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COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  |   109   

Transracial 
Adoption as 
Continued 
Oppression:  
Modern Practice  
in Context

ANISA JOY LEONARD



110  |  COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  

TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION AS OPPRESSION

ABSTRACT

Transracial adoption has existed as a mode of forced displacement 
and oppression throughout the history of the United States. Starting 
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children in the United States have undergone systemic oppression 
resulting in forced separation from their biological parents. The 
displaced children have typically been placed with white parents 
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competent, trauma-informed care that the children need. As a result, 
transracially adopted children have historically struggled to form a 
sense of identity and have faced a wide range of physical and mental 
health vulnerabilities. Part I of this paper will present an overview of 
how transracial adoption has been implemented throughout U.S. 
OPZ[VY �̀�KPZJ\ZZPUN�IV[O�WHZ[�TVKLSZ��Z\JO�HZ�[OL�6YWOHU�;YHPU��HUK�
contemporary models (such as the foster care system, domestic 
private adoptions, and the global adoption industry). Part II will draw 
connections between past and present implementations of transracial 
adoption, illustrating that the phenomenon is best understood as a 
continuation of previous forms of oppression. Part III will propose a 
number of recommendations for social workers to facilitate better 
outcomes for transracial adoptees.



COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  |   111   

ANISA JOY LEONARD

I
n order to understand the current landscape of transracial adoption, 
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;YHPU��^OPJO�WYV]PKLK�VUL�VM�[OL�ÄYZ[�L_HTWSLZ�VM�YLN\SH[LK��
systemic transracial adoption. At the beginning of the 19th century, 

[OL�<UP[LK�:[H[LZ�TV]LK�[V^HYKZ�PUZ[P[\[PVUHSPaPUN�JOPSKYLU�^OV�^LYL�
without care (Hill, 2006). Children were placed into poor houses, 
VM[LU�ZOHYPUN�X\HY[LYZ�^P[O�HK\S[�JYPTPUHSZ�HUK�PU[LSSLJ[\HSS`�KPZHISLK�
PUKP]PK\HSZ��0U�������[OL�5L^�@VYR�/V\ZL�VM�9LM\NL�MVY�1\]LUPSL�
6ɈLUKLYZ�^HZ�JYLH[LK�I`�[OL�:VJPL[`�MVY�[OL�9LMVYTH[PVU�VM�1\]LUPSL�
+LSPUX\LU[Z��(Z�[OL�ÄYZ[�Z\WLY]PZLK�SP]PUN�ZWHJL�MVY�JOPSKYLU�^P[OV\[�
JHYL��[OL�5L^�@VYR�/V\ZL�VM�9LM\NL�MVY�1\]LUPSL�6ɈLUKLYZ�ZLY]LK�HZ�
a model for other states looking to improve the wellbeing of children. 
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although it is worth noting that very few orphanages were created to 
serve Black children. While Black individuals south of the Mason-Dixon 
line were enslaved, free Black children in the North often found care in 
informal kinship networks amongst other Black individuals (McGowan, 
2010; Woodward, 2016). As a result, Black children were excluded 
MYVT�[OPZ�LHYS`�TV]L�[V^HYKZ�[OL�PUZ[P[\[PVUHSPaH[PVU�VM�JOPSKYLU�^P[OV\[�
caregivers.

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:VJPL[ �̀�Z[HY[LK�^OH[�^V\SK�SH[LY�ILJVTL�RUV^U�HZ�[OL�6YWOHU�;YHPU��
Brace and his contemporaries sent impoverished white children, some 
of whom were orphans, to live with families primarily in the Midwest 
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nation saw the Civil War, Reconstruction, and World War I, almost 
200,000 white children journeyed from densely populated eastern cities 
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was replicated in numerous cities across the U.S.

PART I: HISTORIC OVERVIEW OF TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION
PREVIOUS MODELS OF ADOPTION
THE ORPHAN TRAIN 



112  |  COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  

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UV[�^P[OV\[�P[Z�JYP[PJPZTZ��4HU`�JOPSKYLU�^OV�QV\YUL`LK�VU�[OL�6YWOHU�
Trains were impoverished Irish and Italian immigrants departing from 
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were mostly Catholic were placed into Protestant homes across the 
Midwest (McGowan, 2010). Not only were these children displaced 
MYVT�[OLPY�OVTLZ�PU[V�HU�LU]PYVUTLU[�^P[O�KPɈLYLU[�YLSPNPV\Z�ILSPLMZ��
but many experienced socioeconomic challenges, severe abuse, and 
overwhelming pressures of assimilation (Graham & Gray, 1995). While 
some shared fond memories, many described intense isolation and 
bewilderment (Graham & Gray, 1995). It is also worth noting that Irish 
HUK�0[HSPHU�(TLYPJHUZ�^LYL�YHJPHSPaLK�HZ�UVU�^OP[L�\U[PS�[OL�LHYS`�� ��Z�
(Luconi, 2021). Irish and Italian children were forced to assimilate to 
unfamiliar families and culture, and experienced a power imbalance 
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[OH[�ZLUKPUN�JOPSKYLU�VU�[OL�6YWOHU�;YHPU�^HZ�ZPTPSHY�[V�MVYJPUN�`V\[O�
into indentured servitude (Gray & Graham, 1995). They also note that 
the families that received the children did not provide the means for 
the children to grow in their own religious faith, causing further cultural 
disruption (McGowan, 2010). This criticism continues to be echoed in 
contemporary accounts of trauma within the private adoption industry 
(Roberts, 2020). 

SLAVERY AND JIM CROW LAWS

While Italians and Irish people were regarded as non-white in the age 
VM�[OL�6YWOHU�;YHPU��)SHJR�HUK�0UKPNLUV\Z�JOPSKYLU�L_WLYPLUJLK�L]LU�
greater forms of abuse, isolation, and displacement. For Black people, 
the history of transracial adoption can be traced to slavery. Since the 
forced arrival of Black people into this country, Black children have 
Z`Z[LTH[PJHSS`�ILLU�ZLWHYH[LK�MYVT�[OLPY�WHYLU[Z�MVY�[OL�ILULÄ[�VM�^OP[L�
enslavers. Black children living amidst the horrors of enslavement were 
viewed as chattel and often cared for by kinship networks rather than 
their biological parents (McGowan, 2010). Hundreds of thousands of 
Black children were separated from their biological parents or orphaned 
by the practices of slavery. Though the number of free Black people in 
northeastern cities greatly increased in the late 1800s, Black children 

TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION AS OPPRESSION



COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  |   113   

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to explicitly serve Black children. Black children were instead cared 
for informally by other members of their community. It is important to 
understand this historical context of forced separation as we continue to 
discuss transracial adoption and its impact on Black people.

Jim Crow laws and racism prevented the transracial placement of 
Black children until the late 1960s. After the Jim Crow era, transracial 
HKVW[PVU�L_WHUKLK�ZPNUPÄJHU[S �̀�^P[O�)SHJR�JOPSKYLU�THRPUN�\W�H�THQVY�
contingent of adoptees in the 1970s. The number of Black children in 
white homes increased so much that in 1972, the National Association 
of Black Social Workers (NABSW) released a statement warning that 
transracial adoption would prevent Black children from developing 
a “total sense of themselves” and “sound projection of their future” 
(National Association of Black Social Workers, 1972, p.1). As a result, 
many policies allowing transracial placement of Black children were 
YL]LYZLK�\U[PS��  ���^OLU�[OL�4\S[PL[OUPJ�7SHJLTLU[�(J[�^HZ�WHZZLK�
(Barn, 2013; Quadagno, 1996).

NATIVE AMERICAN BOARDING SCHOOLS AND THE INDIAN 
ADOPTION PROJECT

Indigenous persons have been victims of genocide, forced 
displacement, and family disruption since the creation of what is now 
known as the United States. However, it was not until the 1860s that 
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Indigenous children were abducted by government workers and forced 
to attend residential schools whose primary function was to forcibly 
assimilate the children through “killing the Indian” (Gram, 2016; Bombay 
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white families, often without notifying the child’s family or tribe. These 
H[YVJP[PLZ�JH\ZLK�SHZ[PUN��ZPNUPÄJHU[�OHYT!�YLZPKLU[PHS�ZJOVVS�H[[LUKHUJL�
has been linked to increased substance use and mental health problems 
for both survivors and their descendants (Kawamoto, 2001).

From 1959 to 1967, the United States Children’s Bureau worked with 
the Child Welfare League of America to increase the number of children 
available to be adopted through the creation of the Indian Adoption 

ANISA JOY LEONARD



114  |  COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  

Project (Engel, 2012). Due to an increase in demand by white couples 
without children and decreased numbers of white infants in need of 
adoption, the Bureau and the Child Welfare League worked to satisfy 
the needs of white couples by removing roughly 700 Indigenous children 
from their homes and placing them into the homes of white parents 
YLHK`�[V�HKVW[��,UNLS���������;OV\NO�[OL�WYVNYHT�VɉJPHSS`�LUKLK�
in 1967, the prevalence of placing Indigenous children transracially 
continued for almost another decade. Unfortunately, records of 
adoptions during this time period confound the exact number of 
children, so the total number of children displaced may never be known 
(Engel, 2012). The Indian Adoption Project aimed to facilitate transracial 
placements of Indigenous children during a time when same-race 
placements were considered general practice. 

6M�[OL�JHZLZ�KVJ\TLU[LK�PU�� ���[OYV\NO�� � ��[OL�(ZZVJPH[PVU�VU�
(TLYPJHU�0UKPHU�(ɈHPYZ�MV\UK�[OH[�ULHYS`�H�[OPYK�VM�0UKPNLUV\Z�JOPSKYLU�
^LYL�ZLWHYH[LK�MYVT�[OLPY�MHTPSPLZ��-\Y[OLYTVYL�� ���VM�[OLZL�JOPSKYLU�
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coupled with political action from the American Indian Movement, led 
to the 1978 passing of the Indian Child Welfare Act (Barn, 2013; Engel, 
2012). The Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) provided an avenue for tribes 
to actively engage in the cases of Indigenous children to “protect the 
best interest and promote the stability and security of Indian tribes” 
(Indian Child Welfare Act, 1978). This legislation ensures the livelihood of 
Indigenous tribes and traditions by creating protections for Indigenous 
children and legally obligating caseworkers to notify and involve the 
child’s parents and tribe in court proceedings. 

CURRENT MODELS OF ADOPTION

In some respects, the landscape of transracial adoption in 2022 has 
changed since the models proposed in the previous section. The 
6YWOHU�;YHPU��[OL�0UKPHU�)VHYKPUN�:JOVVSZ��HUK�[OL�0UKPHU�(KVW[PVU�
Project have been largely replaced by the foster care system and the 
private adoption industry. In the 21st century, international adoptions 
(especially from East Asia) have also become prominent (Budiman & 
3VWLa���������/V^L]LY��[OL�V]LYHSS�K`UHTPJ�VM�MVYJLK�KPZWSHJLTLU[�

TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION AS OPPRESSION



COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  |   115   

and assimilation continues to the present day and historic cycles of 
harm continue to be replicated in the present. The following section will 
discuss contemporary forms of adoption and draw parallels between the 
harms committed in both current and past models. 

THE SYSTEM

The child welfare system is responsible for promoting and preserving 
the wellbeing of children (Roberts, 2020). While each state has its own 
W\ISPJ�HNLUJPLZ��[OLZL�HNLUJPLZ�VM[LU�WHY[ULY�^P[O�WYP]H[L�VYNHUPaH[PVUZ�
to provide services to children and their families. Central to the system 
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educators, coaches, medical professionals, and others who work with 
children to report to their state any suspected instances of child abuse 
or neglect (Harris & Hackett, 2008; Fluke et al., 2003). Reports are then 
investigated by social service personnel who may develop safety plans 
for the children. Safety plans may involve minimal interventions, such as 
the provision of services, or potentially drastic interventions, including 
the removal of the child (Hill, 2006). While in modern times, a stronger 
LTWOHZPZ�PZ�WSHJLK�\WVU�YL\UPÄJH[PVU��WVSPJPLZ�SPRL�[OL�(KVW[PVU�HUK�
:HML�-HTPSPLZ�(J[�THRL�YL\UPÄJH[PVU�JOHSSLUNPUN�I`�WYV]PKPUN�ÄUHUJPHS�
bonuses to state agencies for placing children into adoptive homes 
(Cilia, 2021). Due to its past record of separating families, the child 
welfare system has been referred to as the “family regulation system” by 
civil rights activist Dorothy Roberts, who advocates for the abolition of 
the child welfare system entirely (Roberts, 2020).

DEMOGRAPHICS OF THE FOSTER CARE SYSTEM

6M�[OVZL�PU�MVZ[LY�JHYL��[^V�WLYJLU[�HYL�(TLYPJHU�0UKPHU�(SHZRHU�5H[P]L��
VUL�WLYJLU[�HYL�(ZPHU������HYL�)SHJR�VY�(MYPJHU�(TLYPJHU��HUK�����HYL�
Hispanic (Children’s Bureau, 2020). These racial ethnic groups make up 
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(United States Census Bureau, 2021). These proportions are similarly 
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children who were adopted with public agency involvement in the 
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V]LY�����VM�[OL�<UP[LK�:[H[LZ�WVW\SH[PVU��*OPSKYLU»Z�)\YLH\���������

ANISA JOY LEONARD



116  |  COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  

6M�JOPSKYLU�HKVW[LK�MYVT�MVZ[LY�JHYL�SHZ[�`LHY������^LYL�[YHUZYHJPHS�
HKVW[PVUZ��H�����PUJYLHZL�ZPUJL�������(ZZPZ[HU[�:LJYL[HY`�MVY�7SHUUPUN�
and Intervention, 2020). 

Racially skewed participation rates in the foster care system can at 
least partially be attributed to biased investigation into accusations of 
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�/HJRL[������"�+L[[SHɈ�L[�HS����������
Latinx families, and to an even greater extent Black families, are more 
likely to be investigated than their white counterparts (Hill, 2006; Fluke 
et al., 2003). Even when comparing only children who have experienced 
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removed from their homes than their white counterparts (Hill, 2006). 
Harris and Hacket (2008) discuss how subjectivity in the assessment 
of cases creates opportunities for racial bias, ultimately impacting case 
outcomes in nearly every interaction within the family regulation system. 

By the early 1990s, the number of African-American and Indigenous 
JOPSKYLU�PU�MVZ[LY�JHYL�NYLH[S`�PUJYLHZLK��<S[PTH[LS �̀�PU��  ���K\L�
to the large number of children in need of care and shifting racial 
ideologies, the Multiethnic Placement Act (MEPA) was passed. 
After much contested debate from stakeholders in all racial ethnic 
groups, especially the NABSW, MEPA was passed to facilitate the 
timely placement of children removed from their homes (Barn, 2013; 
Quadagno, 1996). The Act prohibits agencies from refusing placements 
due to the race, nationality and ethnicity of either the child or the 
prospective parents.

IMPACT OF FOSTER CARE SYSTEM 

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foster care agencies are unable to assess prospective white parents’ 
cultural and racial responsiveness. While MEPA only applies to foster 
care agencies, the convention of colorblind adoption spread to other 
institutions. Private adoption agencies, social workers, and other 
professionals are hesitant to discuss the implications of forming mixed-
race families with white prospective parents because the practice 
depends on the continued recruitment of prospective parents. As a 
result, “keeping white parents comfortable becomes a priority”  
(Raleigh, 2018).

TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION AS OPPRESSION



COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  |   117   

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children of color raised by white families has and continues to be 
highly contested (Barn, 2013; Quadagno, 1996). Some scholars of 
adoption argue that “children, whenever possible, should be placed 
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>OLU�Z\JO�WSHJLTLU[Z�HYL�UV[�WVZZPISL��IP�J\S[\YHSPZT�VɈLYZ�HU�
HS[LYUH[P]L�HWWYVHJO�[V�YHJPHS�L[OUPJ�ZVJPHSPaH[PVU��)P�J\S[\YHSPZT��PU�
which the culture(s) of adopted children are integrated into the adoptive 
household, leads to the development of ecological competence 
both in white and non-white environments for the non-white child. 
Similarly, Deberry et al. (2003) found that transracial adoptees whose 
adoptive parents fostered connection to their birth culture had better 
psychological adjustment and positive experiences regarding the 
process of developing their racial and ethnic identities.

Though white adoptive parents have begun to shift away from 
LTWOHZPaPUN�HZZPTPSH[PVU�HUK�JVSVYISPUKULZZ��PUZ[LHK�HJRUV^SLKNPUN�
the importance of racial identity formation, there is still much to be 
concerned about (Barn, 2013; Lee, 2003). Adoption is a fundamentally 
traumatic experience. Verrier (1993) stated that separation has a 
detrimental impact on adoptees’ relationships throughout their lives. 
Adoptees are also four times more likely to attempt to take their life than 
their non-adopted counterparts (Keyes et al., 2013). Possible suicide 
risk factors impacting adoptees include mental illness, substance use, 
trauma experienced by biological parents, trauma experienced by the 
adoptee early in their life, and decreased sense of belonging (Keyes et 
al., 2013). A decreased sense of belonging contributes to depression 
and increases the risk of suicide (Fisher et al., 2015).

Adoption has a long history of shame and secrecy, and transracial 
adoption is the most visible form of adoption (Lee, 2003). Transracial 
adoptees face many challenges in regards to racial identity formation, 
HUK�THU`�Z[Y\NNSL�[V�ÄUK�ILSVUNPUN��(UK\QV���  ���MV\UK�H�KPYLJ[�
JVYYLSH[PVU�IL[^LLU�[OL�HKVW[LL�Z�WVZP[P]L�ZLUZL�VM�ZLSM�HUK�[OL�LɈVY[Z�
[OLPY�HKVW[P]L�WHYLU[Z�[VVR�[V�MHJPSP[H[L�ZVJPHSPaH[PVU�^P[O�PUKP]PK\HSZ�
from the adoptee's own racial or ethnic group. Deberry et al. (1996) 
found a positive correlation between connection to birth culture and 

ANISA JOY LEONARD



118  |  COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  

psychological wellbeing when studying African-American transracial 
adoptees. Similarly, Yoon (2000) found that in Korean-born adoptees, 
parental support of the adoptee’s racial ethnic identity development 
predicted more positive psychological adjustment of the adoptee. 
9LJLU[�Z[\KPLZ�]HSPKH[L�[OLZL�ÄUKPUNZ��HZ�4VU[NVTLY`�HUK�1VYKHU�
(2018) found in their systematic research synthesis. Ultimately, racial-
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to navigate racial discrimination, and encourage building relationships 
with one’s birth culture are linked to healthy adoptee outcomes 
(Montgomery & Jordan, 2018). It is this understanding of the nature 
of adoption that underscores the importance of the third mandate of 
MEPA.

;OL�[OPYK�HUK�ÄUHS�THUKH[L�VM�4,7(�YLX\PYLZ�HNLUJPLZ�[V�YLJY\P[�YHJPHSS`�
KP]LYZL�WYVZWLJ[P]L�WHYLU[Z��YLÅLJ[PUN�[OL�KLTVNYHWOPJZ�VM�JOPSKYLU�
in care (Barn, 2013; Quadagno, 1996). In order to become licensed 
care providers, prospective parents must have strong references 
and must meet standards regarding income, health status, and legal 
history (Raleigh, 2018). As the NABSW pointed out several decades 
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incarceration, coupled with fears of surveillance and outright racial 
discrimination from agencies, continue to deter or prevent Black and 
0UKPNLUV\Z�7LYZVUZ�VM�*VSVY��)076*��MYVT�ILJVTPUN�MVYTHS�MVZ[LY�
or adoptive parents (National Association of Black Social Workers, 
1972; Woodward, 2016). Despite this, informal kinship networks within 
JVTT\UP[PLZ��HZ�HU�HS[LYUH[P]L�[V�[YHUZYHJPHS�HKVW[PVU��JVU[PU\L�[V�VɈLY�
transracially adopted children a means to mature and be cared for within 
their own cultural contexts (McGowen, 2010). 

PT II: PARALLELS BETWEEN PAST AND PRESENT MODELS

Despite changes to the way transracial adoption is implemented, the 
historic harms of the adoption process continue to be perpetuated. 
Transracial adoption today serves as an institution that continues the 
MVYJLK�HZZPTPSH[PVU�HUK�J\S[\YHS�NLUVJPKL�VM�THYNPUHSPaLK�NYV\WZ��HZ�P[�
severs all legal and cultural ties children may have to their birth families 
and culture. The following section will draw connections between the 
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TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION AS OPPRESSION



COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  |   119   

MEETING PARENTS’ INTERESTS

The core purpose of adoption should be to provide displaced children 
with safe and loving homes. Yet, adoption historically and currently has 
ILLU�W\ISPJPaLK�HZ�H�^H`�MVY�WV[LU[PHS�WHYLU[Z�[V�ILULÄ[��-VY�L_HTWSL��
during Midwest labor shortages in the 1860s, adoption was advertised 
HZ�H�^H`�MVY�MHTPSPLZ�[V�HJX\PYL�HKKP[PVUHS�HZZPZ[HUJL�VU�[OLPY�MHYTZ�
(Graham & Gray, 1995). Adoption has always been advertised as a way 
for parents to have children, without always encouraging understanding 
of the traumatic circumstances that led to children experiencing 
separation from their birth families.

6UL�TVKLYU�KL]LSVWTLU[�PU�[OPZ�YLNHYK�PZ�[OL�,]HUNLSPJHS�6YWOHU�
Care Movement, which started in 2000. This movement is rooted in 
the New Testament passage James 1:7, which advocates for adoption 
HZ�[OL�KP]PULS`�THUKH[LK�ZVS\[PVU�[V�[OL�NSVIHS�	6YWOHU�*YPZPZ�	�@L[�
ironically, out of the eight million children currently living in orphanages, 
P[�PZ�LZ[PTH[LK�[OH[� ���OH]L�H[�SLHZ[�VUL�SP]PUN�WHYLU[��=HU�+VVYL��
�������;OLYL�HYL�JVUZPKLYHISL�[OLVSVNPJHS�JYP[PX\LZ�VM�[OPZ�]PL �̂�WLYOHWZ�
TVZ[�ZPNUPÄJHU[S`�[OH[�PU�JVU[YHZ[�[V�[OL�SLNHS�HKVW[PVU�Z`Z[LT�PU�
the United States, in Biblical narratives of adoption, the adoptee's 
biological connection to their lineage is maintained (Smolin, 2012). 
Regardless, the evangelical movement’s impact has been undeniable 
HUK�[OL�*OYPZ[PHU�(SSPHUJL�MVY�6YWOHUZ��^OPJO�WHY[ULYZ�^P[O�V]LY�
[^V�O\UKYLK�VYNHUPaH[PVUZ��YLWVY[LK�MHJPSP[H[PUN�HUK�PTWHJ[PUN�[OL�
formation of “foster, adoption and orphan care ministries” at over 800 
JO\YJOLZ�PU�������*OYPZ[PHU�(SSPHUJL�MVY�6YWOHUZ���������<UMVY[\UH[LS �̀�
[OL�TV]LTLU[�HZ�H�^OVSL�OHZ�MHPSLK�[V�JYP[PX\L�[OL�JVLYJPVU�HUK�
JVTTVKPÄJH[PVU�WYLZLU[�^P[OPU�[OL�MVZ[LY�HUK�HKVW[PVU�PUK\Z[Y �̀�
instead clinging to a narrative that purports the legal and cultural 
cultural separation of children from their biological families to be “God’s 
plan” for the creation of their own families (Smolin, 2012). This mindset 
betrays the fundamental purpose of adoption: to provide displaced 
children with safe, permanent homes.

COERCION 

+\YPUN�[OL�6YWOHU�;YHPU�LYH��IPVSVNPJHS�TV[OLYZ�^LYL�WYLZZ\YLK�VY�

ANISA JOY LEONARD



120  |  COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  

forced into giving up their children (McGowan, 2010). Today, similar 
experiences of coercion can be found in the stories of birth mothers 
considering the private adoption industry. Coercion can take the form 
of withholding information or resources, as well as subtle or explicit 
pressure to make a certain choice. This coercion can come from 
individuals within the pregnant person's personal life, or from service 
WYV]PKLYZ�Z\JO�HZ�ZVJPHS�^VYRLYZ��*HZ[SL���������0U�YLJLU[�`LHYZ��[OLYL�
has been a growing number of claims and sensational headlines 
HZZLY[PUN�[OH[�IPY[O�TV[OLYZ�PU�[OL�<UP[LK�:[H[LZ�^OV�YLJLP]LK�ÄUHUJPHS�
support during their pregnancies from prospective adoptive parents felt 
[OL`�OHK�[V�NV�[OYV\NO�^P[O�YLSPUX\PZOTLU[�HNHPUZ[�[OLPY�^PZOLZ��9VV[��
2021). Some mothers in closed adoptions also express regret that 
[OL`�VUS`�SLHYULK�[OL�M\SS�SLNHS�YHTPÄJH[PVUZ�VM�YLSPUX\PZOTLU[�HM[LY�[OL�
WYVJLK\YL�OHK�ILLU�ÄUHSPaLK��>LSSLY�
�/VZLR���������:PTPSHY�Z[VYPLZ�JHU�
be found around the globe, where medical bills or fraud may be used to 
JVLYJL�TV[OLYZ�PU[V�NP]PUN�\W�[OLPY�JOPSKYLU��.YHɈ���������;OPZ�JVLYJPVU��
similar to that experienced by impoverished parents whose children 
^LYL�ZLU[�VU�6YWOHU�;YHPUZ��PZ�HSS�[VV�JVTTVU�

COMMODIFICATION 

To this day, Black children remain the cheapest children to adopt, as 
^LSS�HZ�[OL�TVZ[�HI\UKHU[�PU�[OL�MVZ[LY�JHYL�Z`Z[LT��8\PYVa������"�
Woodward, 2016). Surveys of white parents indicate hesitation to adopt 
Black children, as some view the divide between Black and white too 
vast. In response, white parents have opted to domestically adopt 
“multicultural” children or to adopt non-white children from Asia or 
South and Central America (Sweeney, 2013; Woodward, 2016). Kubo 
(2010) suggested that adoptive parents may view adoption of foreign 
children as “baggage free,” and that their foreignness allows adoptive 
parents to incorrectly perceive them as raceless and thus closer to 
whiteness (p. 269). White adoptive parents desiring children who are 
WYV_PTHS�[V�^OP[LULZZ�PZ�IV[O�H�WLYWL[\H[PVU�HUK�H�JVUZLX\LUJL�VM�H�
racial hierarchy that posits Blackness at the bottom (Sweeney, 2013). 
Numerous adoption agencies even list percentages of the child’s racial 
and ethnic makeup to pander to a growing preference for multiracial 
children, in the process clearly distinguishing multiracial from Black 
�:^LLUL �̀�����"�>VVK^HYK���������:\JO�SPZ[PUNZ�HUK�ÄUHUJPHS�PUJLU[P]LZ�

TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION AS OPPRESSION



COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  |   121   

not only commodify children in a manner eerily similar to the auction 
ISVJR��I\[�[OL`�HSZV�WYV]PKL�H�JVUJYL[L�]PZ\HSPaH[PVU�VM�JVU[PU\LK�YHJPHS�
KPZWHYP[PLZ�KPZYLNHYKPUN�[OH[�HSS�TLU�HYL�JYLH[LK�LX\HS��HUK�PSS\Z[YH[L�OV^�
the domestic and international adoption system caters to white interests 
(Raleigh, 2012).

 International transracial adoptive placements grew in popularity 
after the Vietnam War, during which U.S imperialism led not only to 
^PKLZWYLHK�KLZ[HIPSPaH[PVU�I\[�HSZV�[OL�VYWOHUPUN�VM�U\TLYV\Z�JOPSKYLU�
who were to eventually become international transracial adoptees 
(Barn, 2013). Widespread adoption of Asian-born children, alongside 
the civil rights movement, shifted societal views of what families could 
look like. Concurrently, domestic adoptions involving Indigenous and 
African-American Black children began to become more commonplace 
(Lee, 2003). Despite mixed-race families becoming more common, there 
remains a strong demand among prospective adoptive parents for white 
infants (Woodward, 2016). Since unmarried motherhood has become 
more socially acceptable in the United States, the amount of adoptable 
white babies has dramatically decreased and prospective parents 
seeking infants continue to turn abroad to adopt (International Adoption 
Rate in U.S. Doubled in the 1990s, 2003). However, international 
adoptions have been declining in the last ten years, due in part to 
concerns about the ethics of the practice, including the creation of 
“paper orphans,” children forcibly taken and sold to orphanages in order 
to satisfy demand for babies (Van Doore, 2016). 

PT. III RECOMMENDATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE 

As families are formed and are constantly changing, so too must 
our rhetoric and practices regarding transracial adoption change. To 
start, within social work education there must be explicit recognition 
VM�[OL�ÄLSK�Z�OPZ[VYPJ�HUK�JVU[PU\LK�JVTWSPJP[`�PU�HUK�WLYWL[\H[PVU�VM�
the oppression of children and families of color through surveillance, 
JVTTVKPÄJH[PVU��MVYJLK�KPZWSHJLTLU[�HUK�YLTV]HS��HUK�MHPS\YL�[V�
JVUZPKLY�[OL�ZVJPV�LTV[PVUHS�YHTPÄJH[PVUZ�VM�[YHUZYHJPHS�WSHJLTLU[�
�+L[[SHɈ�L[�HS����������-VY�MHY�[VV�SVUN��[OL�Z\IQLJ[P]L�IPHZLZ�VM�
service providers have impacted the experiences of families of color 
coming into contact with the family regulation system, leading to 

ANISA JOY LEONARD



122  |  COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  

disproportionate removals and devaluing the importance of biological 
human relationships, thus disregarding social work core values (Harris 
& Hackett, 2008). Social workers must work to unlearn and unpack 
their biases as well as to critically interrogate their role in the adoption 
process, from the removal of children to placement.

Much has been written about the lack of culturally competent services 
available to parents of color struggling with substance use or mental 
health problems. Many scholars have touted family preservation 
services as a means to decrease the amount of children in need of out 
of home care (Harris & Hackett, 2008). Unfortunately, service providers 
OH]L�MHPSLK�[V�LTWV^LY�HUK�LX\PW�)076*�MVSRZ�[V�JHYL�MVY�TLTILYZ�VM�
their own communities in need. In fact, many have done the opposite, 
JH\ZPUN�OHYT�HUK�HK]LYZL�LɈLJ[Z�[V�[OLZL�JVTT\UP[PLZ��9VILY[Z��
�������6UL�T\Z[�IL�JVNUPaHU[�VM�[OL�MHJ[�[OH[�[OL�JHYJLYHS�Z\Y]LPSSHU[�
nature of the family regulation system poses a real threat to the safety 
VM�HSS�)076*�MVSRZ�^OV�JVTL�PU�JVU[HJ[�^P[O�P[��L]LU�WYVZWLJ[P]L�MVZ[LY�
or adoptive parents. The fact of the matter is that there remains a 
ZPNUPÄJHU[�U\TILY�VM�)076*�JOPSKYLU�PU�ULLK�VM�JHYL��+L[[SHɈ�L[�HS���
2020). Social workers and other service providers should then work not 
VUS`�[V�M\SÄSS�[OL�[OPYK�THUKH[L�VM�4,7(��I\[�HSZV�[V�^VYR�[V�LSPTPUH[L�
the previously named racial barriers through abolition of the prison 
industrial system and major economic overhaul through the expansion 
VM�ZHML[`�UL[Z��+L[[SHɈ�L[�HS����������

In regards to placement, social workers must reject colorblindness and 
attitudes of racial ambivalence which act as a form of violent erasure 
(American Psychological Association, 2017). Instead, social workers 
ZOV\SK�HJRUV^SLKNL�[OL�HK]LYZL�LɈLJ[Z�VM�[YHUZYHJPHS�WSHJLTLU[�VU�
racial ethnic identity formation. When transracial placements do occur, 
ZVJPHS�^VYRLYZ�OH]L�H�K\[`�[V�LX\PW�^OP[L�WHYLU[Z�[V�TVYL�LɈLJ[P]LS`�
adopt attitudes of biculturalism and underscore the importance of active 
anti-racist and trauma-informed parenting. Social workers, as current 
IYVRLYZ�VM�WSHJLTLU[Z�HUK�HKVW[PVUZ��HYL�\UPX\LS`�WVZP[PVULK�[V�OLSW�
white parents deconstruct attitudes of white saviorism and unlearn racist 
behaviors (Raleigh, 2018). Transracially placed and adopted children are 
not responsible for their white parents’ education. Transracially placed 
adopted children, like all children, are deserving of safety and security. 

TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION AS OPPRESSION



COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  |   123   

Social workers are often held as “experts'' in the child welfare and 
HKVW[PVU�ÄLSK�I`�[OL�NLULYHS�W\ISPJ��/V^L]LY��[OL�WYVMLZZPVU�Z�YLSPHUJL�
on academia can lead to discounting the true experts of adoption: 
adoptees. This is not to ignore the vital impact of abolitionist scholars 
such as Roberts in the discourse regarding child-welfare and transracial 
WSHJLTLU[Z��UVY�[V�PNUVYL�[OL�V\[JVTLZ�VM�HK]VJHJ`�MYVT�VYNHUPaH[PVUZ�
like the upEND Movement that seek to abolish the family regulation 
system, but rather to say that the common narrative around transracial 
HKVW[PVU�T\Z[�IL�ZOHWLK�ÄYZ[�HUK�MVYLTVZ[�I`�[OVZL�^OV�OH]L�
L_WLYPLUJLK�[YHUZYHJPHS�HKVW[PVU��+L[[SHɈ�L[�HS�������"�9VILY[Z���������
Social workers must actively look outside the ivory tower, and elevate 
the voices and wisdom of transracial adoptees themselves.

 The lived experiences of adoptees have long served as sources of 
entertainment; however these popular narratives tend to focus on the 
NVVK�MLLSPUN�WHY[Z�VM�HKVW[PVU�HUK�ZLSKVT�PZ�JYP[PX\L�NP]LU�[V�[OL�
circumstances leading to initial separations (McKee, 2019). Similarly, 
adoptees themselves must constantly mitigate and negotiate their own 
understanding of their lived experiences and origins, due to a lack of 
information regarding their own histories (McKee, 2019; Wills, 2015). 
However, through the creation of self0narratives, such as life-writings—
that is, the recordings of memories and experiences—adoptees can 
¸KL�LZZLU[PHSPaL�[Y\[O�JSHPTZ�¹�^OPJO�PZ�ULJLZZHY`�MVY�ULNV[PH[PUN�[OLPY�
understanding of self in the absence of factual knowledge of their 
origins (Wills, 2015). The creation of Zines, a form of participatory media, 
can also facilitate development of personal and collective agency and 
deepen identity formation. A recent example is You Are Holding This, an 
¸HIVSP[PVUPZ[�aPUL�MVY�HUK�I`�HKVW[LK�HUK�MVZ[LYLK�WLVWSL¹��4HY[PU������"�
Artes et al., 2021). 

In addition to reclaiming narratives for themselves through the written 
word and artistic expression, adoptees also have taken to social 
media platforms to express their feelings and seek belonging and 
community. Adoptees can be found speaking out under hashtags such 
as #adopteevoices and #adopteevisibility. Suh (2021) found Korean 
adoptees used Instagram to refocus adoption narratives on their own 
agency, as well as to reclaim that agency for themselves. The same can 

ANISA JOY LEONARD



124  |  COLUMBIA SOCIAL WORK REVIEW, VOL. XIX  

be said for transracial adoptees of other races, especially after years 
of intense racial justice movements in response to anti-Black police 
violence and anti-immigrant rhetoric, as evidenced in viral articles in 
SLHKPUN�<�:��UL^ZWHWLYZ��/H[aPWHUHNVZ��������

CONCLUSION

Children of color end up in white families in numerous ways: placement 
through a private domestic adoption agency, adoption out of foster care, 
or adoption internationally. In each case, adoption is trauma (Verrier, 
1993). Understanding the impact of adoption trauma and focusing on 
the survivors of this trauma–-adoptees—is crucial to reshaping and 
KLJVSVUPaPUN�[OL�UHYYH[P]LZ�VM�[YHUZYHJPHS�HKVW[PVU��(Z�SVUN�HZ�HKVW[PVU�
remains a multimillion dollar industry driven by predominantly white 
couples of higher socioeconomic status and impacted by foreign and 
domestic policies, the practice of transracial adoption is impossible to 
separate from cultural genocide, forced assimilation, and imperialism 
(Raleigh, 2018; Lee, 2003). Transracial adoption must be understood as 
a continuation of historical modes of oppression.

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TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION AS OPPRESSION



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