





































REDEFINING SEX WORK IN THE 
REPUBLIC OF GEORGIA

The government of Georgia, while complying with current international 
standards to eradicate human trafficking, has inadvertently neglected the 
needs of female sex workers. By redefining sex work as a profession and an 
employment option for women in Georgia, international policy and 
programming can reduce harm while confronting women’s economic 
realities. 

Female sex workers in the Republic of Georgia encounter 
discrimination, stigmatization, and now, regulations against sex 

workers imposed by the international community, despite the fact that 
sex work is both a legal and a social reality in Georgia. The Georgian 
government, faced with pressure to comply with anti-trafficking measures, 
is forced to adopt regulations dictated by the international community in 
order to maintain eligibility for monetary aid. As a result, Georgia’s 
criminal laws that address select aspects of prostitution in combination with 
anti-trafficking legislature have created more harmful conditions for sex 
workers who already experience social stigmatization. To advocate for this 
socially and culturally stigmatized population, social workers must be aware 
of international political developments and international human rights 
protocols. 

Defining Sex Work

Due to the lack of information available on male sex workers 
in Georgia, this paper will define sex workers as women who contract 
to perform sexual services in exchange for explicitly agreed-
upon, material payment (Kuo, 2002, p. 57). Such a definition views 
prostitution as voluntary and chosen work therefore empowering sex 
workers by normalizing and legitimizing their work. The abolitionist 
feminist discourse, which argues that women would not choose sex work 
if presented with other options, attempts to rescue sex workers from an 
inherently powerless position (Jenness, 1993, p. 78). Although power 

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Ingrida Platais



 8 Journal of Student Social Work, Volume III  

redefining sex work 

dynamics and the current economic situation in Georgia play a 
complex role in available employment options for women, accepting 
that all women in the sex industry are there unwillingly frames the 
argument in terms of victimization of the poor and denies these women 
agency and choice (Outshoorn, 2004). Instead of criminalizing prostitution, 
policies must protect sex workers, who are often subjected to violence 
and deplorable work conditions, through harm reduction modalities 
(Doezema, 2000). 

Female Sex Workers in Georgian Society

After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Republic of Georgia 
underwent an economic recession when its largely agricultural 
economy plunged due to the Russian financial crisis, drought, and political 
instability. The interethnic conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and 
neighboring Chechnya resulted in an increase of internally displaced 
persons, contributing to the economic instability in Georgia. Light, food, 
and chemical industries, all traditional places of employment for women 
in Georgia, were directly impacted by the economic downfall, thus causing 
women to lose jobs and wages (United Nations, 1998). Women were 
more likely to be dismissed from work than men due to the persistent 
societal belief that household and childrearing duties were more 
important than employment in the public sphere (International Helsinki 
Federation for Human Rights [IHFHR], 2000). By 2002, about 
65% of the total population lived below the poverty line, and 
nearly half of the registered unemployed were female (Shioshvili, 2003). 

In Georgian society, women’s roles are primarily defined in a domestic 
capacity. Evidence of this is seen in Georgian literature, works of art, and 
national symbols such as monuments that revere women as heroic mother 
figures. By promoting such narrowly defined representations of women, 
Georgian society reinforces the notion that a woman’s sexuality is bound 
to reproductive purposes. A relationship with a man, sanctioned through 
marriage, normalizes a woman’s social standing while premarital sex, 
divorce, and extramarital affairs affect women negatively. For example, a 
recent study noted that divorced women experienced stigmatization and 
repression as a result of societal pressures (Arutinova, Berekashvili, 
Berekashvili, Berekashvili, & Tsihistavi, 1999). In addition, the United 
Nations Development Program conducted a sociological survey on 
social changes and family structures in Georgia and concluded, 
“according to universally acceptable social standards, adultery is 



a forgivable sin for men, while the public opinion in Georgia is 
absolutely intolerant of women’s infidelity” (Dourglishvili, 1997).

The traditional view of gender roles in Georgia directly impacts 
society’s view on female sex workers. Occupational choice is an 
important element in one’s personal and social identity and if 
members of society view an occupation as deviant, those groups will 
be stigmatized (Thompson & Harred, 1999). The ideal of womanhood 
is shattered when women sex workers test boundaries of acceptable 
sexual expression and do not conform to maternal roles as dictated 
by society.  As a result, women sex workers are categorized as “other 
of other,” creating a subgroup within an already marginalized population 
(Kuo, 2002, p. 69). Subsequently, society scapegoats larger-scale  
problems on subgroups, therefore granting permission to further 
stigmatize and disenfranchise women sex workers.  

At a meeting with the Committee on Human Rights in 2002, 
the Georgian government stated that statistics on sex workers do not 
exist, but they affirmed that there are several hundred sex 
workers in Georgia, mainly in large cities such as Tbilisi, Georgia’s capital 
(Human Rights Committee, 2002). In addition, the government attributed 
poverty as the contributing factor for prostitution and expressed the need for 
financial support from the World Bank to end poverty and thus curb 
prostitution. Since international monetary aid in part depends on a country’s 
commitment to anti-trafficking legislation, the Georgian government 
hastily attempted to fulfill international anti-trafficking mandates without
considering the impact of such changes on the conditions that sex workers 
face. 

International Anti-Trafficking Efforts

Current international efforts to curb human trafficking became 
prominent in 2000 when the U.N. Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and 
Punish Trafficking in Persons was adopted to address the protection 
of human rights of trafficking victims and to provide measures for their 
physical, psychological, and social recovery. In accordance with the U.N. 
Protocol, the U.S. government enacted the Trafficking Victims 
Protection Act (TVPA) in October 2000, which requires the U.S. State 
Department to submit an annual report to the U.S. Congress documenting 
the status of severe forms of trafficking in persons (Office to Monitor and 
Combat Trafficking in Persons, 2004). This report focuses resources on 
prosecution, protection, and prevention policies and programs, such as 

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   Journal of Student Social Work, Volume III   9



10  Journal of Student Social Work, Volume III   

education programs for groups vulnerable to trafficking, and support 
programs for the voluntary return and societal reintegration of trafficking 
victims. It also recommends the establishment of shelters, crisis centers 
or safe houses, and specialized legal, psychological, and medical services. 
In addition to prosecution at an individual level, current policy supports 
ceasing disbursement of monetary aid by international institutions, such as 
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, to ensure state actor 
accountability.

As awareness of human trafficking increased, international and 
local organizations criticized Georgia’s government for the lack 
of anti-trafficking measures and the high level of illegal migration and 
trafficking. As part of the U.S. monitoring mechanism, a system of 
categories was created that placed each country into one of three tiers. Tier 
1 status demonstrates a country’s full adherence to the TVPA standards, 
Tier 2 status demonstrates a country’s significant efforts to bring itself 
to full compliance, and Tier 3 status demonstrates a lack of any 
governmental action in the prevention of human trafficking. In 2003, as 
a result of pressures from international communities, including the U.S. 
government who threatened Tier 3 countries with sanctions, the Georgian 
government enacted a series of anti-trafficking initiatives and raised its 
classification to Tier 2. Currently, Georgia is placed on a Tier 2 Watch 
List for failure to provide evidence of increased efforts to combat 
severe trafficking from the previous year (Office to Monitor and Combat
Trafficking in Persons, 2004). 

The Effect of Anti-Trafficking Initiatives on Sex Workers

Faced with pressure from the international community, the Georgian 
government initiated changes to incorporate anti-trafficking measures. In 
2003, the government added several important articles to the Georgian 
Criminal Code (Parliament of Georgia, 1999), which, as a result of the 
additions, prohibited trade and exploitation of persons (Women’s Human 
Rights Program, 2003). The new changes also created contradictory 
conditions for sex workers. Prostitution was not criminalized, but 
engaging a person in prostitution became unlawful. Consequently, a sex 
worker can offer her services but it is illegal for a customer to hire her. 
The criminal law also prohibits maintaining brothels. Enforcement of such 
policies drives sex work further underground where abusive practices 
continue to occur (Kuo, 2002). Sex work is financially necessary for 
some women, and despite ambiguous laws, it is practiced openly in 

redefining sex work 



Georgia (IHFHR, 2000). Nevertheless, sex workers, who are already 
stigmatized by society, face harmful working conditions and inadequate 
institutional support such as police protection and appropriate health 
services due to the government’s failure to acknowledge sex work as a
profession.

Violence, especially against women, is an issue of concern in 
Georgia. Georgia’s government does not provide statistics on violence 
against women, citing difficulty in obtaining information due to the 
unwillingness by the population to discuss such issues openly (Human 
Rights Committee, 2002). It is estimated that more than 95% of sexual 
crimes in Georgia are unreported (Glonti, 2004). Several human rights 
organizations have reported cases of police beating and raping female 
sex workers, but the Georgian government has made no effort to reform 
curricula used by law enforcement agencies that protect women sex 
workers’  rights in cases of violence (U.S. Department of State, 2001). In a 
report to the Commission on Human Rights, the United Nations Special 
Rapporteur also highlighted her concerns regarding police violence against 
female sex workers (Commission on Human Rights, 2003). 

Non-governmental organizations such as the Tanadgoma Center for 
Information and Counseling on Reproductive Rights provide counseling 
and referrals to health care facilities, reproductive health, and HIV/
AIDS education programs. Hospitals and clinics provide health care 
services to anyone who may seek them. Yet, sex workers are reluctant 
to seek such services due to experiences of guilt and shame that result 
in social isolation (Kuo, 2002). Furthermore, lack of trust in police 
protection  creates an obstacle to reporting violent acts (IHFHR, 2000). 
Programs focused on rescuing women, such as the ones recommended 
by TVPA, may be inappropriate for sex workers who may not seek 
help for an immediate change in their lifestyles. Societal expectations 
for rehabilitation and reintegration criminalize or victimize sex 
workers, assuming that women sex workers cannot mobilize for 
change (Jayasree, 2004). When sex workers are regarded as victims 
of exploitation, this further promotes a sense of stigmatization. It is 
important to confront the economic reality of sex workers without the 
distraction of societal definitions of sexuality in order to initiate policy 
that will improve working conditions for sex workers (Platt, 2001).

Sex Work and Human Rights Advocacy

It is a state’s responsibility to bring forth the necessary measures to 

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  Journal of Student Social Work, Volume III   11 



12  Journal of Student Social Work, Volume III 

prevent individuals or groups from violating the integrity, freedom of 
action, or other human rights of an individual. It is also the state’s 
responsibility to address issues of discrimination and stigma rather than 
overlook these issues while attempting to adhere to international standards 
that provide international monetary aid. Georgia is party to the Convention 
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women 
(CEDAW) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural 
Rights (ICESCR), effective gender advocacy instruments that address 
inequalities in social relations and discriminatory practices (Office of the 
High Commissioner for Human Rights, 1966; United Nations Division for 
the Advancement of Women, 1979). CEDAW addresses women’s rights 
as human rights and calls for the end of discrimination against women, 
regardless of their social standing or choice of work. ICESCR furthers the
notion of the right to self-determination of both genders and provides 
guarantees that protect the livelihoods of social groups. For example, 
Article 8 and Article 9 of the treaty guarantee the right to work in safe and
healthy working conditions and the right to form and join unions. 

By turning a blind eye to female sex workers, Georgia’s government 
is not upholding its obligation to international human rights treaties. 
While the Georgian government must be sensitive to the global crisis of 
human trafficking, it also must create interventions that are sensitive to sex 
workers’ needs and lifestyles. Although sex work as a profession may not 
be accepted by society, Georgia’s traditional views on gender roles cannot
justify the violations of human rights of female sex workers. 

Social workers play a vital role in the global advocacy of 
marginalized groups such as female sex workers in Georgia. According 
to the National Association of Social Workers’ Code of Ethics (1999), 
social workers must promote social justice and social change on behalf 
of their clients, whether individuals, groups, or communities. It is also a 
social worker’s responsibility to advocate and promote social justice on 
the global as well as the local level. A social worker must act as an 
advocate when international policy, especially policy that carries a 
caveat of monetary aid, overlooks its negative effects that marginalize 
and further discriminate against a segment of a society. Social work is a 
way to initiate, stimulate, and raise awareness of a policy’s impact on the
rights of all members of a society and to ensure that those rights are 
upheld locally and globally. 

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   Journal of Student Social Work, Volume III   13

platais 

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Ingrida Platais is a first year master’s student at CUSSW. 
She is currently an intern at the Brooklyn REAL Continuing 
Day Treatment Program of the Jewish Board of Family and 
Children’s Services in Brooklyn, NY. She is a graduate of the 
Elliott School of International Affairs at the George Washington 
University with a bachelor’s degree in International Affairs. 
Her email address is ip2012@columbia.edu.


