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23-9Pages: 0                                           2020-09-2020 | Published: 19-90-02020 | Accepted: 1-70-21Received:  

                                                                                                                                                                                           

Clinical Medicine Insights Page 9 
 

The People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and the renewal of its core 

organs: Cameroon 

Rmilija A, Mandale J. 
 

1,2
FALNA Taubic, Senior Lecturer at the  University of Ngaoundere  

 

 Abstract : It depends on the strength of a leading or close party, depending on whether it can be called for 

intellectual reasons; and this was on the initiative of his national president who decided to open his 

headquarters and his specialized organizations from 1 August to 10 December 2015, a period of (03) three 

years after the official end of his term of office. his guides, renew. In this process a competition was 

identified in the search for new selection tasks. The task was not only the witch agreement but, and in some 

places also continued. What are the new socio-political foundations of the CPDM and its specialized bodies? 

What is the meaning and power that can streamline this process and maintain a socio-political perspective? 

Here are some questions to consider in the current article. Il will also be processed in the light of the 

database collections in the field, with a strategic analysis with the help of the dominant authoritarian theory. 

Key words: Renewal, Elected Task, Political Competition, Reconciliation 

 

Introduction :  

A political party founded in Marche 24, 1985 in Bamenda, the CPDM is a branch of a single party: 

the National Union of Cameroon. The party was set up remotely to have a policy-making committee set up 

by a Central group to be appointed from among some of the members who have been appointed or elected. 

In addition, some specialized bodies such as the Women of the People's Democratic Movement of 

Cameroon (WCPDM) and the Youth (YCPDM) complete this list. At the grass root level the party is 

represented by the section, sub-section, grassroot committee and a unit whose members are elected. The unit 

closely used to bear at a given moment the outlines of many subdivisions and, at a given time the realities of 

those subdivisions. A circular letter
1
 signed by the national president had as main objective extending the 

existing branches but the right to vote was extend to all its active members who however, needed to clarify 

their as effective members through activities such as the purchase of their membership card and the payment 

of their subscriptions
2
. For the smooth running of the electoral process five (5) legal proceedings

3
 were 

created. Broadly speaking, how has this renewal process manifested itself through the political vitality of the 

grassroot actors and the authoritarianism of the ruling leader? That is the main question the present analysis 

will try to bring a plausible solution. It essentially leans on the ruling authoritarianism theory and the 

strategic analysis. The first one stipulates that the authorities have a tendency of influencing the rules put in 

                                                            
1 Circular letter N° 001/CPDM/NP of 27 July 2015 of the National Party to the grassroot renewal and some specialized 

committees. 
2 The purchase of the membership card was suspended following a press release signed by the communication secretary on 

November 10, 2015. 
3 The authorities will be considered in subsequent development. 



The People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and the renewal of its core organs: Cameroon 

Clinical Medicine Insights Page 10 
 

place by politicians in their favour
4
 and the second ones abides by the theory as people say: ...Reflexion, in 

terms of strategy make people responsible for them to look into some organizational contexts the rationality 

of an actors to understand the organizational shape in the personal experiences of the actors (Crozier, 

Friedberg, 1982). In addition, 

The relation of power within the enterprise has as objective to integrate a coherent manner special logics in order to 

achieve global objectives it assigns to itself, but counting on its own resources, each peculiar group has to accept the 

behaviours (wether passives) adapted to the defense or to the promotion related to special preoccupations and not 

common objectives (Crozier, Friedberg, 1982:49). 

 For this research work to be constructive, we proceeded with the empirical collection of data made 

up of some CPDM archives whose shortages were complemented with inquires in the field and 

investigations with some different political stakeholder. Two political parties will be taken into 

consideration in this article. The first one consists in analyzing the sociopolitical foundations of the renewal 

and the second deals with sociopolitical reach. The Mayo-Kani and Mayo-Danay are the two main 

geographical areas for the study. 

I- The sociopolitical foundations of the CPDM grassroot renewal organs 

The picture below shows the CPDM grassroot renewal specialized organs in December, 2015. 

Picture 1: Global view on the CPDM, WCPDM, YCPDM sections in the  Mayo-Kani et du Mayo-Danay sections 

1- The Mayo-Kani and Mayo-Danay CPDM sections : a geometric political variable representation 

Before the creation of brand new sections the Mayo-Kani and Mayo-Danay divisions were respectively 

crammed with seven (7) sections and eleven (11) sub-divisions within which seven sections were 

subdivided. In fact, those divisions, within which seven (7) sections were subdivided. In fact, those divisions 

respectively had four (4) and three (3) sections. In the Mayo-Kani division were among others: the Mayo-

Kani West with the Kaélé and Moutourwa subdivisions as headquarters, the Mayo-Kani South with the 

                                                            
4 It is the point on view sustained by authors like J.M. Zambo Belinga, “Elections in Cameroon: the contribution to explain how to 

take part in vote in localities known as acquired to the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement and the Social Democratic 

Front” PHD  Thesis in Political sociology defended at the University of Yaoundé I, 2004 with The theme: “Quest of notability 

authoritative persistence and democratization in Cameroon”, Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines, XLIII (3, 171,2003PP.573-589, J.A. 

Njock, “Political elections and democratization in Sub-Saharian Africa: The case of the Central African states, PHD thesis in 

Public Law, defended at the University of Sciences in Lyon, 2001.  
5 Former president of the Mayo-Danay East section, elected candidate at the helm of the  Mayo-Danay East I section (Yagoua), 

Makassia Jean died in his native land Yagoua on the16 August 2016 following a brief illness.  

Département Formers 

sections   

Subdivisions Président 

CPDM WCPDM YCPDM 

Mayo-Kani Mayo-Kani 

West 

Kaélé,Moutourwa SadjoKoumaï Mme.Fah Godjé 

Emmanuel 

Mayo-Kani 

South 

Mindif HamanTchioutou Madam Baïbaï Illiassa 

Ousmana 

Mayo-Kany 

East  

GuidiguisTouloumDziguilao Siddiki Damdam Houli 

Mayo-Kani 

North 

Moulvoudaye AdamaModi Maïtchang 

Delphine 

Bachirou 

Halilou 

Mayo-

Danay 

Mayo-Danay 

Sud 

Kalfou,Tchatibalé , 

Doukoula, Datchéga 

DjamaraLourssandou Mme. Maïraossé 

Djagué 

Oumarou 

Tambouctou 

Mayo-Danay 

East 

Wina, Gobo, Guéré ,Yagoua Makassia Jean5 Manamourou  épse 

Silikam 

Hinssou Yetna 

Mayo-Danay 

North 

Maga , Guémé , Kaï-Kaï Abba Enock Maïam  Mbarma Adoum Mbarma 



The People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and the renewal of its core organs: Cameroon 

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Mindif subdivision as headquarters, the Mayo-Kani East with the Guidiguis, Touloum and Dziguilao 

subdivisions as headquarters. 

In the Mayo-Danay division, the Mayo-Danay South had as section headquarters: the Kalfou; Tchatibali, 

Doukoula and Datcheka subdivisions respectively; as for the Mayo-Danay East section was made up of the 

Wina, Gobo, Guéré and Yagoua subdivisions as headquarters and lastly the Mayo-Danay North with Maga, 

Guémé and Kaï-Kaï as section headquarters. 

This division into sections was disproportionate with regard to subdivisional section cover. In the Mayo-

Kani for instance, the Mindif and Moulvoudaye subdivisions are alone in sections whereas the Kaélé and 

Moutourwa as far at the Guidiguis, Touloum and Dziguilao subdivisions are covered with two sections. 

Consequently a question is raised to know why some sections only cover one subdivision while others cover 

many? What can be the sociopolitical reasons?  

The reason behind all this is the anteriority and existence of those subdivisions in comparison with those 

created in 1990, among others the Moutourwa, Guidigyuis, Touloum and Dziguilao subdivisions; hence, 

Moutourwa was attacked to Kaélé while Guidiguis, Touloum and Dziguilao were attached to the former 

subdivision. But some time in 2015 and following a circular letter signed by the national CPDM President 

some new sections were created. 

2- Some sociopolitical reasons in the creation of new sections 

The creation of new sections is shown as follow: 

Picture 2: CPDM, WCPDM and the YCPDM new sections 

Département Former sections   Corresponding  subdivisions New sections Corresponding  subdivisions 

Mayo-Kani 

 

 

 

 

Mayo-Kani West Kaélé  Moutourwa Mayo-Kani West Kaélé 

Mayo-Kani North -West Moutourwa 

 Mayo-Kani South Mindif Mayo-Kani Center Mindif 

Mayo-Kani East  Guidiguis,Touloum,, Dziguilao Mayo-Kani East Guidiguis 

Mayo-Kani North- East Touloum 

Mayo-Kani South - East Dziguilao 

Mayo-Kani North Moulvoudaye Mayo-Kani North Moulvoudaye 

 

 

 

 

 

Mayo-Danay 

Mayo-Danay South Kalfou,Tchatibali,,Doukoula,,Datchéka Mayo-Danay Center Kalfou 

Mayo-Danay South -East I Datchéka 

Mayo-Danay South - West II Doukoula 

Mayo-Danay South - West  I Tchatibali 

Mayo-Danay East Wina, Gobo, Guéré ,Yagoua Mayo-Danay South II Wina 

Mayo-Danay South - East I Gobo 

Mayo-Danay South - East I Guéré 

Mayo-Danay East I Yagoua 

Mayo-Danay North Maga,,Kaï Kaï,,  Guémé Mayo-Danay  North Maga 

Mayo-Danay North - East Kaï- Kaï 

Mayo-Danay East II Guémé 

 

a- The new sections: an answer to grassroot political requirements 

The opportunity in opening new sections all over the national territory made in such away that the 

number of sections moved from seven (7) to eighteen  (18) in our area of study. Eleven (11) new sections 

were created: Mayo-Kani North West (Kaélé ), Mayo-Kani North (Moulvoudaye), Mayo-Kani North-West  

(Moutourwa), Mayo-Kani Center (Mindif), Mayo-Kani East (Guidiguis), Mayo-Kani North-East (Touloum), 

Mayo-Kani South East  (Dziguilao). In the Mayo-Danay, eleven (11) sections were also created:  Mayo-

Danay Center (Kalfou), Mayo-Danay South East I (Datchéka), Mayo-Danay South West I (Tchatibali), 

Mayo-Danay South West II (Doukoula), Mayo-Danay South II (Wina), Mayo-Danay South East I (Guéré), 

Mayo-Danay East I (Yagoua), Mayo-Danay  North (Maga), Mayo-Danay North - East (Kaï- Kaï) and Mayo-

Danay East II (Guémé). 

To every subdivision, henceforth corresponds a section. Some subdivisions used to cover many others. 

This situation and in the opinion of many militants was frustrating. As an example, the militants of the 

Dziguilao and Touloum (Mayo-Kani East section) were considering themselves as underdogs of the 



The People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and the renewal of its core organs: Cameroon 

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Guidiguis population. Those in Kaélé had difficulties in behaving that the president of the section could 

from Moutourwa
6
 whereas Kaélé the headquater. This analysis is worthwhile for the population of 

Tchatibali, Datchaka and Kalfou where the same situation prevailed. These subdivisions has as section 

headquarter Doukoula
7
. The frustration was more considerable in that the section president was from 

Doukoula. The creation of new sections abides by the answer to the population quest for independence, 

requirements and claims of the grassroot militants as well as the resolution of the question related to the 

otherness or the autochthony of the responsible grassroot people of the ruling party. The creation of these 

sections necessitated resource people for their effective functioning. 

b- Legal reasons for the renewal of CPDM basic organs  

In a circular signed by the CPDM national president, one can read:  

To equip our political party with good leaders who can enjoy renewed and strong legitimacy, it is high time we elected new 

members in view of choosing new bureau at the level of the basic organs of our political party and its specialized committees. 

Actually and more than ever before, our party is in its specialized committees. Actually and more than ever before, our party is in 

diehard need of honest men, women and youths, faithful, staunch and devoted with self-sacrifice in his service within the interest 

of the nation, qualified leaders ready to assume with conviction and to promote a new dynamism through the new impetus shared 

during the ordinary congress8. 

In fact, before 2015 the last renewal of the basic structures of the CPDM and its specialized organs took 

place from the 29
th

 to the 14
th

 March 2007. They had a mandate of five (5) years which was expected to 

expire in 2012. The extention of the mandates lasted after three (3) years. Substantially, the elected president 

became illegal and that is why the national president strongly believes that: “Time has come to renew or to 

reinforce the legitimacy of those leaders
9
”. 

On the other hand, during that flexible mandate, some presidents proved their non-availability may be either 

because they resigned or died
10

. It was reasonable to provide them with ne human resources. That is why 

“The CPDM must adapt itself to the realities of other people around them
11

”. 

 he creation of new sections has a main objective bring the militants closer to the power and reinforce 

the capacity to supervise them. Similarly, it is promoting the recruitment of new members and it is here that 

the recruitment according to the CPDM is materialized and on top of its regalia function as coordinator of 

electoral and parliamentarian games (Schwatzenberg, 1974). Therefore, the CPDM has put an end to simply 

being considered an elective party to become a party of active members. The expressive role played through 

the universal suffrage has extended. The involvement in elections being considered as the most visible 

aspect of activities related to political parties in a democratic system, the renewal of the basic organs of the 

CPDM encourages the coming into the party arena of a new political personal whose aim is to enhance and 

motivate polling days. 

II- The sociopolitical impact of the CPDM national President signed  

a- The renewal process as such 

After creation of new sections the CPDM national President signed a circular letter
12

 inviting his militants to 

massively register on the electoral lists. The circular letter sets modalities related to the conduct of the 

operations under the supervision of the Central Supervisory Commission (CSC).The dismantlings of that 

commission are found at the regional, divisional, communal and local levels. At the helm of each 

                                                            
6 The sociopolitical actors/leaders of the Kaélé subdivision hardly believe that their political leadership cannot be shared with non- 

indigenous people like the Guiziga, Toupouri… 
7 Doukoula is a 1st degree chiefdom and overpowers 2nd and 3rd degree chiefdoms like Tchatibali and Datcheka but the inhabitants 

of those chiefdoms has dispute on the political preeminence of Doukoula over them. 
8 Circular letter No 001//CPDM/ NP of 27 July 2015 of the national president related to the renewal of the basic organs and 

specialized organs. 
9 Idem. 
10 The CPDM section of the Mayo-Kani East constituency, Siddiki, was dead. 
11 Circular letter No 001//CPDM/ NP, Op. Cit. 

 
12 A circular letter No 001//NP/, Op.Ct., sets modalities related to the holding of electoral operations which cover the period  1st to 

10th December 2015. 



The People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and the renewal of its core organs: Cameroon 

Clinical Medicine Insights Page 13 
 

commission a president is found and assisted with two (2) vice-presidents some members and 

representatives. 

At the regional level the supervision is carried out by a Regional Follow up Commission (RFC); at the 

divisional level, by a Section Electoral Commission (SEC) and at the local level by a Renewal Local 

Committee (RLC). The operation was launched in the Far North region by Gregoire Owona in Maroua on 

22
th

 October 2015, then, relayed by the authorities of the Divisional Commissions in Kaélé and Yagoua on 

23
th

 October before reaching the Section Electoral Commissions. This circular letter also sets electorate 

conditions whose main innovation lies at the level of all the militant voting right extensions, members of the 

CPDM or any of the specialized organs. The should be up to date in items of their subscription
13

. The other 

main innovation of the electoral process lies at the level of eligibility criteria: on top of residential 

conditions, political activism, commitment, efficiency, competence, morality, patriotism, experience, 

discipline and civic seniority. Candidates postulating  at the post of president must have at least occupied 

previously  a post as a section bureau member or president, vice-president, secretary or political party sub-

section paymaster, expected are the members of the central committee, the WCPDM and YCPDM national 

board, parliamentarians and mayors
14

.The restriction which has considerably reduced the competition 

among the different actors finds expression in the will of the national president to professionalize  the 

political activism (Offerle, 1999) within the CPDM party. 

b- The constitution of the electorate
15

 

The constitution of the electorate was the work of the local renewal commission. Made up of three members, 

that commission went on the field to register militants on the electoral list. The subscribing and contribution 

card we before hand put at the disposal of the different section authorities. They were bought by the active 

members of the party. In fact, they were endowed to a large extend with by some political figures among the 

external and internal elites
16

. The membership cards were also used as a tool to influence some local party 

authorities. The president section as well as their pay masters in possession of the cards could put them on 

the disposal of militants they trust. Those who were suspected of playing the role of rivals faced difficulties 

in reaching their objectives. “My supporters did not succeed in buying their membership cards. I did 

everything possible as a parliamentarian to get them from Yaoundé”
17

. 

c- The candidatures 

The CPDM partitioning is shown as follow: at the grassroot level there are cells; two (2) rank and file 

committees constitute one (1) sub-section most of which two (2) constitute one (1) sub-section most which 

two (2) others are representative of the section. The number of active members per call is established 

between twenty (20) and fifty (50). 

Each grassroot rank and file structure must be adjusted with some specialized organizations such as 

the WCPDM and YCPDM. These different structures were refurbished but were not subjected to any form 

of competition as much as the section leaders of the CPDM, WCPDM and YCPDM. In this respect only the 

letters will be our focus as shown in the table below: 
Picture 3: Distributing of the different candidates at the section presidencies and specialized organs 

Sections                                                                                              President 

RDPC OFRDPC OJRDPC 

                                                            
13Following a press release signed by the CPDM communication Secretary Fame Ndongo on 10th November 2015, militants were 

allowed to simply vote by showing their membership card. 
14 Circular letter No 001//CPDM/ NP, Op. Cit. 
15  It was punctuated with irregularities due to the lack of the mastery of basic texts of CPDM while the latter are mostly made up 

of women above 35. The reverse is however possible. A WCPDM must be registered among the member of the CPDM. And that 

is why the information shown in picture 1 has taken only into consideration votes legitimately expressed in favour of the different 

candidates. 
16 The elite mentioned here is in most cases up of civil servants from different localities and some business people. 
17 Source: interview with Danwé Raïdandi, former parliamentarian and the president of the North-East section (Touloum). 



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Mayo-Kani Center  (Mindif) Haman Tchiouto Yane Naïna Sali Haman 

Mayo-Kani East (Guidiguis) Banmou David Aminatou Toubogbé Désiré 

BoubaTchaossala Maïyanda Julienne Tchopwé Emmanuel 

Fatoing Houlibélé 

Mayo-Kani North (Moulvoudaye) Manga Abba Maïtchang Delphine Manga Abba 

Mayo-Kani Nord-Est (Touloum) Danwé Raïdandi Fanta Jacqueline Wangsso 

Temwa Maï Doctor Atiryang Major 

Mayo-Kani Nord-Ouest (Moutourwa) Boulou Nguizi Joseph Boulaï Vagaï AnisouDagaï 

 Kaélé Malloum Djanatou 

Mayo-Kani West (Kaélé) Waloubé Jean Mme.  Maïna Hamadou Sadjo 

Danzabé Gabriel Mme. Kidvou  

Ousmanou 

Mayo-Kani South-East (Dziguilao) Maga  Ernest Yanpelda Kosga Dieudonné 

Gonra Tchahtiga Siddi 

Dr.Yingyang 

Mayo-Danay Center (Kalfou) Kaossiri Brekmo18 Astadjam Tamboutou Oumarou Youssafa 

Blaowé Martin Maissiri Jeannete Dayang Paul 

Ladga Dangnamou 

Mayo-Danay East I (Yagoua) Makassia Jean Manamourou épse Silikam Tapssou Baïlopssou 

Irassou Justin Foulta epse Lawane Ousman Valla Victor 

Mayo-Danay  East II (Guémé) Rodo Marcel Haïdamta Cathérine Ngayam Pascal 

Djafsia André Fanga Odette Pauline Djia Abdoulkarim 

Wakna Paul Dimissia Claire Abdoulaye Ndjidda 

Mayo-Danay North (Maga) Ibrahim Boukar Mdarma Mariam Margaza Adogaye 

Daïrou Hamadou 

Mayo-Danay North -East (Kaï-Kaï) Amrakaï Martin Kaltoumou Ndjidda Sali Atchoufgaîni 

Abba Enock Djara Oumar Nkono Joêl B. 

Mayo-Dana y South-West II (Doukoula) Kidmo Mbraougué Jacqueline Maïkaoulari Hourayang Nestor 

Djamara Lourssandou Woga Madeleine Ndi Ndouwé Jacques 

Mayo-Danay South I (Datchéka) Gaoussou Martin Bahané Clarisse B.D. Mando Sadoulam Marcel 

Mayo-Danay South II (Wina) Toubakbé Hinkaydoudi Hélène Mouroussou Hira 

Molgom Maïgama Kaogamla Binyang Rodrigue N. 

Mayo-Danay South-WestI (Tchatibali) Hinma Norbert Gonwa Sidonie Djaowé Kidari 

Mando Fourtoing Konda Delphine Dan-Ngah Nkame Roger 

Mayo-Danay South-East I (Guéré) Moussa Guinitna David Mounounda Marie Voudissou Simon 

Mayo-Danay South-East II (Gobo) Moussa Lississou Hapkansou  Agnès 

Tchiouda Badoumou Haou Djoubsia Etienne 

  

Altogether, ninety-seven (97) candidatures were recorded. Thirty-seven (37) within the Mayo-Kani division 

and, sixty (60) for the Mayo-Danay division. 

No female candidature was recorded at the helm of the CPDM sections, but it is no peculiar to our 

study area
19

. The sections are like political structures whose prerogatives exclusively recorded for the Mayo-

Kani and Mayo-Danay divisions against eleven (11) and twenty (20) for the WCPDM
20

, while the YCPDM 

registered respectively eleven (11) and nineteen (19). 

The Mayo-Kani CPDM sections East, West, South-East had a total of the great number of candidatures; a 

total of three (3) likewise of the Mayo-Danay Center, East II. Those of the Mayo-Kani North-East, Mayo-

Danay East I, Mayo-Danay North, North East, South-West II, South II and South West I registered 

respectively two (2) candidatures while the others sections registered three (3) candidatures that is those of 

some ladies like Maïna, Kidvou and Djanatou. Two (2) candidacies were supposed to be registered. The 

third, that is Madam Kidvou’s was aroused and cheered by Mrs Zakiatou
21

 who displayed the “winning 

strategy” by withdrawing from the competition was part and parcel of the electoral game. In fact, by 

                                                            
18Waga Martin, section general secretary, became president in replacement Kaossiri Brekmo who died and at the determinent of 

the vice-president who turned down the exigencies of the party texts. 
19 This remark is valid I the whole national territory. 
20 This figure would have reached twenty-one (21) if Mrs Tapita’s candidacy in the Mayo-Danay East I constituency had not been 

disqualified because of its sympathy to the renewal local committee. 
21 Source: Field investigation done in Kaélé in December 2015. 



The People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and the renewal of its core organs: Cameroon 

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arousing Mrs Kidvou’s candidacy, her objective was to reduce Mrs Maïna’s chances to win as she was 

considered as a political threat. 

Candidate at the head of the WCPDM sections have a low-level in terms of scholarisation as compared to 

their male counterparts. Most of them are either teachers or council workers. Some of them have poor level 

of education. It is the case of Maïtching Delphine, a Mayo-Kani North WCPDM section candidate as far as 

Yanpelda Julienne and Tchatiga who are candidates at the Mayo-Kani South East WCPDM section are 

illiterate. They can neither express themselves in French, nor English, and can neither read nor write the two 

official languages. This is a clear proof of the evidence of the disparity in terms of scholarisation between 

the men and women in our area of study. The women in those areas are politically marginalized at the 

determinant of the man and there is a kind of social exclusion which appears through scholarisation. 

All the former presidents manifested their will to once solicit the suffrage of the militant in view of being 

reelected with exception of people like Adama Modi (the former president of Mayo-Kani North section), 

Temwa, Haman Tchiouto, Fatoing Houlibélé, Boulou Nguizi Joseph, Makassia Jean, Djamara Lourssandou 

and Abba Enock. Among those candidates, one has the impression that many have the tendancy to come 

back at the basis of the deposed political actors like Danwé Raîdandi (a former member of parliament (2007-

2012) in the Mayo-Kani East electoral constituency; Fatoing Houlibélé, former mayor of the Guidiguis 

council and former CPDM section president of the Mayo-Kani East constituency , permanent member of the 

CPDM central committee; Ousmanou, former mayor of the Kaélé  council for 2007-2013 mandate, Kaélé 

Malloum, former mayor of the Moutourwa council  (1996-2002), Blaowé Martin former mayor of the 

Kalfou council ( 2002-2007), Banmou David former mayor of the Guidiguis council  (2002-2007),  Abba 

Enock former mayor of the Kaï-Kaï council (207-2013),  Kidmo Mbraougué former mayor of the Doukoula 

council. In seeking to put it some strategies for the renewal of their respective mandates the various 

candidates put in place the reality that “… the interest for the power in place and the positioning seem to 

take control over practical behaviors  of political leaders” (Gaxie, 2003:94). That is absolutely true that the 

section in the Cameroonian context has a certain political scale
22

 for the straightforward reason that the 

president has a first-rate position in choice of candidates to run the different elective mandates 

(parliamentarians, municipal councilors). 

From this, emanates one of the roles played by any political party: the one that has to do with the selection 

of candidates at the local and national elections (Braud, 1998: 378). It is more obvious that “The political 

parties set aside, as a whole, their best constituencies or the eligible for office positions on the lists intended 

and to those who are already full in exercise as far as their elective mandates are concerned” (Gaxie, 

2003:86). 

A flash-back attempt finds its way in a revenge position and gives, so as to say, the full meaning of the fight 

on the political arena a genuine field of battle to take up Pierre Bourdieu (2000) “The fight for a political 

                                                            
22 The observance of the CPDM scene shows that invested candidates to local elections (legislatives and municipal elections) 

emanate from the basic organs of the party. 



The People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and the renewal of its core organs: Cameroon 

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position is therefore is an essential element for any representation that can, at its level postulate to people 

willing to devote themselves for the various profits they expect to make” (Gaxie, 2003:9). The CPDM is a 

real “political business (…) a competitive arena or, better to say, an arena of competitive arenas” (Gaxie, 

2003: 110). 

The candidates come from the different social and occupational categories and range from primary to 

University educational levels. They can be primary school teachers, secondary school teachers, Universities 

lecturers, medical doctors and are devoted their best to be elected through electoral campaigns. 

2- Electoral campaign 

Elections in view of selecting the renewal of the CPDM basic organs and its specialized organs hold two (2) 

years after the legislative elections coupled with the municipal elections on 30
th

 September2013. The 

nomination of the candidates was carried out on the trick that the leaders of the political party agreed to vote 

by consensus to the detriment of the primaries which, in fact, are the “pointers of the putting in place of a 

partisan dictatorship leaned against discipline” (Kaptchouang, 2016:39). Generally, that way of investing 

was not appreciated by all. So, the election campaign took place in revenge and challenge atmosphere; a 

revenge for those who thought that their legitimacy was cheated and a challenge for those who were 

invested and elected. 

In the Mayo-Danay South West II constituency, Kidmo Mbraogué called upon militant votes because for 

him it was high time to revise the defects orchestrated by the parliamentarian Djamara Lourssandou: “He did 

nothing and has failed, he hammered out”
23

 during and interview granted to him. As for Djamara 

Lourssandou, his objective was to challenge those who were not for the investiture of his electoral roll on 30 

September 2013. “They will see, I am back on top of the section”
24

. In the Mayo-Danay South II 

constituency, it was a campaign whose objective to take revenge on Toubakbé, former mayor (2007-2013) 

of the Wina council against Molgom, mayor on duties at the helm of that council; “Let’s stand in the way of 

those impostors who have robbed our council” that is the slogan chanted by his partisans
25

 appealed for the 

toupouri community mobilization
26

 in view of benefiting from the political advantages. In the Mayo-Danay 

East I (Yagoua) constituency, manipulation played a vital role in the structuring of the CDPM basis organs 

renewal process. 

In fact, unlikely to the obligations of the party which has entrusted the organization of the elections to the 

section electoral commission, Makassia Jean and Manamourou Elisabeth candidates appropriate to be 

elected at the helm of the CPDM and WCPDM respectively, have taken drastic measures to choose the 

presidents of the polling station on behalf of the people in char of the section commission. That interference 

                                                            
23 Source: Field investigation done in Maroua, Dcember 2015. 
24  Source: Interview carried out in Doukoula with the concerned on 3 November 2016. 
25 Source: Interview carried out with Dr Kaïmangue Mathias, a political actor in Wina council in July 2017 in Ngouandéré. 
26Toubakbé belongs to the majority ethnic group unlikely to the Massa, an numerically one according to available statistics in the 

Wina council archives. 



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sparked off Yaksia Silina
27

 reaction through a letter delivered to the divisional coordination commission
28

. 

As for the Member of Parliament Manamourou she charged Yetna for having knocked her off balance, and 

the latter on the other hand corroborate that she despised her by splitting on her; the fact remains that she 

subtly went into the Yagoua regional hospital; a hospilasation at the end of which a legal medical certificate 

was issued to her. She ended up by lodging a complaint against Yetna for committing violence and assaults 

on a political personality
29

. 

In the Dziguilao constituency, the campaigns were conducted on a clan background. Djaowé Albert
30

 invited 

his brothers
31

 to vote for Maga Ernest who transformed his campaign into a fight against qualified civil 

servants described as in competent people and impostors
32

. According to the latter, the “political-

administrative elite have shown their inability to conquer the Dziguilao council. Therefore, it is high time 

formers took the control of things hammered Djaowé to militants while touring some villages during the 

electoral campaign. 

The Mayo-Kani West constituency (Kaélé) witnessed the deployment of three (3) diametrically opposed 

groups: the first group working in favour of Danzabé Gabriel, a political protégé of Tikela Kemoné; the 

second one as leader Waloubé Jean, a new political actor dubbed by Hélé Pierre and the last group headed 

by the former mayor of the Kaélé council Ousmanou. 

 Elections in view of renewing the CPDM basic organs and its specialised organisations equally 

witnessed tense moments among the protagonist. In Touloum, brawls between the former member of 

parliament Danwé Raïdandi and the current one Temwa were rife. “I was attacked in Bizili by the militants 

of my rival. They assaulted me tearing my clothes. During the assault I lost my phones”
33

. 

 Every campaign is “not only the matter of full showing off but a deaf-mute situation or not to say 

hidden agendas which, to be under a shadow are non-determinant factors” (Wiessman, 1992: 6). The silent 

practices highlighted here focus on the circulation of money and whose objective is to bribe the militants. 

The case of Maga Ernest remains rampant. In fact, he was a candidate at the Dziguilao section and disbursed 

in Golonguini a village established to the benefit of the candidate Gonra. Some militants received some 

cashes from him
34

. 

Nigh meetings were held at the residence of Minister Hélé Pierre. Here, the vote-catching politic 

prevailed (Medard, 2000). Actually, Hélé Pierre’s partisans are mostly constituted of civil-servants who 

                                                            
27 He is the member of the Mayo-Danay I (Yagoua) section member of the electoral commission. 
28 Source: Circular letter send to the coordination president of the divisional commission on the 2nd December 2015. 
29 The matter is still pending at the level of the examining magistrate at the Yagoua court. 
30 He was elected deputy mayor on behalf of the MDR political party in 1996 and mayor of the same party in 2002 before joining 

the CPDM political party in 2009. 
31 Source: Field investigation carried out in Dziguilao in November 2015. The brothers here refer to ethnic clan Gouyouri, large in 

number in a small village known is Padé. 
32 Source: Field investigation in Dziguilao, November 2015. 
33 Source: Interview with the person concerned, Guidiguis 2015. 
34 Source: Field investigation in Golonghini, November and December 2015. 



The People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and the renewal of its core organs: Cameroon 

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have received benevolent services in the ministries he has managing, the Ministry of Tourism
35

, Town 

Planning and Housing and the present Ministry of Environment, Protection of Nature and Sustainable 

Development. Those customers had the responsibility to support the militants in view of insuring a victory 

over Waloubé Jean, the candidate of the Minister. 

3- The renewal of the CPDM basic organs: the expression of democracy on the move, slow but 

reassuring 

The contribution to elections relating to the renewal of the CPDM basic organs and its specialized 

organisations led to some results
36

 as the information in the picture below show. 

At the end of elections of the leaders presiding at the helm of the CPDM sections and the specialized 

organizations the following conclusions can be drawn: all the section presidents elected embraced on the 

reconquest of their position in power with diverse fortunes. It is the case of the members of parliament 

Haman Tchiouto in the Mayo-Kani Center, Boulou Nguizi Joseph in the Mayo-Kani North-West who 

succeeded to elect themselves contrary to Temwa
37

 who was defeated by Danwé Raïdandi in the Mayo-Kani 

North East constituency. 

On the other hand, Banmou David, the former and current mayor of Guidiguis council consolidated his 

posture after beating his rivals Bouba Tchaossala and Fatoing Houlibélé in the Mayo-Kani East 

constituency. The former president of the Mayo-Kani East constituency and permanent member of the 

CPDM central committee, Fatoing Houlibélé, has not succeeded his political come-back. The former mayor 

of the Kaélé council, Ousmanou also lost at the detriment of Waloubé Jean who rose in social status as well 

as Maga Ernest in the Mayo-Kani South East constituency in Dziguilao. Maga Ernest won the elections vis-

à-vis Dr Yinyang and Gonra, Candidate who rather received the anointing of the local political elites. 

In the same vain, Djamara Lourssandou lost to Kidmo in the Doukoula constituency. Other political 

actors emerged victorious, for instance the former Member of Parliament and current senators Amrakaï 

Martin in the Kaï-Kaï constituency. But his candidacy was contested by the partisans of Abba Enock who 

had no doubt to assault his. The brawl between the two (2) protagonists let to the physical clash causing the 

judicial questioning of about fifteen (15) militants on each side. They were temporary remanded in custody 

at the Yagoua prison.
38

  Rodo Marcel also made his presence felt in front of Djafsia André in the Guéré 

constituency. But, his election was qualified as “stolen and forced”
39

. In fact, the transcripts from the various 

polling stations established in his case were destroyed as well as the ballot boxes containing the ballot 

papers. The official report transcripts for questioning stipulate that: 

                                                            
35 This Ministry changed its denomination and his known now as the Ministry of Tourism and Leisure. That one of Town, 

Planning has changed into the Ministry of Habitat and Urban Development. 
36 These results were published by SN No 004/EN/CPDM/RBOB/SG/PCCS of 5 January 2016 published the results of the section 

bureau elections o CPDM, WCPDM, and YCPDM renewal of the basic organs. 
37 The latter was installed at the detriment of Pr Danwé Raïdandi for 2007 legislature and was elected in the Mayo-Kani South 

electoral constituency. 
38 These freely appear in court. Meanwhile the case remains unexamined with the judges of the Yagoua court. 
39 Source: Interview with Djafia André in Yagoua 10 September 2018. 



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That day and for non-founded reasons, the partisans of Rodo Marcel who, publicly, perpetrated acts of violence and 

vandalism on the scene burned three ballot boxes, tore two transcripts filled with voting papers, damaged a vehicle 

belonging to one of the members of the divisional supervision of election present and molested the president of the 

polling station of Guéré, Dapsia Olivier, after destroying his transcripts and taking along with them his phone40. 

In Maga, Haman Ndjidda was chosen at the detriment of Daïrou Hamadou who wanted to be elected in a 

consensual manner: “Friendship played on may favour. I am a CPDM member since 1991, unlikely to my 

rival who is still young member of the party. That is why i was designated by the section electoral 

commission president”
41

. 

In Wina, the mayor on duty and on the other hand the protégé of Minister Gounoko Haounaye has lost in the 

duel opposing him to Toubakbé whose list to run the municipal elections was rejected by communal 

commission”
42

. It was a political revenge on behalf of actors established for him, as reported by an 

investigator: “We wanted to show to Molgom and his gang that they are imposters and we will defeat 

them”
43

. The revenge in question was materialized during the municipal elections on 30
th

 September 2013 

where the partisans of Toubakbé failed to sanction the CPDM by voting against it through substantial votes 

reaching 46% to the National Union for Democracy and Progress (NUDP)
44

. “Officially, we campaigned for 

our party but unofficially, we asked our partisans to vote in favour of the NUDP. Moreover, we think that 

the NUDP has won that election rigged by the CPDM”
45

. 

To the analysis above, it clearly appears that there are two (2) types power synopses in the CPDM: the 

absolute election through the competition among the different candidates and the consensus within the two 

(2) sides that are the authoritarianism consensus through a real concertation. 

The completion here refers to the participation of many candidates during the election. The authoritarianism 

consensus hangs on the electoral process and the influence here has an objective promoting the victory of 

their partisans. These political leaders are the image of what Zambo qualifies of “electoral competition 

constructive elites” (Zambo, 2004:157). 

One would have witnessed the distrust vis-à-vis the way political leaders are forcebly chosen. In fact, 

candidates invested to preside at the destiny of the Mayo-Kani South East, Mayo-Kani South East, Mayo-

Danay North East, Mayo-Dany West, Mayo-Danay South II sections received political benediction of some 

CPDM resource personalities. However, the failed in their project and that failure can be interpreted through 

the disapproval and the political emancipation of the militants. If Ion Jacques (1997) asks himself about the 

death of militants we are rather thinking of their rebirth. It was a question of questioning the political 

leader’s crisis, the survival of monolithic era through the collapse of the consensus principle praised by the 

                                                            
40 Source: Official report containing questioning established by Barrister Soudebne Benjamin, cherif bailiff at the 2nd notary’s 

office at the Far North Court of appeal and the Yagoua Court on the 10th September 2018. 
41 Source: Interview with Haman Djidda in Yagoua on 10th September 2018. 
42 Application for annulment with the list under the leadership of Molgom was not successful. 
43 Source: interview with Sobé in Ngaoundéré on 30th May 2016. He is a political actor of that constituency and lives in 

Ngaoundéré. 
44 Source: Official report of municipal elections at the Wina council, ELECAM Regional Delegation, Far North, Maroua. 
45 The latter conscripted anonymity during the interview we granted him sometime in June 2016 in Ngaoundéré. 



The People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and the renewal of its core organs: Cameroon 

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party leaders with the reason to maintain cohesion within the party. One witnesses, so to say the bird of 

democratic culture through troubles related to the rhetoric consensus. 

 For all that, it appears illusory to believe I the end of the leaders authoritarianism. In Mindif as far as in 

Moulvoudaye the section presidents were elected through a consensual manner. In fact, “It was a kind of an 

electoral hold-up or a contested consensus
46

” according to a political observer in Mindif
47

. Another one goes 

one step further qualifying the consensus process of “orchestrated”
48

 deceit mentioning the election of the 

Moulvoudaye president section as being the influence of Adama Modi, the former president of the Mayo-

Kani North constituency. The electoral hold-up also punctuated the electoral process in Guidiguis as far as 

the election of WCPDM section president is concerned Aminatou. For Maïgonwa who withdrew her 

candidacy: “The Lamido of Guidiguis threatened her using his position as a Lamido to influence the 

election. In fact, she continues, Aminatou did not win the election”
49

. It is the same viewpoint expressed by 

another candidate has-been: “We saw the Lamido exercising the demonstration of power to favour the 

election of Aminatou”
50

. This viewpoint goes in the same vain as that one of a member of the section 

electoral commission. He access: “The Lamido used authoritarian methods. He unilaterally misplaced some 

polling stations”
51

. That situation was similar to that one in Yagoua. The election of the CPDM president 

sections, Makassia Jean and Manmourou Elisabeth respectively was a result of an authoritarianism 

orchestrated by them as many people in charge of section electoral commission say
52

. Whatever the case, the 

results were published. 

These results gave way to a litigious political ballet made up of applications for annulment at the level of the 

leading authorities of the party in the May-Kani West constituency. In fact, the candidate has been, namely 

Danzabé Gabriel and the former mayor, with the help of Tikela Kemoné, in addition, the vice-president of 

the regional investiture commission and Mrs Maïna as far as the WCPDM is concerned complained to the 

investiture regional commission to cancel the elections. The elected candidate Waloubé Jean, as for him, 

wrote to the CPDM national president to uphold his election. “My opponents complained to the regional 

renewal commission to cancel my election. For me, I have directly upheld the national president of the party 

to confirm my election”
53

, he revealed it to us in Kaélé in an interview granted to him. These practices “... 

relaunch the authoritative reality of the running of affairs by the state and the freedom eras in Cameroon” 

(Zambo, 2003:576) but above all “the need for political parties to be democratic as well as a greater 

rationalization part played the electoral systems” (Vlachos, 1996: 245). 

Conclusion 

                                                            
46 Source: Field inquiry carried out with a political actor who did not reveal his identity in Maroua, September 2016. 
47 Source: Investigation carried out on 28th July 2017 in Maroua with a political actor who did not reveal his identity. 
48 Source: Interview carried with Dr Fendjongué Houli, political actor in Moulvoudaye council, Maroua, December 2015. 
49 Source: Interview carried with Maïgonwa in Guidiguis, December 2015. 
50 Source: Interview carried with Bouba Thaossala, Guidiguis, December 2015. 
51 Source: Interview carried with Bouba Wanribélé, Guidiguis, member of the commission, October 2016. 
52 Source: Field inquiry, October 2016. 
53 Source; Interview with Waloubé Jean in Kaélé, October 2016. 



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As Philippe Braud (1997) believes, the eternal order of the fields was doubted. One would have 

noticed a closest association of the citizens to the decent management of their local affairs. Local autonomy 

is the school to democracy. The merit of the CPDM basic organs and its specialized organizations will be 

the lesson we would have drawn that the local political field is a real counterbalance to possible authoritative 

drifts of the local and national political elite. That renewal process would have participated to the putting in 

an embrassing situation a local feudal system. One can conclude with Zambo Belinga that: 

The lack of democracy Cameroonians are facing is founded on the difficulties distressing the leading categories to rebuild their 

behavioural universe so as to bind it to the principles and obligations of democracy (Zambo, 2003:573). 

The creation of the permanent delegations
54

 at the regional and divisional followed with the appointment of 

permanent delegate at the helm of its structures known under the terms the permanents of the party 

(Denquin, 1985:330) contribute to a political will whose objective is to take control of the actions of those 

who, though, hold elective mandates. It is the result of partisan and immutable oligarchy (Denquin, 1985: 

282; Michels, 1984 (inquisitive invention, the adjective permanent is a clear testimony). One witness, so to 

say, to the bureaucratization of the functioning of the party, though genuine. But the bureaucratization allies 

with authoritative planned economy which is a hindrance to a democracy which leans on the principle that 

people are ruling. It is in that vain of a governance attempt of the political arena that the leaders are 

appointed, not elected. The enlightened elite theory expanded by Pareto bears its full meaning. The basic 

organ renewal and the specialized organizations without extincting the political dinosors would have 

encouraged and emerging new political elite at the basis. It would have also laid down the problem of the 

actors competence, id est the ability to have access to political discussion compared with the sociological 

profiles of the elected representatives. Can one do politics once he-she is elected?  In any case, the CPDM 

president, by initiating the renewal of the basic organs and its specialized organization through the election 

of the leaders by all the militants would have highlighted the election of the leaders by al the militants would 

have highlighted the election as a devolvement way of ensuring power and, beyond this, power and the role 

played by partisan organizations in the democratization process. This article on the CDPM renewal of the 

basic organs and the specialized organizations would have helped us to open reflexion ways on the political 

culture within the structures of the party as a change factor and the counter-change: 

To identify the stratification which are, at times, controversial among the militants from generation, to put together the 

among the militants from generation to generation, to put together the sociological setting up of the embers to the 

definition to the evolution of the program, to assess the influence of the way the party is organized to control the game 

the authorities are playing with the powers that be within the managing personnel (Audiger, 2007:123-124). 

This renewal process has given the opportunities to the leaders to assess the enrollment of the members and 

the power of the CPDM, both at the local and national plan. One would have also noticed the politicization 

of ethnic groups and the ethnicisation of politics; a situation that needs to render the militants capable to of 

identifying legal and ideological resources. 

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