





































31

Playing with the saCred: lds Children’s games For  
Boredom and entertainment

JAred s  riFe

On any Sunday throughout the United States Mormon (or Church of Jesus Christ of 
Latter-day Saints, referred to hereafter as LDS) children in formal church meetings 
usually associated with somber devotion play games not out of a spirit of rebellion 
but with the social sanction, even encouragement, of the Church. Although game 
playing in church is not unique to LDS culture, Mormons associate the games with 
their distinctive worship settings. Often outside of their awareness, but possibly 
explaining the use of the play frame within the larger context of the church 
service, the containment of social paradoxes within the games sanctioned by the 
local group can serve to undermine the sacredness of faith and devotion in LDS 
youth. This paper will analyze the paradoxes of play enacted within the sacred 
setting of LDS Sacrament meetings, and use theories of “play framing” developed 
by Gregory Bateson and elaborated by Erving Goffman, Jay Mechling, and Simon 
Bronner to interpret the messages about Mormon cultural belief embedded within 
games performed in church. 

A primary setting for game playing is during the Sacrament meeting, typically 
the first hour of a three hour block that constitutes the weekly congregational 
meeting of the LDS church. It is a time where members of the church partake 
of the emblematic blood and body Jesus Christ. Part of the meeting ritual is the 
Sacrament prayer where members will take upon themselves the name of Christ, 
and recommit themselves to keeping his commandments and the covenant they 
made at baptism.1 During the service, members are introspective, evaluating their 
lives and over the previous week and preparing for the week to come. Because 
of its sacred nature of personal worship many participants understand that this is 
the most intimate and personal ritual performed during the Sunday meeting. The 
remainder of the meeting consists of the singing of hymns and listening to talks 
given by members of the congregation. It is a time when the outside world can 
be excluded, and the inner commitment and desire of each member can be laid 
bare and open as a form of worship. The Sacrament meeting where the games are 
played is considered the main service on Sunday. Church members (both young 
and old) have the understanding that while the service is occurring, children and 
youth are to remain quiet and in the immediate area of the pew. This is out of 
respect for others in the service that are concentrating on the talks and singing the 
hymns typical of a sacrament service.

An observer, however, might be surprised to find that it is common for children 
to occupy themselves with a variety of games during this reverent observance. 
These games range from simple tic-tac-toe and thumb wrestling, to a specific form 
of Bingo that uses either common uttered phrases or individuals as squares to be 
crossed of en route to winning. The simplest form of the question that this paper 
will try to address is: Why play games during such a sacred time? One answer to 
that question is a simple one. The games are meant to keep kids occupied and the 



Playing with the Sacred rife

32

games themselves have grown since the church placed emphasis upon collective 
family worship in the post-WWII baby boom. In their seminal work, Saints of Sage 
and Saddle (1959), Austin and Alta Fife noted that children were not encouraged 
to attend sacrament meetings, because church leaders wanted a more reverent 
worship service. In the 1960s this attitude began to soften. The toleration of 
children was altered completely in the early 1980s when the church moved to its 
current once-a-week three hour block opposed to what the Fife’s observed where 
the various meetings and organizations of the church meet during the week as 
well as Sunday.2 

The physical setting and demographic makeup of a typical individual 
congregation are also relevant. They typical Sacrament room is about 50’ wide 
and about 80’ long. The usual attendance is around 150 individuals ranging in age 
from new born to late eighties. There are single adults, families with different aged 
children, and older couples in the congregation. Members of the LDS church vary 
in class, race, region and background. It is not uncommon for wards (local units) 
and stakes (comprised of eight to fourteen wards) across the United States to have 
these distinctions apparent through simple observation. In one pew you could 
find a member from Puerto Rico, Mexico, Canada or California. In another pew 
you could have a surgeon, a prison guard, or a stay at home mom. Typical lines 
of separation and distinction such as race, class, or ethnicity do not exclude games 
from being played by all the children within the ward, stake, or region. Because of 
this, the extrapolation of this analysis can be applied broadly to the church in the 
United States.3 Although as I will also discuss it does have some overlap into the 
rest of the non-LDS culture, but mostly its interpretations pertain to members of 
the LDS church. 

The physical setting is also relevant. The room where the games are played is 
called the Chapel. The games are played in a padded wooden pew measuring 8´ 
long, 20˝ wide, and a height of 22˝ at the seat of the pew, and 34´ at the height 
of the back of the pew.4 All the pews face forward towards a raised platform and 
pulpit. The layout of the room is important because it reinforces the idea that there 
should exist community among the members, both old and young and that the 
focus of the congregation should be unified. The physical layout also suggests that 
the chapel and the Sacrament service that takes place there encourage a formal 
and encouraged location for silence, individual contemplation, and communication 
that at times can be at odds with the children’s games. This emphasis further 
accentuates the questions raised about letting children play games. 

The collecting of through fieldwork, I tried to step outside my role as a life-
long member of the LDS church, and become an ethnographer that was capable 
of analyzing the symbolic communication within the frameworks of play. I 
emphasized this outside observer role to examine the common games that so often 
are taken for granted as just part of the LDS culture. 

Methodologically I approached these games from the standpoint of seeing them 
as part of an ethnographic analysis. By personal observation, interviewing others, 
and by securing documents from folk archives, I was able to create a large pool 
of games from which to make comparisons and draw conclusions. After acquiring 
a large sample of games certain patterns emerged. Aside from inventorying 



Rife  Playing with the SacRed

33

and trying to classify my findings, I wanted to situate the games within the 
broader LDS culture. These games were only played during Sacrament meeting 
and not at other times because of different activates that require more focused 
participation from the children and youth. The classifications assigned to the 
different categories are ones that I constructed, and make the classifications more 
universally understood by a non-LDS reader. A LDS member would not label or 
even categorize these games in this way aside from calling them “games,” “church 
games,” or “Sacrament games.” 

The first was that the games themselves could be divided into three categories. 
The first was “quiet” games, so labeled because they make no noise when played 
and thus are not distracting to nearby worshipers. These games are intended to 
be silent in their nature, with the hope among other things is that they will not be 
a distraction to other members around the child. For the child these quiet games 
also have a purpose in that they teach and train the child how they should act but 
also how they can find success in their worship. 

The second was games for fun.5 In his work on Mormon recreation theory, Rex 
A. Skidmore claimed that fun and happiness is the attitude that most LDS members 
feel towards their church.6 Although broad in its definition this large group of 
games is intended for the player’s amusement and to separate and insulate them 

Figure 1. Mormon children playing quiet games. Photograph by Jared S. Rife.



Playing with the Sacred rife

34

from the service around them. Unlike the quiet games, this category can distract 
others by participants with noise, but are still relatively quiet. These games are also 
the ones most likely to involve other children, who may also be in on the humor, 
jokes, and other forms of social capital shared among children. The amusement 
can come from the player’s personal sense of humor, or at the expense of others. 

The third and final category of games is that of games for learning. Within 
the LDS culture exists a strong emphasis placed on all types of learning.7 The 
emphasis on acquiring knowledge both temporal and spiritual. Also a drive to 
receive postsecondary education either in the form of technical training or college 
degree.8 With this strong emphasis, games that require learning, creativity, or other 
commonly held beliefs about intelligence and knowledge are tolerated as they 
serve a larger goal of learning as a lifetime pursuit. 

Another level of analysis that can further shed understanding on the games 
played is a connection of play framing to age. There are three divisions: Children, 
Youth, and Teenage. The category of children encompasses the ages of 6 months 
to eight years. LDS theology teaches that children are incapable of sin9 until they 
reach the age of eight, or the age of accountability. Once a child turns eight they 
can be baptized and become full fledged members of the church. The type of 
games most played by this demographic is quiet games. The second category of 
age is that of youth and is from age eight to fourteen. After baptism at eight, a 
child will continue to be considered a child until they graduate from the Primary, 
the organization in the church is responsible for teaching children in the remaining 
two hours of the Sunday worship block. At the age of 12, children leave Primary. 
The boys enter the Young Men’s program, and the girls enter the Young Women’s 
program. This age group will still play quiet games, but there is more of an 
emphasis placed upon learning and instructional games. After the initial two years 
of participation in the Young Men and Young Women’s programs at the age of 
fourteen they move into the third and final category of being teenagers. These 
moves also correspond with the graduation from a Junior High School to a Senior 
High School where the child can now consider themselves closer to adulthood. 
Here they have (or so leaders hope) circumnavigated the early years of teenage 
awkwardness and are progressing toward adulthood. This final stage may end 
around eighteen or nineteen when the teenager either leaves for college or for 
males in the LDS church leave to serve a mission two year full time mission. 
Although instances where these games continue on into college their frequency 
decreases. In this final age group is where most of the games that involve humor 
are located, although there are still games of learning, it is assumed that by this 
stage most participants have a grasp on basic beliefs. These three categories allow 
the division of games and their application to be better understood and dissected 
within the social expectations of LDS culture. 

Identification and Annotation of Evidence

Although the games display variation, overall the same types of games are played 
in different parts of the country. Using the categories outlined above, the children’s 
games come in the form of three different types. The first is Quiet Books. Quiet 



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35

books come in all shapes and sizes, but their purpose is the same: they keep 
children quiet through tactile interaction. Quiet books are usually handmade, often 
of felt-like cloth, and each page has an activity that spurs the young participant to 
action. On one page there could be the face of a young girl, with blond hair made 
from yarn. The directions on the page would tell the reader to braid the young 
girl’s hair. Another page could have a coat with a zipper that can be zipped up 
and down. The pages also contain buttons, clasps, or other modules that require 
the use and energy of hands. Some pages have LDS content. Sometimes the page 
could ask the young reader to interact with Jesus, or another scriptural character. 
One example located had been used for over thirty years by one family that has 
been passed down from one generation to the next. This quiet book included 
an oxen drawn pioneer wagon, Lehi (a prophet from the Book of Mormon) 
holding an artifact and space for the child to place letters on the page, as well as 
a Mormon match game where children would put together two halves of easily 
recognizable people or items found in the Sacrament meeting itself. Other times 
it could be to give service or aid to a fictional charter in need of accomplishing a 
specific task.10

The second general activity was Felt Dolls. These can be homemade or 
commercially produced. The church I observed and others I have visited have 
high-wear thread count material on pews, and therefore the backs of the pews 
make excellent felt boards for these types of games. Generally these felt dolls are 
directed towards young girls, but boys often will play with them too. There are 
several different types of dolls. Some are from famous nursery rhymes and folk 
tales like the three little pigs, or Hansel and Gretel. Other examples are scenes of 
land animals in the jungle, forest, or underwater. Also more traditional dolls that 
require clothing to be placed upon them. One set contained girls from European 
countries and the traditional folk dress was provided for their attire. There exist 
LDS versions of felt dolls that will use dressing up of small children in a variety 
of outfits. Another variation found with felt dolls is homemade and commercially 
produced scriptural scenes, where children are encouraged to pretend play and 
act out scenes from the lives of prophets, wars, and other sacred moments found 
in the LDS canon. 

Imagination games require the use of toys. Perhaps a small car, action figure, 
or even LDS figurines are used. Usually the use of the imagination does not allow 
for group or multiple participant games to occur but there are occasions when 
two children from different pews will play together using their imagination. They 
might recreate something from a television show or movie. Other times they might 
recreate a scriptural science from the Bible or Book of Mormon, and sometimes it 
is merely as simple as two cars chasing each other on an imagined road. Usually 
the stipulation by the parent placed upon this collective play is that it needs to 
be done out of the line of sight of those around the children. That means it either 
has to happen in the space under the pews or it is not able to happen at all. This 
is perhaps the broadest and non-LDS centered game because it allows children to 
play outside LDS centered games. Their acceptance in Sacrament meeting lends 
credence to the theory about tolerance for the sacred when small children under 
the age of eight, that are seen as incapable of sinning, are involved. 



Playing with the Sacred rife

36

The next category of games is that of youth games. These games are more 
learning centered, and unlike the children’s games which intend to occupy and 
keep the participant quiet and isolated, these games involve others. The first one 
that is very popular and is not particular to LDS culture is the dot game. Two 
people play the game and it is played by first making dots, in neat lines and 
columns on a blank piece of paper. Then whichever of the two is gong first has 
the chance to connect two of the dots with a straight line. It is then the other 
youth’s turn to connect two dots with a straight line. The players will alternate 
turns, until all four sides form a box. The player who forms the box then claims 
the box by placing their initial or initials in the box and is awarded an extra 
turn. The back-and-forth nature of the game, with its demand for forethought 
and stratagem, illustrate a competitive spirit not observed by the youth’s younger 
counterparts. 

The next group of games played by youth is puzzles. Puzzles generally as a 
genre are not unique to LDS culture, but the types of puzzles that the youth are 
playing are different. These puzzles are usually of scriptural heroes or particular 
moments of devotion found in the cannon of scripture. There are two types of 
puzzles. The first is one is more traditional. It requires that the youth print out and 
cut up a puzzle. The second is more unusual. It is not uncommon for members 
of a ward to bring iPhones, iPads, and nooks and use them during the three hour 
church block. This use of technology is aided by most ward buildings having Wi-
Fi, and these buildings have similar passcodes. The LDS church has invested a 
lot of time and energy in making many of their services available via the internet. 
The Church has made accessible scriptures, talks, lesson manuals, directories, and 
most importantly for this discussion, puzzles that can be played by small children. 
These puzzles are much like the paper ones that can be printed and cut out, but 
do not require the effort to craft them. I will discuss more about the value of both 
of these formats later in the paper. 

The final game that many youth play is that of Hymnal chase. The LDS church 
has a strong emphasis on singing, music, and performance. It most evident in the 
formation of the Mormon Tabernacle Choir, that formed and has been performing 
ever since 1847, a month after the first wave of pioneers entered the Salt Lake 
Valley. In fact songs are viewed as a form of prayer in the Doctrine & Covenants.11 
With a special connection between prayer and adoration, , one might expect 
the hymnal to also be treated with care. Yet games played with the hymnal. The 
one game played by this age group is called Hymnal Hunt. This is where using 
the meter number associated with a hymn would, like a treasure map, would 
be circled and would lead to the page of another hymn. On this page the meter 
would be circled and that would lead to another page until the ultimate message 
was found. For example on page 181, the meter of 76 would be circled. The 
searcher would then turn to page 76 where the meter of 79 would be circled and 
so forth. One such message found was a question to the searcher if they wanted 
to watch TV later that afternoon at five.12 Other such messages like “Hello,” “How 
are you?”, and “I’m hungry/starving” have also been recorded. 

The last category of teenage games contains the most variation, and exhibits 
the most subversion of sacredness. The first game is that of Testimony Bingo. 



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The first Sunday of each month, Sacrament Meeting is reserved for the bearing 
of the congregation’s testimony. A testimony is the public profession of one’s 
beliefs about various subjects of LDS doctrine and lived experiences. Although 
these openly shared testimonies can often diverge from their intended purpose 
and become a travelogue or the bearer’s gratitude for roommates or many other 
such declarations not related to the original purpose. Because of the consistent 
performance of the testimonies within the culture, there can also be phrases that 
are used again and again. With these variations in mind, teenagers will divide a 
traditional bingo playing board with either the phrases that are often muttered, 
individuals that consistently bear their testimonies each month or common themes 
like travelogues onto the spaces to try to get Bingo. This game can be played with 
other siblings or friends that are nearby.13 Often times these Bingo boards can be 
derisive especially if a certain individual continually bears their testimony each 
month in an almost rote-memory fashion.14 

The use of parody for hymns and hymnals is also popular with the teenage 
group. The parodies often involve sexual and scatological humor. One good 
example is by taking hymn titles and adding the phrase “under the bed” or “in 
the toilet” or even “in the bathtub.”15 Some hymns and phrases work better than 
others. But often it can be the hymns that are the some of the most often sung and 
have historical significance that are mocked. One example of The Spirit of God Like 
A Fire is Burning, Upon the Cross, or even the Christmas favorite O Little Town of 
Bethlehem. All of these songs have humor in adding the phrases like “under the 
bed” or “in the toilet” or even “in the bathtub.” 

Another game that can be played with hymns is using the mood markings 
to act out the singing of the song.16 Thus trying to sing a song and act out a 
hymn “resolutely,” “tenderly,” or “vigorously” becomes a performance for those 
around the singer. This open mocking of the hymn is especially evident to those 
immediately surrounding the singer, but also to the chorister who is leading 
the music at the front of the congregation. Due to the apparent irreverence and 
subversive qualities of these games, it could be assumed they would not be 
tolerated. Yet they are often played quietly by participants so as not to draw 
attention to themselves.

Another popular game involves two teenagers writing words on friend’s backs, 
siblings, or a significant other.17 As Sacrament can feel boring to participants they 
will lean forward with their elbows on their knees as they sit in the pew. The 
friend, sibling, or significant other will write out messages or words one letter 
at a time as they try to convey a message to the recipient. Part of the fun lies in 
guessing what is written, and the other part can be especially if the two individuals 
are dating. The LDS church strongly encourages youth not to date until the age of 
sixteen and these games are played by those who are sixteen and older.18 Because 
of this delayed social interaction with the opposite sex, small physical interactions 
like touching someone’s back and expressing messages of care and affection are 
significantly potent. Another way that messages can often be shared with a friend, 
sibling or significant other is by using words found in the Scriptures to send a 
message.19 



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There is a long history of annotation when it comes to quiet games. George 
Draper’s book School, Church, and Home Games (1923) explores the philosophy 
that work is the highest form of play, and that children express their imaginations 
through play leads to their exploring and perfecting of their future professions. 
This book is a collection of games for beginners to intermediate children, of both 
sexes, and in the settings of school, church and the outdoors.20

Jess Bancroft’s work, Games for the Playground, Home, School and Gymnasium 
(1922) is an early folklore collection drawing from archival records as well as 
ethnographic field reports. The intention of the collection is to be used as an aid 
for parents, teachers, and recreational leaders to have a variety of games that can 
be played in diverse places of home, camp, and school. In particular a large listing 
of quiet games that are both educational and fun and provide an early framework 
for classifying and categorizing quiet games.21 

Lastly, George Ripley’s Games for Boys (1920) was another early collection 
of games that can be played in any setting. The purpose of the book was to 
give wholesome games that invigorated the mind and body, and were not just 
for the expression of violence pride. Because Mr. Ripley worked professionally 
for the Boy Scouts many of the games mirror the core values found within that 
organization. His categorization provided a framework to base games that I 
observed, especially the ones for small children whose goal was to have them be 
enlightening to the mind.22

Figure 2. More quiet games. Photograph by Jared S. Rife.



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Analysis and Interpretation

Evaluating the body of these games there arise paradoxes that both affirm and 
subvert gospel principles of the LDS church. On a basic level the church has 
always had a strong emphasis on “Perfecting the Saints” or in other words in 
helping members to reach their potential both in this life and in the life to come. 
Part of that perfection comes through the gaining of knowledge or intelligence. 
With the expectation that members of the church are taking part in daily scripture 
study, attending Sunday School and other service oriented organizations, being 
active in politics at both the community, state, and national levels, members of 
the church view themselves as well reasoned and well informed. This emphasis 
begins at an early age when the expectation is that children take an active part 
in church, school, music, sports as well as family activities held each week in the 
home where gospel lessons are shared. This weekly meeting, called Family Home 
Evening, and its intention is to bring families closer together. But its structure is 
through the teaching of a lesson, singing of songs, service and an activity where 
each assignment is rotated among family members no matter the age. With this 
strong emphasis on children participating in a full and perfecting life, the added 
dimension of having a sense of humor provides an interesting contrast. 

A factor in the use of play is the association of church leaders with humor. 
Joseph Smith was known for his willingness to play games, tell stories, and jokes 
with others. Prominent leader J. Golden Kimball was known for his colorful 
language will sharing sermons, but his crass language was excused because of 
its humorous nature.23 The previous and current leaders of the church, Gordon 
B. Hinckley, and Thomas S. Monson respectively were admired for their playful 
use of jokes. It is also customary when members of the congregation give talks 
in Sacrament Meeting to start their discourse with a joke. With such a strong 
emphasis on humor, the games children play are seen as participating in honored 
and cherished form of LDS expression. In some ways this provides an excuse 
for some of the more subversive games; in others it allows for games to flourish 
because “its just something we do for fun.” 

It should also be noted that all of these games, whether played by small 
children or teenagers are tolerated only if they are quiet and do not disturb 
the worshiping of others around them. If any of these games became loud 
or distracting, the child or teenager would be pressured to leave by parents, 
guardians, or other adults in close proximity. The usual punishment involves 
asking the offender to wait outside in a foyer, which every chapel has, and sit on 
couches until after Sacrament service is over. This may not sound like much of a 
punishment, but it can be a harsh sentence. To accommodate those who cannot 
be quiet or reverent during sacrament service, church buildings are equipped 
with in-house speakers that are placed in several rooms throughout the building. 
This allows for communications from the pulpit to be broadcast to other rooms, 
a mothers lounge, and the foyer. Once an irreverent child or teenager is removed 
to the foyer they still listen to what is being shared in the chapel but do not have 
friends or games to interact with. 



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The seeming paradox of the seriousness of cultivating perfection and at the 
same time indulging in the unruliness of humor feeds into another paradox of 
LDS culture: that of the scriptural stories of the Iron Rod and the Liahona from 
The Book of Mormon. The Iron Rod was viewed in a visionary dream by the 
prophet Lehi. The Iron Rod, which is interpreted as the scriptures or the word 
of God, leads to the Tree of Life, which is interpreted as the Love of God or the 
gospel. The Iron Rod is firm and immovable and those who grasp it know in 
what direction they are headed. On the other hand the Liahona another example 
provided by the Book of Mormon prophet Lehi, was a compass-like ball of 
fascinating design. After Lehi had left Jersulem to journey to the America’s or as 
he and his family were told the “Promised Land” the Liahona was given to them 
to be a guide. The Liahona worked according to the faith and diligence Lehi and 
his family displayed towards the keeping to the commandments and statues given 
them by God. It led them on a circuitous journey through the Sinai Peninsula, over 
the oceans and eventually to the Promised Land. Upon arriving in there, Lehi and 
his family were able to flourish and prosper. The story teaches current members of 
the church that if they lead a god fearing life they can be lead through trials and 
tribulations. This form of sojourn provides for personal guidance that might differ 
from one member to the next. This seeming paradox of knowing the answer to 
life’s difficulties versus seeking and searching for it is also evident in the ways that 
children play their games. On one hand they are expected to know how to act or 
learn how to act through play, especially during a sacred service like Sacrament 
Meeting. On the other hand children are given the latitude to play games that 
often mock other members of the church or make light of sacred rituals.24

Another interpretation of these games comes from the common phrase of 
“being in the world, but not of the world.”25 LDS members feel a certain hesitation 
about how their belief system often openly conflicts with their peers outside 
the church. Ideas about marriage, homosexuality, and drug use are some of the 
more recent ideas that in main LDS theology that have conflicted with broader 
societal views. Due to this conflict, members are encouraged to take part in as 
many “normal” non-LDS activities as possible to give non-LDS a more personal 
and human touch on a widely misunderstood religion. Thus a high percentage 
of LDS members actively serve, volunteer, and work openly in their respective 
communities. This is part of the reason that games enter into a sacred space of 
Sacrament but by the use of the church frame the message of “this is play (or 
profane)” is altered to “this is Mormon.” By entering the “world” to take part in it, 
the reverse is also true. The “world” is able to enter into an individual’s life, and 
this is manifest in the way that children play games during Sacrament. This is also 
manifest in the strong correlation of children that use their parents (or in some 
cases their own) electronic devices when playing puzzles and other games that the 
church provides on their website. By playing these games they literally bringing 
the world (or in this case the World Wide Web) into their lives and their sacred 
spaces.26

The final point of this frame analysis is how church games treat the contexts 
of sacredness and reverence in an enactment of play. With the slow progression 
of children’s games that instruct and teach to the eventual teenage games that 



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openly mock and criticize others the question must be asked how this influences 
the progression of membership in the church. In my opinion these games create 
a divide, an obstacle that teenagers must face. How do they respond to the 
paradox of playing games when those around them are trying to have meaningful 
communion with their deity? They must make a decision about whether to remain 
observant during the the sacred and reverent parts of the sacrament, and by 
extension they decide whether the sacred and reverent aspects of their religion 
are something to be taken seriously or are a game. It is no wonder that at the age 
of eighteen, internal church statistics show that the teenage years are the critical 
period when individuals decide to either fall away from the church or continue to 
be lifelong members.27 The games that these children are playing are a huge part 
of that decision.

Conclusion

Games played by the children, youth, and teenagers of the LDS church celebrate 
the good and the bad of LDS culture. Individuals are expected to be smart, funny, 
and interactive with the LDS and non-LDS community. But this leeway leads, for 
some, to the eventual dismissal of LDS teachings and membership in the church. 
This paradox of frames reinforcing prized character traits as well as religious 
knowledge versus the criticism of religious expression during sacrament helps 
to address the anxiety and uncertainty of the LDS faith for concerned youth. At 
the same time these frames create a space where the paradox can be contested.28 
Further questioning should be done on other games that are played during three 
hour blocks, or during other activities that occur during the other days of the 
weeks. These activities played in Sacrament Meeting are part of (excuse the pun) 
the game changer if whether or not membership will be a lifelong activity or only 
one of their youth.

NOTES

1. See Doctrine in Doctrine in Covenants 20:77, 79, http://www.lds.org/
scriptures/dc-testament/dc/20.75-84?lang=eng for a copy of the prayers that are 
read as well as the particular wording. 

2. Fife, Austin and Alta. Saints of Safe and Saddle. Bloomington: Indiana 
University Press, 1956, 3. 

3. Many of these games have been personally observed, as well as recorded 
all over the United States including Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Texas, Arizona, 
Arkansas, California, Oregon, Washington, and of course Utah.

4. Due to the regulations of the LDS church, pictures are not allowed in the 
chapel or during worship services. The pictures included in the report are either 
taken from the internet or from the personal collection of the collector that were 
taken in his home. 

5. During the academic year, 1935-36, Elder John A Widtsoe delivered a series 
of lectures at the University of Southern California in a class on Mormonism. 



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An excerpt from the published copy reads as follows: “The aim of the Church, 
organized for the human good, is to make men happy. It could not be otherwise, 
it usefulness to a man is the function of religion. This doctrine has been delivered 
in sacred literature.”

6. Skidmore, Rex A. Mormon Recreation in History and Practice: A Study of 
Social Change. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1941, 89. 

7. See Doctrine and Covenants 88:79, http://www.lds.org/scriptures/dc-
testament/dc/88.79-80?lang=eng, for the direct command to learn about things 
both spiritual and temporal. 

8. Brigham Young University, a LDS owned and operated University, where 
nearly 96% of the student population is LDS recently noted that it was number one 
in grads from a high-research doctoral institution (a category that includes BYU) 
who earned PhDs in the last five years studied. BYU was 5th for all 264 doctoral 
institutions in a general category. Although we cannot draw conclusions about 
the entire LDS church through this statistic, the importance of education and the 
acquiring of knowledge is evident. 

9. See Moroni 8:8, http://www.lds.org/scriptures/bofm/moro/8.8?lang=eng, 
which claims that children are incapable of sin until the age of 8. 

10. See photos in Appendix 1.
11. See Doctrine and Covenants 25:12, https://www.lds.org/scriptures/dc-

testament/dc/25.12?lang=eng for this correlation. 
12. This item was submitted by an anonymous individual to the William Wilson 

Folk Archives at Brigham Young University, September 14, 1980. 
13. There are numerous examples of this occurring. Four types are recorded by 

Jenna Allen Holt, David Joel Becksted, Christina M. Cuthbert, and Jennifer Holly 
Slemp all at the Wilson Folk Archives in section 5.1.2.1. 

14. There are also several examples found online where the practice of families 
sharing with other families and the familiarity of the game is clearly understood. 
For example, “Testimony Bingo,” http://emp.byui.edu/marrottr/testimonyBingo.
html and “Modern Mormon Men,” http://www.modernmormonmen.com/2012/03/
testimony-bingo.html.

15. Examples collected by Lorraine Anderson, Paul Abbot, Eric Nelson, Dell 
Blair, Linda Hansen, Joanna Gardner, and David Becksted can be found at the 
Wilson Folk Archives in section 5.1.1.2. 

16. This example was relayed by Spencer Lincoln Green, March 16, 2012.
17. This game is widely observed in many meetings by the author, as well as 

shared by Spencer Green on March 16, 2012, as well as Rachel Rife on March 20, 
2012. 

18. See the pamphlet “For the Strength of Youth,” https://www.lds.org/youth/
for-the-strength-of-youth/dating?lang=eng for this explanation. 

19. This example was relayed by Spencer Lincoln Green, March 16, 2012.
20. Draper, George O. 1923. School, Church, and Home Games. New York: 

Association Press, vi-vii and 44-54. 
21. Bancroft, Jessie H. 1922. Games for the Playground, Home, School and 

Gymnasium. New York: MacMillan, 2-24 and 211-242. 



Rife  Playing with the SacRed

43

22. Ripley, George S. 1920. Games for Boys. New York: Henry Holt and 
Company, 39-43. 

23. See Eric A. Eliason’s book The J. Golden Kimball Stories, University of 
Illinois Press, 2007, 186.

24. Terryl L. Givens People of Paradox : A History of Mormon Culture. New 
York: Oxford University Press, 3-18. 

25. See a recent address given by Elder L. Tom Perry of the Council of the 
twelve entitled “In the World,” http://www.lds.org/ensign/1988/05/in-the-
world?lang=eng

26. See “Games and Activities” on LDS website http://www.lds.org/friend/
online-activities/activities?lang=eng. 

27. See “Mormons in the United States 1990-2008: Socio-demographic Trends 
and Regional Differences” Rick Phillips and Ryan T. Cragun. Also available at 
http://commons.trincoll.edu/aris/files/2011/12/Mormons2008.pdf

28. Bronner, Simon J. Framing Folklore: An Introduction. Western Folklore 
(California Folklore Soc., Long Beach) (69:3/4) Summer/Fall 2010, 275-297. 

WORKS CITED

Bancroft, Jessie H. 1922. Games for the Playground, Home, School and 
Gymnasium. New York:MacMillan.

Bronner, Simon J. 1988. American Children’s Folklore. Little Rock: August House. 
_________. 2010. Framing Folklore: An Introduction. Western Folklore 69 (3-4, 

Summer/Fall): 275-297.
Draper, George O. 1923. School, Church, and Home Games. New York: Association 

Press.
Eliason, Eric. 2007. The J. Golden Kimball Stories, University of Illinois Press.
Fife, Austin and Alta. 1956. Saints of Sage and Saddle. Bloomington: Indiana 

University Press. 
Foster, Lawrence. 1981. Religion and Sexuality: Three American Communal 

Experiments of the Nineteenth Century. New York: Oxford University Press. 
Givens, Terryl. 2007. People of Paradox : A History of Mormon Culture. New York: 

Oxford University Press.
Ostling, Richard N., and Joan K. Ostling. 1999. Mormon American: The Power and 

the Promise. New York: Harper Collins. 
Ripley, George S. 1920. Games for Boys. New York: Henry Holt and Company. 
Skidmore, Rex A. 1941. Mormon Recreation in History and Practice: A Study of 

Social Change. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.
Wilson, William A. 1991. Personal Narratives: The Family Novel. Western Folklore 

50: 127 49.
Wilson, William A. 2006. “Teach Me All that I must Do”: The Practice of Mormon 

Religion. In The Marrow of Human Experience: Essays on Folklore, ed. Jill T. 
Rudy, 253-260. Logan: Utah State University Press.

Wilson, William A. 1989. The Study of Mormon Folklore: An Uncertain Truth. 
Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 22: 95-100.



Playing with the Sacred rife

44

Appendix A

A Pioneer Picture from a quiet book

Lehi’s Liahona Letters  
from a quiet book

Mormon Match Game from a quiet book


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	CFR_2013_Part7
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	CFR_2013_Part9



