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  Nigerian Festivals: In Search of a New Identity
ADIELE, Promise O. (PhD)

 Department of English

Mountain Top University

poadiele@mtu.edu.ng

+234 8037197590

Abstract

In the consistent bourgeoning realities of a new world characterized by 

technological advancements and discoveries in science, a unique 

Nigerian world also exists. Aspects of the Nigerian world are mostly 

expressed through cultural festivals which constitute a cornerstone in 

the people's identity. However, the dearth of festivals in Nigeria has 

depreciated Nigeria's cultural identity. Therefore, scholars and 

researchers are challenged to rediscover the place of festivals as iconic 

symbols of Nigeria's cultural identity. Although dimensions of Nigerian 

culture which includelanguage, literature, music, and sundry 

idiosyncrasies exist, festivals occupy a pride of place in Nigeria's 

cultural landscape. These festivals are mostly performed to celebrate the 

people's heritage or lubricate the continuum between the physical and 

spiritual realms, most of them mainly expressed through ritual 

processes. Some Nigerian festivals have either become comatose or 

abrogated. In this way, Nigeria's cultural identity has diminished in the 

eyes of the world. Given the loss of cultural identity due to the gradual 

diminishing of these festivals, their revival has become necessary. This 

study, using cultural materialism as a critical tool, focuses on why some 

Nigerian festivals are not observed with the fanfare they deserve. What 

initiatives are needed to be undertaken to revive them? How can they be 

reorganized to attract tourism, giving Nigerians a new consciousness in 

the face of multiple socio-economic infirmities? Through the revival of 

these festivals, Nigeria's cultural identity can be re-established and 

transposed to the world. 

Keywords: Festival, identity, culture, ritual, celebration 

Introduction

All over the world, owing to the multifaceted realities of the human 

condition, many people are confronted with the need to constantly 

uphold their identity by asserting themselves in different categories. 

Identity could be individual or collective depending on circumstantial 

demands. A man's identity refers to his personal traits like names or 

characters which are distinguishable from other people. GWF Hegel 

writes that “identity is the reflection-into-self that is identity only as 

internal repulsion, and is this repulsion as reflection-into-self, repulsion 

which immediately takes itself back into itself” (413). Although Hegel's 

assertion is characteristically couched in convoluted phraseology, it 

imbricates the location of individual identity strictly within the person. A 

man's identity is synonymous with all the centripetal impulses that make 

up his individuality and he must accept responsibilities for his actions 

whether positive or negative. Collective identity is remarkably 

differentiated by such considerations as race, gender, culture, religion, 

occupation, and many factors in varying gradations. 

The need for identity is responsible for the proliferation of human 

groups through which men establish followership, association, and 

classifications. Interestingly, human activities such as global politics, 

entertainment, economics, and education are subtly influenced by either 

of the set of identity categories mentioned earlier. Given its importance, 

identity has become a vital factor in the daily denomination of human 

existence across the world. The need to identify people by race, gender, 

occupation, religion or culture has either diminished their importance or 

obliterated their relevance. Owing to this, people have embraced social 

change to alter their personal or collective identity. According to 

Babacar Camara “social change refers to an initial process of partial 

modifications that gradually become structural and global. Therefore, 

social change means de-structuration and restructuration of a 

determined social totality” (xvii). From Camara's submission above, 

“partial modifications” can be interpreted to mean slight adjustment of 

identity to suit a particular purpose. Although these slight adjustments 

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mailto:poadiele@mtu.edu.ng


are gradual, they eventually become global, altering people's original 

identity. People alter their identities for different reasons, but Africans 

are most guilty of identity alteration in their bid to be seen differently for 

diverse purposes. 

Over the years, Africans have been victims of identity bias due in part to 

the inferiority and derogatory appellation unfortunately attached to the 

black race. In some respect, this accounts for the way black Africans 

submitted to the imperialist onslaught and were subsequently 

bludgeoned during the colonial era. The regrettable notion that Africans 

are inferior has predictably necessitated reactions among Africans to 

always assert their identity among the comity of nations. This 

foregrounds the philosophy of Negritude as propagated by the first 

Senegalese president, Leopold Sedar Senghor. The continued relegation 

of the African as inferior has forced many Africans to jettison their 

heritage, embracing Western values, religion, and culture. Also, the need 

to be recognized and benefit from Western largesse has forced many 

Africans to repudiate their identity, change their names, change their 

accents, and renounce their cultural heritage. To divest themselves of the 

inferiority emblem, many Africans have even undergone risky plastic 

surgeries to transform their physical appearance with regards to 

complexion and general physiognomy. This has necessitated identity 

conflict among Africans who, evidently, are not able to adequately 

represent the plural world which they created. In the bid for Africans to 

assert their identity and be recognized as a part of the world order, they 

have embraced their culture, religion, language, and literature 

transposing same to other parts of the world. 

Among the many aspects of the African worldview, culture, history, 

language, and literature all maintain a pride of place in the African 

consciousness. Literature is the most celebrated genre of culture where 

Africans have carved a unique identity for themselves. African writers 

and critics have created a pattern which has given Africans a 

recognizable image. According to Charles Nnolim, “the African literary 

critic has, in no small measure, helped determine the shape of African 

literature in this century” (31). Nnolim's submission points to a literary 

identity which has come to be known across the world as 'African 

Literature'. However, we can agree that the greatest and most 

distinguished aspect of the African identity, by which the African is 

easily recognized, is his culture. 

Essentials of African Culture 

In Africa, many cultures exist. Beyond giving Africa a focal identity 

across the world, culture is arguably the most important denominator of 

any social identity. It is synonymous with any society. Olawale Ajayi 

corroborates this view by observing that “culture could have a much 

more specific aesthetic interpretation highlighting both the artistic and 

intellectual achievement and development of a given society”(178). 

Culture varies from country to country and from region to region with 

different peculiarities. In Africa, they are lumped together as African 

culture. Many African cultures draw primarily from traditional religion 

which provides a vista for a link between Africans and their ancestors. 

The existence of the African man is connected to a constant renewal of 

the relationship between him and his ancestors which is carried out 

through the observance of some festivals, most of them compulsorily 

established in ritual procedures. The traditional African owes his long 

life, birth, good health, rich harvest, and general wellbeing to the 

ancestors who inhabit the spiritual realm. In order to continue to be at 

peace with the ancestors, to appease them and draw their sympathy, 

Africans offer sacrifices in the forms of propitiations if they must 

continue to live a life full of possibilities. Anytime such sacrifices are not 

offered, it attracts severe consequences like death, famine, flood or even 

drought. Perhaps, it is this necessary mutualism between gods and men 

that Derek Wright refers to when he remarks that “the gods yearn for 

reunification with the humans who first conceived them and are tied to 

humanity by a common fallibility and reciprocal needs: to become 

complete, they need to re-experience the human in themselves – as man 

needs to recapture his divine essence – and they need human 

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endorsement of their creative acts to maintain their spiritual status” (13). 

In Femi Osofisan's play No More the Wasted Breed, the people of Egure 

community are severely hit by sickness which results in the death of all 

first male children because they failed to offer sacrifices to Elesu, 

goddess of the inland waters for twenty years. They failed to close the 

gulf between humans and the gods through sacrifice. Wole Soyinka 

refers to that gulf by observing that “this gulf is what must be constantly 

diminished by the sacrifices, the rituals, the ceremonies of appeasement 

to those cosmic powers which lie guardian to the gulf” (144).  Although 

Soyinka's observation above relates to the Yoruba South West of 

Nigeria, it does provide a general view of the African reality which has 

subliminally, formed a part of their identity. 

The relationship between the African and his ancestors is primarily 

consummated through rituals and celebrated through festivals, all 

carried out annually and in some cases biannually. African festivals and 

rituals can be viewed or interpreted as drama in the wider universal 

context linked to the origin of drama as a Dionysian celebratory 

spectacle. While some critics conceive festivals as drama, other critics 

think that festivals are not drama. Olatubosun Taofeek reconciles the 

two positions by inferring that “festivals can be drama but not all 

festivals are drama” (44). In dramatic festivals, through the 

instrumentality of secular or spiritual masquerades, a mask is worn to 

disguise or transform personality and to create a guttural atmosphere 

where the gods can presumably be accommodated. Although the 

incursion of foreign religions has done a lot to diminish the symbolic 

significations of these festivals, yet many of them have continued to 

exist with much fanfare and relish. Most times, many Africans who live 

abroad, far from their villages, are required to return home to either 

participate in these festivals or at least observe them. It is always a 

joyous occasion because besides the festivals, it offers a community the 

opportunity to intermingle and associate with one another after many 

years of separation. In this way, the social relevance of such festivals is 

upheld. African festivals, whether dramatic or not, have attracted 

foreigners to the African soil both as tourists and as researchers who are 

interested to investigate the African heritage and culture. These festivals 

therefore form a very important dimension of the African identity. It 

provides the African hope. It motivates him and reconnects him to his 

roots. 

In Africa, almost every aspect of existence is controlled by a god who 

requires propitiation to be regenerated and rehabilitated. These 

propitiations are mostly carried out through elaborate celebrations 

where the locals adorn themselves in particular attire or design a 

program to create a memorable festival. These festivals differ from 

country to country and from one region to another where they are given 

different names. Indeed, it is difficult, almost impossible to separate the 

African from his roots, from his ancestors who must be celebrated 

through festivals. This study shall examine festivals in Nigeria, West of 

Africa and show how the people assimilate the spiritual essences of 

these festivals as a galvanizing force for their identity and general lives. 

Nigerian Festivals

In Nigeria's post independence consciousness, cultural nationalism 

bulked largely and found expressions in festivals which provided an 

avenue for the people to re-establish a relationship with their traditions, 

a relationship which was hitherto dislocated due to the vicious pangs of 

colonialism. Before independence, many Nigerians were alienated from 

their heritage. They were disconnected from their roots following the 

inevitable exposure to Western education and foreign religion. 

However, at independence, festivals provided a synthesizing platform 

between African tradition and Western modernity. The locals 

instinctively harnessed the accessories of Western tradition to celebrate 

their identity through festivals. In this way, aspects of Western 

modernity were extrapolated and infused into traditional culture where 

they are renamed, remodelled, and reconfigured. An example is the 

extrapolation of the mythical Sango, the famed Yoruba god of thunder 

and lightning. In South-West of Nigeria, Sango is established as the 

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modern dispenser of electricity. For this reason, Sango's statue 

imposingly adorns the complex of the National Electricity Corporation 

of Nigeria in Lagos. According to Harry Garuba, “the life of Sango, its 

appropriation by traditional elite, and its symbolic deployment by 

modern elite underscores a form of socio-cultural practice that has 

become quite pervasive in contemporary Nigeria, if not in all of Africa” 

(263). This means that aspects of modernity have been deployed into 

cultural practices which have, in many ways, become necessary 

materials found in different cultures in Nigeria. 

Most festivals are initiation rites for young men by which process, they 

are ushered into manhood. In such places, their persoc nality witnesses a 

transformation from boyhood to manhood and those who are not able to 

pass the initiation tests are not adjudged to be men enough. In Igboland 

for example, an adult male is not considered man enough if he is not 

married. Marriage is a part of the transformation from boyhood to 

manhood. Ndubuisi Nwafor-Ejilinma opines that “in the Igbo 

traditional society, the concept of chronic bachelorhood or celibacy is 

regarded as unnatural and an attitude of dangerous irresponsibility. At a 

certain age, a man is expected to get married and set up his own family” 

(55). The festival of initiation rites for young men must necessarily 

precede other activities in the journey to manhood and maturity. There 

are also festivals to worship gods and goddesses of the river, of farm 

harvest, of birth, of peace, of thunder and rainfall, of history, and of 

growth. In the different ethnicities, these festivals are distinct and can 

take various dimensions but there is a preponderance of rituals and 

sacrifices, sometimes fetish and gory, in the celebration of these 

festivals. For the people, it is their heritage. Their existence is inexorably 

attached to these festivities and their identity is projected more through 

them. To underscore the importance of these festivals in Nigeria, many 

of them take place towards the end of the year or at the beginning of the 

year. When it is observed at the end of the year, it is to give thanks and 

show appreciation but when it is observed at the beginning of the year, it 

is for prayers, for supplications, and for a fulfilled life in the New Year. 

There are three distinct types of festivals in Nigeria, they are, Religious 

festivals, Cultural festivals, and Secular festivals. This paper shall 

however, dwell on three important cultural festivals in Nigeria. 

The Argungu Festival

The Argungu fishing festival was originally a religious festival which 
th

started in the 16  century before the time of Surame Gungu of Kebbi 

Kingdom and before the final conquest of Kanta of Kebbi. During this 

period, there were four distinct festivals which took place within Kebbi 

and the neighbouring communities. The first two festivals were Gyaran 

Ruwa and Fashin Ruwa which were associated with the water spirit. The 

Gyaran Ruwa was specifically to purify the rivers before the day of the 

fishing day and it is carried out to appease the Queen Spirit of the water, 

Doguwa for a successful fishing festival. These rites of appeasement 

were carried out by the priests and Bori parishioner who on the chosen 

day, rode across the Kabi River, dropping food items and pouring 

libations as propitiations to pacify the goddess of the water. The Fashin 

Ruwa marked the official permission from the Emire of Kabi to declare 

the waters open for fishing. In doing this, the Emir picked a particular 

date to flag off the fishing season. The other two festivals were Gyran 

Gari and Shan Kabewa and Fura which were related to god of land. The 

Gyaran Gari was purposely to purify the whole land while the Kabewa 

and Fura were primarily carried out to taste the pumpkin porridge. These 

land rituals were of great importance to the people because through it, 

the god of the land was appeased, evil spirits were warded off the land, 

and increased harvest was assured. Because of the spiritual significance 

of these festivals, they attracted many people from Kebbi Kingdom and 

beyond. As the popularity grew, people saw in them as a source of 

spiritual regeneration and rebirth. 

In the 19th Century, Shehu Usman Dan Fodio, in his capacity as the 

Supreme Ruler of the Sokoto Caliphate, during a jihad, invaded Kebbi 

Empire and conquered it. Following the invasion of Kebbi by Dan 

Fodio, Islam, which was the predominant religion in Sokoto, was 

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catching of wild ducks. Due to its increasing popularity within Nigeria 

and across the world, the festival attracts thousands of people from 

different countries with journalists from reputed media houses covering 

the event. 

Indeed, the Argungu fishing festival has placed Northern Nigeria and in 

particular the people of Kebbi on the world map. Their identity has 

equally been transposed to various parts of the world and even studied 

by scholars and students alike. In addition to the creation of novel 

identity for the people of Kebbi, the festival has become a major source 

of economic haven in the state. Hotels have sprung up and in fact, 

different hotels in the area are not able to meet the demands of local 
and international guests who throng to the area to witness the 
festival. Also fashion houses have also been established in the area 
where local clothes made with hands are sold. Agricultural 
products such as yam, tomatoes, pepper, and different kinds of 
fishes are also sold at a premium during the period of the festival. In the 

history of the festival, many heads of state and presidents have attended 

it including Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria's former military head of state and 

Alhaji Diori Hammani of Niger Republic in 1970. Presently, the 

Argungu fishing festival has been taken over by the government of 

Kebbi state due to its huge economic and tourist potential. 

The New Yam Festival

The New Yam festival, translated as 'Iri ji Ohu' in Igbo land is 

synonymous with Igbo people in South-Eastern part of Nigeria. M.J.C 

Echeruo reminds us that “A New Yam Festival is a great ritual and 

festive event. Behind the ritual activities of the festival is almost 

certainly a mythos of a returning and beneficent god who is both 

welcomed and propitiated”(139). From the foregoing lines, Echeruo is 

of the view that the New Yam Festival has a spiritual dimension which 

provides a ritual opportunity to appease chthonic gods. The festival is as 

old as the Igbo race with both spiritual and communal cross-currents 

recognized by every Igbo person within and outside Nigeria. The 

instituted in the whole of Kebbi. As a religion, the provisions of Islam 

contradicted most of the rituals associated with the fishing festivals and 

as a result, three of the festivals were promptly abrogated with only the 

Fashin Ruwa retaining its place. After the conquest of Kebbi Empire, 

Dan Fodio founded a small village and named it Argungu, which 

translated in Hausa language means 'foolish people'. From then on, the 

hitherto religious festival became a fishing festival associated with the 

people of Argungu in present day Kebbi State, North West of Nigeria. 

Although the festival takes place in Argungu, capital of the Emirate 

Council in Kebbi State, many Hausa/Fulani people have come to 

identify with it and it is generally associated with them. 

The Argungu festival began in 1934 as a historical revival which 

celebrates the end of hostilities between the Sokoto Caliphate and the 

Kebbi Kingdom. It is synonymous with peace, friendliness, and love 

because it reminds the people of the laying down of arms between the 

two kingdoms after many years of warfare where lives were lost and 

properties destroyed. Because it is a fish festival, it takes place in the 

Matan Fada, Mala, and Gamji Rivers between February and March of 

every year and lasts for four days. It involves a determined competition 

where over 30,000 fishermen compete to know who will catch the 

largest fish with their nets. While the men compete, women provide 

encouragement by cooking, singing, and cheering. The most obvious 

economic significance of the contest is attached to the prize money of 

$7,500 which is won by the fisherman that catches the largest fish. In the 

last two years, this prize money was increased to $8,000. In 2005, a 

record was set in the fishing festival when a fisherman caught a fish that 

weighed 75kg, the biggest in the history of the festival. Besides the 

fishing competition, there are other symbolic cultural displays such as 

wrestling, entertainments through local music and dance accompanied 

by folkloric components such as drums, gongs and local guitars. There 

are also agricultural displays where farmers showcase their rich 

harvests, there is also the Kabanci display which involves diverse water 

competitions such as swimming, canoe racing, diving competitions and 

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festival is celebrated between July and August and marks the beginning 

of a new farming season. The question to ask is, why is yam accorded 

such respect in Igbo land amid a variety of other crops such as cassava, 

maize, coco-yam and different vegetables? Yam is a very symbolic crop 

in Igbo land right from time immemorial. It formed a major staple menu 

in every part of Igbo land and in fact, richness in yam is counted as 

wealth. A man who had a large yam barn was bestowed with the rare and 

dignified title of Ezeji. Among the many crops in Igbo land, yam is 

regarded as the king of all crops because it can be made into several 

delicacies and is easy to prepare. Besides that, yam is rich in 

carbohydrates, and as a cash crop, it can be used for various purposes. In 

the days gone by, a man who had lots of yam was regarded as a rich man 

and those who could not cultivate large yams were regarded as lazy 

people. Therefore, with such status, it became apparent that the new 

farming season is heralded with a celebration of yams. In fact, in 

contemporary times, a lecture popularly known as the Ahiajioku lecture 

which was instituted as part of the New Yam festival is quite popular in 

Igbo land. These lectures hold in different Igbo towns and are delivered 

by eminent academics, most of them university professors. 

The New Yam Festival lasts for about 7-8 days. The duration of the 

festival varies from one community to another depending on traditions 

and culture. Before the ceremony marking the commencement of the 

festival, no Igbo person is expected to eat the new yam. On the first day 

of the festival which takes place at the common village square, the 

village head 'Igwe', and in some cases Ozo title holders, Chiefs and Ndi 

Nze all offer prayers to the gods with a portion of a roasted yam. They 

thank the gods for rich harvest, for protection, for the gift of children, for 

prosperity, and for good health. After the prayers, the supplicant dips a 

roasted piece of yam into palm oil and eats it to the cheers and 

admiration of the crowd. Afterwards, the festival is declared open and 

people break out in joyous singing and dancing. From that moment, 

people are free to eat the new yam which is made into various forms of 

menu like roasted yam eaten with palm-oil, pounded yam eaten with a 

variety of sauce, boiled yam eaten with vegetable sauce or with palm oil 

as well. 

The New Yam festival is indeed a very big and symbolic occasion for the 

Igbo. Different women organize dancing competitions with colourful, 

new clothes worn as uniforms. Many times, these clothes are quite 

expensive with marching head tie, coral beads, and other ornaments of 

beauty. Also, there are wrestling competitions organized by youths with 

emphasis on perseverance, endurance, and doggedness. In some 

communities, there are colourful masquerade processions with excited 

dancing steps, occasional hysteria and sometimes magical 

performances. There is no uniformity in celebration across Igbo land 

because every community has its own method for celebrating this 

cultural festival. Generally, the festival presents a good opportunity for 

an interaction between the physical and spiritual realms, between the 

people and their gods who are inseparable from each other. The festival 

offers an opportunity for the people to offer sacrifices by killing goats or 

fowls and spilling their blood as a form of propitiation to thank the gods 

for diverse favours. If someone offends the gods, if a family is found 

wanting by breaking the ordinances of the land, such a person or family 

may be punished by the gods with a poor harvest in which case, his/their 

yams may not produce bountifully. Such devious behaviour like incest, 

stealing, murder, bestiality, and other forms of criminality are promptly 

punished by the gods through poor yam harvest. In some villages, those 

found guilty of indulging in such acts are not allowed to participate in the 

new yam festival because their open participation will inevitably incur 

the retributive wrath of the gods. 

The period of the New Yam festival in many parts of Igbo land is 

regarded as a time of peace and happiness. People are prohibited to 

quarrel or fight, neighbours and kinsmen exchange yams made into 

different delicacies and the atmosphere of the entire community is quite 

convivial. In all respect, the New Yam festival represents an epoch 

moment for all Igbo people due to its spiritual and communal 

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significations. However, the advent of western religion, in this case 

Christianity, has to a great extent eroded the festival and diminished its 

importance. In the same way that the incursion of Islam affected the 

original Argungu festival, Christianity has also affected the original 

celebratory outline of the New Yam festival in Igbo land. In the present 

day, many families and communities in Igbo land view the New Yam 

festival as fetish because of the sacrifices made to the gods. It is 

important to stress that more than 80% of Igbo people are committed 

Christians and since the festival runs at cross-purposes with the 

provisions of the Bible, the Christian moral manuscript, many adherents 

of the Christian faith decide to stay away or avoid the festival. As a result 

of this, the festival is more observed by core traditionalists among them 

the aged with very few youths participating in it. From the observations 

above, it is clear that the advent of foreign religion has contributed 

immensely to dislodging African identity which finds expression in 

cultural festivals. In fact, many proponents of the Christian faith have 

openly preached against the New Yam festival condemning it as barbaric 

and outdated cultural practice. In Igbo land, there were recorded 

instances of many clergy men warning their church members not to 

participate in the New Yam festival since some of the practices 

associated with it were satanic which amounted to idol worship.

The Eyo Festival

Lagos is the most populous city in Nigeria with an estimated population 

of twenty-five million people. The huge population of Lagos state 

derives from the influx of many people from other parts of the country 

due to its commercial potential. Of the twenty-five million estimated 

population of Lagos, indigenes are only about two-million people while 

the rest of the people are basically visitors from other parts of the country 

and the world. Because of the sophistication associated with the city, its 

modern outlook, the overriding western influence and modernity, fast 

cars, skyscrapers, fashion, music, churches, mosques, and other forms 

of modernity, it appears that the original Lagos landmark, in terms of 

culture and identity has been eroded. However, Lagos is a major hub of 

the Yoruba, South West of Nigeria with its distinctive cultural values and 

emblems. The city is rich in tradition, by which the original indigenes 

maintain a steady and healthy relationship with their ancestors, gods and 

deities. There are many forms of cultural practices in Lagos which 

continue to reaffirm the identity and historical heritage of the indigenes. 

One of such cultural practice is the Eyo festival, a masquerade/dance 

procession which takes place in the city in no particular order or season. 

The Eyo festival, in other words referred to as the Adamu Orisha Play, is 

a distinguished form of cultural practice found mainly in the city of 

Lagos, the former political capital of Nigeria. The festival is peculiar to 

the indigenes of Lagos who are referred to as Isale Eko indigenes. By 

this appellation, only original descendants of Lagos are allowed to 

participate in the festival while Lagosians by association and residency 

can only admire and watch from afar. The festival involves masquerade 

procession all attired in white from head to toe. For the one week that the 

festival will last, the faces of the dancers are not expected to be revealed 

or seen. The attire consists of agbada for the top robe and aropale, the 

bottom rope wrapped around the waist. The masquerades also wear an 

Akete, a hat adorned with different colours signifying the colours of a 

particular Iga from which the masquerade made appearance. More than 

fifty Eyo masquerade dancers can come out from a particular Iga and 

each of them must pay a specified fee for the privilege to participate as 

one of the Eyo masquerade dancers. While the Eyo dancers can wear 

different hats adorned with different colours depending on the Iga they 

came from, the Adimu is identified by a black hat without any colourful 

embellishments. The masquerade and dancers emerge from the Igala, 

the Oba palace and then begin to make progress into the major cities. 

Before the commencement of the festival, the Orisa Oniko embarks on a 

spiritual exercise to drive away evil spirits within the city where the 

festival will take place. This is to ensure a hitch-free one week festival 

and to avoid any tragic occurrence like death in the palace of the Oba, 

miscarriage, fight resulting in injuries, and any other form of calamity.

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The name Eyo, literally translated means 'costume dancers'. Its origin 

dates back to 20th February, 1854 when it was held in honour of Oba 

Akintoye, to celebrate his life on the occasion of his final burial. It must 

be emphasised that the Eyo festival is always held when an Oba dies to 

give his soul unhindered passage to the great beyond. It can also be held 

to usher in a new Oba and welcome him to the throne. Before the 

commencement of the festival, the Adimu, who is the most senior male 

member of the Eyo group, makes an appearance on a Sunday with a staff 

around the major city to notify people that the Eyo festival will take 

place in seven days time which will be on a Saturday. After Adimu, the 

rest of the Eyo heads make appearances from Monday to Thursday in the 

following order, Laba (red hat), Oniko (yellow), Ologede (green), and 

Agere, (purple). By this notice, people are expected to get ready for the 

great event, and nowadays, the media is informed for expected 

coverage. This notification by the Adimu has been the traditional and 

accepted way of informing the people of the coming Eyo festival. In 

present times, the festival is not only restricted to the death of an Oba or 

the ushering in of a new Oba. Nowadays, the festival can be requested 

for by a politician or even the governor of the state to mark an event of 

certain importance. Every Eyo festival ends with the dancers converging 

at the palace of the Oba to pay homage to him and his household. 

Although the Eyo festival is generally seen by many as a cultural event, 

its spiritual symbolism is not lost on the people. Due to its sacredness, 

certain practices or behaviour are forbidden during the festival. It is 

forbidden to wear sandals or shoes during the Eyo festival. It is also 

forbidden to ride motorcycles or bicycles, wear the suku, a Yoruba kind 

of hairstyle, wear the Eyo costume overnight or cross the river with it. 

The Eyo festival today has become a huge tourist event, attracting 

thousands of people around the world, therefore serves as a foreign 

exchange earner for the people. During the festival, distinguished 

personalities such as the governor of the state, the commissioners and 

many of the Obas across the state grace the occasion. Sometimes the 

festival takes place up to four or five times in a year and sometimes, it 

does not take place at all throughout the whole year

. 

Conclusion

Although three major festivals as important aspect of Nigeria's culture 

have been discussed, there are many more festivals in the country which 

uphold the people's identity. The pattern of celebration and ideology 

which accommodate the identified festivals in Nigeria may slightly 

differ from many other festivals not mentioned but the general 

idiosyncrasies informing their celebration are basically the same. For 

example, ritual is a very important ingredient of Nigerian festivals and 

through the ritual process, the gulf between the living and the dead is 

narrowed. Through the ritual process, humans lubricate the continuum 

between them and their ancestors. No matter the level of foreign 

religious incursion into the Nigeria domain, festivals as a part of the 

Nigerian cultural renaissance have continued to maintain their pride of 

place as a realistic, genuine hybrid. Also, various classes of people in the 

country have a different attitude to culture which has affected its 

promotion and celebration. According to Sandra Richards: 

The cultural habits of these classes may be characterized in the 

following manner: The largest segment of the populace. Rural and 

urban illiterates, enjoys orature, as exemplified by its support of 

the primarily Yoruba travelling theatres. A growing semiurban, 

semiliterate proletariat patronizes either Indian thrillers and 

Chinese Kung Fu movies or itinerant drama. The literate middle 

class, which associates serious reading with certification for 

employment, primarily watches television, much of whose 

programming consists of Euro-American imports (xxiii).

Politics and the quest for power control seem to be occupying the 

attention of many Nigerians. In many cases, these contribute in eroding 

the people's culture. Also there is a loss of sense of belonging within the 
stcultural community due to insecurity across Nigeria in the 21  century. 

Communities that are not safe will hardly be organized to observe 

cultural festivals. In this way, there is a remarkable concern that as a part 

of the people's cultural heritage, festivals in Nigeria will completely be 

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wiped out of the people's cultural menu. For example, no tourist will be 

willing to attend the Argungu Festival bearing in mind that kidnapping 

and banditry are the order of the day in Nigeria. The same applies in the 

celebration of the New Yam festival and the Eyo festival. If Nigeria's 

cultural festivals are about the few positive identities the country enjoys 

outside her shores, then there is a need for the government to rise to its 

primary responsibility to provide adequate security across the country. If 

security is provided, then there will be a need to rehabilitate and revive 

these festivals. 

The National Institute for Cultural Orientation (NICO) has a major role 

to play in reviving festivals across Nigeria. As an agency of the federal 

government, the institute should constantly educate the government on 

the importance of promoting Nigeria's culture and festivals. If the 

National Institute for Cultural Orientation is involved, it means that the 

government is also involved. If the government is involved, cultural 

festivals in Nigeria will become state functions and all the apparatus of 

government will be deployed to ensure that these festivals are 

successful. The National Institute for Cultural Orientation should 

identify some festivals in the country within a calendar year and promote 

them. Also, the institute should solicit sponsorship from corporate 

bodies and urge them to identify with the celebrations. Tourists and 

travellers will be willing to identify with Nigeria if they are aware that 

the government and major corporate organizations are associated with 

iconic cultural festivals in the country. 

Nigerian universities have a major role to play in reviving festivals in the 

country. Although there is a compulsory general course in all 

universities known as GST (Nigerian People and Culture) it seems that 

the course is basically academic and theoretical. Nigerian universities 

should make the course more practical. Students should be encouraged 

to participate in different cultural practices of their different 

communities. These cultural performances should be held within the 

university environment and government dignitaries should be invited. 

Also, the National Orientation Agency (NOA) of Nigeria should, 

through the mass media, educate Nigerians on the importance of 

Nigerian culture and festivals as a unifying force and also as a national 

identity paradigm. Above all, the revival of Nigerian culture through 

festivals is a collective responsibility. Every person, every sector should 

play a part so that the Nigeria cultural identity can be revived and 

sustained.

Works Cited  

Ajayi, Olawale. “Between Extinction and Distinction: Black Cultural 

Survival in the New World.” Ijegun Journal of English Language 

and Literature: A Journal of Language and English Studies, Tai 

Solarin University of Education,vol.1, no 1, 2016, pp. 178-183. 

Camara, Babacar. Reason in History: Hegel and Social Changes in 

Africa.Lexington, 2011.

Echeruo, Michael. “The Dramatic Limits of Igbo Ritual.”Drama and 

Theatre in Nigeria: A Critical Source Book, edited by Yemi 

Ogunbiyi, Pitman Press, 1981, pp. 136-148. 

Garuba, Harry. “Explorations in Animist Materialism: Notes on 

Reading/Writing African Literature, Culture, and Society.” Public 

Culture, vol.15, no.2, 2003, pp. 261-285.

Hegel, GWF. The Science of Logic. Routledge, 2002. 

Nnolim, Charles. Issues in African Literature. Malthouse Press, 2010.

Nwafor, Ndubuisi. “The Performing Arts and Social Control in the 

Traditional Igbo Society: A Focus on Igbo Songs of 

Scandal.”Cross-Currents in African Theatre, edited by Austin 

Asagba, Benin City: Craft Books, 2001, pp. 52-61. 

Okoye, Chike and Asika, Ikechukwu. “Negotiating Boundaries: 

Performance Partitions in the Mmonwu Theatre.” Ideal 

International Journal of Igbo Scholars Forum, vol. 1, no. 2, 2015, 

pp 229-241.

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Olatunbosun, Taofeek. “Nigerian Drama: An Overview.”Ijegun Journal 

of English Language and Literature: A Journal of Language and 

English Studies, vol.1, no 1, 2016, pp. 42-55. 

Richards, Sandra. Ancient Songs Set Ablaze. HUP, 1996. 

Soyinka, Wole. Myth, Literature and the African World. CUP, 1976.

Wright, Derek. Wole Soyinka Revisited. Twyne Publishers, 1993. 

     Storytelling and the Preservation of Indigenous 

Culture in Nigeria

Naziru Ahmad Atiku

Languages Department, School of General Studies, 

Federal Polytechnic, Oko.

Anambra state, nigeria.

e-mail: naziruahmadatiku@gmail.com

08067693760

Abstract

This work aims at elaborating widely on the concept of storytelling and 

how it plays a vital role in the preservation of Nigerian indigenous 

culture. As we are living in a space and time where some cultures 

establish themselves as predators and make others pray. Gradually, due 

to the influence of western cultures, many indigenous cultures are 

slipping into the oblivion as the younger generations of Nigerians 

develop prejudice and unfriendliness towards their own culture, giving 

an unnecessary preference to the western culture.  Considering the evil 

effect of globalization in subjugation, segregation and victimization of 

the Nigerian culture, strong and stoic effort is to be made before it is too 

late to cry and end up campaigning after the election or planting crops on 

air, harvesting nothing at the end of the year. This storytelling is 

paramount in the Nigerian educational curriculum, documentation and 

movie so as to influence the general attitudes of the youths and save the 

indigenous culture from being lost.

Keywords:  Storytelling, indigenous cultures, globalization, 

preservation

Introduction

Storytelling is as old as human endeavours since the creation of Adam 

and eve people began to narrate their story which can be found even in 

their scriptures. In relation to this assertion (Sheppard) said “storytelling 

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mailto:naziruahmadatiku@gmail.com

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