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Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV     80 

The Beauty Ideal: The Effects of European Standards of 
Beauty on Black Women 
 
Susan L. Bryant 
 
Black women are particularly vulnerable to the effects of Euro-
pean standards of beauty, because these standards emphasize skin 
colors and hair types that exclude many black women, especially 
those of darker skin. Using a social work lens, this article ex-
plores the black woman’s internalization of European beauty 
standards through family, peers, the media, and society, and the 
related outcomes of this internalization on self-perception, aca-
demic achievement, sexual behavior, employment, marital status, 
and mental health. A review of the research indicates that Euro-
pean standards of beauty can have damaging effects on the life 
trajectories of black women, especially those with dark skin, pri-
marily in the form of internalized self-hatred. Suggestions are 
made for social work practitioners to address the effects of these 
internalized European beauty standards among black women 
through programming and clinical practice. 
 
“What shall I tell my children who are black? Of what it means to 
be a captive in this dark skin. What shall I tell my dear ones fruit 
of my womb, of how beautiful they are where everywhere they are 
faced with abhorrence of everything that is black...?”—Margaret 
Burroughs, 1968 
 
           Kenneth and Mamie Clark published one of the earliest 
studies on the effects of skin color and self-perception among 
black children (Clark & Clark, 1947). This study, now referred to 
as the “Doll Test” (ABC News, 2006) and made famous by the 
landmark case of Brown v. Board of Education, illustrated how 
black children were negatively affected by European standards of 
beauty (Russell, Wilson, & Hall, 1992; Taylor, 1999). The Euro-
pean beauty standard is the notion that the more closely associ-
ated a person is with European features, the more attractive he or 
she is considered; these standards deem attributes that are most 
closely related to whiteness, such as lighter skin, straight hair, a 



81        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

The Beauty Ideal  

thin nose and lips, and light colored eyes, as beautiful (Taylor, 
1999). In 2005, 58 years after the initial study, Kiri Davis, a 16-
year old student, recreated the experiment in a video documen-
tary. Her findings suggest that the negative effects of these racial-
ized standards of beauty are still pervasive today (ABC News, 
2006). 

The detrimental effect of these European beauty standards 
on black women is a societal issue that is often unaddressed on a 
multisystem level. Black women today are subjected to incessant 
messages about European ideals of beauty through family, peers, 
partners, the media, and larger society. If young black women 
stand in contrast to what society dictates as attractive, they may 
find it difficult to grow to accept themselves. As a result, the in-
ternalization of racialized beauty standards can perpetuate into a 
lifelong, intergenerational culture of self-hatred (Hunter, 1998). 
The research discussed in this article serves as a guide to recog-
nize and identify how these standards of beauty can negatively 
affect the life course of black women, the context in which the 
impact is felt, and the implications for social work practice and 
policies.  

 
The “Doll Test” 

 
Clark and Clark (1947) conducted an experiment with 253 

black children between the ages of three and seven at nursery and 
public schools in Arkansas and Massachusetts. The children were 
shown two identical dolls, one black and one white. Approxi-
mately two-thirds of the children indicated that they liked the 
white doll better, in spite of their own skin color (Clark & Clark, 
1947). When Kiri Davis recreated this experiment in 2005, her 
results showed that 16 of the 21 preschool-aged black children 
involved in the experiment still chose the white doll (ABC News, 
2006). When asked to show the doll that “looks bad” (ABC 
News, 2006, para. 12), one subject—a black girl—chose the black 
doll, but when asked for the doll that looked like her, the girl first 
touched the white doll and then reluctantly chose the black doll 
(ABC News, 2006).  



Bryant 

Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV        82 

Between 1947 and 2005, the findings of the doll study did 
not change, suggesting that this internalization of self-hate among 
black children based on European beauty standards still exists and 
has not been adequately addressed. A closer look at the literature 
indicates that this self-hatred permeates throughout the life 
course, is passed through generations of black women, and is 
rooted in early childhood interactions with both the immediate 
environment and the social sphere (Robinson-Moore, 2008). 

 
Family Context: Outcast by Kin 

 
As a primary component of a child’s early and immediate 

environment, family is often the biggest influence on a child’s 
life. Family helps shape a child’s ideals, including what is deemed 
acceptable or unacceptable in terms of beauty (Bronfenbrenner, 
1993; Hutchinson, 2007). Raskin, Coard, and Breland (2001) 
asked college students in the northeast, between the ages of 17 
and 41, about the effect of skin color on their racial identity. The 
findings showed a significant relationship between one’s attitudes 
toward his or her own skin color and the skin color that was ideal-
ized by their family members. While lighter skin was positively 
related to higher levels of pride in racial identity, darker-skinned 
individuals reported lower self-esteem (Raskin et al., 2001).  

 
School Context: Assimilation for Success 

 
The educational system reinforces the messages surround-

ing skin color that are learned within the family and further en-
courages young black girls to internalize beauty standards that 
emphasize lighter skin. Umberson and Hughes (1987) found that 
people deemed attractive by society are given more professional 
and social opportunities from childhood through adulthood, thus 
giving lighter-skinned black women greater access to success 
than darker-skinned black women. If society rewards lighter-
skinned black women with more opportunities, dark-skinned 
black women may be set up for failure from childhood 
(Robinson-Moore, 2008).  



83        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

The Beauty Ideal  

Socio-cultural standards of beauty and attractiveness play 
a significant role in academic achievement. Holcomb-McCory 
and Moore-Thomas (2001) investigated the links between skin 
color and school engagement and found that black adolescent fe-
males whose hair and skin color were most unlike those of white 
females were often alienated from others at school and in social 
settings. This social isolation resulted in lower levels of academic 
achievement and higher high-school dropout rates among black 
adolescent females (Robinson-Moore, 2008). The lower levels of 
academic achievement among darker-skinned black girls can ulti-
mately lead to reduced employment outcomes as adults, illustrat-
ing how skin color alone can shape the life trajectory of black 
girls and women (McAdoo, 1997).  

 
Media Context: Shades of Risk 

 
In addition to the beauty standards perpetuated by the 

family and education system, the media also play a significant 
role in furthering these standards. Gordon (2008) notes that black 
children are particularly vulnerable to media portrayals due to 
their higher rates of media consumption. In a sample of 176 black 
girls ages 13 to 17, Gordon (2008) examined associations be-
tween the amount of media that black girls’ consume—
particularly media containing sexual images—and their focus on 
beauty and appearance. Gordon (2008) found that black girls 
strongly identified with black music and television and that hair 
texture and skin tone were central in many of the girls’ descrip-
tions of the images that they were shown. The study’s results sug-
gest that exposure to and identification with portrayals of black 
women as sex objects contribute to the emphasis that black ado-
lescent girls place on appearance in their own lives (Gordon, 
2008). Townsend, Thomas, Neilands, and Jackson (2010) found a 
positive relationship between stereotypical images of black 
women, racialized beauty standards of light versus dark skin, and 
sexual risk, such as early onset of sexual intercourse or unpro-
tected sex (Townsend et al., 2010). These studies suggest that 
black girls with darker skin may be more vulnerable than their 
lighter-skin peers to negative messages from the media about 



Bryant 

Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV        84 

their physical appearance and attractiveness, which can lead to 
long-term risky behaviors. 

 
Employment Context: Hired by Hue 

 
After a childhood of potential academic challenges and 

internalized negative self-perceptions derived from familial and 
media messages, a darker-skinned black woman reaching adult-
hood faces significant barriers to her employment prospects if she 
is deemed less attractive and inferior to a lighter-skinned black 
woman (Robinson-Moore, 2008). Black women who do not meet 
the established standards of European beauty are more likely to 
be unemployed than those who have more of the preferred Euro-
pean physical characteristics (Robinson-Moore, 2008). Aschen-
brenner (1975) studied black families in Chicago and found that 
poor women were more likely to have darker skin than women of 
higher economic status. Similarly, Umberson and Hughes (1987) 
found that attractiveness bias “interacts with employment 
status” (p. 231), because attractive people are more likely to be 
hired and given further opportunities to obtain higher employ-
ment and education. Thus, if lighter skin is considered to be most 
attractive, then darker-skinned black women may be more likely 
to be under-educated, under-employed, and poorer than lighter-
skinned black women (Robinson-Moore, 2008), which can have 
significant negative implications throughout the life course.  

 
Spousal Status: The Color of Matrimony 

 
In addition to employment, romantic relationships can be 

another major area of black women’s adult lives that are affected 
by European standards of beauty. Social work theory dictates the 
importance of human beings forming intimate and loving rela-
tionships; failure in intimacy results in loneliness and isolation, 
which may be prevalent for black women of darker skin 
(Hutchinson, 2007). Ross (1997) explored the relationship be-
tween skin color and the dating preferences of black college stu-
dents and found that males were more likely than females to pre-
fer dating and marrying people with light skin.  



85        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

The Beauty Ideal  

Similarly, Raskin et al.’s (2001) study analyzed the effect 
of skin color on college students’ racial identity and dating prefer-
ences and concluded that lighter-skinned black women are con-
sidered a “prize” (p. 2271) among black men who recognize that 
there are economic and social advantages to having a light-
skinned wife, such as greater social acceptance and subsequent 
employment outcomes (McAdoo, 1997). In general, men of any 
skin color with higher socioeconomic status are more likely to 
marry a light-skinned woman (Hunter, 1998). Darker-skinned 
black women, as a result, are the least likely of all black women 
to be married (Robinson-Moore, 2008) and thus the least likely to 
have the economic security of a two-income household, further 
exacerbating the previously addressed negative economic effects 
of their poor employment prospects. Raskin et al. (2001) did not 
specifically address non-heterosexual couples, so further research 
would be required to address the skin color preferences of indi-
viduals of other sexual orientations.  

 
Psychological Outcomes: The Ripple Effect 

 
The negative effects that European beauty standards can 

have on employment and marital status can translate to the poor 
mental health of black women in adulthood. The social work lens 
aims to help people alleviate stress by understanding the impact 
that multiple oppressions can have on one’s life (Hutchinson, 
2007; NASW, 2012). The combination of lower academic 
achievement, fewer employment opportunities, and limited mari-
tal options, compounded by familial and media-perpetuated mes-
sages, can lead to both a negative self-perception of the darker-
skinned black woman and difficulty coping with the outcomes she 
can expect for her life course. Hall (1995) summarizes the long-
term mental health issues that black women may encounter. Be-
cause black women, especially dark-skinned black women, devi-
ate furthest from European beauty standards, they are more likely 
to experience self-hate, distorted body image, depression, and eat-
ing disorders (Hall, 1995). They are also likely to suffer feelings 
of inadequacy and report emotions of anger, pain, and confusion 
toward traits such as skin color and hair. Many black women    



Bryant 

Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV        86 

carry this internalized shame and self-hatred of their appearance 
from adolescence into adulthood. Ultimately, these internalized 
feelings can be significant risk factors for depression in black 
women (Hall, 1995).  

Keith, Lincoln, Taylor, and Jackson (2010) evaluated the 
direct and indirect effects of skin tone and discrimination on de-
pressive symptoms and suggested a link between discrimination 
and emotional well-being that is especially salient for black 
women. Due to their physical attributes and associated socioeco-
nomic factors, such as employment and income, black women are 
at a greater risk for emotional difficulties, as they may experience 
more stressful conditions depending on their skin tone. Depres-
sive symptoms related to internalized feelings about skin tone 
may ultimately depreciate feelings of self-worth over the life 
course of black women (Keith et al., 2010).  

 
Implications for Social Work Practice 

 
A review of the research suggests that, based on the pref-

erences demonstrated by their family, peers, potential partners, 
employers, and greater society, black women today may still feel 
pressured to choose the white doll. The individuals affected most 
are the dark-skinned black women who deviate furthest from 
European standards of beauty. Society’s acceptance of European 
standards of beauty at the expense of those who do not meet them 
can have pervasive and devastating consequences for dark-
skinned black women throughout the life course. How can profes-
sionals in the social work field recognize and address the dark-
skinned black woman, who is grappling with repressed self-
hatred? 

The research suggests that oppressive beauty ideals are 
ingrained into the institutional racism and sexism of American 
culture. Adjusting policies at the national and state level are nec-
essary to address this issue at a macro level, and social workers in 
administrative and policy-focused positions can play integral 
roles in this work. Yet, because this issue is so entrenched in the 
communities of these black women, much of the work must be 
accomplished by social workers on the ground level through pro-



87        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

The Beauty Ideal  

gramming and clinical practice. 
Clinicians and program administrators who work with 

black women should be aware of the risk factors that these 
women face across their life course and should be educated on the 
available resources designed to serve this population. Social 
workers are trained to recognize the forces within dominant cul-
ture and society that affect the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors 
of marginalized individuals and should use this knowledge 
through their work with this population (Cooper, 1998). 

There are programs currently in place, such as The Beauti-
ful. Project (The Beautiful. Project, 2012), Black Girls Rock! Inc. 
(Black Girls Rock, Inc., 2012), and Sisterhood Agenda 
(Sisterhood Agenda, 2012), that are geared towards the self-
knowledge and self-development of black girls. Black Girls 
Rock! Inc. is a nonprofit youth empowerment organization estab-
lished to promote the arts through mentorship and leadership de-
velopment, and encourage a dialogue about the ways women of 
color are portrayed in the media (Black Girls Rock!, Inc., 2012). 
The Beautiful. Project uses photography and reflective workshops 
to give young black girls an opportunity to confront both positive 
and negative portrayals of black girls and women in the media 
and in their communities, and seeks to influence the way black 
girls see the world and the way that the world sees black girls 
(The Beautiful. Project, 2012). Sisterhood Agenda is a nonprofit 
that empowers women and girls through sisterhood, self-
knowledge, self-development, and self-esteem (Sisterhood 
Agenda, 2012). There is a necessity for more programs such as 
these that recognize the unique needs of this population and focus 
on attending to these needs through dialogue and empowerment. 

On a direct practice level, social work clinicians working 
with young black female clients should create a therapeutic rela-
tionship that provides positive reinforcement and helps these 
young women to realize their beauty and to value their own self-
worth by using a strengths-based empowerment approach 
(Paniagua, 2005). Empowerment is an important approach to 
therapy with clients from any racial background, but it is espe-
cially important in the case of black clients because of the long 
history of oppression experienced by members of this group.  



Bryant 

Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV        88 

In the assessment and treatment of black women, it is im-
portant for the clinician to discuss possible racial differences be-
tween the client and clinician, explore the client’s level of accul-
turation to the European beauty ideal, and to avoid offering gener-
alized explanations for problems. Incorporating family counseling 
may be useful in exploring the role the client's family plays in 
managing the issue (Paniagua, 2005). It is important that the 
therapist avoid any suggestion (either stated or implied) that the 
client likely comes from a disorganized, unstable, and psycho-
logically unhealthy family. This stereotype does not take into 
consideration the extent to which factors such as the involvement 
of the extended family, nontraditional roles of family members, 
strong religious orientation, or strong emphasis on the value of 
education, may be strengths of a black family. Therapists should 
emphasize these strengths to encourage and support their client’s 
participation in therapy (Paniagua, 2005). 

It may also be important to include religious institutions in 
this process, because for many black women, religious communi-
ties are an important part of the extended family. The involve-
ment of religious communities may be particularly important in 
treating black women, because they tend to be more involved 
with religious and spiritual activities than black men and view 
these communities as a source of economic and emotional support 
(Paniagua, 2005).  

Empowering dark-skinned black women with these pro-
grams and interventions can help reinforce the notion that all 
black skin tones should be part of the established beauty standard. 
Through addressing the young black women’s negative self-
perception and how it affects an individual’s daily life, social 
workers may be able to decrease the risks that these young 
women face across the life course and promote positive life out-
comes and self-development. 

 
Conclusion 

 
Clark and Clark (1947) and Kiri Davis demonstrated that 

the internalization of racial beauty standards is a societal problem 
that begins in childhood and has a significant impact on the self-



89        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

The Beauty Ideal  

perception and self-worth of black girls and women throughout 
the life course. Not only are black women negatively categorized 
by society for both their gender and race, but they can also be 
subjugated within their own communities. This article aims to 
bring awareness to an issue that, if properly addressed, could 
positively affect the life trajectories of young black women. The 
self-hatred of black women based on European beauty standards 
is not commonly acknowledged in social work conversations or 
practice. Black women need to be empowered so that they can 
protect themselves against the negative messages that they re-
ceive from their environment. Social workers have a unique op-
portunity to bring voice to their clients, break the cycle of inter-
nalized self-hatred in the black female community, and help cre-
ate a new definition of beauty. 

 
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