







































   Columbia Social Work Review, Volume V       53

The Intersection of Corporate Social Responsibility and the 
Non-Profit Industrial Complex Exploitative Child Labor in Côte 
d’Ivoire’s Chocolate Industry

Gabrielle Cole

This article examines the role of the chocolate industry in the 
exploitation of children on cocoa farms in Côte d’Ivoire. Under the guise 
of corporate social responsibility (CSR), the chocolate industry has 
used its power in the United States to shape policy and program-level 
initiatives to address the worst forms of child labor, while protecting 
its business interests and disregarding poverty as the root cause of the 
problem. The non-profit industrial complex (NPIC) limits the ability of 
international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) to effectively 
implement programs that address poverty. The increasing CSR funding to 
INGOs prevents them from holding the chocolate industry accountable. 
Further, this article discusses the unique contribution of the social 
work profession in creating the social and structural change required to 
mitigate the negative consequences of the relationship between CSR and 
the NPIC.

 Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is often proclaimed as an 
important mechanism by which companies can help reduce poverty in the 
developing world (Dansereau, 2010). However, the continuing impact of 
colonialism and globalization on poverty reduction, as well as the power 
dynamics between the Western world and the developing world, are 
frequently ignored. International non-governmental organizations (IN-
GOs) often provide services or implement programming in developing 
countries. They primarily receive their funds from Western governments, 
foundations, and/or individuals, as well as multilateral organizations, 
such as UN agencies and the World Bank. INGOs are plagued by the 
non-profit industrial complex (NPIC), which has curtailed their abilities 
to lead social change because of implicit and explicit restrictions on their 
funding streams from donors, corporate or otherwise. As a result, INGOs 
fail to adequately address the limitations of CSR initiatives, perpetuating 
global inequalities.
 This article illustrates the role of the United-States based choc-



54       Columbia Social Work Review, Volume V

CSR and the Non-Profit Industrial Complex

olate industry, including chocolate companies, chocolate manufacturers, 
industry associations, and cocoa traders, in the continued exploitation of 
children on cocoa farms in Côte d’Ivoire.  First, this article uses the choc-
olate industry to examine the limitations of CSR, the significance of the 
NPIC in developing countries, and intersection of the two. Second, the 
article will address the unique role the social work profession can play 
in identifying sustainable solutions that address poverty, the heart of the 
problem.

The Exploitation of Children in the Production of Cocoa

 In 2000, child labor in Côte d’Ivoire’s cocoa farms entered 
public consciousness with a series of news reports on exploitative work 
conditions (Ryan, 2011). The US Department of State estimated that 
over 109,000 children work under the worst forms of child labor in Côte 
d’Ivoire’s cocoa industry, and that approximately 10,000 are victims of 
slavery or human trafficking from neighbouring West African countries 
(International Labor Rights Forum [ILRF], 2008).  These children endure 
long, demanding hours of work in unsafe conditions, use dangerous 
tools, and often are exposed to dangerous pesticides. Some children also 
suffer violence and cruel treatment at the hands of the farmers (ILRF, 
2008). These conditions violate the International Labour Organization’s 
Convention No. 182 on the elimination of the “worst forms of child la-
bour.” Adopted in 1999, the Convention’s definition of the worst forms of 
child labor includes “all forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, 
such as the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom, 
and forced or compulsory labour…. [and] work which…is likely to harm 
the health, safety or morals of children” (American Federation of Teach-
ers [AFT] & ILRF, 2010, p.2). 

 The Underlying Cause of Exploitative Child Labor

 The causes of exploitative child labor are complex and must be 
examined in the context of global political and economic systems. In the 
past, agriculture in developing countries often was based on subsistence 
where farmers would grow food and livestock mainly for their own 
consumption; however, farmers now focus on cash crops, growing only 
specific crops for export. The shift from subsistence to cash crop agricul-
ture contributes to the uneven effects of modernization and globalization, 



   Columbia Social Work Review, Volume V       55

Cole

which are linked to exploitative work conditions in the developing world 
(Bales, 1999). One important cash crop is cocoa, with 73% of global pro-
duction based in Africa and 40% based in a single country, Côte d’Ivoire. 
Unlike other Western agribusinesses, 90% of global cocoa production 
comes from individually-run, small-scale farms (World Cocoa Founda-
tion, 2012).
 The root cause of exploitative child labor on cocoa farms is 
poverty (Off, 2008; Athreya, 2011). Cocoa farmers are poor because 
they receive very little money from the sale of their cocoa beans (Off, 
2008). Often, they neither have access to current information on the 
world market price of cocoa nor have their own scales to weigh their 
products. Consequently, cocoa farmers bargaining power is very low and 
middlemen who sell to the international chocolate companies pay them 
well below the market price. With small revenues, small-scale farmers 
are forced to cut their expenses and use children as laborers to reduce 
their production costs, with no possibility of investing in better working 
conditions (Off, 2008; Athreya, 2011). 

The Power of the Chocolate Industry in the United States

 Every year, people around the world consume three million tons 
of cocoa beans (World Cocoa Foundation, 2013), and in 2011, global 
sales of chocolate surpassed $100 billion for the first time. Cocoa is an 
important cash crop for producing countries and a key import for coun-
tries that process and consume cocoa (World Cocoa Foundation, 2012). 
 The US is also an important market for the chocolate industry 
and 47% of its cocoa imports come from Côte d’Ivoire (World Cocoa 
Foundation, 2011). In 2009, the US imported close to $3 billion of cocoa 
and chocolate products (World Cocoa Foundation, 2012). Furthermore, 
for every dollar of cocoa it imports, one to two additional dollars are 
spent on other domestic agricultural inputs, such as sugar, milk, and 
peanuts. Close to 70,000 jobs are directly involved in manufacturing 
chocolate and confectionery products in the US, and this number triples 
when considering jobs related to the distribution and sale of these prod-
ucts (World Cocoa Foundation, 2011).  The size and role of the chocolate 
industry in the US economy is the fundamental source of the industry’s 
power in influencing US policy. 

 



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The Chocolate Industry Defends Its Interests

 Activists in Western countries from the fair trade movement who 
were working in solidarity with local farmers spearheaded claims about 
the exploitative conditions of child labor in Côte d’Ivoire’s cocoa pro-
duction (Athreya, 2011). Public attention toward child labor, trafficking 
and slavery-like conditions on cocoa farms quickly spurred the chocolate 
industry to respond, to minimize decreases in sales (Ryan, 2011). 
 Media exposure also stimulated the introduction of an agricultur-
al bill amendment in 2001 that would establish exploitation-free labeling 
requirements on chocolate sold in the US (Off, 2008). However, the 
chocolate industry’s lobbying efforts secured the withdrawal of support 
for the amendment in exchange for signing a voluntary policy instru-
ment known as the “Harkin-Engel Protocol” (ILRF, 2008). The Protocol 
was supposed to develop and implement a set of standards for public 
certification of exploitation-free production by 2005 (ILRF, 2008). The 
industry was successful in convincing both consumers and policymakers 
that it would handle the problem of exploitative child labor on its own, 
without government regulation (Athreya, 2011). The Protocol maintained 
the industry’s strong position of power and allowed it to dominate the 
development of strategies in addressing exploitative child labor under the 
guise of CSR. 

The Empty Promises of Corporate Social Responsibility

 CSR is defined in many ways, but generally refers to the belief 
that companies have a responsibility for the impact of their business 
practices, including its supply chain, on both society and the environment 
(Blowfield & Frynas, 2005). CSR initiatives are voluntary, distinguishing 
them from other regulatory frameworks and hindering meaningful moni-
toring and evaluation (Blowfield & Frynas, 2005). Companies frequently 
turn to CSR because they hope to strengthen their reputations among 
consumers and increase their profits, or because they need to mitigate the 
negative impacts of their business practices to prevent a decline in profits 
(Hamann & Acutt, 2003). 
  Although CSR is touted by the World Bank as an import-
ant route to development for low-income, resource-rich countries 
(Dansereau, 2010), companies do not engage in CSR primarily to allevi-
ate poverty in local communities. Usually when a conflict arises between 



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Cole

the goal of a CSR initiative and the bottom-line of business, the default 
response is clear:  prioritize profits while protecting public relations (Ha-
mann & Acutt, 2003). 
 In 2008, the ILRF released a report concluding that the Har-
kin-Engel Protocol “failed resoundingly” (ILRF, 2008, p.2). The report 
found that none of the activities implemented as a result of the Protocol 
attempted to monitor or improve labor conditions in cocoa production. 
Moreover, the report said that all the major chocolate companies, as well 
as industry associations and cocoa traders, consistently claimed that 
monitoring or tracking labor conditions was impossible (ILRF, 2008). 
The Harkin-Engel Protocol is, therefore, a poignant example of the emp-
ty promise of CSR. Proposing the Protocol in place of legislation was 
a sure way for the industry to maintain positive public relations while 
protecting its economic interests (Off, 2008).  
 In 2010, the “Declaration of Joint Action to Support the 
Implementation of the Harkin-Engel Protocol” was signed by the 
governments of Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana, the US Department of 
Labor, the International Chocolate and Cocoa Industry as well as US 
Representative Eliot Engel and US Senator Tom Harkin. It committed 
the signatories to take steps to reduce the worst forms of child labor 
in the production of cocoa by 70% before 2020 (Child Labor Cocoa 
Coordinating Group [CLCCG], 2013). However, the Framework 
of Action does not implicate or target cocoa farmers who are key 
stakeholders in the cocoa production process. Although the 2010 
Declaration and its Framework of Action are signs of progress, the 
nine years that elapsed since the 2001 Protocol illustrate the chocolate 
industry’s disregard for local communities. Moreover, the chocolate 
industry’s protocols and frameworks are voluntary, allowing for little 
meaningful oversight or accountability. Further, American consumers, 
who according to CSR theory are meant to hold companies accountable, 
have little knowledge of the realities on the ground and are not positioned 
to advocate for the interests of the affected local communities.
 The limitations of CSR are more complex in today’s globalized 
world. Strong stakeholder engagement and dialogue are often credited 
for the success of CSR initiatives (Blowfield & Frynas, 2005). Howev-
er, stakeholder engagement is fundamentally flawed when those most 
impacted by a company’s business practices do not directly participate. 
In the context of the developing world, meaningful participation is com-
plicated by language, education, and cultural differences.  Often, local 



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CSR and the Non-Profit Industrial Complex

workers’ participation is ‘ensured’ through proxies such as INGOs, which 
are not in a position to legitimately represent the views and priorities of 
these local communities and marginalized groups (Blowfield & Frynas, 
2005). 

The Influence of the Chocolate Industry on Programming in 
Local Communities

 With the chocolate industry’s success in shaping the policy 
response and its powerful position over INGOs and local non-gov-
ernmental organizations, it has also been able to shape programmatic 
responses on the ground. For example, the International Cocoa Initiative 
(ICI), established under the Harkin-Engel Protocol as a joint partnership 
between the industry and civil society, explicitly states in its by-laws that 
only one-third plus one members of the Board of Directors must be a 
representative of civil society (ICI, 2012). The Board makes all program 
strategy decisions (ICI, 2012) and ICI’s funding comes from the choco-
late industry representatives on the Board (ICI, 2010a). Thus, it is evident 
that the balance of power in this organization favors the chocolate indus-
try, which is consequently able to ensure that its interests are reflected in 
programming.
 The ICI’s program activities do not address the root cause of 
exploitative child labor, but rather intervene on the secondary impacts 
of the problem. The ICI claims to reduce poverty by enhancing commu-
nity access to healthcare improving water and sanitation, and teaching 
techniques to increase cocoa crop yields as well as other vocational skills 
(ICI, 2010a). None of these initiatives address the need for improved 
bargaining power and access to current information on the world market 
price of cocoa, which would have a more direct impact on the working 
and living conditions of those who produce cocoa. Furthermore, because 
increasing crop yields would lead to an increase in the supply of cocoa 
beans, potentially lowering the market price of cocoa beans and thereby 
decreasing the income of farmers, these CSR initiatives might negatively 
impact the affected communities.

The Non-Profit Industrial Complex

 Although INGOs are mission-driven, the NPIC limits their 
ability to address the systemic root causes for sustainable and long-term 



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change.  The NPIC is a system of relationships that link the political 
and financial resources of the state and the ruling class to the non-profit 
sector, thus limiting and controlling social and political movements for 
change. The NPIC enables the state and capital interests to use non-prof-
its to “monitor and control social justice movements; … redirect activist 
energies into career-based models of organizing instead of mass-based 
organizing capable of actually transforming society; and, allow corpo-
rations to mask their exploitative and colonial work practices through 
‘philanthropic’ work” (Smith, 2007, p.3).  INGOs are also increasingly 
dependent on public-private partnerships for funding (Athreya, 2011). 
Paired with the effects of the NPIC, INGOs are increasingly limited in 
their abilities to develop and implement programs that address the heart 
of the problem of exploitative child labor on cocoa farms–program strat-
egies that may threaten the interests of the chocolate industry. 
 Furthermore, the NPIC tends to place blame on communities in 
developing countries for their “backwards” attitudes without examining 
the connections between extreme poverty and white supremacy, colo-
nialism, and globalization (Smith, 2007). These implicit victim-blaming 
messages often come through in programming in local communities. For 
instance, there are programs funded by the chocolate industry that are 
designed to promote “better parenting,” based on the assumption that if 
parents and communities “knew better,” exploitative child labor would 
end (Athreya, 2011). These paternalistic and de-contextualizing inter-
ventions can have far-reaching, unintended, and negative consequences 
(Khan, Westwood, & Boje, 2010).  The NPIC has meant that INGOs 
are complicit in the exploitation of children in cocoa production, and, at 
worst, are perpetuating racist stereotypes of ignorant African villagers 
(Athreya, 2011).  

The Role of the Social Work Profession

 The social work profession is uniquely positioned to play a key 
role in creating structural and social change. These changes are necessary 
to address the negative consequences of the connection between CSR 
and the NPIC. The anti-oppression and ecological frameworks used to 
analyze social issues are critical in understanding the interplay between 
colonialism, globalization, and poverty.
 Oppression can be found throughout economic and political sys-
tems as well as cultural institutions and is experienced through exploita-



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CSR and the Non-Profit Industrial Complex

tion, marginalization, powerlessness, cultural dominance, and violence 
(Hinson & Bradley, 2006). In the case of Côte d’Ivoire, the worst forms 
of child labor found in cocoa production are symptoms of this oppres-
sion. The ecological framework uses a multi-level perspective to un-
derstand social issues. It examines individuals, communities, systems, 
and the interactions among them. The complexities of the causes of the 
worst forms of child labor require this sophisticated analysis. An anti-op-
pression lens paired with an ecological approach well-positions social 
workers to facilitate the identification and implementation of solutions.
 Community organizing is another skill social workers use when 
working with communities to effect positive social change. Community 
organizing is critical to allow those most impacted by a problem to be the 
agents of change in their own lives. It is a tool used for building power in 
a community because the power of individuals depends on their abilities 
to organize together (Kahn, 1991). Social workers in Western countries 
do not have a monopoly on these skills, and in many ways, they should 
take lessons from mass-based social movements in developing countries 
(de Almeida, 2007). Nonetheless, community organizing principles are 
important to integrate into any social change process. 

Recommendations

 Both social and structural change is necessary to address ex-
ploitative child labor in Côte d’Ivoire. The people and government of 
Côte d’Ivoire must lead the process of structural change because only 
through enforced trade regulations will the chocolate industry be forced 
to reform its practices. Côte d’Ivoire should invest in the manufacturing 
process of cocoa in order to increase its value in the supply chain and 
become a more important player in the world cocoa market (Economic 
Commission for Africa, 2013). The US Government should implement a 
mandatory certification system for cocoa products because the evidence 
overwhelmingly shows that voluntary self-regulation is ineffective. This 
system should include a set of clear standards, an independent verifica-
tion process, a certification logo, and an independent audit system (ILRF, 
2008). INGOs need to re-examine their program strategies to ensure 
that they do not perpetuate the very systems against which they claim 
to work. Focusing on labor conditions addresses fundamental structural 
issues, like working and living conditions, that are key components of the 
production process of any industry and has more potential for meaningful 



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change (Dansereau, 2010). 

Conclusion

 The exploitation on the cocoa farms of Côte d’Ivoire and the 
flawed strategies employed to address it, illustrate the interconnection 
between CSR and the NPIC. CSR initiatives are becoming increasingly 
common among companies in the Western world. In turn, INGOs are be-
coming increasingly dependent on funding from these companies (Ath-
reya, 2011).  Therefore, it becomes more difficult to identify the com-
peting interests and, in some cases, hidden agendas of these powerful, 
corporate stakeholders. The intersection of CSR and the NPIC creates an 
illusion of progress, while those who are most impacted by the exploita-
tion continue to suffer the consequences of inaction. Western govern-
ments, activists, and INGOs need to act as true allies with the people they 
claim to serve, not speak or act on their behalves. The voices of Ivoirians 
should be heard at the negotiating table. The good intentions of Western 
countries are simply not good enough.

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