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Playing For Change: the PerFormative FunCtions oF  
Children’s Piano Play

brAnt w  ellsworth

In an iconic scene from the 1988 film, Big, actors Tom Hanks and Robert Loggia 
leap from key to key on an enlarged foot-operated electronic keyboard as they 
perform in duet two piano pieces: “Chopsticks” and “Heart and Soul.” For Hanks, 
playing the role of a 12-year-old boy magically transformed into a 30-year-
old adult after wishing “to be big,” the performance represents an outward 
manifestation of the inner-turmoil brought on by pre-pubescent size- and age-
anxiety. As a child suddenly trapped within an adult’s body, this form of play, 
I call “piano play,” also represents a brief moment of liberation wherein for the 
first time in the film, Hanks appears comfortable negotiating the complexities of 
the incompatible worlds that he is trapped in, and yet, torn between: the world 
of childhood, characterized by carefree innocence and play; and the world of 
adulthood, characterized by work and responsibility. 

This scene is effective at conveying Hanks’ inner-turmoil because similar 
impromptu concerts are performed daily, flash-mob style, by children at pianos 
around the world and are recognized, around the world, as children songs. Search 
results on the popular video website, Youtube.com, include pages of shaky home 
videos of children teaching, performing, or improvising versions of “Chopsticks,” 
“Heart and Soul,” or “The Knuckle Song.” Such results are consistent with my 
personal experience and observations made as a student of the piano, as an 
instructor in South Korea, as a father, and as a Boy Scout leader. For example, 
in 2003 I was teaching English at a South Korean HagWon (Academy) when two 
boys snuck out of class and into an adjacent, unoccupied piano classroom. When 
discovered, the boys gave me a mischievous smile and only came back to class 
after playing a variation of “Chopsticks.” More recently, while monitoring the 
chaos of a recently concluded Cub Scout den meeting, I watched as young scouts 
ran around in unorganized play. A scout made his way over to a piano, sat down, 
and began hammering an “F’ with his left hand and a “G” with his right hand. The 
repeating notes reverberating throughout the meeting room were the same notes I 
heard in the South Korea HagWon and that I watched Tom Hanks play on Big. As 
the boy finished his version of “Chopsticks,” he barely had time to stand up before 
being pushed aside by another boy who sat down and played, in classic one-
upmanship, the same song, although this time faster and much, much louder. 

The universality of this type musical performance brought to my mind many 
questions. Is this folklore? Is this a musical performance, a form of play, or both? 
Why do children, especially children without formal piano training, learn and 
perform these songs on the piano? If these children are musically illiterate, a 
characterization that suggests the songs are not learned through music primers, 
how then are these songs transmitted from child to child, group to group? Who do 
these “pianists” intend to be the audience—in the case of the observed cub scouts, 
the other scouts or the adults in the room? Finally, what are the performative 



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functions of “piano play” and how do children use “piano play” to negotiate their 
social standing among friends, family, and society?

Before continuing, I should clarify what I mean by the term “piano play” 
and how this term is different from the more common phrase, “playing the 
piano.” By “piano play”, I do not mean the physical act of using fingers to 
depress notes on the piano. Instead, “piano play” is the act of engaging in play 
through the piano. While for some children “playing the piano” is a requirement 
set by authority figures, a chore, or a mandatory form of work, “piano play” is 
voluntary, improvised, and fun. I am not the first to wonder about the meaning 
children ascribe to their play. Over the course of many decades, folklorists have 
demonstrated how children use “play” as a mode of education, as a method of 
negotiating social groups, and as a form of entertainment. While children may use 
“piano play” for those same reasons, certain aspects of “piano play” appear to be 
unique and warrant additional query. For example, if there are rules that govern 
who (those who have learned or are learning) and how the piano is to be played 
(think about the mother chiding her son to stop pounding piano keys, “That is 
not a toy!”), than is “piano play” a form of musical protest wherein children skirt 
parental authority through engaging in prohibited activities? The piano is not a 
toy, but yet, in my observations, it is being used as one. Hanks’ character in Big is 
clearly using “piano play” as a means of coping with inner-turmoil and as an outlet 
for self-expression, but is there anything significant about his choice of songs? Does 
the use and performance of common piano duets like “Chopsticks” and “Heart and 
Soul” represent an additional layer in his complex ventilation of anxiety? 

Identification and Annotation

In order to answer these questions, I observed and interviewed a group of 
children at play on April 7, 2012 at an informal church function at the Church of 
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.1 While many of the 
adults sat in the gym eating and socializing, some of the children ran around the 
church in small groups playing games. Some of these children entered the Primary 
Room, a familiar room wherein they gather for Sunday school during church. In 
addition to being a room of spiritual learning and edification, the Primary Room is 
also a designated space for play as evident by the boxes of toys stacked neatly in 
the corner. Like many rooms in the church, the Primary room is equipped with a 
full-size, upright piano. Sitting down, I asked if any of the children could play the 
piano. One boy, Totten Christensen2, age 9, said that he had taken piano lessons 
for two years but that he was not very good. The other chidlren, Brady Nelson 
(age 9), triplets Adam, Tyler, and Nathan Bryner (age 8), Gracie Oaks (age 10), 
and Mattie Lewis (age 10) all said they could not. When I pressed them to clarify 
if they could play any song on the piano, each said they knew some songs but did 
not take formal lessons or know how to read piano music. I asked if they would 
play a song for me and they agreed.

Brady Nelson was the first to sit down at the piano. After opening the keyboard, 
adjusting the seat, and looking at his friends nervously, he began to play a song 
he called “Bubblegum.” I had never heard the song title before but as soon as he 



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began playing, I recognized a familiar tune that I had called, in my childhood, 
“The Knuckle Song.” Brady made his right hand into a fist and rolled his knuckles 
from left to right over the trio of black keys (F#, G#, and A#) in one sweeping 
motion. Keeping his hand in a fist, he hammered down twice on the next black 
key (C#). He repeated this series again, before reversing the direction and playing 
the trio of black keys from right to left and then hammering twice on the lower 
black key (B#). The direction was reversed yet again before Brady concluded the 
song with a quick series of staccato notes played with his index finger. 

As soon as Brady finished, Nathan Bryner slid onto the piano bench and told 
Brady that he played the song “wrong.” Nathan demonstrated the “correct” method 
by likewise making a fist and rolling it along the black keys but then using his 
elbows instead of his fist to pound the C# and B#. Aside from the method of 
playing, the song was identical to the one Brady played. I asked Nathan what he 
called the song and neither he nor his brothers could recall a title. They said they 
learned the song from their cousin, Caleb, age 10, while visiting Caleb’s family in 
Utah. Other variations I found on YouTube include a boy playing the song while 
lying upside down on the bench with his head beneath the keys, a child piano 
prodigy who began his performance by rolling his fists across the keys, playing 
homage to the familiar and simple, only to diverge into a complex, improvised 
variation of the “Knuckle Song” as the audience cheered wildly, and a young boy 
playing the song as a duet with his grandfather. 

I asked my informants if they had ever heard of the song “Heart and Soul” 
and looked down at a group of blank faces. When I hummed a few bars, eyes lit 
up. “Oh, I know that song,” said Gracie Oaks. “That song is easy!” Sliding onto 
the piano bench, Gracie sat towards the lower half of the piano and encouraged 
Mattie Lewis to join her. Bashfully, Mattie whined about not wanting to play the 
top hands. Reluctantly Gracie conceded and scooted over on the bench to make 
room for Mattie who sat to Gracie’s left. After flexing fingers and cracking knuckles, 
Mattie began playing the familiar call and answer of the song. With her left hand 
she played C – A – F – G while her right hand completing the cord, one note at a 
time (C – E – G, A – C – E, F – A – C, G – B – D). As Mattie started the sequence a 
third time, Gracie began playing a harmony in tempo with her right hand. 

Like the popular children’s song, “This is the Song that Never Ends,” where 
the ending of one stanza is the beginning of another, “Heart and Soul” is written 
in an infinite-loop motif. The song continues indefinitely, stanza after stanza, 
until one of the children quits. The repetitive nature of the song aids in mastery 
and encourages variation as a means to ward off boredom. Mattie was the first to 
experiment in her playing. Instead of playing the C-, A-, F-, and G-chords one note 
at a time, she began playing the chords at once in a syncopated, rocking rhythm. 
Mattie then experimented with other notes, rhythms, and patterns.

Meanwhile, Gracie played a jazzy harmony in the upper-octaves. The melody 
was very lyrical and, unlike the rhythms Mattie was playing, Gracie’s harmony 
had a set beginning and ending. She played the same learned song over and over 
again. When Mattie varied her playing, Gracie stopped and watched, trying to pick 
up the new rhythm. When she felt she had it, she began playing again slightly 
altering her rhythm to match Mattie’s. The girls continued, gradually increasing 



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in tempo and volume, until the notes began to blur and the harmony became 
unrecognizable. Suddenly, the music stopped and the giggles began. 

When the laughter quieted down, Gracie began mimicking a professional 
pianist by sitting upright and pretending to play a series of arpeggios with her 
left-hand while quickly playing nonsense notes with her right. The charade 
received high-praise from her young audience who laughed with glee at the spot-
on impersonation. Having won the approval of her peers, Gracie scooted off the 
piano bench to make room for Totten, the one child who had taken piano lessons.

Not to be outdone, Totten began to play “Cherokee Dance,” the song he had 
learned and memorized for a piano recital. The song was more complicated than 
those previously played; Totten maintained a steady drum-like beat with his left 
hand while the right hand played an unfamiliar, tribal-esque song. Although clearly 
an accomplished pianist, the more difficult yet unfamiliar tune did not elicit for 
Totten the same cheers or laughs as did Gracie’s tomfoolery. With a determined 
smile, Totten opened up a nearby hymnal and began playing a fast-paced church 
hymn. While the song was certainly familiar to the children, again Totten’s talents 
overshadowed the performance. He slid off the bench, clearly the best pianist of 
the bunch. 

What Totten demonstrates is the difference between “piano play” and “playing 
the piano.” While his friends appeared to be having fun on piano, Totten could 
not separate himself from his learning and as a result, his playing the piano 
exhibited a different function than the others. Instead of “piano play,” Totten 
seemed to focus on aspects of performance and ability. 

Adam and Tyler Bryner were the last two to take a place at the ivories. Both 
boys stuck out the index fingers of their hands and began playing the song 
“Chopsticks.” The children erupted in muted exclamation as they recognized the 
song and confirmed to me, each slightly louder than the other, their own ability to 
play it. Adam and Tyler played the song by repeatedly hammering F and G notes 
six times in succession, followed by the E- and G- notes six times, the D- and B- 
notes six times, and concluded by striking C- notes in harmony. The song repeats 
this pattern once more before resolving into a melody composed of thirds.

Once the boys concluded their song, I asked questions about their method of 
learning and when these songs are performed. Gracie and Mattie both admitted 
they learned to play at a friend’s home. Gracie’s friend had a piano in the house 
and, while playing together a few years earlier, the friend taught her. The triplets, 
Adam, Tyler, and Nathan, all admitted learning “The Knuckle Song” from their 
cousin in Utah. They learned “Chopsticks” from their mother. I asked if one of the 
boys could teach me to play “Chopsticks” and I was quickly instructed to form 
imaginary chopsticks with my index fingers and told to play “these white notes 
like this.” At this point, Nathan demonstrated the “correct” way of playing the 
song. Following his lead, I copied the song phrase by phrase until Nathan told 
me I had mastered it. I actually had learned to play this and other songs through 
my interactions with friends when I was a child. This is also the case with some 
other adults I interviewed. The transmission is often through a combination of oral 
explanation and physical demonstration.



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I next asked the children why they played the piano. Mattie said, “Because 
it’s fun!” “Well, what’s so fun about it?” I responded. “It’s just fun to play. I like to 
listen to music and make music with my friends. It’s just fun to work together and 
see who messes up first.” Mattie’s answer suggests that the piano is a place for 
children to engage in “piano play.” Totten disagreed about the piano being “fun.” 
Each morning before school, Totten explained he must play the piano for thirty-
minutes, practicing his scales and learning the assigned songs for the week—tasks 
that Totten considers boring. Playing the piano was a chore, a required task he 
was forced to complete. While other children saw the piano as something they got 
to play, for Totten, the piano was something he had to play. I asked Totten why 
he started taking piano lessons. He explained how everyone in his family “was 
forced” to play an instrument and he selected the piano. His choice in wording 
suggested this was something he did against his will. I asked if he was happy he 
knew how to play the piano. “Yeah, I guess so. I really like playing for my friends 
and with my family. Sometimes our whole family plays together as a big band. I 
think that’s cool.” For Totten, the piano is not a place for “play” as his encounters 
with it are not with friends but alone and forced. 

Analysis and Interpretation/Explanation

Folklorists have been chided in the past for failing to offer meaningful 
explanations for the folklore that define the nature and character of child life. 
For decades, collections of children folklore sat unexamined and unexplained, 
providing few hints to what the collected items meant for the children who use 
them (see Sutton-Smith 1990, 17 and Dundes 1998, 119). However, scholarship in 
recent years, including works by Simon Bronner, Libby Tucker, and Brian Sutton-
Smith, have demonstrated how fruitful the study of children’s folklore, specifically 
children’s folklore of play, may be by demonstrating how play helps children 
develop a sense of personal and communal identity and mediate their standing 
in a complicated vertical and horizontal social order. In the following paragraphs, 
I explore folkloric aspects of “piano play” and suggest a few possible functions 
unique to “piano play” that may provide a framework for understanding its 
meaning. 

In a chapter examining the historiography of children’s folklore, John H. 
McDowell defines children’s folklore as encompassing many verbal and non-
verbal activities that incorporate “playful or artistic motives with some standing 
in community tradition” (McDowell 1983, 314). For McDowell, the distinction 
between the two motives, playful and artistic, is important. He stresses these 
motives are not “coterminous” and children’s folklore is one or the other. Such 
a binary definition is troublesome when examining “piano play” as it appears to 
blend the playful and artistic motives of children’s folklore, creating perhaps a 
hyphenated third motive: playful-artistic. McDowell defines the playful motive 
as producing a sense of make-believe through the “allocation of a special play 
space, or by a reversal of real-life contingencies, or by some other factor.” The 
artistic motive differs in that it is geared towards the “collective preoccupations” 
of the child and is intended for public consumption (McDowell 1983, 314). 



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Given these definitions, “piano play” uniquely provides children with both the 
environment (piano space) and tools (piano) to enter into a secondary reality (that 
of a talented pianist) while simultaneously encouraging expression intended for 
the consumption of horizontal and vertical social groups. In so doing, piano play 
opens up avenues of understanding of how children compete and collaborate with 
each other and use these functions as a way to mediate the anxiety associated 
with performance.

In his foundational observations on folklore, Bascom suggests folklore has 
four basic functions: to entertain, to educate, to stabilize society, and to serve as 
a release for anxieties (Bascom 1954, 343 – 346). In my experience and through 
my observations, I propose that, depending on the scenario, “piano play” fulfills 
each of these functions for the child participant. By situating “piano play” side-by-
side with other forms of “musical play,” such as hand-clapping rhymes, jump-rope 
rhymes, and play-ground chants/songs documented in Simon Bronner’s American 
Children’s Folklore, we can see how “piano play” is an outlet for entertainment, 
self-expression, and cooperative play. For some of the children I interviewed, 
entertainment was the primary purpose for “piano play”—“It’s fun!” In her study 
of children at “musical play,” Patricia Shehan Campbell points out that on the 
playground and in the classroom, musical play unites children in purpose and 
solidifies social groups. By demonstrating knowledge of the music through chants, 
rhythms, songs, or other means, children form common playgroups and create 
bonds of solidarity (Campbell 2010, 25 – 30).

This solidarity was evident, for example, in the “Hear t and Soul” duet 
performed by Gracie and Mattie. As they began playing, the two adapted their 
performance to fit the tempo, style, and rhythm of the other. In this impromptu 
collaboration, each performer took turns experimenting and improvising on a 
musical instrument neither really knew how to play. As one would attempt to 
embellish their part, the other would diminish the volume of their part. It was as if 
there was one mind controlling four hands. 

However, as the song continued, Gracie and Mattie began showing signs 
of disengagement—the song itself was no longer challenging and the girls had 
exhausted their repertoire of variation. With no clearly delineated ending, the girls 
seemed resigned to playing indefinitely or until someone quit. At this point in the 
song, the performance turned into a competition of endurance to determine who 
could outplay and outlast the other. When it became apparent that neither would 
quit, a nonverbal agreement was made and the performance suddenly became a 
competition of skill. Traditional rules that governed the performance of the piano 
piece, such as the suggested tempo, rhythm, and sound dynamics, were ignored. 
In fact, not only were these rules ignored, but also success in the competition 
hinged upon the participant doing the opposite of what the rules suggested. 
In this makeshift game, the faster, the louder, and the more non-traditional 
the piano play, the better. Having an extensive knowledge of proper piano 
playing technique or a repertoire of songs was not as important as being able to 
subvert rules, parody expectations, and ultimately have fun. As a result of these 
improvised rules, the tempo and volume of Gracie and Mattie’s version of “Heart 
and Soul” gradually increased until Gracie could not keep up and was forced to 



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quit. What had begun as a cooperative performance ended as a competitive game 
with a clearly defined winner and loser. After winning, Mattie turned to me and 
provided insight into her perspective, “I like to listen to music and make music 
with my friends. It’s just fun to work together and see who messes up first.” In 
other words, Mattie celebrated the opportunity to make music with her friend 
because it provided a shared experience for social bonding while allowing for 
social stratification and the development of hierarchies.

Another aspect of Gracie and Mattie’s performance that was shared by other 
performers was their reliance on variation. On multiple occasions, the children 
attempted to surprise their audience through the unanticipated or unorthodox 
variation of a familiar form or method. For example, instead of playing a note 
with their finger, some children opted instead to use their fist or elbow. Other 
variations include using one’s head, forearm, or bottom. This type of variation calls 
attention to the performance and to the performer. An analysis of children musical 
variations conducted by Bronner in American Children’s Folklore provides insight 
into possible motives. Children often alter the lyrics of common songs to include 
obscene, macabre, or violent language and scenes. For example, the song “Jingle 
Bells,” whose lyrics once celebrated the joy of a winter sleigh ride, is altered by 
children to describe the odors of superheroes and the egg-laying-abilities of their 
sidekicks. Likewise, children alter the lyrics to “Joy to the World” to celebrate 
school burning and teacher killing/disembodiment. As children become aware 
of social norms, these changes in lyrics allow them to dramatize and experiment 
with the limits of these taboos (Bronner 1988, 81). The changes in these lyrics 
are intended to elicit reaction from the audience—to make them cringe in disgust 
or cover their ears. These reactions place the performer in a position of power 
over the audience. As controller of the medium, the child determines whether to 
continue or to stop. 

Variation is also a way of displaying creativity or feigning mastery. For example, 
when Brady sat at the piano to play “Bubblegum” or “The Knuckle Song,” the 
audience expected him to play in a manner they had grown accustomed to over 
time and experience—they expected him to play the piano “normally.” By using 
his fists instead of his fingers, Brady surprised the audience with his variation of 
form. Brady was performing a song in a unique way, drawing additional attention 
to the song, his playing style, and ultimately to himself. “Bubblegum” is not a 
difficult song to play, but by altering the form, Brady made the song appear more 
difficult. In so doing, he intended for his audience to perceive him as having more 
skill than he actually possessed. Skill is associated with time and practice. For 
someone to possess “skill,” it is requisite that they must practice for an extended 
period of time. Skill, therefore, becomes equated with age. If someone possesses 
skill, they must also be old. By feigning to possess more talent than he actually 
has, Brady is suggesting he is older than he really is.

For children, “piano play” is a way to pretend to be something they are not, 
typically older, wiser, stronger, essentially, more adult-like. Gracie demonstrated 
this aptly after finishing her rendition of “Heart and Soul.” In her demeanor, 
posture, and performance, Gracie the 10-year-old was transformed through the 
piano into “Gracie the Great,” an accomplished pianist performing on stage at 



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Carnegie Hall. The purpose of “piano pretend play” falls in line with other forms 
of pretending games played by children. For example, in their collection of 
children’s folklore, Children’s Games in Street and Playground, Peter and Iona 
Opie document a long history of children “pretending games” going back to 
Ancient Rome that similarly show children attempting to take “shortcuts” to seem 
older or more adult-like than they really are. The Opies’ study includes games 
where children pretend to be mothers and fathers, schoolteachers, criminals, war 
heroes, and celebrities (Opie, 1969 330 – 344). Likewise, in her Children’s Folklore: 
A Handbook, Elizabeth Tucker writes that she observed children in New York 
during the 1990s pretending to be firefighters, police, teachers, doctors, Native 
Americans, and film and television stars (Tucker 2008, 32).

Piano variation is likewise an allowed means of experimentation within the 
boundaries set by societal norms. Often, the children will establish the right way 
to play first and then increased variation comes later to highlight specific skills. As 
Nathan told Brady after Brady finished playing “The Knuckle Song” with his fist, 
“That’s the wrong way to play it” and then demonstrated the elbow as a variant. 
In each child’s mind is the notion that foundationally there is a right and a wrong 
way to play a song. The complexity grows as we assume the child also knows that 
the audience knows there is a right and wrong way to play a song. The wrong 
way and the proper way to play are often the same and the right way is often in 
opposition to the proper way. By altering the piano performance in song, posture, 
clothing, and form the child is subverting expectations thereby experimenting 
with the boundaries of what is socially tolerated and socially unacceptable. The 
children found through the reactions of the audience that some variation, like 
playing with fists instead of fingers, to not only be tolerated but celebrated. 

Returning to Bascom’s original four functions of folklore, how does “piano 
play” function to provide a release for anxieties? The answer is somewhat 
paradoxical for performing on the piano, whether for family, friends, or at a 
concert recital, usually does not alleviate or release anxiety, but, in fact, causes 
anxiety. Imagine the young child walking to the isolated piano on a lit stage, 
performing a challenging piece from memorization in front of an audience when 
the risk of error and public humiliation is high. Although the setting of this piano 
performance in a concert hall and the “piano play” that takes place in the living 
room may be different, performance anxiety is likely to exist in both settings as 
there exists elements of risk and vulnerability. However, in “piano play,” the fun, 
the opportunity for attention, and the opportunity for one-upmanship overpowers 
shyness and the risk of ridicule. Variation in piano play allows children to sidestep 
the need to appear competent in order to be successful. Instead, variation 
makes room for physical comedy, farce, and irony. It allows for and encourages 
imagination, freedom of expression, and collaboration. Working together to create 
or compete, children find these positives work to reduce anxiety. 

Mormon Folklore

Although the children I interviewed are all members of the Church of Jesus Christ 
of Latter-day Saints (Mormon), I do not feel that their piano play experiences 



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are unique only to children of this specific subgroup. Mormon children are first 
and foremost children and by tracing repetition and variation of piano play 
among other children, my analysis suggests a universal performative function. I 
distance my subjects from their religious affiliation in order to argue for broader 
implications, but I should note that in so doing I do not mean to devalue the 
importance of their religious identity. These children as Mormons are members of 
a recognized ethnic and religious subculture, and, as such, piano play does play 
an important role in the construction of their identity different from their peers. An 
examination of piano play within a Mormon religious folklore context allows us to 
pull back additional layers of functionality.

Mormon folklorist Bert Wilson wrote of the importance of reflexive studies 
in religious folklore. He recognized great value in looking, “not just at a body 
of abstracted beliefs but at actual behaviors, at the process of believing, at how 
religious people, Latter-day Saints and others, enact their convictions in daily 
life” (2006). In this paper, Wilson explored the practice of giving service among 
Mormons, suggesting that such experiences hold greater significance in Mormon 
religious living than do other more popular supernatural legends like the “Three 
Nephites.” I add to this list the central importance of music among Mormons. From 
their earliest existence, Mormons have been a musical people. Only days after the 
first official conference of the Church in June 1830, Joseph Smith, the Church’s 
founder, recorded a revelation that directed his wife, Emma, “to make a selection 
of sacred hymns, as it shall be given thee, which is pleasing unto me, to be had in 
my church” (Doctrine & Covenants 25:11). Years later, Brigham Young continued 
this musical traditional by directed the church to dance. Such fondness for music 
and dance led some to call the Mormons, “The Dancing Puritans.” Since their 
origins in 1852, the Mormon Tabernacle Choir has become an American institution. 
Mormon music historian Michael Hicks writes, MoTab has been “the object of 
presidential commendations, the focus of a Reader’s Digest record anthology—
endorsed by Billy Graham—the topic of a widely distributed commemorative 
volume, and the even the subject of a U.S. postal stamp” (Hicks, 166). More 
recently, the popular success of Mormon singers like Donnie and Marie Osmond, 
David Archuleta, Gladys Knight, the Neon Trees, and Brandon Flowers, frontman 
for The Killers, has cemented this musical stereotype into American popular 
consciousness. Even in an episode of South Park, Mormons as a musical people 
is featured prominently. This stereotype is stressed in the television show South 
Park. In the episode, “All About the Mormons,” a Mormon family moves into town 
and introduces themselves to the neighbors. The father immediately encourages 
his five children to play a song. Each child, including an infant, picks up an 
instrument and begins singing and playing. The crawling infant selected the piano. 

Without a paid lay ministry, Mormons from the congregation are asked to 
voluntarily give of their time and talents in order for the Church to function. 
Among these “callings” are many that focus on the musical abilities of the member. 
These calling include a choir director, chorister, organist, and the pianist for one of 
the many auxiliary groups. With a worldwide membership of over 12 million and 
nearly 29,000 congregations, the need for musical talent is high. For this reason, 
many Mormon parents require their children to study a musical instrument—piano 



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being the most common. As a child, my mother expected me and each of my 
three siblings to learn to play the piano, specifically hymns. She explained that 
by learning the piano, I could provide a great service to people around the world 
as a missionary. This is the case for many Mormon men and women who serve 
missions to remote countries around the world, countries where members do not 
have the same opportunity for learning musical instruments. 

Mormons are also frequently taught the importance of discovering and 
developing talents. These lessons begin at a young age. For example, as a Primary 
teacher, the Church provided me a manual from which I could develop my lessons 
for the five-years-old. Chapter 26 of this lesson manual is called, “The Parable of 
the Talents,” and uses teachings from the New Testament to encourage these five-
year-olds to find and use their talents. The manual suggests that I, as the teacher, 
ask, “What do you think Jesus was trying to teach us by telling the parable of the 
talents?” I am then to, “Help the children understand that the Lord has given us 
talents, abilities, and opportunities (such as belonging to his church). He expects 
us to use all these things to make our lives better and to serve others” (Primary 7: 
New Testament, 1997). By developing their talents, Mormon children are taught 
that they can serve God.

Conclusion

Widely disseminated through oral tradition among children, this paper examines 
the performative functions of “piano play” and three specific children piano 
pieces, “Chopsticks,” “Heart and Soul,” and “The Knuckle Song” and argues that, 
during a liminal period, “piano play” provides children with a play-frame and 
space to negotiate age-anxiety. My analysis describes and expounds on the many 
ways I have documented that this negotiation occurs. 

Childhood is a challenging period of life and many children do not have access 
to the tools that are needed to help them deal with these challenges. Left to their 
own devices, many unconsciously turn to the world of verbal and non-verbal 
folklore for help in coping with challenges and anxieties. As the boundaries of 
childhood become more constricted and contested, as evidenced by the popularity 
of socially constructed age-groups like “teenagers” and “tweeners,” we will 
continue to see children seek shelter in the safety of shared folklore. 

NOTES

1. Although the children I interviewed are all members of the Church of Jesus 
Christ of Latter-day Saints, I do not feel that the experiences I document within this 
paper are unique to children of this subgroup. To the contrary, I believe continued 
ethnographic study will show these performances are generally common for most 
children. 

2. The names of the children have been changed to protect their privacy and 
identity.



Ellsworth Playing for ChangE

55

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