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11        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

Crucial Conversations: Exploring Intergenerational Trauma 
in Post-Conflict Guatemala 
 
Eliza Ramos 
 

Guatemala is a country fractured by years of sociopoliti-
cal conflict and instability. In the summer of 2011, I secured 
grant funding to implement supportive counseling and educa-
tional services, in conjunction with a local nonprofit organiza-
tion, to help local children better understand and process the pro-
found effects of the country’s civil war, which ended in 1996. 
Upon beginning this project, however, it became apparent that 
many of the children with whom I interacted had limited or no 
knowledge of the conflict. This article explores the pervasive and 
systematic avoidance of discussing widespread psychosocial 
trauma and the potential effects of this avoidance on parents, 
children, and the greater community. I compare these observa-
tions with existing social work and psychology research litera-
ture, drawing from the concept of intergenerational trauma, or 
the transference of trauma symptoms from parent to child. I then 
discuss whether the avoidance of trauma discussion with children 
can protect their psychological well-being and prevent the trans-
ference of trauma, or if such avoidance leads to increased risk of 
individual psychological impairment and cyclical community 
problems. Based upon this analysis, the article finally discusses 
implications for social workers confronting psychosocial trauma 
in post-conflict settings. 

 
 Guatemala is a country fractured by years of sociopolitical 
conflict and economic instability. In Huehuetenango, one of the 
country’s many small rural towns composed mostly of indigenous 
people, hundreds of bodies remain in mass graves as a haunting 
shadow of the massacres perpetrated during Guatemala’s civil 
war that ended in 1996. In the summer of 2011, I secured funding 
from the Davis Projects for Peace to implement an initiative to 
help Guatemalan children better understand and process the pro-
found effects of the country’s internal conflict. Two colleagues 
and I facilitated a peace-centered curriculum for children ages 10 



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Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV       12 

to 16 about the conflict; the local nonprofit organization Commit-
tees of Victims concurrently supported children’s parents who 
had lost loved ones.  

It quickly became apparent that a significant barrier ham-
pered effective implementation of our program: many of the chil-
dren had limited or no knowledge of the conflict. Almost all of 
the parents, it seemed, had not disclosed the full details of their 
tumultuous histories. Observing interactions within the commu-
nity, we noticed an absence of discussions about the conflict and 
its lingering effects. Although based on anecdotal evidence as a 
foreigner, my observations led me to believe that many children 
did not seem to receive any information about the civil war from 
either families or school.  
 This article reflects on my observations during the project 
and their potential implications. After providing a historical con-
text and background of the initiative, the article then explores 
how the systematic absence of discussions of trauma can affect 
children, parents, and the greater community. The theme of inter-
generational trauma, the transference of trauma symptoms from 
parent to child (Kellerman, 2001), will also be addressed. This 
article strives to explore whether the avoidance of discussing 
trauma with children protects their psychological well-being, or if 
failing to address trauma leads to an increased risk of individual 
psychological impairment and cyclical community problems. I 
will argue that social workers in post-conflict settings can assist 
families and communities in addressing traumatic experiences to 
facilitate the healing of a repressed or violent past.  
 

Background 
 

A History of Inequality  

 
 Guatemala’s instability reflects a complex history of vio-
lent conquest and inequality. During the Spanish conquest, many 
indigenous groups—mainly Maya populations—were forced off 
their ancestors’ land as the colonizers forcefully seized huge por-
tions of the country’s arable land. The Spanish “exploited the in-
digenous labor force” for trade, setting into motion dimensions of 



Crucial Conversations 

13        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

ethnicity and oppression that still exist today (Viscidi, 2004). The 
indigenous population still accounts for the majority of Guate-
mala’s poorest citizens (Freedom House, 2012).  

Democratically elected leaders in the 1940s and 1950s 
attempted to implement land, labor, and economic reforms to help 
the nation’s poor (Calderón, 2011). In 1952, the administration of 
Jacobo Arbenz enacted agrarian reform to expropriate idle land 
and distribute it to approximately 100,000 peasant families 
(WRITENET, 1995). Under intense lobbying pressure from 
United Fruit—a U.S.-based company and Guatemala’s largest 
landowner (WRITENET, 1995)—and in an era of fear of commu-
nism, the U.S. government approved a coup d’état in June 1954 to 
overthrow Arbenz, who was replaced by a military general 
(WRITENET, 1995; Calderón, 2011). The subsequent reversal of 
agrarian reform left Guatemala with greater inequality and the 
most skewed distribution of land in Latin America (WRITENET, 
1995), setting the stage for the Guatemalan Civil War. 

 
The Guatemalan Civil War 
 

The Guatemalan Civil War began in 1960 and erupted 
over economic and social discord as some unrepresented indige-
nous Guatemalans joined guerilla groups to rebel against conser-
vative and strict military governments. The Inter-American Hu-
man Rights Commission cited the era between 1970 and 1983 as 
“the worst for human rights violations in Guatemala…at least 
50,000 people died in the violence and hundreds of thousands 
more were internally displaced because of systematic repression 
by the military” (Calderón, 2011).  

In 1982, guerrilla resistance groups, consisting of mainly 
poor and indigenous Guatemalans, gained strength and support. 
The Guatemalan government retaliated, launching a counterinsur-
gency campaign against the Guatemalan National Revolutionary 
Unity (URNG). The result was devastating: more than 200,000 
people were killed during the conflict, with state forces responsi-
ble for 93% of those deaths, and 83% of the killed were indige-
nous (Guatemala Commission for Historical Clarification [CEH], 
1999). As a result of this widespread violence, the United Nations 



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Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV       14 

and other international actors brokered peace agreements between 
the Guatemalan government and guerilla groups, signed in De-
cember 1996. 

The Guatemalan government has since passed legislation 
criminalizing ethnic discrimination and established institutions to 
protect the rights of indigenous peoples (Freedom House, 2012). 
However, due to economic circumstances and “lack of resources 
and political will,” marginalization continues and legacies of the 
conflict remain (Cultural Survival, 2008, p. 1).  

 
Huehuetenango, Guatemala  
 
 During the government’s counterinsurgency campaign, 
the bodies of hundreds slaughtered indigenous people of Huehu-
etenango were hastily buried in mass graves, where many remain 
today. The horrific memories of the civil war and its human rights 
violations are still fresh in the minds of many survivors. Accord-
ing to indigenous Mayan belief, a person must receive a proper 
and dignified burial in a community cemetery to allow his or her 
spirit to find peace (Palazuelos, 2010). 
 Motivated to help rebuild their country, some refugees 
returned home and founded the nonprofit organization Equipo 
Técnico de Educación en Salud Comunitaria (ETESC, Technical 
Team for Education in Community Health). ETESC works to 
help victims of the conflict in Huehuetenango bring closure to the 
traumatic events through locating mass graves, uncovering and 
identifying bodies, and helping families obtain death certificates 
and conduct dignified burials (Palazuelos, 2010). Although sig-
nificant steps still remain in the effort to achieve closure for 
many, these processes provides oppressed communities with an 
opportunity to heal from the past.  
 
Davis Projects for Peace Grant Implementation 
 
 Funding from Davis Projects for Peace enabled my in-
volvement with ETESC. ETESC planned to exhume 50 bodies in 
mass graves during the war and assist families with dignified bur-
ial processes and memorial ceremonies. Concurrently, my part-



Crucial Conversations 

15        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

ners and I worked within five schools in three rural villages, con-
ducting educational and psychologically supportive workshops, to 
help the children critically understand and process their country’s 
recent past. Groups of children ages 10 to 16 were led through 
historical storytelling, role plays, theatrical activities, and group 
discussions. 
 I learned that many children had limited knowledge of the 
conflict. They appeared to only partially comprehend that the bur-
ial ceremonies were in honor of their relatives; the children did 
not seem aware of the grim historical context associated with the 
deaths. In perhaps an effort to protect their children from their 
horrific memories of the conflict, many parents had chosen not to 
discuss the past. I also observed that this silence permeated the 
community. Within families, between adults, and among elder 
generations, it appeared to be mutually understood that the har-
rowing past should not be discussed. 

Although parental avoidance seemed like a well-
intentioned effort to shelter children from facing the traumatic 
past they had experienced, I feared this could cause unintended 
negative consequences for the children. Such silence has been 
shown to potentially affect children’s mental health, identity for-
mation, and ability to form trusting relationships with their par-
ents if the truth is uncovered in piecemeal form or far into the fu-
ture (Coles, 2011). Furthermore, some parents still seemed to 
struggle through their own healing processes. It appeared improb-
able that families could fully heal from their own trauma while 
keeping the past hidden.  

 
Avoiding Intergenerational Trauma 

 
The Effects of Trauma 
 
 Trauma can be defined as sustained emotional distress fol-
lowing a disturbing experience (Coles, 2011). A traumatic event 
may be sudden or unexpected, shocking, a threat to life or bodily 
integrity, and/or invoke the feeling of intense terror or helpless-
ness (4th ed., text revision, American Psychiatric Association, 
2000). The result is behavioral, cognitive, emotional, and/or 



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Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV       16 

physical difficulties directly related to the traumatic experience 
(Cohen et al., 2006). When a person experiences a traumatic 
event, he or she may develop Post-traumatic Stress Disorder 
(PTSD), a set of behavioral and emotional reactions to an extreme 
stressor (Appleyard & Osofsky, 2003). PTSD can entail persistent 
re-experiencing of the traumatic event, avoidance of stimuli asso-
ciated with trauma, and physiological hyperarousal, all causing 
significant impairment to social, emotional, and occupational 
functioning (APA, 2000). 
 Moreover, studies of children exposed to orchestrated vio-
lence and war exhibit moderate to high rates of PTSD. Children 
have been shown to experience frequent headaches, disrupted 
sleep, altered memory performance, difficulties concentrating, 
trouble socializing, and loss of trust (Kinzie et al., 1989; Saigh, 
1991; Schauer et al., 2004). 
 Vicarious, or secondary, trauma is the transmission of the 
effects of trauma from the primary victim to a secondary person 
(Coles, 2011). Although the secondary person does not directly 
experience the traumatic event, subsequent interactions between 
the trauma victim and secondary person lead to the development 
of similar trauma symptoms in both persons. Intergenerational 
trauma, also referred to as transgenerational or cross-generational 
trauma, refers to vicarious trauma from parent to child (Coles, 
2011). Following circumstances of political violence, the psycho-
social trauma experienced by one generation can often “pass” to 
the next generation (Weingarten, 2004).  

Children of Holocaust survivors tend to absorb the psy-
chological burden of their parents, thus causing the offspring to 
experience a form of trauma themselves (Kellermann, 2001). 
Trauma symptoms were transferred either through repeated narra-
tive storytelling from parent to child, or through heightened stress 
levels and abusive tendencies of the parent as a result of trauma 
(Kellerman, 2001). Survivors of other conflicts, such as the Viet-
nam War and the Cambodian genocide of the 1970s, have also 
shown this kind of transference (Lin et al., 2009). Repeated narra-
tives of traumatic events can perpetuate intergenerational trauma. 
 When trauma affects an entire community, a culture of 
silence can arise when community members avoid discussing the 



Crucial Conversations 

17        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

trauma (Lin et al., 2009). Survivors of mass trauma often resist 
talking about their experiences, particularly with their children. 
Parents frequently avoid discussing their own traumatic histories 
to prevent re-experiencing the trauma and protect their children 
from psychological harm (Appleyard & Osofsky, 2003). 
 
Breaking the Culture of Silence 
 
 In Huehuetenango, war-related conversations between 
adults in the community appeared to be short-lived and tense. Al-
though negative effects of intergenerational trauma are well-
documented (Gorden, 2011; Yehuda et al., 2001), research also 
demonstrates that discussing trauma can be therapeutic. Lin et al. 
(2009) studied Cambodian-American refugee families and con-
cluded that educating children about socio-cultural trauma had a 
positive effect on fostering intergenerational communication and 
healing through narrative sharing. Similar results are cited in So-
malia, Rwanda, Uganda, and other sites of forced migration and 
war (Schauer et al., 2004). Although comparing examples re-
quires an understanding of cultural and societal circumstances, 
examining one context can provide applicable lessons to others. 
 Discussion of trauma may better enable children to under-
stand their family’s past. Such dialogue helps youth integrate 
their family history into their overall identities and context in 
which they live, bringing meaning and healing into their lives 
(Hammack, 2010). Structured and developmentally appropriate 
discussion mitigates the risk of transmitting intergenerational 
trauma (Axelrod, Schnipper, & Rau, 1980). Sorsher and Cohen 
(1997) identified parent communication style as a crucial determi-
nant in a family’s ability to adapt in light of a catastrophic or trau-
matic event. Measham and Rousseau (2010) found a positive rela-
tionship between family disclosures of war trauma to children’s 
play, a sign of psychological well-being. A strengths-based ap-
proach enables parents to serve an integral role in mitigating int-
ergenerational trauma. Many of the parents in Huehuetenango 
survived years of conflict and violence, creating tremendous po-
tential for them to engender resilience and coping skills in their 
children. Parents, as potential mediators between traumatic events 



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Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV       18 

and children’s adjustment, deserve significant consideration in the 
healing process (Gewirtz et al., 2008).  
 
The Long-Term and Societal Effects of Silence 
 

Along with interpersonal and psychological effects of 
avoiding these conversations, long-term and societal implications 
must be considered. Younger generations can seize this opportu-
nity to learn from the past, for lack of knowledge may perpetuate 
a cycle of conflict. Even though educating children about con-
flicts may endanger their immediate well-being, the true risk may 
be not to educate future generations about the past.  
 Even now that the war has ended, discrimination and vio-
lence toward indigenous Guatemalans persists (Amnesty Interna-
tional, 2011). Children and subsequent generations may unknow-
ingly carry on this discrimination; opening up a dialogue about 
the conflict and its implications is vital in the movement towards 
reconciliation and sustained peace. A culture of openness could 
decrease the prevalence of discrimination as people learn to see 
the indigenous and elderly as strong and courageous survivors. 
The next generation could create measures to ensure prevention 
of future conflicts. Discussing historical events enables survivors 
and families to therapeutically acknowledge the intergenerational 
effects that continue to be felt. Societies “…can learn to change 
for the better in the future [as] the pain and shame of genocide 
becomes clearer for all to grasp” (Lin et al. 2009, p. 197). By 
avoiding crucial conversations, a society may not be able to inte-
grate trauma in a meaningful way and wounds may not be healed. 
The next generation—and the future leaders within its ranks— 
cannot learn from the past if these discussions do not take place. 
 

Implications for Social Workers in Post-Conflict Settings 
 

Avoiding conversations about past trauma may also im-
pede positive family and identity development. The key, then, to 
helping parents and children process the past, is understanding 
when and how to discuss the past constructively—in a way that 
mitigates potentially harmful effects both of the trauma itself and 



Crucial Conversations 

19        Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV 

the discomfort surrounding disclosure. Measham and Rousseau 
(2010) argue that the timing and manner in which the trauma is 
disclosed are also linked to children’s well-being. There are ways 
to conduct crucial conversations in a manner that strengthens the 
parent–child relationship and the mental health of both parties; 
narrative building and psycho-education are among the proven 
methods (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1995; Weingarten, 2004). Parents 
who struggle with mass trauma can grow in awareness of these 
healing methods and feel empowered to have sensitive discus-
sions in a beneficial, nonharmful way. 

As social workers, we can aid families in fostering crucial 
conversations. First, the social work community must cultivate 
the skills to understand the intergenerational effects of mass 
trauma, where the transference of trauma can be mitigated, and 
specific interventions. Social workers must also appreciate the 
mechanisms through which parents and children are exposed to 
the effects of political violence. We can play an integral role in 
helping clients understand the importance of mourning the pain 
and losses suffered by previous generations. Individual, familial, 
and societal acknowledgement and integration of the past are 
steps towards a peaceful future (Weingarten, 2004).  
 The helpfulness of trauma disclosure as part of the healing 
process depends on culture and context (Measham & Rousseau, 
2010), so social workers in cross-cultural contexts must first 
strive to listen to locals and appreciate their social location within 
the broader context. Gray and Allegritti (2003) argue that for 
cross-cultural social work to take place, the first step must be ex-
tensive dialogue between cultural groups on appropriate prac-
tices, recognizing that approaches to social work and to grieving 
differ across cultures. Cross-cultural social work is predicated on 
two interrelated ideas: first, the interests of local practitioners and 
communities are integrated into all interventions and treatment 
plans, and second, local practitioners and clients should take the 
lead. In the case of the Guatemalan civil war, cross-cultural social 
work would begin by a discussion on people’s experiences today 
and during the civil war. 

Furthermore, increasing the capacity of local communities 
to be their own agents of change and healing can allow families to 



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Columbia Social Work Review, Volume IV       20 

rebuild in their own manner. The United Nations Permanent Fo-
rum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) cites a culturally sensitive 
approach as one “based on respect for and inclusion of their 
[indigenous peoples’] world-views, perspectives and experi-
ences” (Secretariat of the UNPFII, 2008. p. 41). The UNPFII re-
cently called for full inclusion of indigenous populations in the 
designing, implementing, and monitoring of all programs that af-
fect them (UNFPII, 2005 via Secretariat of the UNPFII, 2008). 
Some of their examples can serve as learning opportunities for 
others. Niños, Familias, y Educación Primero (NFEP, Children, 
Families, and Education First) in Guatemala and Peru has demon-
strated success in creating workshops that enable local educa-
dores to lead therapeutic sessions in their own communities 
(Roberts, 2010).  

During my time in Guatemala, I could not help but think 
of the irony of my presence as a U.S. citizen attempting to edu-
cate and rebuild a community that has been affected by the ac-
tions of my government. This realization was humbling. Cross-
cultural social work practice goes beyond understanding the rele-
vant literature—it is a personal and political endeavor. Crucial 
conversations in post-conflict Guatemala are just one example in 
which locally driven cross-cultural social work can be a suppor-
tive part of the healing process.  

 
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