College and Research Libraries


Canadian'American 
Colonial Printing 

IN C A N A D I A N - A M E R I C A N R E L A T I O N S , o n e fact stands out which helps us to under-
stand each other. I t is much more signifi-
cant than the notoriously undefended 
frontier. I t is the number of people living 
in Canada with American background, and 
the number in the United States of Ca-
nadian origin and upbringing. 

T h i s "mingling of the Canadian and 
American peoples," as Marcus L . Hansen 
and J . Bartlet Brebner so aptly term it,1 

has been characteristic of this continent 
since the eighteenth century. T h a t 
century, the latter half a revolutionary 
epoch in so many ways like our own time, 
was different from the twentieth in that 
the Canadian-American frontier was the 
scene of sporadifc conflict. Nevertheless, 
settlers moved across that frontier in both 
directions. About the middle of the century 
the Maritime Provinces changed from 
nominal to actual British control, and a 
decade later French Canada became a 
British colony. Colonials from N e w Eng-
land, and from farther south and west, came* 
north to trade, sometimes to settle, oc-
casionally to fight. T h e northern settlers 
found their way down the seaboard, in-
land waterways, and trails. T h i s mingling 
of Canadian and American peoples resulted 
in a mixing of their cultural resources from 
the earliest days. 

A recent attempt to record early Ca-
nadian imprints revealed a surprising num-

1 Hansen, M a r c u s L . , and Brebner } John B . The 
Mingling of the Canadian and American Peoples (in 
R e l a t i o n s of C a n a d a and the United States s e r i e s ) . 
N e w H a v e n a n d Toronto, 1940. 

JANUARY, 1946 

By M A R I E T R E M A I N E 

Relations in 

ber south of the undefended frontier. 
Printing offices were established in the 
eastern five provinces of Canada in the 
latter half of the eighteenth century: in 
Nova Scotia at Halifax in 1751; in Quebec 
at Quebec City in 1764 and Montreal in 
1775; in N e w Brunswick at Saint John in 
1783; in Prince Edward Island at Char-
lottetown in 1787; and in Ontario at Ne-
wark (near Niagara) in 1793 and at York, 
now Toronto, 1798. Products of these 
early presses passed from Nova Scotians 
and Quebecois to relatives, fellow officials, 
and professional and business associates, 
through N e w England, N e w York, Penn-
sylvania, etc. In these older settlements 
the precarious pioneer era passed earlier, 
living conditions became stable, society ma-
tured and prospered, and cultural institu-
tions developed sooner than in the newer, 
rather meager, and isolated settlements in 
the Canadian provinces. So a fair propor-
tion of early Canadian publications which 
went south survived, while a much greater 
proportion of the larger number which re-
mained in Canada perished in hands more 
concerned with the bare necessities for sus-
taining life. 

Of approximately a thousand Canadian 
imprints recorded for the eighteenth cen-
tury, perhaps a third of the copies extant 
are in American libraries. Some of these 
are relatively recent purchases from Ca-
nadian or British dealers. But a large 
number show evidence of long American 
custody; for example, the only known copy 
of one of the earliest Halifax imprints, a 

1 

3 7 



Price Current of the firm Nathans and 
H a r t , 1752, is in the Massachusetts His-
torical Society. A typical case is that of a 
more common piece, A Sermon Preached 
at Halifax July 3d 1770 at the Ordination 

of the Rev. Bruin Romcas Comingoe . . . 

by John Seccombe, Halifax, A Henry, 
1770. Of eleven copies located so far, five 
are in Canada and six in the United States 
—the copy in the John Carter Brown Li-
brary having copious manuscript notes 
written about 1772. Of six fairly good files 
of the N e w Brunswick sessions laws (be-
ginning 1786) two are in Canada, one in 
England, and three in eastern American 
libraries—and this is typical of Canadian 
government serials of the period. Most 
early Canadian newspapers had brief lives, 
and runs are scattered (excepting the long-
lived Quebec Gazette with its practically 
complete file from 1764 in the Public 
Archives, O t t a w a ) . If we tried to micro-
film the succession of Gazettes produced in 
Halifax from 1752, we should have to mix 
runs and issues from the Massachusetts His-
torical Society, Nova Scotia Legislative 
Library, N e w York Public Library, Ameri-
can Antiquarian Society, Nova Scotia 
Archives, and Dalhousie University. The 
Catalogue of English and French Books in 

the Quebec Library, Quebec, 1792, p r i n t e d 
in an edition of one hundred, survives in 
two known copies, of which one is in the 
Bibliotheque Saint Sulpice, Montreal, the 
other in the Baker Memorial Library, 
Dartmouth College—a clean copy, stitched 
in original marble-paper cover, has its fly-
leaf inscribed: "Presented to Dartmouth 
College Library by John Cozens Ogden, a 
Presbyter of the Episcopal Church, D . 
College Library, 1792." 

T h e catalogs of the Quebec library, and 
indeed the collection itself, are excellent re-
search material for one investigating con-
temporary opinion. T h i s library, the first 
in Canada, was a subscription library in-

stituted by Governor Haldimand, who 
wrote from Quebec, M a r . 2, 1779: " T h e 
ignorance of the natives of this colony hav-
ing been in my apprehension the principal 
cause of their misbehaviour, and attach-
ment to interests evidently injurious to 
themselves, I have sought to encourage a 
subscription for a public Library, which 
more are come into than would have been 
first expected. A pretty good sum has al-
ready been raised and I hope . . . [the 
library] will tend to promote a more perfect 
coalition of interests between the old and 
new [i.e., English and French] subjects of 
the Crown than has hitherto subsisted."2 

T h e Quebec library developed and con-
tinued to function till the midnineteenth 
century. Its stock was taken over by, and 
is now housed in, the Literary and His-
torical Society of Quebec. T w o of its 
early catalogs are described by Aegidius 
Fauteux in "Les Bibliotheques Canadiennes 
et Leur Histoire I I " in Revue Canadienne 
1916, v. 17, p. 199, et seq. 

A significant factor in the dissemination 
of early Canadian publications was the 
antecedents of their printers. M a n y of 
these were of American origin or training. 
Of the fourteen printing offices opened in 
Canadian settlements in the eighteenth 
century, eight were established by printers 
from the American colonies. Besides these 
pioneers who founded and maintained the 
offices, came other printers and journeymen 
in search of work or adventure, while others 
arrived as refugees from the American 
Revolution. A few came earlier, and many 
later, in the waves of migrants seeking new 
opportunity or escaping economic pressure 
in older settlements. Some of these moved 
back to American towns; others stayed. In 
either case family and business connections 
were maintained both ways across the 
border. 

2 C a n a d a P u b l i c A r c h i v e s , H a l d i m a n d papers, B 6 6 : 
107. 

28 COLLEGE AND RESEARCH LIBRARIES 



T h e first was Bartholomew Green, a 
Boston printer. H e was grandson of the 
Samuel Green who was Stephen Daye's 
apprentice and successor in the first Ameri-
can press at Cambridge, Mass. W h e n the 
British government began a systematic 
settlement in Nova Scotia as a base against 
the French, Green arrived in H a l i f a x in the 
fall of 1751 in the van of a long procession 
of migrants who made Nova Scotia for a 
time " N e w England's Outpost." 3 W h e n 
Green died soon after his arrival, his 
former Boston partner, J o h n Bushell, came 
and actually started the printing office. H e 
p r i n t e d t h e Halifax Gazette ( v . I, no. I , 
M a r . 25, 1752), proclamations, laws, etc., 
for the government. Of his nine years' 
work (he died in J a n u a r y 1761) but twenty-
two publications are known today. Bushell's 
son and daughter both learned printing. 
Characteristic of families at that time, the 
latter remained in Halifax, while the son 
served apprenticeship with Daniel Fowle 
at Portsmouth and then moved to Philadel-
phia. 

A f t e r the British conquest of French 
Canada, another stream of settlers from the 
older English colonies began to trickle 
north. Fewer in number than the earlier 
eastern migrants, they were, in the main, 
merchants and f u r traders. Among them 
were W i l l i a m Brown 4 and T h o m a s Gil-
more, printers f r o m Philadelphia. Fi-
nanced by William Dunlap, in whose shop 
Brown had learned the trade, they set up 
the second printing office in Canada, pro-
ducing the Quebec Gazette from v. 1, no. 1, 
J u n e 21, 1764. Gilmore had little influ-
ence in Canadian printing and died in 1773, 
but Brown's shop in Quebec became the 

* B r e b n e r , John B a r t l e t . New England's Outpost; 
Acadia before the Conquest of Canada. N e w Y o r k C i t y , 
C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1927. 

4 P a r t s of B r o w n ' s s t o r y a r e told in Canada's First 
Printer, b y H u b e r t Neilson, a g r a n d n e p h e w , in the 
Dominion Illustrated, A u g . 18, 1888, and in William 
Brown (1737-1789) Premier Imprimeur, Journaliste, et 
Libraire, de Quebec, b y F . J. A u d e t , in R o y a l S o c i e t y 
of C a n a d a , Memoires, 1932, ser. 3, v . 26, sec. 2, p. 97-
112. 

principal printing and bookselling house in 
the colony. Born in Scotland, he had come 
to Virginia about 1752 at the age of fifteen. 
H e studied briefly at W i l l i a m and Mar> 
College, worked for a banker in Williams-
burg, then became an apprentice to William 
Dunlap. Brown maintained his connec-
tions with Philadelphia for a time, paying 
off the loan from Dunlap, and importing 
f r o m him Father Abraham's Almanack, 
Dilworth's Spelling Book, New England 

Primer, Young Mens Companion, etc., 
which were the stock in trade of a colonial 
bookshop. For his unusual French-English 
public, however, Brown soon began print-
ing simpler and bilingual substitutes for 
these almanacs, schoolbooks, etc. His in-
genious substitute for the almanac, that 
indispensable adjunct of the colonial house-
hold, w a s his L'Almanac de Cabinet o r 
Calendrier—his "sheet almanac" as he 
termed it in English. I t was a broadside 
showing the year's calendar, zodiac, moon's 
phases, religious feast days, and other 
miscellaneous almanac information. I t sold 
usually at sixpence the copy because, as it 
was one of the few publications he did not 
have to set entirely in French and English, 
its production was relatively cheap. Brown 
printed three hundred copies in 1765 and 
complained bitterly at the number left on 
his hands by unappreciative Quebecois. So 
he issued none in 1766, and from 1767 
his market was assured. Of the hundreds 
of copies published each year through the 
eighteenth century, about two dozen sun-
tanned and flyblown examples survive. 

In the long years of the American Revo-
lution Brown's American past receded, for 
he was King's Printer under the w a t c h f u l 
eye of government and the Lieutenant 
Governor reported: " O u r Printer has some 
penchant for the popular [i.e., American] 
cause and when he gets a cup too much, 
which is not seldom, his zeal increases. I 
have cautioned him two or three times . . . 

JANUARY, 1946 
3 7 



and desire him to lay before me whatever 
he intends to publish." 

T h e American Revolution retarded the 
customary travel and trade between the 
" N e w and Old Colonies," as they were still 
called by British officials. But one of the 
notable American excursions to the north 
brought another printer to Canada. H e 
was Fleury Mesplet, a protege of Benjamin 
Franklin. Franklin was one of the three 
commissioners who were to follow the revo-
lutionary army to Montreal in the fall of 
1775. T h e y were to organize among the 
French Canadians what we now call a fifth 
column. Mesplet, born in France, had 
gone to London and thence to Philadelphia 
in search of work. There, Congress, urg-
ing the " N e w " colony to join the " O l d " in 
their stand for liberty, had Mesplet print its 
Lettre Addressee aux Habitants de la 

Province de Quebec Cidevant le Canada, 

de la Part du Congres General de l'Ameri-

que Septentrionale Tenu a Philadelphie 

. . . Fleury Mesplet MDCCLXXIV. T h e 
following year he printed Congress' further 
a p p e a l : Lettre Addressee aux Habitants 
Opprimes de la Province de Quebec de la 

Part du Congres General de VAmerique 

Septentrionale Tenu a Philadelphie [ F l e u r y 
Mesplet, 1775]. 

Mesplet apparently made a trip to 
Montreal in 1775. T h e town had never 
had a printing press. Its Catholic institu-
tions, cut off from France, were ill-supplied 
with devotional and schoolbooks, and its 
French-speaking society very remote from 
William Brown's press a couple of days 
down the river in Quebec. I t seemed a 
good prospect for a French printer and 
especially for a French printer with Ameri-
can backing. Congress granted him two 
hundred dollars for expenses and in the 
spring of 1776 Mesplet moved his printing 
office to Montreal, then occupied by the 
Americans. T h e latter, however, withdrew 
very soon, even the commissioners being con-

vinced that the "habitants opprimes" would 
not join the revolution; but Mesplet, in 
some financial straits, remained. H e began 
printing devotional books, schoolbooks, a 
French almanac, and a newspaper, Gazette 
du Commerce et Litter aire pour la Ville et 

District de Montreal, v. I , no. 1, J u n e 3, 
1778- H e had a troubled career beset by 
suspicious authority and pressing creditors.5 

I t is interesting to note that after the revo-
lution Mesplet petitioned Congress6 in 
1783 and again in 1784, begging relief for 
losses suffered by his move to Montreal. 
Another copy of the 1784 petition was pre-
sented M a r . 11, 1785, with Mesplet's claim 
for $9189. T h i s was $330 for "extra ex-
penses" and $8859 for other ". . . damage 
sustained in the sale of books and for debts 
contracted in the maintenance of himself, 
workmen, and family, whilst the said 
Mesplet was on account of his attachment 
to the cause of America confined in Jail." 
I t was recommended that he be paid 
$426.45 for transportation expenses to 
Montreal and that his other claims be sub-
mitted to the "wisdom and benevolence of 
Congress." 

Except for this contact with Congress 
Mesplet seems to have had little connection 
with Americans after he settled in 
Montreal. H e served an almost exclu-
sively French and Catholic community. 
T h e books advertised for sale in his shop 
were limited to his own publications. Even 
well after the revolution, when he could 
publish freely and was in fact producing 
the bilingual Montreal Gazette, there is no 
evidence of his friendly exchange with 
printers across the border. Few of his 
French publications are located today in 

6 See M c L a c h l a n , R . W . , " F l e u r y Mesplet, the F i r s t 
P r i n t e r at M o n t r e a l , " in R o y a l Society of C a n a d a , 
Transactions, 1906, ser. 2, v. 12, p. i97-3°9> a n ( i 
F a u t e u x A e g i d i u s , in " F l e u r y M e s p l e t , u n e E t u d e sur 
les C o m m e n c e m e n t s de I ' l m p r i m e r i e dans la V i l l e de 
M o n t r e a l " in B i b l i o g r a p h i c a l S o c i e t y of A m e r i c a , 
Papers, 1934, v. 28, pt. 2, p. 163-93. 

6 H i s petition w a s r e p r o d u c e d b y D o u g l a s C . M c -
M u r t r i e in A Memorial Printed by Fleury Mesplet. 
C h i c a g o , L u d l o w , 1929. 

30 COLLEGE AND RESEARCH LIBRARIES 



American collections, but the situation is 
different with respect to his productions not 
in French. T h e only known copies of his 
two memorials to Congress are in the Li-
brary of Congress. H e published two 
Mohawk primers, of which four of the five 
known copies are in American libraries. 
But unlike that of most early Canadian 
printers, Mesplet's work survives mostly 
in long-established institutions in his own 
province. His publications, almanacs, de-
votional works, and even the political 
pieces, were produced for the local French 
market. And the French of Canada tradi-
tionally had a different cultural and social 
background and limited intercourse with 
American settlers. 

T h e great shifting of population occa-
sioned by the American Revolution brought 
a number of pro-British printers to Canada. 
T h e first of these were Mills and Hicks, 
who had been publishing the Massachusetts 
Gazette in Boston. W h e n the city was 
evacuated in March 1776 they came to 
Halifax with the British Army. W e know 
of only one Halifax production by them, 
and it was a curious contretemps. It con-
tained the text of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, apparently, and an Act of Rhode 
Island renouncing allegiance to the king. 
I t was published on July 11, 1776, with the 
t i t l e Extracts from the Boston and New 
Hampshire Newspapers. T h e p r i n t e r , 
summoned before the lieutenant-governor-
in-council, explained that the notes showing 
the heinous nature of this document had 
been omitted by mistake. All copies were 
ordered to be collected and destroyed, and 
this was done so effectively that by J u l y 13 
a military officer in Halifax was unable to 
get one to send to London, "altho' [he 
wrote] I have offered to give a Dollar 
apiece." T h i s was the only contemporary 
edition of the Declaration of Independence 
printed in Canada. Mills and Hicks moved 
on to England, then back to N e w York 

while it was occupied by the British. T h e r e 
in 1778 they resumed publication of their 
a l m a n a c , t h e British-American Register 
. . . with British Army Lists and an Alma-

nack. T h i s had been sold in Halifax for 
some years by a protege of the governor. 
A t the end of the revolution Mills and 
Hicks were back in Halifax. Nathaniel 
Mills remained there, but John Hicks re-
turned to settle in Massachusetts. 

Mills and Hicks typified the experience 
of many American printers set adrift by the 
revolution. James and Alexander Robert-
son went to Shelburne, N . S., Canada, with 
the crowd of loyalists who tried to make a 
city on the ocean-swept coast of the pen-
insula. They opened a printing office, re-
sumed publication of their newspaper, the 
Royal American Gazette, a n d t h e n as t h e 
new settlement petered out James moved on 
to Charlottetown. T h e r e he opened the 
first printing office in Prince Edward 
Island, printed a few more numbers of his 
newspaper and some laws, but in 1789 left 
the island for parts unknown. His press 
was continued with a meager output by 
young William A. Rind, till Rind returned 
to Virginia in 1798 with a wife from a 
Loyalist family on the island. James 
Humphreys, who had printed the Philadel-
phia Ledger, also settled for a time in 
Shelburne. H e issued the Nova-Scotia 
Packet for a couple of years, sat in the 
provincial assembly, then moved back to 
Philadelphia in 1797. Humphreys kept 
in touch with Loyalist colleagues in Nova 
Scotia, advertised in their newspapers, and 
received their publications. 

Thomas and James Swords were associ-
ated with Humphreys for a time in Shel-
burne. T h e y received land grants as 
Loyalist settlers, but by 1790 they were 
back in N e w York in the printing business. 

Lewis and Ryan (William Lewis of N e w 
York and John Ryan of Newport, R . I . ) 
were part of the great Loyalist migration 

JANUARY, 1946 
3 7 



which pioneered the province of N e w 
Brunswick. Arriving at the mouth of the 
St. John River in 1783, they set up a press 
and issued the first number of the Royal 
St. Johns Gazette, D e c . 18, 1783, b e f o r e 
the townsite on the edge of the wilderness 
was surveyed. Young Ryan, who had 
turned twenty-two years in October 1783, 
carried on the printing office when, in the 
spring of 1786, Lewis left the settlement 
after a couple years' struggle and a stiff 
fine for libel. Ryan developed a respecta-
ble business and trained his sons to be 
printers. T h e n he moved on, in 1807, to 
open the first printing office in Newfound-
land. 

Ryan's father-in-law, the printer John 
M o t t , and his family, also came to the St. 
John River settlement with the Loyalist mi-
gration. But, M r s . M o t t declaring she 
would "never live in such a God-forsaken 
place," they returned to N e w York. A f t e r 
the yellow fever epidemic of 1798, however, 
the M o t t s moved back to St. John. By this 
time the son, Jacob, was trained as a printer. 
T h e Ryans and the M o t t s printed in half 
a dozen places on both sides of the boundary 
for many years, visiting back and forth and 
working in each others' shops. 

T h e Sowers were another example of the 
same process. Christopher Sower I I I , of 
the third generation of a family of able 
printers of Germantown, Pa., settled in St. 
John, N.B., Canada, after the revolution. 
H e w^s King's Printer in the province 
1785-99, and his official publications as a 
whole are the finest productions in early 
Canadian printing. Christopher's son, 
Brook Watson, was sent back to Philadel-
phia to train in his uncle Samuel Sower's 
shop. And Christopher was in Baltimore 
arranging to set up a type foundry with his 
brother, when he died in 1799. Practically 
all of Sower's publications were official and 
are located today in public collections, 
American and Canadian almost equally. 

While there are thus many early Ca-
nadian imprints in American custody, it is 
doubtful if there is a corresponding number 
of American productions of that period in 
Canadian hands. A systematic search of 
Canadian libraries might unearth interest-
ing items, like a broadside in Acadia Uni-
versity Library at Wolfville, N.S. T h i s 
was evidently issued in Boston 175?, as 
witness: "Advertisement: All Gentlemen 
Voluntiers that have a mind to serve His 
Majesty King George the Second in an 
independent Company of rangers for the 
Service and Defence of Nova Scotia, under 
command of Benoni Danks Esq. may repair 
to the sign of the St. George on Boston 
Neck." Circumstances, however, which 
mitigated against the preservation of native 
works in the pioneer period, were probably 
effective also with imported publications. 

Undoubtedly American publications, 
pamphlets, and newspapers came into Ca-
nadian towns in the portmanteaux and 
saddlebags of travelers. W e hear of them 
only incidentally, as in the case of the 
Boston and New Hampshire News Papers, 

brought into Halifax by Judge Hutchinson 
of Massachusetts in July 1776, from which 
Mills and Hicks printed the Declaration of 
Independence as noted above. M a n y such 
publications probably circulated quietly, 
wore out, and helped light a fire or stuff a 
drafty crack. Canadian printers were de-
pendent upon American sources of news for 
a large part of the year. N o t only Ameri-
can but European news came through 
Boston to Halifax and St. John, and 
through N e w York to Quebec, Montreal, 
and Upper Canada. News of Nelson's 
victory at the Battle of the Nile on Aug. 1, 
1798, was published in York (now 
T o r o n t o ) on J a n . 12, 1799, in an Upper 
Canada Gazette Extraordinary. T h e Ga-
zette's issue was made up from the columns 
of t h e New York Mercantile Advertiser of 
Nov. 30, 1798, which reprinted dispatches 

32 COLLEGE AND RESEARCH LIBRARIES 



f r o m t h e London Gazette of O c t . 5-6, 1798. 
Canadian printers occasionally advertised 

and distributed publications of their 
American confreres. John Dickinson's 
Letters from an American Farmer w a s sold 
in Halifax in 1768 and probably also in 
Quebec. Lewis and Ryan of St. John sold 
the H a r t f o r d 1783 edition of the Narrative 
of the Life of William Beadle of Wethers-

field, Connecticutt, containing Particulars of 

the Horrid Massacre of Himself and His 

Family. T h e Boston 1772 edition of 
Wellins Calcott's Candid Disquisition of 
the Principles and Practice of . . . Free 

and Accepted Masons was being read in 
Halifax the same year. T h e same work was 
advertised by Lewis and Ryan, almost as 
soon as they opened their shop in St. John. 
Masonic publications were sold by William 
Brown of Quebec, himself a good Mason. 
But, except in the 1760's, these were prob-
ably imported from England. 

Religious pamphlets deriving from a 
popular preacher or sect with adherents on 
both sides of the frontier circulated on both 
sides. Henry Alline, a native of Rhode 
Island and a fiery N e w Light evangelist, 
published his sermons in Nova Scotia, while 
his Life and Journal a n d his Hymns and 
Spiritual Songs, were published in N e w 
England after his death. Thomas Wood's 
Sermon Occasioned by the Death of Mrs. 

Abigail Belcher, Consort of Jonathan 

Belcher, Chief Justice of Nova-Scotia, w a s 
printed in Halifax, 1771, and in Boston, 
1772. Jonathan was the son of Governor 
Belcher of Massachusetts. 

Loyalist writers brought their American 
works, and Loyalist readers brought their 
American reading interests with them to 

C a n a d a . A Particular Account of Mr. 
Thomas Say of Philadelphia While in a 

Trance for Eight Hours, Giving a Strange 

Revelation of What He Both Saw and 

Heard . . . To which is Added: A Re-

markable Vision by the Rev'd. Isaac Watt, 

went through several American editions 
from 1774 onwards. About the time of 
Say's death it was advertised continuously 
in St. John, 1796-97, by John Ryan, who 
may even have issued his own edition. 

William Cobbett's works had considera-
ble sale in Canada in the 1790's. In fact 
his sympathizers there are said to have com-
pensated him for losses from the libel suit 
of D r . Benjamin Rush. His Democratic 
Principles . . . Sixteenth Edition, w a s issued 
in Quebec in 1799. 

T h e Canadian printing trade was 
sufficiently precarious in those early days. 
And we may be sure that a Canadian edi-
tion of an American work is evidence of a 
local market which knew the book by repu-
tation at least. 

These random notes on early American 
publications in Canada, gathered inci-
dentally in connection with another project, 
suggest an interesting field for research. 
T h e latter part of the eighteenth century 
saw the beginning of a unique relationship 
between the peoples of these two countries 
and also between their printing establish-
ments as these developed—a relationship so 
close that very many families and many 
publishing houses have branches and connec-
tions on both sides of the line. And many 
books like The Mingling of the Canadian 
and American Peoples by M . L . H a n s e n 
and J . B. Brebner are issued with Ameri-
can-Canadian imprints. 

JANUARY, 1946 
3 7