of residence table 2 shows the results of univariate and multivariate logistic regression predicting the association between sources of support and feeling connected to others. controlling for gender, age, and country of residence, those who sought support from teachers or coaches (aor 1.97; 95% ci 1.20, 3.25), neighbors (aor 1.97; 95% ci 1.07, 3.62), and religious clergy (aor 2.51; 95% ci 1.27, 4.95) were significantly more likely to feel connected to others. however, this association did not uniformly extend across all demographics. interestingly, those teenagers who resided in the united states, regardless of their source of support, were over 40% less likely (aor 0.57, 95% ci 0.34, 0.95) than their canadian counterparts to feel connected. overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 101 table 2. logistic regression predicting the association between sources of support and feeling connected, 12-18 age group, n = 1002 factor crude odds ratio (95% ci) p-value multivariate odds ratio (95% ci)a p-value gender male 1.00 1.00 female 0.62 (0.39, 0.99) 0.05 0.66 (0.41, 1.06) 0.08 non-binary or other 1.38 (0.39, 4.81) 0.62 1.44 (0.40, 5.21) 0.57 age 12 to 18 1.01 (0.90, 1.13) 0.90 1.06 (0.93, 1.2) 0.39 country of residence canada 1.00 1.00 united states 0.67 (0.42, 1.06) 0.08 0.57 (0.34, 0.95) 0.03 sources of support teacher/coach 2.26 (1.4, 3.65) 0.01 1.97 (1.20, 3.25) 0.01 neighbor 2.21 (1.24, 3.92) 0.01 1.97 (1.07, 3.62) 0.03 religious clergy 3.05 (1.62, 5.75) 0.01 2.51 (1.27, 4.95) 0.01 a controlling for gender, age, and country of residence table 3 shows the results of univariate and multivariate logistic regression predicting the association between coping mechanisms and feeling connected to others. controlling for gender, age, and country of residence, those teenagers who coped with their pandemic-related challenges by talking or playing with neighbors (aor 1.80; 95% ci 1.06, 3.05) were nearly twice as likely to feel connected to others, while those who became more politically active were over three times as likely to feel connected (aor 3.24; 95% ci 1.54, 6.82). overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 102 table 3. logistic regression predicting the association between coping mechanisms and feeling connected, 12-18 age group, n = 1002 factor crude odds ratio (95% ci) p-value multivariate odds ratio (95% ci)a p-value gender male 1.00 1.00 female 0.62 (0.39, 0.99) 0.05 0.7 (0.43, 1.13) 0.14 non-binary or other 1.38 (0.39, 4.81) 0.62 1.48 (0.40, 5.45) 0.56 age 12 to 18 1.01 (0.90, 1.13) 0.90 1.03 (0.91, 1.17) 0.59 country of residence canada 1.00 1.00 united states 0.67 (0.42, 1.06) 0.08 0.65 (0.39, 1.07) 0.09 coping connecting with teachers and classmates remotely 1.94 (1.17, 3.22) 0.01 1.49 (0.92, 2.41) 0.11 talking or playing with neighbors 1.94 (1.17, 3.22) 0.01 1.80 (1.06, 3.05) 0.03 volunteering 2.13 (1.05, 4.36) 0.04 1.81 (0.84, 3.87) 0.13 talking with a trusted adult, such as a teacher, counselor, therapist, or social worker 1.83 (1.03, 3.22) 0.04 1.49 (0.82, 2.71) 0.19 becoming more politically active 4.16 (2.07, 8.33) 0.01 3.24 (1.54, 6.82) 0.01 a controlling for gender, age, and country of residence table 4 shows the results of univariate and multivariate logistic regression predicting the association between engaging in pandemic-related activities and feeling connected to others. controlling for gender, age, and country of residence, those who made personal protective equipment (aor 2.26; 95% ci 1.06, 4.84) and those who helped a sibling with homework (aor 1.85; 95% ci 1.11, 3.08) were both significantly more likely to feel connected. overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 103 table 4. logistic regression predicting the association between activities and feeling connected, 12-18 age group, n = 1002 factor crude odds ratio (95% ci) p-value multivariate odds ratio (95% ci)a pvalue sex / gender male 1.00 1.00 female 0.62 (0.39, 0.99) 0.05 0.67 (0.41, 1.08) 0.10 collapsed gender (nonbinary, prefer not to say, other) 1.38 (0.39, 4.81) 0.62 1.31 (0.36, 4.71) 0.68 age 12 to 18 1.01 (0.90, 1.13) 0.90 1.02 (0.90, 1.16) 0.76 country of residence canada 1.00 1.00 united states 0.67 (0.42, 1.06) 0.08 0.71 (0.43, 1.17) 0.18 activities take on a job to help your family with expenses. 2.12 (1.18, 3.8) 0.01 1.56 (0.83, 2.94) 0.17 make personal protective equipment to donate (e.g., face masks, face shield) 2.8 (1.39, 5.62) 0.01 2.26 (1.06, 4.84) 0.03 help a sibling with schoolwork 2.24 (1.40, 3.59) 0.01 1.85 (1.11, 3.08) 0.02 help someone get a vaccine 2.66 (1.47, 4.82) 0.01 1.86 (0.97, 3.58) 0.06 none 0.48 (0.25, 0.93) 0.03 0.79 (0.39, 1.62) 0.52 lastly, table 5 shows the results of univariate and multivariate logistic regression predicting the association between experiencing various pandemic-related challenges and feeling connected to others. those teenagers who reported missing summer camp were over twice as likely to feel connected to others (aor 2.31; 95% ci 1.33, 4.01) than those who did not report this challenge. overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 104 table 5. logistic regression predicting the association between challenges faced and feeling connected, 12-18 age group, n = 1002 factor crude odds ratio (95% ci) pvalue multivariate odds ratio (95% ci)a pvalue sex / gender male 1.00 1.00 female 0.62 (0.39, 0.99) 0.05 0.65 (0.40, 1.04) 0.07 collapsed gender (non-binary, prefer not to say, other) 1.38 (0.39, 4.81) 0.62 1.28 (0.36, 4.59) 0.71 age 12 to 18 1.01 (0.90, 1.13) 0.90 1.01 (0.89, 1.15) 0.85 country of residence canada 1.00 1.00 united states 0.67 (0.42, 1.06) 0.08 0.63 (0.38, 1.05) 0.07 challenges not being able to visit friends 0.63 (0.40, 0.99) 0.04 0.66 (0.41, 1.08) 0.10 not being able to go to school 0.63 (0.39, 1.00) 0.05 0.65 (0.39, 1.08) 0.10 missing summer camp 2.5 (1.47, 4.27) 0.01 2.31 (1.33, 4.01) 0.01 ostracized 2.04 (1.03, 4.03) 0.04 1.93 (0.96, 3.89) 0.07 discussion during the covid-19 pandemic, teenagers have struggled with social connection and mental health. this study investigated how teenagers in the united states and canada fostered a sense of connectedness during the pandemic by engaging in various activities and relationships, both within their immediate social circles and beyond. by examining the coping strategies teens adopted, the people with whom they interacted, and the activities they did or did not do, we aimed to shed light on the factors that contribute to teenagers’ resilience and social connection in times of crisis. we found that production of personal protective equipment (ppe), support to siblings, engagement with mentors, involvement in their local communities, political activity, and participation in extracurricular activities—especially language classes, fostered teens’ sense of connection. our findings thus highlight the importance of social and civic engagement in promoting a sense of connection and building resilience in protracted crises. crucially, our survey results challenge the narrative that depicts teenagers as a homogenous group that relies solely on adults for their resilience. this assertion does not undermine the very valid and salient calls for dedicated support for teens during disasters. rather, it points to teens’ capacity for agency, as demonstrated through the ways in which they actively constructed elements of their covid-19 disaster experiences. moreover, it underscores that, to truly promote adolescent health and wellbeing, resources must be directed towards overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 105 opening and enhancing spaces (physical and virtual) for teens to construct and develop their own resilience. building connections through social and civic engagement numerous studies highlight the importance of social and civic engagement in promoting a sense of connection (darling et al., 2005; eccles & barber, 1999; linver et al., 2009; taylor et al., 2017). it is thus unsurprising that we found that teenagers who did not participate in any extracurricular activities were less likely to feel connected. this finding raises crucial inquiries regarding access, for as recent research has shown (cf. cardenas et al., 2020; ragavan et al., 2020; richmond et al., 2022; samji et al., 2022), both novel and pre-existing barriers to accessing extracurricular programs have emerged and been amplified amid the pandemic. still, in line with critical disaster scholarship (cf. panchal et al., 2021; jones et al., 2021; loades et al., 2020; o’sullivan et al., 2021; magson et al., 2021), we call for an intersectional approach in further research into the obstacles that obstruct adolescents’ ability and willingness to engage in extracurricular activities during crises. enduring impact of summer camp on teenage connections our results revealed an interesting connection between missing summer camp and an increased feeling of connection among teenagers. children and teens who attend summer camp may have already established ways to connect with camp friends during the off-season, and thus may have been able to use those strategies to keep in touch with other teens during the pandemic (owens & adkins, 2022). adler and adler (2001) found that children have “compartmentalized friendships” (p. 148) with children from places other than school, such as vacation and summer camp friends. these friendships are often deep, and can feel like “safer havens” where they can share private feelings outside their regular home environments (adler & adler, 2001, p. 150). notably, these researchers also found that children learned how to stay in touch with these friends, such as calling them or writing letters. perhaps these findings provide insight into why teens in our study who missed summer camp also reported feeling connected to others. teens as active agents in fostering connections in highlighting the active role teenagers played in fostering their own sense of connectedness, our study challenges the prevailing narrative of adolescents as passive recipients of social policies. we examined a range of activities—such as creating protective items for others, engaging in online language classes, and becoming more politically active—that not only situate teenagers as active subjects within their own narratives, but also serve to strengthen their sense of connection during a crisis. the specific activities in which they engaged, and with whom they engaged, mattered for engendering connectedness. notably, survey respondents were more likely to experience a sense of connection during the pandemic when they took an active part in activities like creating ppe. the survey results do not illuminate why making ppe, and not other items, had this effect. the results, however, dovetail with mohamad’s (2020) observation that youth leaders in brunei played a large role overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 106 in the #stayathome social media campaign popularized during the pandemic that helped organize communities around the production and distribution of ppe to frontline workers. these findings suggest that enabling young people to directly tackle what they perceive to be a pressing need in a crisis may support a sense of connectedness. we found that teenagers who participated in a language class during the pandemic were more likely to feel connected than those who did not. extant literature suggests that online language classes were a way for students to feel connected amid restrictions, offering a break from the monotony of traditional school classes and providing an opportunity to have virtual connections with peers through sociocultural language exchange and sharing of ideas (sitar-taut et al., 2021). moreover, the design and context of online education platforms may determine whether or not teenagers feel isolated, for example, in large seminars versus intimate groups, suggesting a need to examine the nature of online education and how it can support or hinder teenagers in fostering connection (peimani & kamalipour, 2021). our results demonstrate that not all online classes necessarily exacerbate social isolation. connecting through political engagement our findings underscored a significant correlation between political participation and teenagers’ feeling of connectedness. the teens’ own categorization of their activities as “political” thus matters to feelings of connectedness. building on previous research, our study highlighted the role of political engagement in fostering connectedness among teenagers, specifically in the context of disasters (duke et al., 2009; kahne et al., 2006; kim & morgül, 2017). political activity can serve as a means for expressing dissatisfaction with the prevailing sociopolitical order, especially during extended periods of economic instability and social isolation. the covid-19 pandemic was no exception, with tensions across societies inflaming political crises and revealing asymmetrical effects on various groups. the black lives matter movement reflected how the psychological burden of the covid-19 pandemic ignited anti-systemic attitudes across racial lines in the form of political activism and radicalism intentions (bartusevičius et al., 2021). relatedly, the biological impacts of covid-19 were intertwined with fractured perceptions of political inequality, leading to misunderstandings related to xenophobia and racism in the black lives matter movement. in the united states, the pandemic was not understood merely in biological terms, but also as a manifestation of political affiliation, difference, connection, and disconnection (hardy, 2020). in canada, the “discovery”2 of unmarked graves near residential schools catalyzed conversations about social inequality and the marginalization and vulnerability of indigenous 2 for decades, indigenous peoples across canada have known about unmarked graves of indigenous children, as reported in the truth and reconciliation commission reports (hamilton, 2021; truth & reconciliation commission of canada, 2015). yet, it took the tk'emlups te secwepemc reporting that ground-penetrating radar had detected the likely remains of up to 215 children around the former kamloops indian residential school in british columbia in may 2021 to spark massive public outcry and to spur government action. since then, hundreds more confirmed or suspected unmarked graves have been found. https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?4hghco overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 107 groups (d’alpoim guedes et al., 2021; government of canada; crown-indigenous relations and northern affairs, 2022). extant literature has conceptualized politics during the pandemic as divisive for teenagers (bengtsson et al., 2021); lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and/or queer (lgbtq+) groups (schmitz et al., 2023); and along racial lines (luttrell et al., 2022). contrastingly, our results suggest that teenagers may find a sense of connection through political engagement. this connection is particularly important in crisis contexts, as inequalities become magnified and risk further dividing society. by reframing teenagers as active agents seeking to build connections around political engagement, our study underscores the ways in which teens foster resilience. the salience of political participation to the feeling of connectedness among teenagers prompts further exploration into how teenagers may leverage social media and other forms of political engagement to connect with others virtually. extant literature found that teenagers expanded the scope of political activities during covid-19, leveraging platforms like instagram, tiktok, and twitter to challenge narratives on social distancing measures, question public health information, and address issues around climate change (calabrese barton et al., 2021; mohamad, 2020; von storch et al., 2021). relatedly, political activities in the online realm are a means to foster youth activism (wilf & wray-lake, 2021). through case studies of youth-led online campaigns, wilf and wray-lake (2021) highlighted how young people use their digital platforms to challenge dominant power structures and promote social change. through these activities, teenagers actively build resilience by connecting virtually with other politically engaged individuals. role of social capital in fostering connections the preceding discussion can be read to argue that participation in specific social activities bolsters one’s social capital. amidst the changing landscape of social interactions brought on by the pandemic, our study underscores the paramount importance of bridging social capital in teenagers' sense of connectedness, surpassing the role of bonding capital and shedding light on the lack of established linking social capital. bonding social capital, referring to relationships within a group or community (szreter & woolcock, 2004), featured in teenagers’ pandemic lives. our results demonstrated a significant correlation between helping siblings and a heightened sense of connectedness amongst teenagers. the relevance of sibling assistance was notably amplified during the pandemic, given the disparate structures and methodologies of online education across canada and the united states. a possible explanation for why adolescents took to helping their younger siblings was to help them adapt to the new norm, and to access information and resources (ashikkali et al., 2020). indeed, recent literature has noted an increase in family-based social capital as lockdown measures simultaneously reduced access to teenagers’ immediate social circles (dávid et al., 2023; percy-smith et al., 2022). however, previous research indicates that while bonding capital provides emotional support, https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?8sjiif https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?8sjiif https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?p0sose https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?28fsr5 https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?28fsr5 https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?nuczd9 overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 108 it may not contribute significantly to long-term recovery or resilience (poortinga, 2012; wong & kohler, 2020). echoing this claim, our study revealed that the teenagers who felt more connected extended beyond their immediate social circles and sought to establish relationships characterized by bridging social capital. the categories of people with whom teenagers developed bridging social capital reflect both aspirational and practical dimensions of their pandemic lives. earlier pre-pandemic research has found that seeking guidance from adult mentors was related to social-emotional wellbeing and connections to social capital (grossman & bulle, 2006). our study found a similar role for adult mentors; there was a positive correlation between adolescents' sense of connectedness and the support received from teachers/coaches, neighbors, and religious clergy. other scholars have similarly underscored the strengthening and salience of these relationships in the pandemic. sitar-taut and colleagues (2021) found that associating with teachers and coaches in online contexts fostered a greater sense of community among teens. barker and colleagues (2022) noted that teenagers connected with their neighbors. bryson and colleagues (2020) argued that pandemic restrictions catalyzed shifts in the geographies of the home as some people used their homes not only in the traditional sense, but also as places of worship. thus, as reflected in our findings, teenagers may have sought a larger sense of community through interacting with clergy in online contexts. we posit that the importance of teenagers’ engagement with teachers, coaches, neighbors, and religious clergy is partially a product of pandemic restrictions and the resulting limitations of the people with whom teens could interact; for example, through online schooling and religious services, or through outdoor, physically distanced face-to-face interactions with neighbors in close proximity to one’s home. but it was also a product of teens’ aspirational desire for meaningful connection with other groups and causes greater than themselves, as evidenced by the significance of political engagement and creating ppe for others in promoting teens’ sense of connectedness. given the strength of the association between teens’ reported political engagement in the pandemic and their sense of connectedness, it is notable but not surprising that our study did not find evidence of teenagers establishing connections through linking social capital. recall that linking social capital connects individuals or institutions at different levels of societal power hierarchy. drawing from warren et al.'s (2001) concept of linking social capital, one possible explanation for this absence could be the covid-19 disaster context. the closure of most businesses and institutions likely reduced opportunities for teenagers to establish these types of connections. another explanation could be a lack of accessible infrastructure— institutional, virtual, and social—through which teens could navigate and establish linking social capital. study limitations and considerations this study has several limitations. age stratification, such as comparing a 12-yearold to an 18-year-old, was not performed in the study. the study did not account for potential regional differences within canada. there was an overrepresentation of white/caucasian and 18-year-old survey respondents, making the study's sample less representative of the age and racial/ethnic diversity in both the united states overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 109 and canada. while the survey included questions on political engagement, it failed to inquire about specific types of political activities. this lack of specificity might introduce some ambiguity regarding what is understood as “political activity.” in addition, the number of teenagers who reported feeling connected was relatively low, which may be related to incidences of other negative emotions recorded in the survey. notably, a similar number of respondents self-reported negative emotions such as anger (12.3%) and an even higher amount for feelings of isolation (45.8%). the widespread economic and social impacts of the covid-19 pandemic as a protracted crisis distinguish it from more localized events like hurricane katrina or the haiti earthquake. therefore, the findings from this study are likely more relevant to situations involving extended lockdowns and recovery periods. conclusion in conclusion, this study illuminates the agency exhibited by teenagers during the covid-19 pandemic. rather than merely depending on adults, teenagers actively nurtured their own sense of connection, whether through assisting siblings, engaging with mentors, or partaking in extracurricular activities. these actions underscored the significance of social and civic engagement in constructing resilience and a sense of community in crisis situations. the diversity of activities— ranging from making protective equipment for others and engaging in political activism, to participating in language classes—demonstrates the myriad ways in which teenagers exert their agency and foster connections. to whom teens are connected matters. bridging social capital plays a vital role in fostering an enhanced sense of connectedness among teenagers, going beyond the bounds of immediate family relationships. however, it is important to note that the path to fostering this sense of connection had challenges. issues such as the disparity in connectedness between teenagers living in the united states and canada underline the need for further investigation. furthermore, barriers inhibiting adolescents' involvement in extracurriculars during the pandemic point to the necessity for an intersectional approach in future research with particular attention to possibilities for linking social capital, which was notably lacking in our findings. ultimately, this study refutes the notion of teenagers as mere passive beneficiaries of social policies, instead championing their active role in building resilience and fostering connections amid the pandemic. acknowledgements this work is part of the life in covid study, which is supported by the contributions of undergraduate and graduate research assistants at the university of ottawa, the university of vermont, and new york university. we are especially grateful for the research assistance provided by akram salih, amélie lauzon, eliza erman, elyse gregory, jagnoor saran, logan iwanoff and olivia alleyne in checking survey data; by madison lavery in identifying relevant literature; and by aida kabbour and parisa ghatta in formatting the manuscript. we extend our gratitude to all the teens who took the time to answer our survey. this work was supported by the new frontiers in research fund rapid response 2021 (nfrfr-2021-00346), the national science foundation-funded social science extreme events research (sseer) network and the converge facility at the natural hazards center overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 110 at the university of colorado boulder (nsf award #1841338). this work was also supported by the quick response research award program. the quick response research award program is based on work supported by the national science foundation (nsf award #1635593). any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the nfrfr, nsf, sseer, converge, or the natural hazards center. gabriella meltzer is a postdoctoral research fellow at columbia mailman school of public health in environmental health and epidemiology. she received her ph.d. from new york university school of global public health in public health with a concentration in social and behavioral sciences and was affiliated with its center for public health disaster science. her research interests surround how climate-related exposures and other disasters influence health disparities at critical and sensitive periods of the life course. tony dinh is a ph.d. student at ottawa university's school of international development and global studies. he graduated with a master of business administration with a focus on international business from cheng kung university, taiwan. his research interest centers around the environmental and socio-economic implications of sand extraction in the red river delta, vietnam. nnenia campbell is the executive director of the bill anderson fund (baf), a research associate at the natural hazards center at the university of colorado boulder, and co-founder of the collaborative for the social dimensions of disasters. her work with the baf supports inclusion and leadership among historically underrepresented minorities pursuing doctoral degrees in fields related to hazards and disaster research and practice. her research centers on the intersections between social vulnerability and resilience, particularly among marginalized communities facing environmental hazards, as well as the roles that community-based organizations play in supporting disaster response and recovery. alice fothergill is professor of sociology at the university of vermont. she is an editor of social vulnerability to disasters and the author of heads above water: gender, class, and family in the grand forks flood. professor fothergill, with professor lori peek, wrote children of katrina, based on longitudinal research on children and youth in hurricane katrina. she conducted research on volunteerism in the aftermath of the september 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in new york city and disaster preparedness for childcare centers in new zealand. christine gibb is an associate professor in the school of international development and global studies at the university of ottawa. she has worked on disasters, development, environment, youth and gender issues in the philippines, ghana and 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(2001). the place of social capital in understanding social and economic outcome. canadian journal of policy research, 2. https://doi.org/10.1177/07435584211062121 https://minds.wisconsin.edu/handle/1793/43405 https://doi.org/10.1186/s12992-020-00615-x overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 120 appendix a. descriptive statistics overall and by teenagers feeling connected. n = 1,002, life in covid study, august 2022 category n (%), n = 1002 feeling connected pvaluec no 921 (91.92) yes 81 (8.08) gender female 521 (51.99) 488 (52.99) 33 (40.74) 0.38 male 458 (45.71) 413 (44.84) 45 (55.56) non-binary or other 23 (2.30) 20 (2.17) 3 (3.70) age 0.73 12 101 (10.08) 92 (9.99) 9 (11.11) 13 108 (10.78) 98 (10.64) 10 (12.35) 14 111 (11.08) 104 (11.29) 7 (8.64) 15 143 (14.27) 130 (14.12) 13 (16.05) 16 156 (15.57) 148 (16.07) 8 (9.88) 17 133 (13.27) 123 (13.36) 10 (12.35) 18 250 (24.95) 226 (24.54) 24 (29.63) primary languagea english 356 (71.06) 322 (71.71) 34 (72.34) 0.85 french 98 (19.56) 88 (19.60) 10 (21.28) other 42 (8.38) 39 (8.69) 3 (6.38) race/ethnicityb white/caucasian or mixed white/caucasian 750 (74.85) 693 (92.4) 57 (7.60) 0.33 black/african american/canadian 76 (7.58) 68 (89.47) 8 (10.53) 0.42 indigenous/native american/alaska native/ first nations/ métis/ inuit 29 (2.89) 26 (89.66) 3 (10.34) 0.65 hispanic/latinx 36 (3.59) 32 (88.89) 4 (11.11) 0.50 overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 121 table continues category n (%), n = 1002 feeling connected pvaluec no 921 (91.92) yes 81 (8.08) asian/pacific islander 133 (13.27) 120 (90.23) 13 (9.77) 0.44 prefer not to say 7 (0.70) 7 (100.00) 0 (0.00) 0.43 religionb christianity 573 (57.19) 525 (91.62) 48 (8.38) 0.69 judaism 21 (2.10) 21 (100.00) 0 (0.00) 0.17 islam 30 (2.99) 25 (83.33) 5 (16.67) 0.80 buddhism 19 (1.90) 18 (94.74) 1 (5.26) 0.65 hinduism 19 (1.90) 16 (84.21) 3 (15.79) 0.21 atheist/agnostic 135 (13.47) 121 (89.63) 14 (10.37) 0.30 secular humanist/spiritual 37 (3.69) 34 (91.89) 3 (8.11) 1.00 other 53 (5.29) 49 (92.45) 4 (7.55) 0.51 prefer not to say 140 (13.97) 136 (97.14) 4 (2.86) 0.01 country of residence united states 501 (50.00) 468 (50.81) 33 (40.74) 0.08 canada 501 (50.00) 453 (49.19) 48 (59.26) canadian regiona 0.58 atlantic canada 33 (6.59) 32 (7.06) 1 (2.08) central canada 305 (60.88) 274 (60.49) 31 (64.58) western canada 2 (0.20) 2 (0.44) 0 (0.00) northern canada 161 (16.07) 145 (32.01) 16 (33.33) overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 122 category n (%), n = 1002 feeling connected pvaluec no 921 (91.92) yes 81 (8.08) household income below $25,000 106 (10.58) 98 (10.64) 8 (9.88) 0.80 $25,000-$49,999 164 (16.37) 148 (16.07) 16 (19.75) $50,000-$99,999 303 (30.24) 277 (30.08) 26 (32.10) $100,000-$149,999 190 (18.96) 176 (19.11) 14 (17.28) over $150,000 109 (10.88) 99 (10.75) 10 (12.35) do not know/prefer not to answer 130 (12.97) 123 (13.36) 7 (8.64) parent marital status single 268 (26.75) 246 (26.71) 22 (27.16) 0.41 married or common-law 625 (62.38) 575 (62.43) 50 (61.73) separated or divorced 78 (7.78) 69 (7.49) 9 (11.11) widowed 25 (2.50) 25 (2.71) 0 (0.00) other 6 (0.60) 6 (0.65) 0 (0.00) extracurricularsb music activity (e.g., lessons, band, choir) 259 (25.85) 224 (86.49) 35 (13.51) 0.01 sports or dance activity (e.g., class, team) 281 (28.04) 253 (90.04) 28 (9.96) 0.17 arts activity (e.g., painting lessons, choir, drama club) 234 (23.35) 208 (88.89) 26 (11.11) 0.05 religious activity 165 (16.47) 145 (87.88) 20 (12.12) 0.04 language class 97 (9.68) 78 (80.41) 19 (19.59) 0.01 volunteer or community service project 102 (10.18) 88 (86.27) 14 (13.73) 0.03 general activities (e.g., boy/girl scouts/guides) 117 (11.68) 98 (83.76) 19 (16.24) 0.01 none of the above 342 (34.13) 332 (97.08) 10 (2.92) 0.01 placesb school/childcare center 422 (42.12) 389 (92.18) 33 (7.82) 0.01 overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 123 category n (%), n = 1002 feeling connected pvaluec no 921 (91.92) yes 81 (8.08) park/natural environment 502 (50.10) 458 (91.24) 44 (8.76) 0.43 neighborhood streets 392 (39.12) 353 (90.05) 39 (9.95) 0.08 sports facility/recreational center 133 (13.27) 120 (90.23) 13 (9.77) 0.44 friend's place of residence 378 (37.72) 347 (91.80) 31 (8.20) 0.92 grandparent's place of residence 303 (30.24) 279 (92.08) 24 (7.92) 0.90 other family member's place of residence 305 (30.44) 285 (93.44) 20 (6.56) 0.24 entertainment (e.g., movies, arcades, museums, etc.) 154 (15.37) 138 (89.61) 16 (10.39) 0.25 shopping mall 245 (24.45) 224 (91.43) 21 (8.57) 0.75 grocery store/pharmacy/retail 501 (50.00) 467 (93.21) 34 (6.79) 0.13 place of worship 145 (14.47) 128 (88.28) 17 (11.72) 0.08 site of employment 147 (14.67) 137 (93.20) 10 (6.80) 0.54 none of the above 71 (7.09) 67 (94.37) 4 (5.63) 0.43 challengesb not being able to visit grandparents/other relatives 400 (39.92) 369 (92.25) 31 (7.75) 0.75 not being able to visit friends 624 (62.28) 582 (93.27) 42 (6.73) 0.04 not being able to go to school 488 (48.70) 457 (93.65) 31 (6.35) 0.05 missing important milestones (e.g., birthdays, graduations) 430 (42.91) 397 (92.33) 33 (7.67) 0.68 missing summer camp 134 (13.37) 113 (84.33) 21 (15.67) 0.00 not being able to do their usual activities 456 (45.51) 423 (92.76) 33 (7.24) 0.37 difficulty using technologies (e.g., zoom, webinars) 165 (16.47) 155 (93.94) 10 (6.06) 0.30 fear of going out and catching covid-19 418 (41.72) 387 (92.58) 31 (7.42) 0.51 not being able to go to the park or other recreational facility 130 (12.97) 119 (91.54) 11 (8.46) 0.87 conflict with family members or friends 143 (14.27) 133 (93.01) 10 (6.99) 0.61 overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 124 category n (%), n = 1002 feeling connected pvaluec no 921 (91.92) yes 81 (8.08) financial challenges or worries 159 (15.87) 144 (90.57) 15 (9.43) 0.50 the death of a close family member or friend 153 (15.27) 138 (90.20) 15 (9.80) 0.40 ostracized for pandemic views 77 (7.68) 66 (85.71) 11 (14.29) 0.04 keeping close relationships 181 (18.06) 167 (92.27) 14 (7.73) 0.85 none 43 (4.29) 30 (90.70) 4 (9.30) 0.76 coping connecting with friends remotely 690 (68.86) 633 (91.74) 57 (8.26) 0.76 connecting with grandparents and other family members remotely 360 (35.93) 334 (92.78) 26 (7.22) 0.45 connecting with teachers and classmates remotely 322 (32.14) 288 (89.44) 34 (10.56) 0.05 talking or playing with neighbors 188 (18.76) 164 (87.23) 24 (12.77) 0.01 volunteering 67 (6.69) 57 (85.07) 10 (14.93) 0.03 playing video games 508 (50.70) 470 (92.52) 38 (7.48) 0.48 participating in web-based activities (e.g., online arts, music, fitness, or other activities) 191 (19.06) 177 (92.67) 14 (7.33) 0.67 learning a new skill or hobby 222 (22.16) 203 (91.44) 19 (8.56) 0.77 keeping a diary, creating art, writing poetry, songs, memes, etc. 154 (15.37) 144 (93.51) 10 (6.49) 0.43 talking with a trusted adult, such as a teacher, counselor, therapist, or social worker 134 (13.37) 117 (87.31) 17 (12.69) 0.04 spending time with a pet 399 (39.82) 362 (90.73) 37 (9.27) 0.26 becoming more politically active 49 (4.89) 37 (75.51) 12 (24.49) 0.00 sources of supportb family member 801 (79.94) 737 (92.01) 64 (7.99) 0.83 friend 540 (53.89) 502 (92.96) 38 (7.04) 0.19 teacher/coach 220 (21.96) 190 (86.36) 30 (13.64) 0.00 neighbor 116 (11.58) 99 (85.34) 17 (14.66) 0.01 overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 125 category n (%), n = 1002 feeling connected pvaluec no 921 (91.92) yes 81 (8.08) religious clergy 73 (7.29) 59 (80.82) 14 (19.18) 0.00 medical provider (e.g., pediatrician, psychologist) 123 (12.28) 110 (89.43) 13 (10.57) 0.28 none of the above 99 (9.88) 92 (92.93) 7 (7.07) 0.70 activitiesb hang a rainbow, heart, or other sign or a bear on your window or door 135 (13.47) 119 (88.15) 16 (11.85) 0.08 clap, bang pots, use noise makers, or sing outside to support essential workers/healthcare workers 105 (10.48) 93 (88.57) 12 (11.43) 0.18 reach out/provide support (listening, comforting) to a friend or family member 300 (29.94) 270 (90.00) 30 (10.00) 0.15 take on a job to help your family with expenses. 112 (11.18) 96 (85.71) 16 (14.29) 0.01 create artwork or food for someone 233 (23.25) 210 (90.13) 23 (9.87) 0.25 create pandemic-related educational or inspiration videos or content, and post it online 47 (4.69) 43 (91.49) 4 (8.51) 0.91 create outdoor pandemic-related artwork or treasures/notes for others to find 56 (5.59) 48 (85.71) 8 (14.29) 0.08 volunteer with a community agency 44 (4.39) 39 (88.64) 5 (11.36) 0.41 deliver food packages or other goods to people in need 91 (9.08) 84 (92.31) 7 (7.69) 0.89 make personal protective equipment to donate (e.g., face masks, face shield) 60 (5.99) 49 (81.67) 11 (18.33) 0.00 raise money for/donate to organizations helping people impacted by covid-19 49 (4.89) 42 (85.71) 7 (14.29) 0.10 help a sibling with schoolwork 240 (23.95) 208 (86.67) 32 (13.33) 0.00 attend a protest or rally 19 (1.90) 18 (94.74) 1 (5.26) 0.65 run errands for a friend or family member 282 (28.14) 256 (90.78) 26 (9.22) 0.41 help someone get a vaccine 94 (9.38) 78 (82.98) 16 (17.02) 0.00 none 237 (23.65) 226 (95.36) 11 (4.64) 0.03 overcoming isolation: an exploratory analysis of factors related to teenagers’ … 126 category n (%), n = 1002 feeling connected pvaluec no 921 (91.92) yes 81 (8.08) household job loss/hour reduction yes 353 (35.23) 326 (92.35) 27 (7.65) 0.70 no 649 (64.77) 595 (91.68) 54 (8.32) personal experience with covid-19 yes 463 (46.21) 426 (37.90) 37 (34.26) 0.92 no 539 (53.79) 495 (44.04) 44 (40.74) household experience with covid-19 yes 610 (60.88) 564 (50.18) 46 (42.59) 0.43 no 392 (39.12) 357 (31.76) 35 (32.41) received vaccine yes 767 (76.55) 706 (76.66) 61 (75.31) 0.45 no, but will receive a vaccine 40 (3.99) 36 (3.91) 4 (4.94) no, will not receive a vaccine 144 (14.37) 135 (14.66) 9 (11.11) i am not sure whether i will receive a vaccine 41 (4.09) 36 (3.91) 5 (6.17) prefer not to answer 10 (1.00) 8 (0.87) 2 (2.47) socialize with non-vaccinated no 138 (13.77) 127 (13.79) 11 (13.58) 0.90 yes, unconditionally 423 (42.22) 387 (42.02) 36 (44.44) yes, but only according to public health guidelines (e.g., wearing masks, social distancing around those who have not been vaccinated) 306 (30.54) 280 (30.40) 26 (32.10) i don't know 121 (12.08) 114 (12.38) 7 (8.64) prefer not to answer 14 (1.40) 13 (1.41) 1 (1.23) login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network. © 2025 children, youth and environments children, youth and environments 35(1), 2025 growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos on children’s executive function samantha j. iwinski sehyun ju ledan yang mayra cuevas aaron ebata department of human development and family studies, university of illinois dina izenstark department of child and adolescent development, san josé state university brent mcbride department of human development and family studies and division of nutritional sciences, university of illinois kelly k. bost department of human development and family studies, university of illinois citation: iwinski, s. j., ju, s., yang, l., cuevas, m., ebata, a., izenstark, d., mcbride, b., & bost, k. k. (2025). growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos on children’s executive function. children, youth and environments, 35(1), 141-173. https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/850 abstract this study examines the relations between access to family residence green spaces, household chaos, and children’s executive function, a critical component of cognitive development. the study analyzed data (n = 468) from families participating in a larger u.s. longitudinal birth cohort study when children were 24, 48, and 60 months. findings suggest that some early access to green space and outdoor items can influence children’s cognitive capacities and household environment. this research emphasizes the importance of promoting green spaces and reducing household chaos to support children’s executive function development and overall well-being. implications for education and policy are discussed. keywords: executive function, green space, household environment, family, nature growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 142 introduction nature access and exposure are vital for children’s cognitive and social development, supporting cognitive skills, stress reduction, and social interaction (taylor & kuo, 2006; dockx et al., 2022; strife & downey, 2009). studies link green (trees, grass, parks) and blue (lakes, rivers) spaces to better mental health, reduced stress, and fewer physiological symptoms (bowler et al., 2010; chawla, 2015; gascon et al., 2015, 2017; mccormick, 2017; völker & kistemann, 2015; wheeler et al., 2012). green spaces also support brain regions tied to memory, attention, and emotion regulation, with prenatal and postnatal exposure linked to higher iq in some areas (balseviciene et al., 2014; dadvand et al., 2018; islam et al., 2020; lee et al., 2021). such evidence provides a rationale for why early green space exposure may enhance children’s executive function (ef). still, there is a strong need to explore these associations, especially using longitudinal studies across early childhood. green spaces also play a role in shaping family environments and promoting trust and safety. researchers have found that green public settings encourage interaction across all ages, decrease crime, and enhance community perceptions (kuo et al., 1998). as highlighted in the family-based nature activity framework, time spent in nature fosters positive family dynamics, creating opportunities for children to explore, develop creative thinking, and build routines and memories with family and friends (izenstark & ebata, 2016; izenstark & ebata, 2017; izenstark et al., 2021). these interactions can help reduce household chaos—a state characterized by noise, crowding, and irregular routines—and foster more predictable family structures, such as regular mealtimes and bedtimes, which support cognitive and emotional development (fiese & schwartz, 2008; fiese et al., 2002; spagnola & fiese, 2007; vernon-feagans et al., 2016). this study builds on these findings by examining whether access to family residential outdoor green space influences the internal household environment, particularly the level of household chaos, and how this interplay affects the development of children’s executive function across time. to assess this, surveys were completed by mothers when their children were at 24, 48, and 60 months of age, and we assessed the family residential green space before the participating children were 24 months old. the surveys included questions surrounding demographics, household environment, and ef. by taking a longitudinal approach, the study seeks to advance understanding of the dynamic pathways through which family residence green spaces and outdoor items (e.g., gardens, outdoor sitting areas, and/or outdoor storage) impact family environments and children’s cognitive growth. literature review executive function executive function (ef) refers to higher-order cognitive processes critical for goaldirected, adaptive behavior, and studies routinely document the importance of ef for a range of social and academic outcomes. executive function develops early in life and is influenced by social interactions, environments, and relationships with growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 143 adults, with increased development occurring during multiple sensitive periods (thompson & steinbeis, 2020). from an evolutionary standpoint, these sensitive periods allow individuals to become more specialized and adapt to their environments, enabling children to use context, social cues, and exploration to understand societal norms (fawcett & frankenhuis, 2015; knudsen, 2004). executive function can be divided into cool and hot components: cold ef involves relatively pure cognitive processes such as inhibitory control, working memory, and cognitive flexibility, while hot ef refers to cognitive processes involving rewards, emotions, and motivations, as well as emotional regulation (salehinejad et al., 2021; zelazo & carlson, 2012; zelazo & carlson, 2020). these are further described below. cold executive functions inhibitory control refers to controlling one’s attention, behaviors, and thoughts. this can include doing what may be appropriate in a given situation, which may involve overriding internal predispositions (diamond, 2013; fiske & holmboe, 2019; garon et al., 2008). the literature suggests that rapid development and improvement in inhibitory control occurs during the toddler and preschool years (ages 2-5) and increases at a more steady pace during middle childhood (ages 6-12) (best & miller, 2010; fiske & holmboe, 2019; garon et al., 2008; garon et al., 2014; miyake & friedman, 2012; dennis et al., 2007; klenberg et al., 2001; lengua et al., 2015). working memory taps into the capacity to hold information in memory for goals or plans and allows individuals to work with the information they possess (diamond, 2013). working memory and inhibitory control may support each other and work together in most situations. for example, inhibitory control can assist one’s working memory by keeping our mental workspace from becoming overwhelmed or cluttered. this ability can help our mind resist irrelevant information and suppress specific thoughts that may allow the mind to wander. like inhibitory control, working memory emerges in infancy. cognitive flexibility builds upon inhibitory control and working memory to enable a person to shift between different tasks or goals (buttelmann & karbach, 2017; diamond, 2013). cognitive flexibility may improve as a child develops, and these skills may decline during older adulthood (cepeda et al., 2001; kray, 2006). hot executive functions emotion regulation is similar to many ef components, and some researchers may refer to emotion regulation as hot ef. emotion regulation involves internal and transactional processes that adjust emotional components by modifying experience, behavior, or emotion-eliciting situations (diamond & aspinwall, 2003; eisenberg et al., 2000; gross, 1999), as well as extrinsic and intrinsic processes that monitor, evaluate, and adapt emotional responses to achieve goals related to intensity and duration (thompson, 1994). children regulate their emotions through intrinsic processes like self-soothing (e.g., hugging a favorite stuffed animal when sad) and extrinsic support from caregivers who help them label and manage feelings (e.g., encouraging deep breaths during frustration). they also adapt their emotional responses to achieve goals, such as staying calm to resolve a disagreement with a peer. among young adults, researchers have found that individuals from cultures who value self-reflection tend to use their ability for reappraisal more frequently, growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 144 which is often used to study one’s emotion regulation. furthermore, individuals whose cultures value open expression of emotion tend to suppress their emotions less frequently (haga et al., 2009; matsumoto et al., 2008; mcrae et al., 2011; mcrae & gross, 2020; su et al., 2015; yih et al., 2019). this may also change depending on the developmental period and how parents teach their children about emotions (lozada et al., 2016). research also shows that attentional control influences emotion regulation in childhood, with children gradually moving from caregiver-supported co-regulation to independent regulation (graziano et al., 2011; perry & calkins, 2018; sameroff, 2010). benefits of exposure to nature some researchers have explored the relationship between several ef behaviors and nature exposure. a recent meta-analysis found that almost all studies report positive impacts from nature on emotion regulation strategies and behaviors across several age groups (vitale & bonaiuto, 2024). even brief exposure to nature can positively influence executive mental functioning (bourrier et al., 2018; schutte et al., 2017). nature play, characterized by unstructured interactions, boosts curiosity, creativity, and resilience (erickson & ernst, 2011; ernst & burcak, 2019; browning & rigolon, 2019), while other nature-based activities, such as nature preschools (zamzow & ernst, 2020), outdoor gardens (dillon et al., 2023), and playscapes, especially natural playgrounds (luken et al., 2011; dankiw et al., 2020; luchs & fikus, 2013; torkar & rejc, 2017; zuo et al., 2020; carr et al., 2017), have been shown to support executive function growth. green school spaces enhance academic performance (erickson & ernst, 2011; ernst & burcak, 2019; browning & rigolon, 2019), and higher childhood greenness exposure is associated with lower obesity risk, increased physical activity (barton & pretty, 2010; dzhambov et al., 2014; herrington & brussoni, 2015; islam et al., 2020; lovasi et al., 2011; sanders et al., 2015), and the development of cognitive, social, and physical skills. neighborhood greenness and green spaces may affect a multitude of health behaviors and outcomes. for example, several reviews found that physical activity, weight status, mental health, developmental outcomes, cardiovascular health, sleep, and mortality can all be associated with or affected by neighborhood greenness (de keijzer et al., 2020; james et al., 2015). additional researchers have found that access to green spaces is linked to various health benefits, including reduced obesity rates, cardiovascular mortality, and improved mental health outcomes such as decreased stress and enhanced mood states (twohigbennett & jones, 2018). researchers have also emphasized the importance of integrating natureconnectedness frameworks into urban design to enhance health outcomes for children, particularly in socioeconomically disadvantaged communities (kuo et al., 2018; kuo & jordan, 2019). such findings align with the growing body of literature that underscores the need for equitable access to natural environments to promote cognitive and emotional well-being (boyd et al., 2024; rigolon et al., 2018). while numerous studies have examined the impact of nature preschools and playscapes on executive function in preschool-aged children (carr et al., 2024; zamzow & ernst, 2020), the influence of family residential green space on executive function remains under-researched. existing literature highlights the benefits of structured growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 145 nature-based interventions. yet, less attention has been given to how exposure to family residential green spaces may shape cognitive development and selfregulation in young children. this gap underscores the need for further investigation into how residential green spaces contribute to family dynamics and child development. conceptualizing family residence green space nature, green space, and natural environments are often studied interchangeably due to challenges defining nature across settings (e.g., urban vs. rural) and access differences. a review of journal articles about green space found that under half of 125 studies defined green space, indicating varied definitions and approaches (taylor & hochuli, 2017). in this study, family residential green space is defined as the outdoor space that is connected to the participants’ property or across the street. participants lived in a wide range of properties, including apartments, townhomes, and single-family homes, and in rural and urban locations. conditions included in this study’s assessment include location and levels of greenness (e.g., trees, grass, and other vegetation) (izenstark & ebata, 2016; taylor & hochuli, 2017), as well as the presence of outdoor items. to assess these, we considered several factors, including the amount of tree cover in their yard, the amount of grass in their yard, what is near their home (e.g., built structures, streets, parks, farm fields, waterfront, trees, and mountain ranges), and what is within the outdoor space (e.g., garden, sand, rocks, interactive play, deck or sitting area, and outside storage). we defined “near the home” as being directly adjacent to the residence or located across the street. we included the presence of outdoor items in the green space assessment because outdoor items—like sandboxes, outdoor storage, and playsets—can enhance the functionality of outdoor spaces, offering opportunities for play and interaction. including these factors provides a more comprehensive view of how both natural and built features contribute to child development. in addition, family behaviors and identities provide the first groundwork for growth and development for children and individuals over time (kapur, 2023; sharma, 2013). the term “family” may provide different implications in social, biological, or cultural settings; however, it is also important to allow participants to provide input into who is their chosen family (hodgson & birks, 2002; kapur, 2023; sharma, 2013). for this study, family is referred to as a broad term; however, it is essential to note that many of the surveys are solely completed by the mother. household chaos household chaos refers to environments high in noise and crowding, with low regularity and routines (vernon-feagans et al., 2016). predictable routines like mealtimes and bedtimes provide structure and support development, fostering shared family identity (fiese & schwartz, 2008; fiese et al., 2002; spagnola & fiese, 2007). in contrast, chaotic households can hinder development, leading to less effective parental discipline, behavioral issues, limited attentional focus, and reduced social skills (dumas et al., 2005). high noise levels and unpredictability growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 146 may also lower caregiver attentiveness and verbal interaction (wachs, 1993; wachs & camli, 1991). while there is no literature on the relationship between household chaos and green spaces, spending time in green spaces may provide an opportunity for increased family functioning and routines within the household. it may also offer a restorative environment (moll et al., 2022), which is essential for children if they live in a more chaotic home environment. using family residential green space may help children restore their attention and cope with challenges within a chaotic home environment. this relationship may also depend on access to green space and an emotional connection to nature, which differs by each family. household chaos and ef elevated household chaos is directly linked to poorer performance in ef tasks, including inhibitory control, cognitive flexibility, working memory, attention, and effortful control (andrews et al., 2021; berry et al., 2016; chen et al., 2014; hughes & ensor, 2009; hur et al., 2015; martin et al., 2012; vernon-feagans et al., 2016). disorganized households may specifically impair working memory, attention shifting, and inhibitory control (berry et al., 2016), and higher chaos levels reduce children’s sense of control, affecting behavior in broader social settings (evans & stecker, 2004). additionally, higher household chaos has been linked to more problematic children’s ef abilities at 24 months within our sample (iwinski et al., 2021). more chaotic environments may prohibit some children from being able to predict events or interactions in their home environment, which could influence their behavior in school, neighborhood, and other social environments. theoretical frameworks ecological systems theory emphasizes the importance of development in varying systems or environments with which individuals interact (bronfenbrenner, 1979; darling, 2007; duerden & witt, 2010; wells & evans, 2003). when adopting an ecological approach to studying nature, the microsystem (e.g., immediate environment) and mesosystem (e.g., connections between microsystems) are key components that may influence these associations. for example, nature and natural environments can be a part of a child’s microsystem, providing regular exposure to the family’s green space. nature also offers social interaction contexts, allowing children to expand their social environment (e.g., playing with peers outdoors or participating in community events in nature). attention restoration theory (art) highlights the connection between nature and attention, explaining how natural environments aid mental and behavioral functioning (kaplan, 1995; kaplan & kaplan, 1989). originating in environmental psychology and based on james’s 1962 attention theory, art describes two modes of attention: directed (e.g., requiring focus) and involuntary, which allows relaxation and restoration of directed attention. art outlines four critical elements for restorative environments: (1) “being away” from stressors, (2) experiencing “extent” or expansive spaces, (3) “soft fascination” that gently engages attention, and (4) compatibility between environment and individual goals (izenstark & ebata, 2016; kaplan, 1995; kaplan & kaplan, 1989; ohly et al., 2016). applied to family growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 147 green spaces, children might experience “extent” by visiting a park or backyard, interacting with features like sandboxes, or listening to nature, which can support attention restoration and ef skills. izenstark and ebata (2016) integrated art with a routines and rituals framework to understand family functioning through family-based nature activities. this framework combines the idea that routines and rituals may influence family functioning through meaningful interactions, and the ways that outdoor family leisure may benefit children and families (izenstark & ebata, 2016). by examining families’ access to green spaces near their residences, we explored the extent to which families have opportunities for outdoor activities and spending time together outdoors. family residential green space may provide a familiar and approachable environment for the family, especially when public green spaces are not present, difficult to travel to, or unsafe. present study this study investigated the relations between children’s hot and cold ef abilities, household chaos, and early access to family residence green space. given the rapid development of ef in early childhood, the study assessed ef at 24, 48, and 60 months, with each research question analyzed across two models representing the hot and cold ef dimensions. the first objective was to identify the factor structure of ef within the sample. the second goal was to explore associations between household chaos, access to family residence green space, and children’s hot and cold ef abilities. we employed a structural equation modeling (sem) framework to test each pathway, with access to family residence green space indicators as an early predictor (e.g., exposure before two years of age). we modeled household chaos and ef over time, and the model also included economic hardship variables and several demographic characteristics. conceptual models illustrating these pathways are presented in figures 1 and 2. growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 148 figure 1. conceptual model of cold ef figure 2. conceptual model of hot ef methods participants this analysis used data from a u.s. longitudinal birth cohort study (n = 468; table 1) focused on predictors during the first five years of life (fiese et al., 2019). participants were pregnant women recruited in their third trimester through medical centers, prenatal classes, and a university-affiliated website in east-central illinois, with exclusions for preterm births, certain medical conditions, and low birth weight. the recruitment period extended from may 2013 through january 2017. part of a more extensive study, caregivers completed questionnaires regarding household chaos, child ef behaviors, and parent and child demographics. mothers completed surveys when ageand developmentally appropriate for the child (6 weeks, 3, 12, growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 149 18, 24, 36, 48, and 60 months of age). participants were included in this study if they completed all surveys and lived in illinois, indiana, or missouri. the university institutional review board approved this study. table 1. descriptive statistics of participating families n % m sd range child sex at birth male 232 50.5 female 227 49.5 monthly income $3,000 and under 77 23.8 $3,001-$5,000 91 28.1 $5,001 and above 156 48.1 parent race/ethnicity american indian/alaska native 2 0.5 white 338 82.2 asian 28 6.8 black 21 5.1 prefer not to say 6 1.5 biracial 16 3.9 parent education level some high school 2 0.6 high school graduate 16 4.5 some college or technical school 59 16.5 college graduate 120 33.5 post-graduate work 161 45.0 household chaos: 24 months 365 26.86 7.07 13.00 – 48.00 household chaos: 48 months 335 28.65 7.19 10.00 – 51.00 household chaos: 60 months 301 28.68 7.07 15.00 – 53.00 measures family access to residential green space we assessed the participants’ community type (i.e., large city (4.8%), medium city (28.9%), towns and semi-dense areas (46.3%), and rural areas (19.9%)). we then determined family access to residential green space using historical google earth. google maps and street view have become valuable resources for social scientists to understand the built and social environment, including green and urban spaces (vandeviver, 2014; zhang et al., 2021). for this assessment, we used google earth images taken before the children were two years of age, ranging from 4/1/2013 to 4/20/2019, and excluded photos taken during the winter. to assess the overall greenness of the family’s residence, we considered several factors, including the amount of tree cover in their yard, the amount of grass in their yard, what is near the home (e.g., built structures, streets, parks, farm fields, growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 150 waterfront, trees, and mountain ranges), and what is within the outdoor space (including garden, sand, rocks, interactive play, deck or sitting area, and outside storage). we defined “near the home” as being directly adjacent to the residence or located across the street. using guidance from past studies (taylor et al., 2001), we used a 5-point likert scale to rate overall greenness, grass quantity, and tree cover. similarly, we converted the grass quantity percentage to a 4-point likert scale (1 = 25% to 4 = 100%). the lead author of the current manuscript was assigned to code all the photos, serving as a gold standard. two reliability coders were each randomly assigned to code 38% of the images. inter-rater reliability was established for each subscale, with icc values of .88 for greenness, .66 for grass quantity, .68 for grass quantity percent, and .93 for tree cover, indicating acceptable reliability. executive function we assessed ef using the behavior rating inventory of executive function preschool version (brief-p; isquith et al., 2005). this survey assesses multiple components of ef, including inhibition, shifting, emotional control, working memory, and planning/organizing. parents are asked to complete this questionnaire based on how often each behavior has been a problem in their child’s life during the last six months using categories from 1 (never) to 3 (often). higher scores on the brief-p indicate worse performance on ef abilities. we calculated t-scores to account for additional child characteristics, including child sex at birth and age. household chaos we assessed household chaos and environmental levels using the confusion, hubbub, and order scale (chaos; matheny jr et al., 1995). the questionnaire consists of 15 statements surrounding participants’ household environment, and each question is on a 4-point likert scale, ranging from “very much like your home” to “not at all like your own home.” a single score is obtained by summing the items, with the highest possible score of 60. a higher score indicates a higher level of chaos within the home. perceived economic hardship the perceived economic hardship questionnaire measures financial strain, inability to make ends meet, and insufficient money for necessities (barrera et al., 2001). participants responded to each item on a likert-type scale, with options ranging from “almost never” to “almost always,” “with no difficulty at all” to “a great deal of difficulty,” and from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” scores were calculated by summing responses across items, with higher scores indicating greater perceived economic hardship. data analysis plan this study used a comprehensive data analysis plan to test hypothesized models encompassing confirmatory factor analysis (cfa) and structural equation modeling (sem). initially, we utilized spss for data cleaning, preparation, and preliminary analyses, ensuring the dataset’s readiness for advanced statistical examinations. this included checks for missing values, outliers, and the distribution normality of growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 151 the variables. following this preparatory stage, the lavaan package in r was used to execute cfa and sem. results these findings stem from our longitudinal study that examines developmental outcomes at three key age points: 24, 48, and 60 months. green space exposure was assessed before the child reached 24 months of age. preliminary analyses missing data analysis was conducted using little’s multivariate test of missing completely at random. the results indicated that our data could be assumed to be missing completely at random, as the test did not reach statistical significance (24 months: (χ2[48) = 56.435, p = .189); 48 months: (χ2[28) = 37.114, p = .116); 60 months: (χ2[25) = 31.456, p = .174)). all correlations can be found in the supplemental information. a latent variable was created for cold ef to understand these associations further, and emotional control was used to examine hot ef. table 2. ef scores before hot and cold models n m sd range inhibit: 24 months (t scores) 304 49.83 10.29 34.00 – 85.00 shift: 24 months (t scores) 320 48.61 8.27 37.00 – 74.00 emotional control: 24 months (t scores) 323 48.73 8.97 35.00 – 79.00 working memory: 24 months (t scores) 306 51.82 11.55 36.00 – 82.00 planning/organizing: 24 months (t scores) 315 49.59 11.09 32.00 – 78.00 inhibit: 48 months (t scores) 317 52.37 10.57 36.00 – 91.00 shift: 48 months (t scores) 323 51.50 9.13 38.00 – 83.00 emotional control: 48 months (t scores) 322 52.92 10.97 36.00 – 93.00 working memory: 48 months (t scores) 311 53.07 10.80 38.00 – 85.00 planning/organizing: 48 months (t scores) 317 52.33 11.50 34.00 – 100.00 inhibit: 60 months (t scores) 290 52.31 10.58 36.00 – 89.00 shift: 60 months (t scores) 288 50.92 9.74 38.00 – 84.00 emotional control: 60 months (t scores) 288 53.17 11.59 36.00 – 89.00 working memory: 60 months (t scores) 286 52.65 11.60 38.00 – 98.00 planning/organizing: 60 months (t scores) 292 52.23 11.91 34.00 – 90.00 confirmatory factor analysis (cfa) a cfa across all time points was conducted before sem analyses, using maximum likelihood estimation with nlminb optimization. results showed strong evidence for the latent cold ef variable influencing observed indicators, with moderate model fit indices: cfi = 0.875, tli = 0.838, rmsea = 0.160 (90% ci: 0.142–0.180), and srmr = 0.066. the chi-square test indicated a significant difference from the observed data (χ²[51) = 265.768, p < 0.001). the model, including emotional control, showed a poorer fit (χ²[86) = 752.798, p < 0.001; cfi = 0.729, tli = growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 152 0.691, rmsea = 0.143, srmr = 0.171), supporting the need to analyze hot and cold ef models separately. all demographic findings are within the figures. sem: cold ef sem analysis was conducted using the lavaan package in r (v4.3.1) with full information maximum likelihood (fiml) to address missing data. fit indices showed a significant chi-square (χ² = 782.779, df = 414, p < .000), with cfi = 0.854, tli = 0.777, and robust cfi and tli at 0.857 and 0.783, reflecting moderate fit. rmsea was 0.065 (90% ci: 0.058–0.072), and srmr was 0.034, suggesting a reasonable fit. cold ef at 24 months there were several significant predictors of cold ef at 24 months, including living near a park (b = 4.696, se = 2.334, p = .044, std. all = 0.144) and household chaos at 24 months (b = 0.374, se = 0.093, p < .000, std. all = 0.290). these findings indicate that higher levels of household chaos and proximity to a park are associated with poorer cold ef abilities at 24 months. notably, the association between living near a park and reduced ef performance was unexpected. in addition, several races showed a significant relationship with cold ef at 24 months (african american: b = -8.691, se = 4.500, p = .053, std. all = -0.180; asian: b = -10.992, se = 4.046, p = .007, std. all = -0.283; white: b = -7.564, se = 3.158, p = .017, std. all = -0.288), indicating racial disparities in early ef. cold ef at 48 months in addition, there were several predictors of better cold ef at 48 months, including living near trees (b = -2.642, se = 1.228, p = .031, std.all = -0.144), higher levels of household chaos at 24 months (b = -0.199, se = 0.098, p = 0.042, std.all = 0.150), having a sandbox (b = -6.543, se = 3.394, p = 0.054, std.all = -0.112) or shed/outside storage (b = -4.436, se = 1.605, p = .006, std.all = -0.174) within the family residence green space. furthermore, several factors were associated with a decline in cold ef, including the presence of a garden (b = 3.756, se = 1.526, p = .014, std.all = 0.169) and higher levels of household chaos at 48 months (b = 0.390, se = 0.098, p < .000, std.all = 0.311). notably, the negative association with having a garden was unexpected. cold ef at 24 months was also positively associated with cold ef at 48 months, suggesting consistency over time (b = 0.458, se = 0.074, p < .000, std.all = 0.445). sex at birth also significantly affected cold ef at 48 months, indicating sex at birth differences in cold ef at this stage (b = -3.604, se = 1.053, p = .001, std.all = -0.202). lastly, parental levels of education were associated with children’s cold ef at 48 months of age (some college or technical school: b = -20.474, se = 7.991, p = .010, std.all = -0.731; college graduate: b = -19.215, se = 7.972, p = .016, std.all = -1.042; postgraduate work: b = -18.135, se = 7.980, p = .023, std.all = -1.016). cold ef at 60 months moreover, for cold ef at 60 months, chaos at home continued to have a detrimental effect (b = 0.260, se = 0.094, p = .005, std.all = 0.200) and earlier ef scores showed predictive value for later ef (b = 0.753, se = 0.078, p < .001, std.all = 0.773). perceived economic hardship at 24 months also displayed a significant growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 153 negative association with cold ef at 60 months (b = -1.797, se = 0.699, p = .010, std.all = -0.193), indicating that household difficulty making money may be related to better cold ef outcomes at 24 months. lastly, race was also associated with cold ef at 60 months (b = 6.024, se = 3.171, p = .058, std.all = .125). household chaos at 48 months both household chaos at 24 months (b = .597, se = .058, p = p < .000, std.all = 0.564) and cold ef at 24 months (b = .125, se = .049, p = .011, std.all = .152) were positively associated with chaos at 48 months, indicating higher chaos and more problematic ef abilities at 24 months were associated with more chaos at 48 months. a household’s perceived economic hardship at 48 months (b = 1.989, se = .609, p = .001, std.all = .256) is also related to more chaos at 48 months. household chaos at 60 months household chaos at 60 months was also associated with several important factors. the path coefficient between 48-month chaos and cold ef at 60 months was significant (b = 0.673, se = 0.050, p < .000, std.all = 0.716), indicating higher chaos levels are associated with poorer outcomes. levels of greenness (b = -1.287, se = 0.503, p = .011, std.all = -0.195) and having sand or a sandbox at the home (b = -4.010, se = 2.030, p = .048, std.all = -0.092) were significantly associated with lower chaos levels at 60 months. the path coefficient between cold ef at 48 months and chaos at 60 months was significant (b = 0.103, se = 0.044, p = .021, std.all = 0.137), suggesting that more problematic ef abilities at 48 months are associated with more chaos later in life. household difficulty making ends meet at 48 months (b = -1.155, se = 0.590, p = .050, std.all = -0.158) and household financial strain at 60 months (b = -1.441, se = 0.590, p = .014, std.all = -0.133) also showed significant effects, underscoring the nuanced role of financial conditions on child development outcomes. sem: hot ef sem analysis was conducted in r (v4.3.1) using lavaan with fiml. fit indices included: χ²(38) = 80.608, p < .001; cfi = .929; tli = .782; rmsea = .071 (90% ci: .049–.093); srmr = .029. hot ef at 24 months a higher level of chaos within the home at 24 months significantly predicted increased hot ef problems at 24 months (b = 0.353, se = 0.085, p < .001, std.all = 0.284), indicating early exposure to chaotic environments may negatively impact children’s emotional control. hot ef at 48 months at 48 months, having a deck/patio was significantly associated with better hot ef (b = -3.198, se = 1.385, p = .021, std.all = -0.139). a higher level of chaos within the home at 48 months significantly predicted increased hot ef problems at 48 months (b = 0.367, se = 0.116, p = .002, std.all = 0.240). a higher level of chaos within the home at 24 months significantly predicted better hot ef abilities at 48 months (b =-0.272, se = 0.119, p = .023, std.all = -0.173), which indicates differences surrounding household chaos over time. sex at birth also had a growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 154 significant effect on hot ef at 48 months, suggesting sex at birth differences at this stage (b = -6.153, se = 1.258, p < .001, std.all = -0.280). hot ef at 60 months living near a farm was related to better hot ef abilities at 60 months (b = -3.212, se = 1.612, p = .046, std.all = -0.099), and hot ef at 48 months strongly predicted hot ef at 60 months (b = 0.614, se = 0.056, p < .001, std.all = 0.563). higher household chaos levels at 48 months were associated with better hot ef at 60 months (b = -0.289, se = 0.124, p = 0.019, std.all = -0.174), and higher levels of chaos at 60 months were related to worse hot ef at 60 months (b = 0.719, se = 0.127, p < 0.001, std.all = 0.406). we also found that more household financial strain at 24 months led to worse hot ef at 60 months (b = 2.706, se = 1.045, p = 0.010, std.all = 0.181). parental educational levels also were associated with hot ef (high school graduate: b = 15.132, se = 7.004, p = .031, std.all = 0.250; some college or technical school: b = 17.255, se = 6.887, p = .012, std.all = 0.480; college graduate: b = 15.114, se = 6.853, p = .027, std.all = 0.609; postgraduate work: b = 16.245, se = 6.823, p = .017, std.all = 0.677). household chaos at 24 months at 24 months, greater household financial strain was related to higher reported household chaos (b = 2.291, se = 1.205, p = 0.057, std.all = 0.133). household chaos at 48 months chaos at home shows a sustained negative impact, with chaos at 24 months predicting chaos at 48 months (b = 0.601, se = 0.056, p < .001, std.all = 0.582). more household difficulty in making ends meet at 48 months was related to higher chaos (b = 2.070, se = 0.607, p = 0.001, std.all = 0.264). parental educational levels were also predictors of chaos (high school graduate: b = 10.416, se = 4.448, p = 0.019, std.all = 0.287; some college or technical school: b = 12.671, se = 4.328, p = 0.003, std.all = 0.587; college graduate: b = 12.432, se = 4.341, p = 0.004, std.all = 0.834; post-graduate work: b = 12.627, se = 4.326, p = 0.004, std.all = 0.876). household chaos at 60 months similar to the above findings, household chaos at 48 months predicted household chaos at 60 months (b = 0.699, se = 0.046, p < .001, std.all = 0.743). hot ef problems at 48 months predicted higher household chaos at 60 months (b = 0.087, se = 0.030, p = 0.004, std.all = 0.141). more household financial strain at 60 months was associated with less chaos at 60 months (b = -1.163, se = 0.596, p = 0.051, std.all = -0.103). growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 155 figure 3. sem model of cold ef with all variables note. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p <.001. path estimates are presented as standardized values; ef=executive function. figure 4. sem model of hot ef with all variables note. * p < .05. **p < .01. ***p <.001. path estimates are presented as standardized values; ef = executive function. discussion our findings highlight important distinctions between hot and cold ef, particularly in how environmental factors such as household chaos and exposure to nature influence these cognitive processes across different developmental stages. notably, the relationships between environment and ef appear to vary depending on whether environmental variables are measured concurrently or retrospectively. this growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 156 distinction is critical, as it suggests that different aspects of ef may be differentially sensitive to environmental influences depending on the timing of exposure and the type of ef being assessed. specifically, we found that some early family residential green space indicators and household environments can influence cold or hot ef in early childhood. however, we also found results that we would not expect and do not align with the literature involving several of these topics, which will need future research to shed light on the nature of these relations. for example, having a garden was unexpectedly associated with poorer cold ef at 48 months, which has been shown to be important for child development (dillon et al., 2023). given the developmental complexities of ef during early childhood, the cfas at 24, 48, and 60 months highlight the importance of distinguishing between cold and hot ef in early childhood. models excluding emotional control for cold ef fit better, with high correlations among latent factors over time. significant loadings of observed variables at each time point affirm validity, and consistently high fit indices confirm the stability and reliability of the ef construct across early development. for cold ef, factors like family green space (before age two), household environment, economic hardship, and demographics were examined to see how these characteristics affect ef development over time. at 24 months, higher household chaos and proximity to parks correlated with poorer cold ef. however, park proximity’s effect was unexpected, as it may not reflect actual park use or account for different developmental periods. having a park throughout childhood, instead of just before two years of age, could have a more pronounced effect on cold ef. demographics also played a role in cold ef at different developmental stages, with race differences notable at 24 months and parental education levels and sex differences emerging at 48 months. green space exposure influenced cold ef, with early outdoor features like outdoor storage, sand, and trees linked to better cold ef at 48 months, while garden access showed a surprising association with worse cold ef. household chaos also demonstrated complex effects; higher chaos at 24 months but lower chaos at 48 months were linked to better cold ef at 48 months, suggesting that real-time chaos may disrupt ef. still, previous levels of chaos could potentially influence later ef development in a positive way (zhao et al., 2023). at 60 months, higher chaos at 48 months correlated with poorer cold ef, marking a change from earlier findings. household economic strain at 24 months surprisingly predicted better cold ef at 60 months, hinting at potential resilience processes. while these results were unexpected, they highlight the importance of early life and how malleable it is. children may be affected by the household environment and financial strain early in life; however, other factors may allow this hardship to assist with cold ef at five years old. cold ef at 24 months and household economic challenges at 48 months were also related to higher household chaos at 48 months, indicating complex interactions between early environment and ef. early green space predictors were also linked with lower household chaos at 60 months, including greater exposure to greenness and the presence of sand at the family residence, as well as better cold ef at 48 months. in addition, household challenges with making ends meet at 48 months and financial strain at 60 months were negatively related, indicating that hardships might be related to lower chaos levels. cold ef and household chaos growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 157 showed consistent continuity effects across time points, underscoring stable patterns in both areas across early childhood. analyses of hot ef revealed distinct environmental and demographic influences over time. consistent with cold ef findings, higher household chaos at each time point was associated with poorer ef skills. however, elevated chaos at 24 months predicted better hot ef at 48 months, and chaos at 48 months was linked to improved hot ef at 60 months, suggesting that while household chaos may impair ef within time, it could contribute differently to ef at later time points. household financial strain at 24 months was connected to higher chaos and worse hot ef at 48 and 60 months, while greater financial hardship at 48 months also corresponded to increased chaos. interestingly, household financial strain at 60 months was linked to reduced chaos. hot ef and household chaos showed strong continuity effects across all time points, indicating stability in these patterns. two green space factors also positively impacted hot ef: living near a farm was associated with better hot ef at 60 months, and having a deck or outdoor seating area was linked to stronger hot ef at 48 months. demographic factors, including birth sex and parental education levels, further influenced hot ef and household chaos, underscoring the importance of examining diverse family backgrounds, racial groups, genders, and socioeconomic statuses. these findings point to a broader concept crucial for families: access and availability to particular environments and experiences. this encompasses access to green and outdoor spaces, improved socioeconomic status, and more stable, less chaotic home environments. these elements are consistent with bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (1979), which posits that a child’s development is influenced by their various environmental systems. the microsystem, which includes direct environments such as home and school, significantly impacts early development. access to green spaces, for example, encourages physical activity and reduces mental fatigue and stress, promoting better emotional regulation and cognitive abilities (kaplan & kaplan, 1989). access to green and outdoor space, outdoor items and locations (e.g., sand, outside storage, communal area), and living near more outdoor opportunities may provide additional resources for a child to develop and learn from the natural environment. specifically, in this study, living near a farm and having an outdoor sitting area early in life were associated with better hot ef. an outdoor sitting area may provide more opportunities to play outside and be exposed to more natural light, increased social interaction (e.g., places to gather), quality family time, sensory development, and exploration. living near a farm may also provide these opportunities with a focus on community. farming communities can provide early learning and routine responsibilities, which could impact how and when children develop particular ef abilities. farm life often also involves strong community ties and collective activities, fostering social support and collaboration (furness et al., 2022). access to outdoor spaces may also influence children directly and indirectly through its effects on parents, thereby shaping the level of household chaos experienced by children. researchers have found that mothers reported less stress, improved mood, and more cohesive interactions after walks in nature, highlighting the potential for outdoor environments to create a more harmonious family dynamic (izenstark et al., 2021). growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 158 a less chaotic home environment provides a stable setting for consistent learning and emotional growth, supporting cold and hot executive function skills, which are critical for managing stress and making informed decisions (evans & kim, 2013). these findings suggest that the cumulative impact of access to outdoor spaces extends beyond immediate individual benefits, influencing broader family systems that contribute to a child’s development. over time, these direct and indirect effects underscore the importance of holistic approaches to fostering environments that promote healthy growth and development in children. this longitudinal study contributes to the growing body of literature on the relations between the natural environment, hot and cold ef, and family dynamics by addressing a critical gap: the influence of family residenctial green spaces on ef development. previous research has established that exposure to nature, even briefly, can positively influence executive mental functioning and emotion regulation strategies across various age groups (bourrier et al., 2018; schutte et al., 2017; vitale & bonaiuto, 2024). more structured interactions, such as those provided by nature preschools, natural playgrounds, and outdoor spaces, have significantly benefited ef growth (zamzow & ernst, 2020; luken et al., 2011; dillon et al., 2023). building upon these studies, the current research uniquely examines how access to green spaces and outdoor items as part of the home environment is associated with household dynamics, such as chaos, and shapes ef across developmental time points. this research emphasizes the importance of expanding access to green spaces to mitigate disparities and promote holistic development in children by situating these findings within the broader context of natureconnectedness frameworks and their relevance to equitable urban design. these contributions underscore the need for future studies to continue exploring the nuanced pathways through which green spaces impact individual and familial developmental trajectories. exploring these ideas and topics allows us to understand further the degree to which environmental factors, internal and external to households, are particularly influential to ef at different time points in early childhood. despite the well-established importance of nature for child development, research indicates a troubling decline in children’s engagement with natural environments (kahn jr. & weiss, 2017; strife & downey, 2009; taylor & kuo, 2006). this decline may be attributed to factors such as environmental generational amnesia, technological advancements, safety concerns, neighborhood crime, and the rise of structured indoor activities (hartig & kahn jr., 2016; kahn jr. & weiss, 2017). compounding this issue, inequalities in access to green spaces and health disparities persist. recent research has identified links between nature inequality and covid-19 outcomes, revealing that communities predominantly comprised of persons of color experienced higher case rates alongside reduced access to green spaces (spotswood et al., 2021). additionally, studies suggest that nature exposure was key to mental health resilience during the pandemic (soga et al., 2021a; soga et al., 2021b). these findings underscore a concerning reality: individuals in lowincome and nature-deprived communities, disproportionately people of color, are at greater risk of health inequities related to limited green space access (landau et al., 2020). however, green spaces hold potential as tools for advancing health growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 159 equity and addressing disparities worldwide (browning & rigolon, 2019). caregivers’ comfort and sense of safety in natural environments also shape how children are introduced to nature, influencing emotional connections and values surrounding the environment (collado et al., 2015). when families lack opportunities to engage with nature, it may normalize reduced exposure, perpetuating diminished nature interactions across generations (hartig & kahn jr., 2016; kahn jr. & weiss, 2017). conversely, providing children access to green spaces fosters lasting benefits, as early exposure is linked to improved mental health in adulthood (engemann et al., 2019). these findings collectively highlight the critical need for green spaces in supporting children’s development and underscore the importance of advocacy for equitable access to nature where we live, work, and play. implications for education and policy the findings highlight the importance of supporting early ef development through targeted educational and intervention strategies, as ef is foundational to academic success, social growth, and adaptive behavior. practical implications could include how nature-based practices or exposure to green space can complement targeted interventions to enhance ef. strategies such as outdoor memory games, naturebased mindfulness exercises, or guided walks could reduce stress and promote emotion regulation for children and parents. while these specific approaches were not part of the study, they align with broader research on the benefits of nature exposure in fostering cognitive flexibility, emotional well-being, and self-regulation. these practices could be integrated into teacher and parent workshops to complement existing interventions by modeling ways to establish routines and encourage emotional discussions in both home and school environments. to improve familial environments, workshops could also focus on strategies to reduce household chaos, such as creating organized spaces, developing consistent daily rhythms, and incorporating outdoor time into family routines. for example, structured outdoor activities, such as nature scavenger hunts or family park visits, can allow children to self-regulate while fostering cohesion among family members. these holistic approaches underscore the interconnected benefits of reducing household chaos and enhancing access to nature, ultimately leading to improved developmental outcomes for children and families. these predictive effects should also be acknowledged at the policy level. the longterm implications of early ef development on educational attainment, stable employment, and social well-being should be recognized (moffitt et al., 2011). policymakers should prioritize policies that reduce household chaos and economic hardship while promoting accessible green spaces, as stable, enriched environments and access to nature positively influence ef (diamond, 2013; izenstark & ebata, 2022; taylor & kuo, 2006). for example, policies addressing economic disparities—such as after-school programs and community centers in underserved areas—could buffer the effects of household chaos on child development (evans & kim, 2013). urban planning that integrates family-friendly parks and high-quality green spaces may also support children’s cognitive and emotional well-being. diversity-informed policies tailored to various cultural and demographic contexts could also improve the effectiveness of policies and programs growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 160 in fostering healthy development and family resilience. these changes could contribute to long-term societal benefits by promoting a more equitable distribution of cognitive and emotional resilience skills across populations (bradley & corwyn, 2002). future research should also investigate environmental and biological influences on ef development, identifying key factors to design targeted interventions for children facing challenges. our findings suggest that variations in ef-environment relationships may reflect neurobehavioral nuances tied to brain maturation and developmental stages. research indicates that ef develops across the lifespan, but a critical period between ages two and seven may be particularly influential (zelazo & carlson, 2012). this window of rapid prefrontal cortex maturation may heighten sensitivity to environmental factors such as household chaos and nature exposure. future research should explore how these influences shape ef trajectories using longitudinal or neuroimaging approaches to uncover underlying neural mechanisms and inform early interventions. in addition, expanding longitudinal studies to follow diverse cohorts into later years could offer insights into how early ef predicts outcomes across education, social skills, and well-being. understanding interventions’ mediating and moderating effects on developmental outcomes would also clarify nuanced strategies that are most effective in increasing resilience and adaptability in children. ultimately, these findings can inform policies and practices that enhance children’s cognitive and emotional skills, contributing to a healthier, more equitable society. limitations while the findings are novel, several limitations must be discussed. most participants were white and identified as having a higher socioeconomic status, education, and income. therefore, the findings are not generalizable, and diverse and varied family contexts should be examined in the future. in addition, green spaces can change over time due to seasonal variations, development, or environmental degradation. data collected at one point might not represent green space at another time, affecting longitudinal studies. however, since this study wanted to examine early family residenctial green space factors, we were limited to photos before age two and what was available on google earth. this study also does not fully capture how, when, and why families use their outdoor spaces, which requires further investigation. family residence green space research needs to incorporate multiple time points, use of the area from the family’s perspective, and more advanced mapping to further understand this effect in future research. additionally, while the model fit indices suggest moderate to poor fit, particularly for the hot ef model, this study was exploratory in nature. given the complexity of ef constructs, our modeling decisions were driven by theoretical considerations rather than strict adherence to fit indices. some degree of model misspecification is expected, and future research should explore alternative factor structures, theoretically justified correlated residuals, and potential refinements to improve model performance. although we accounted for key covariates, including economic strain, sex at birth, and parental education, other potential confounders, such as baseline cognitive ability and neighborhood socioeconomic status , were not growing minds: the role of family residence green spaces and household chaos… 161 included in the model. these factors could influence ef development and may contribute to selection bias. future research should consider incorporating a broader range of covariates to further assess the robustness of these findings. conclusion a central finding of this study is the importance of access—whether to resources, calm environments, or nature—in supporting families and promoting children’s development. this study underscores access to nature’s critical role in shaping family dynamics and child developmental outcomes, providing a unique perspective that expands the literature in this area. by highlighting the interplay between coordinated systems and green spaces, these findings prompt future studies to explore how integrating natural environments within family and community systems can further promote ef and overall well-being. such research is essential to inform equitable and intentional strategies that foster social, economic, and environmental progress for future generations. sam iwinski holds a doctorate in human development and family studies from the university of illinois urbana-champaign. her research examines the intersections of executive function, parent-child relationships, household environments, and broader ecological factors shaping development. co-authors sehyun ju, ledan yang, mayra cuevas, aaron ebata, dina izenstark, brent mcbride, and kelly bost bring expertise in developmental science, psychology, family dynamics, and education. together, their work advances the understanding of how environmental and familial contexts influence cognitive and emotional development across early development. references andrews, k., atkinson, l., harris, m., & gonzalez, a. 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(2020). exploration of natural playgrounds in urban parks: promoting children’s health. urban and regional planning, 5(4), 122131. doi:10.11648/j.urp.20200504.14 login | children, youth and environments skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu current archives subscribe submit about about the journal editorial team privacy statement contact search login home / login login required fields are marked with an asterisk: * subscription required to access item. to verify subscription, log in to journal. login username or email * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login subscribe to our newsletter via listserve   contact: cyenetwork@gmail.com           © 2019 by cye network.