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Disproportionate levels of  violence, disappearance, and murder are 
endemic among Indigenous women in the United States (U.S.). The 
prevalence of  such violence has persisted for centuries, with little direct 
action taken to elevate the issue, protect Indigenous women, and hold 
individual and systemic perpetrators accountable. As a result, Indigenous 
women in the U.S. face various forms of  violence at 2.5 times the rate 
of  non-Indigenous women, with murder being the third leading cause 
of  death. A staggering 94% of  Indigenous women experience sexual 
violence in their lifetime (Urban Health Institute, 2019).

Through an analysis of  existing and new legislation aimed at 
addressing the issue of  violence against Indigenous women, we reveal 
the ways in which policies have fallen critically short of  achieving this 
mission, highlight the strengths of  recently enacted legislation, and 
provide recommendations for implementation in order to truly prevent 
violence, and therefore to protect and empower Indigenous women.

Violence Against Indigenous 
Women in the United States:  

A Policy Analysis 

ANNIE BENJAMIN, SHE/HER
ELIZABETH D. GILLETTE, SHE/HER



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VIOLENCE AGAINST INDIGENOUS WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES ANNIE BENJAMIN & ELIZABETH D. GILLETTE

VIOLENCE AGAINST INDIGENOUS WOMEN IN THE UNITED 
STATES: A POLICY ANALYSIS 

Indigenous women are experiencing endemic-levels of  violence, 
disappearance, and murder, yet there is little to no accountability for 
the violence being inflicted upon them (Salam, 2019). Furthermore, a 
lack of  awareness of  these human rights abuses, among the public and 
policymakers alike, has led to far too few efforts toward protection from 
and prevention of  such violence. It is time for Indigenous women to 
be guaranteed their rights to protections under the United States (U.S.) 
government, ensuring justice and safety in all jurisdictions. This paper 
will examine the lack of  protection for Indigenous women and girls under 
U.S. government policy, and the characteristics, context, and responses to 
violence and abuses against them. 

No person should ever experience psychological or physical harm. 
Any act of  violence is a violation against humanity. The United Nations 
recognizes violence against women to be “any act of  gender-based 
violence that is likely to result in physical, sexual, or mental harm or 
suffering to women, including threats, coercion or deprivation of  liberty, 
whether occurring in public or in private life” (United Nations Inter-
Agency Support Group on Indigenous Peoples’ Issues, 2014, p. 1). 

In a brief  review of  the literature on violence against Indigenous 
women, this paper will first present the prevalence and severity of  this 
social problem, and then evaluate new and existing protections for 
Indigenous women under current U.S. law. Building on these protections, 
this paper will make recommendations for further changes and 
approaches to implementation necessary to advance the rights, health, 
and safety of  Indigenous women. For the purposes of  this paper, we use 
the term “Indigenous” to refer to Native American, American Indian, 
and Alaska Native women.   

VIOLENCE AGAINST INDIGENOUS WOMEN: A SEVERE YET 
IGNORED SOCIAL PROBLEM

Indigenous women’s and girls’ experiences of  violence are a 
reflection of  the U.S. history of  colonization, extreme poverty, and the 

exclusion of  their wider communities—best contextualized in terms of  
the intersections of  race, disability, age, sex, and location, in addition 
to mutually reinforcing forms of  inequities. These conditions ensure 
that they do not benefit to the same extent as their non-Indigenous 
counterparts from services which would otherwise protect them from 
violence and support their ability to seek redress when it does occur 
(Inter-Agency Support Group on Indigenous Peoples’ Issues, 2014).  
Rates of  violence towards Indigenous women are 2.5 times higher 
than the rate of  violence towards non-Indigenous women in the U.S., 
with estimates ranging from 46-91% of  Indigenous women compared 
with 7-51% of  non-Indigenous women (Burnette & Cannon, 2014). 
The Indian Law Resource Center (2020), a leading non-profit legal 
and advocacy resource organization for Indigenous people, found that 
four out of  five American Indian and Alaska Native women experience 
violence, and more than one in two experience sexual violence (p. 1). 
These experiences of  violence lead to significant trauma, substance use, 
depression, and other mental and physical health issues (Loerzel, 2020). 
Additionally, children of  Indigenous women who experience intimate 
violence also experience high stress and anxiety, low self-esteem, and 
aggressive behaviors (Burnette & Cannon, 2014). 

A key contributor to such violence is the fact that cases have not 
received attention or interventions whatsoever from any authoritative 
agency in centuries. While Indigenous women were once held in high 
esteem, given great respect and reverence among their tribes, the cultural 
erosion of  Indigenous societies as a whole has been cited as a precursor 
to the violence Indigenous women face in their communities today 
(Burnette & Hefflinger, 2017). The U.S. colonial government system 
has failed to appreciate, preserve, and affirm the humanity, cultures, 
lands, territories, and resources of  Indigenous peoples. Historical 
trauma refers to the cumulative emotional and psychological wounding 
over lifespans and across generations, emanating from massive group 
trauma experience (Brave Heart, 2003). Since multigenerational trauma 
continues as a consequence of  such historical oppression, this trauma is 
seen as both a cause and a consequence of  the normalization of  violence 
towards Indigenous women in society (Burnette & Hefflinger, 2017). 



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Indigenous peoples all over the globe experience cultural and 
individual oppression. Identifying the best way to restore Indigenous 
women’s rights to safety, health, and autonomy is not only crucial to 
empowering Indigenous women, but to empowering Indigenous culture 
as well. Indigenous women and girls play essential roles in maintaining 
community resilience and wellbeing, acting as vital keepers of  cultural 
identity and tradition. When their rights are violated through violence 
and coercion, such human rights violations “[constitute] a violation of  
the sanctity of  the ecological, spiritual and cultural identity of  indigenous 
peoples as a whole” (Inter-Agency Support Group on Indigenous 
Peoples’ Issues, 2014, p. 2). For Indigenous culture to flourish, programs 
must go beyond merely solving crimes against Indigenous women to 
preventing these crimes altogether. By focusing on how to empower and 
protect Indigenous women in the U.S., we can learn more about how to 
protect Indigenous peoples, cultures, and traditions worldwide. 

CURRENT POLICY INTENDED TO EMPOWER INDIGENOUS 
WOMEN: THE VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN ACT (VAWA)

A key policy aimed at empowering Indigenous women is the 
Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). VAWA was introduced in 1994 as 
the first federal bill of  its kind, acknowledging and addressing domestic 
violence and sexual assault as crimes. This paved the way for increased 
protections and support for women at federal, state, and local levels 
(NNEDV, 2020). The bill requires reauthorization every five years, and 
each renewal brings about key expansions in support for enhanced 
or newly-specified priorities, such as housing programs for victims of  
domestic violence or the implementation of  culturally-competent services 
(NNEDV, 2020). The bill is key in raising awareness of  violence against 
women and increasing support for victims and those impacted by sexual 
assault, stalking, rape, trafficking, and domestic violence. 

The Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of  2005 was the 
first to introduce plans to address violence experienced by Indigenous 
women and girls, specifically acknowledging the disproportionate level at 
which Indigenous women experience gender-based violence (Burnette & 
Cannon, 2014). As a result, section 903 was added to the bill, mandating 

the Attorney General (AG) to consult with Indian tribal governments 
on a yearly basis. These consultations afford an opportunity to provide 
recommendations to the AG regarding the federal administration of  
tribal funding for programs offered under VAWA, enhancing protection 
of  Indigenous women from various forms of  violence by improving 
the federal response—or lack thereof—to such violence (Salam, 2019; 
National Indigenous Resource Center, 2020). 

The next iteration of  the bill—the Violence Against Women 
Reauthorization Act of  2013—strengthened protections for Native 
American women and girls as a result of  collaboration among the Indian 
Law Resource Center, the National Congress for American Indians Task 
Force on Violence Against Women, Clan Star, Inc., and the National 
Indigenous Women’s Resource Center (Indian Law Resource Center, 
n.d.). Specifically, provisions were added to restore tribal criminal 
authorities to target and address violence inflicted upon Indigenous 
women and girls by non-Indian perpetrators on tribal land. This 
provision, known as the Special Domestic Violence Court Jurisdiction 
(SDVCJ), was instrumental in ensuring that Indian Nations can effectively 
investigate, punish, and hold perpetrators of  violence—Indian and non-
Indian alike—accountable for the harm they cause towards Indigenous 
women on tribal lands (Indian Law Resource Center, n.d.).

While the important addition of  SDVCJ could benefit tribes in the 48 
contiguous U.S. states, because of  restrictive land resettlement laws, the 
federal government does not recognize tribal land as “Indian country” in 
Alaska (Indian Law Resource Center, n.d.). Under 18 U.S.C. § 1151 and 
40 C.F.R. § 171.3, Indian country is defined as: 

a. all land within the limits of  any Indian reservation under the 
jurisdiction of  the United States Government, notwithstanding 
the issuance of  any patent, and, including rights-of-way running 
through the reservation;

b. all dependent Indian communities within the borders of  the 
United States whether within the original or subsequently 
acquired territory thereof, and whether within or without the 
limits of  a state; and

ANNIE BENJAMIN & ELIZABETH D. GILLETTE



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VIOLENCE AGAINST INDIGENOUS WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES

c. all Indian allotments, the Indian titles to which have not been 
extinguished, including rights-of-way running through the same. 
(U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, n.d.)

Because Alaskan tribal land does not fit this definition, section 910 
of  VAWA 2013 cites Special Rule for the State of  Alaska (S.47-Violence 
Against Women Reauthorization Act of  2013). As a result, the SDVCJ 
currently applies to only one of  229 Alaskan tribes, thus excluding 40% 
of  federally recognized tribes from these reforms (Indian Law Resource 
Center, n.d.). Jurisdictional complexities, in addition to insufficient 
resources for investigating and prosecuting those who commit crimes, 
add to the already high levels of  vulnerability of  Alaska Native women 
and girls,who make up 19% of  the state population, but 47% of  reported 
rape victims (Alaska Native Women’s Resource Center, 2019). The 
Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of  2019 (HR 1585), which 
is currently awaiting consideration in the Senate (Congress.gov, 2019), 
addresses this issue by introducing a pilot program that would allow five 
Alaska Native tribes to exercise SDVCJ (Alaska Native Women’s Resource 
Center, 2019). VAWA 2019 will also add sexual violence, sex trafficking, 
stalking, and assault of  law enforcement or corrections officers to the list 
of  crimes Indian Nations can prosecute (Indian Law Resource Center, 
2019). 

CURRENT POLICY’S LACK OF EFFECTIVENESS IN 
PROTECTING INDIGENOUS WOMEN’S RIGHTS 

The VAWA limits tribal prosecution of  non-Indian perpetrators to 
those with prior connections to the tribe, but should expand to include 
those who commit any act of  violence that is likely to result in physical, 
sexual, or mental harm or suffering to women or girls. Although evidence 
is limited, available studies indicate that this legislation is not achieving 
its intended goal of  addressing and prosecuting crimes with the specific 
intent of  increasing protections for women and girls (NNEDV, 2020). 
For example, while VAWA 2013 introduced legislation allowing tribes 
to charge non-Indian perpetrators of  violence against women for their 
crimes, Crepelle (2020) highlights that tribes only have the authority 

to prosecute such perpetrators for three specific crimes: domestic 
violence, dating violence, and protective order violations (p. 60). Due 
to this limitation, tribes lack authority in prosecuting additional crimes 
committed during these same circumstances, such as child abuse, stalking, 
and other violent crimes, which often include children, women, and 
men, with sometimes dramatic consequences for entire tribes (Crepelle, 
2020). These circumstances are exacerbated by a preexisting lack of  
protections for Indigenous women, including high rates of  poverty and 
limited resources for law enforcement to put towards prevention efforts 
(Creppelle, 2020, p. 63). 

VAWA also neglects to uphold and advance tribal sovereignty, 
a necessary facet of  Indigenous women’s well-being. VAWA lacks 
substantial compatibility with United States legal processes and 
procedures (Allison, 2019). This not only constitutes a significant burden 
on tribes to exercise civil jurisdiction but also helps to bring into focus the 
scope of  oppression imposed by the United States government. VAWA 
does not provide any sense of  consideration for historical oppression and 
genocide against Indigenous women, nor is it inclusive of  Indigenous 
perspectives or demonstrate cultural reverence. As it does not include 
support for the safeguarding of  sovereignty, VAWA seeks to strengthen a 
legacy of  white supremacy and heteropatriarchy. As a result, VAWA does 
not adequately address the significance of  violence towards Indigenous 
women, and fails to address the systemic causes and mediators of  gender-
based violence and genocide (Maxwell & Robinson, 2019).

While VAWA has come a long way since its introduction in 1994, 
it is clear that more work is needed based on the disproportionate levels 
of  violence faced by Indigenous women throughout history and still 
today (Burnette & Cannon, 2014; Creppelle, 2020). As the SDVCJ 
does not apply to all tribes, most Indigenous women are not afforded 
the protections that the VAWA 2013 amendment celebrates (Allison, 
2019). Despite increasing the list of  crimes Indian nations can charge 
against (Indian Law Resource Center), VAWA 2019 does not provide 
a means of  preventing the overwhelming levels of  violence, abuse, and 
genocide imposed upon Indigenous women. In order to ensure safety and 

ANNIE BENJAMIN & ELIZABETH D. GILLETTE



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empowerment of  Indigenous women, the scope of  protections should 
include violence prevention efforts as well as accountability measures that 
apply to all tribal jurisdictions.

URGENT SOLUTIONS: SAVANNAH’S ACT, NOT INVISIBLE 
ACT, AND CHANGES TO VAWA 2013

Historically, criminal justice systems on reservations and in Indian 
country have created more barriers to investigating crime than to 
attaining solutions. Prevention, investigation, and prosecution of  crimes 
against Indigenous women are often inconsistent or incomplete due to 
several different agencies—including the FBI, tribal police, and U.S. 
attorneys—working with conflicting protocol (Pao, 2020). In this section, 
we first review two recent acts that aim to combine and coordinate efforts 
to better protect Indigenous women and then propose a change to VAWA 
2013 that would strengthen the ability to hold perpetrators of  violence 
accountable. 

TWO RECENT ACTS AIMING TO BETTER PROTECT 
INDIGENOUS WOMEN

In response to the inconsistency that has allowed abuse, 
disappearance, and murder of  Indigenous women to continue, two 
acts were recently signed into law to enhance cohesion and diligence in 
protecting Indigenous women. Specifically, the first law, Savannah’s Act 
(Public Law No: 116-165), signed into law in October 2020, requires 
the Department of  Justice to create a task force made up of  members 
from various agency bodies to ensure all teams are collaborating and can 
devise a concrete plan to investigate a crime. In creating a task force, the 
Department of  Justice will also be required to conduct trainings for each 
agency, from the Bureau of  Indian Affairs police all the way to the FBI, 
in order to establish each agency’s role in locating missing women on and 
off tribal lands or investigating crimes against Indigenous women (Pao, 
2020). Savannah’s Act also requires transparency from the Department 
of  Justice through recording data and reporting statistics on missing and 
murdered Indigenous women (Congress.gov, 2020). 

The second law recently enacted is the Not Invisible Act (Public Law 
No: 116-166), which was also signed into law in October 2020. Also 
working to increase coordination efforts, this Act focuses on establishing 
more robust efforts to prevent murder, trafficking, and violence towards 
Indigenous women. Mandated by law, the Department of  the Interior 
will designate an official from the Bureau of  Indian Affairs to spearhead 
prevention by establishing grants, programs, and recommendations 
to combat violence towards Indigenous peoples (Sanchez, 2020). 
Furthermore, the Act creates an advisory committee on violent crime 
comprised of   survivors, service providers, and members of  law 
enforcement. 

A NEW DIRECTION: PROPOSED CHANGES TO VAWA 2013
In order for these two laws to be effective, criminal authority must 

be restored to Indian Nations. According to a study by the National 
Institute of  Justice, 97% of  Indigenous women have been victims of  
violence at the hands of  at least one non-Indian perpetrator during their 
lifetime (Rosay, 2016). If  we truly aim to protect and provide justice 
for Indigenous women, girls, and their families, the Special Domestic 
Violence Court Jurisdiction (SDVCJ) provision introduced in VAWA 
2013 must be implemented in all Indian Nations. As mentioned earlier, 
while VAWA 2019 proposes a pilot program to introduce and exercise 
the SDVCJ in five Alaska Native tribes (Alaska Native Women’s Resource 
Center, 2019), it is critical that the SDVCJ be implemented in all tribes 
and reservations as soon as possible. Until then, non-Indian perpetrators 
will not be held accountable, and Indigenous women and girls will still be 
vulnerable to endemic-level violence, murder, and disappearance. 

IMPLEMENTATION OF APPROACHES: RECOMMENDATIONS 
FOR PROTECTING INDIGENOUS WOMEN’S RIGHTS

As evident in this review of  literature, it is important not only to pass 
laws, but also to implement them effectively and equitably so that the 
rights, health, and safety of  Indigenous women can be protected and 
advanced. The two new laws—Savannah’s Act and the Not Invisible 
Act—complement each other to streamline prevention efforts among 

ANNIE BENJAMIN & ELIZABETH D. GILLETTE



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federal, state, and Tribal officials to strengthen justice and public safety 
in tribal communities. As both laws were passed with wide bipartisan 
support and sponsorship, it is promising to see that this crisis is being 
recognized and prioritized across party lines. Through grant funding 
from the U.S. Depratment of  Justice’s Office on Violence Against 
Women, Savannah’s Act incentivizes tribal communities by providing 
increased funding to jurisdictions that implement guidelines created by 
the Act (The Navajo Nation, Office of  the President and Vice President, 
2020; Department of  Justice Office on Violence Against Women). Grant 
funds can be used towards training for law enforcement officers and data 
collection and reporting to the Attorney General (S.227-Savanna’s Act, 
2020). Increased funding to ensure the Act is implemented shows that 
policy makers recognize the potential impact of  the Act on protecting 
Indigenous women. 

As Savannah’s Act and the Not Invisible Act are both newly 
signed into law, their efficacy  will depend greatly on how the laws are 
implemented. One key determinant of  successful implementation will be 
the involvement of  Indigenous women, including survivors of  violence 
and family members of  survivors, victims, and missing women—key 
stakeholders in the fight for justice. The Not Invisible Act mandates the 
creation of  an advisory committee on violent crimes. In addition to tribal 
leaders and law enforcement, the Act indicates the committee is to be 
made up of  survivors and service providers who will work together to 
issue recommendations to the Department of  Justice and Department 
of  the Interior (The Navajo Nation, Office of  the President and Vice 
President, 2020). 

Another key to implementation is respect for Indigenous culture and 
tradition. Under Savannah’s Act, agencies are tasked with ensuring that 
culturally appropriate services are available for victims of  violence and 
trafficking, such as access to culturally-aligned mental and physical health 
providers. Additionally, the Act requires the “[c]ulturally appropriate 
identification and handling of  human remains identified as belonging 
to American Indians” (2020). Guaranteeing that Indigenous women, 
survivors, families, and service providers have a say in how these two acts 

are adopted on the ground is vital in making sure the efforts to protect 
and provide justice for Indigenous women and girls are not only effective, 
but sustainable and appropriate as well. 

It must also be noted that for both of  these laws to be effective, the 
VAWA 2019 reauthorization bill must expand the implementation of  
the SDVCJ provision. Whereas non-Indian perpetrators are “above the 
law” (Creppelle, 2020, p. 1) in territories where the SDVCJ is not in 
effect—that is, they cannot be prosecuted by tribes for crimes committed 
in Indian country—the provision ensures that all perpetrators of  violence 
are appropriately held responsible for their crimes, which, most pressingly 
include violence against women (Creppelle, 2020). This provision will 
also support efforts to prevent violence against Indigenous women in the 
first place. 

DISCUSSION
Savannah’s Act and the Not Invisible Act have the potential to 

amplify awareness of  the crisis of  missing and murdered Indigenous 
women, while also putting into action concrete strategies to prevent 
violence, conduct investigations, and provide services for survivors 
and their families. Despite the Acts both including best practice 
recommendations for searching for missing Native persons on and 
off Tribal land (The Navajo Nation, Office of  the President and Vice 
President, 2020), a key challenge that persists is the lack of  universality 
in the application of  SDVCJ in tribal courts. Without the ability to 
appropriately hold non-Indian perpetrators accountable for crimes 
against Indigenous women, these Acts will not be able to provide the  
level of  justice Indigenous women deserve. Additionally, as the 
Department of  Justice did not release crime data regarding Native 
peoples until 1999 (Pao, 2020), the scope of  the crisis and therefore best 
approaches to protecting Indigenous women have not been thoroughly  
or justly explored. 

Efforts to protect Indigenous women and ensure their ability to 
live with safety and dignity must not stop at the passage of  these Acts. 
Future community-based, participatory action research should evaluate 

ANNIE BENJAMIN & ELIZABETH D. GILLETTE



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implementation of  the Acts, as including Indigenous women in the 
guidance and maintenance of  the process will be vital to the success and 
survival of  Indigenous women. Additionally, researchers and advocates 
should evaluate  the potential impacts of  expanding the SDVCJ provision 
to all jurisdictions. Ongoing evaluation will also be necessary in order 
to secure justice, violence prevention, and ongoing support for all 
Indigenous women. 

CONCLUSION
The lack of  protections in place for Indigenous women and girls 

throughout history has led to endemic levels of  physical and sexual 
violence, missing women, and generational trauma. Murder is the third 
leading cause of  death among this population, and rates of  violence 
towards Indigenous women are 2.5 times higher than the rate of  violence 
towards non-Indigenous women in the United States, with estimates 
ranging from 46-91% of  Indigenous women having experienced these 
forms of  violence, compared with 7-51% of  non-Indigenous women 
(The Navajo Nation, Office of  the President and Vice President, 2020; 
Burnette & Cannon, 2014). The Indian Law Resource Center (2020) 
found that four out of  five American Indian and Alaska Native women 
experience violence and more than one of  every two women experience 
sexual violence. At the same time, there has been little focus on holding 
perpetrators accountable, ensuring Indigenous women their rights to 
safety and adequate services, or implementing best practices to effectively 
investigate and prevent such levels of  violence.

According to a 2018 survey conducted by the Urban Indian Health 
Institute, of  5,712 missing Alaska Native and American Indian women 
and girls, only 116 were registered in the Department of  Justice database 
(The Navajo Nation, Office of  the President and Vice President, 2020). 
Savannah’s Act specifically allocates the resources needed to efficiently 
collect and enter data into national databases and further prevent and 
investigate crimes against Indigenous women. When 97% Native women 
experience physical, sexual, and psychological abuse at the hands of  non-
Indians, compared with 35% at the hands of  Indian perpetrators (Rosay, 

2016), it is critical that tribal courts be able to prosecute all perpetrators 
of  violence in order to truly protect women and girls. 

Despite laws in place such as VAWA which aim to protect women 
from violence, specific protections for Indigenous women have fallen 
short. While it is too soon to tell whether the Not Invisible Act and 
Savannah’s Act will effectively address the issues discussed in this 
paper, with proper implementation they offer alternatives to a lack of  
protections and policies that have previously allowed violence towards 
Indigenous women to continue at disproportionate levels. It is time for 
Indigenous women and girls to be free of  the human rights violations 
they have been subject to for far too long.

REFERENCES
Alaska Native Women’s Resource Center. (2019, March 8). Reauthorization of  VAWA 

House Bill 1585 introduced. https://www.aknwrc.org/reauthorization-of-vawa-
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Allison, Jessica. (2019). Beyond VAWA: Protecting Native women from sexual violence 
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Burnette, C. E. & Cannon, C. (2014). It will always continue unless we can change 
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Crepelle, A. (2020). Tribal courts, The Violence Against Women Act, and supplemental 
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Rosay, A. B. (2016). Violence against American Indian and Alaska Native women and 
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definition-indian-country 

ANNIE BENJAMIN & ELIZABETH D. GILLETTE

ANNIE BENJAMIN (she/her) is a Masters of  Science in Social 
Work candidate at the Columbia School of  Social Work in Policy 
Practice, concentrating in Contemporary Social Issues. Annie 
holds a Bachelor of  Science in Sociology from Ithaca College. She 
is currently a social work intern at the Open Society Foundations 
Global Drug Policy Program.

ELIZABETH GILLETTE (she/her) is a Masters of  Science 
candidate at the Columbia School of  Social Work in Advanced 
Policy Practice, concentrating in International Social Welfare. 
A fervid advocate for Indigenous People’s rights, children and 
women, and racial economic justice, she presently is a research 
assistant at the Center on Poverty and Social Policy at Columbia 
University. She serves as Senator in the Columbia University 
Senate, where she is a member of  the Commission on the Status 
of  Women, the Commission on Diversity, the Presidential Advisory 
Committee on Sexual Assault, and chairs the Student Affairs 
Subcommittee on Anti-Racist Education. Elizabeth holds a BA 
from the University of  Texas at Dallas.


