








































Is This the Care We Need? An Examination of Childcare Policy in Pennsylvania


COMMONWEALTH, Volume 19, Issue 2 (2017). © 2017 The Pennsylvania Political Science Association.  
ISSN 2469-7672 (online). http://dx.doi.org/10.15367/com.v19i2.153. All rights reserved.

Is This the Care We Need?

An Examination of Childcare Policy in Pennsylvania

JENNIE SWEET-CUSHMAN
Chatham University

ASHLEY HARDEN
Chatham University

For many families across Pennsylvania, child care is an ever-present concern. 
Since the 1970s, when Richard Nixon vetoed a national childcare program, child 
care has received little time in the policy spotlight. Instead, funding for child 
care in the United States now comes from a mixture of federal, state, and local 
programs that do not help all families. This article explores childcare options 
available to families in the state of Pennsylvania and highlights gaps in the cur-
rent system. Specifically, we examine the state of child care available to families 
in the Commonwealth in terms of quality, accessibility, flexibility, and afford-
ability. We also incorporate survey data from a nonrepresentative sample of reg-
istered Pennsylvania voters conducted by the Pennsylvania Center for Women 
and Politics. As these results support the need for improvements in the current 
childcare system, we discuss recommendations for the future.

For working families with young children, child care is an ever-present 
concern. Parents need quality care that meets the needs of their chil-
dren, accommodates their work schedules, and is safe and reasonably 

priced. Finding care that meets these criteria may be difficult and can be a 
significant burden on a family. This report outlines the state of this challenge 
for families in Pennsylvania. It examines the status of quality childcare access 
in the state, the challenges that exist, and the policies in place at all levels of 



28 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

government. Furthermore, this report includes some insight, from a nonrep-
resentative sample of registered voters, into how Pennsylvanians assess the 
government’s role in ensuring quality, affordable child care and offers respon-
sible policy suggestions for improving care options for Pennsylvania’s families.

Of course, the challenge of accessing child care is not limited to Pennsyl-
vania. Families in every corner of the United States are in search of accept-
able childcare options, which are becoming more difficult to find as the gap 
between costs and what families can reasonably afford widens. Childcare costs 
for one child can range from $344 a month in rural South Carolina to $1,472 
in Washington, DC (Cooke and Gould 2015). In fact, just one year of child 
care, averaging $10,000 in 2013, can exceed the cost of a year of in-state college 
tuition (The White House 2015). This is true in 33 states and the District of 
Columbia, with infant care costs exceeding the cost of in-state college tuition 
at public 4-year institutions (Cooke and Gould 2015). In Pennsylvania in 2014, 
center-based infant care cost an average of $10,470 a year and $7,943 a year in 
home-based care (Legislative Budget and Finance Committee 2015). For one 
four-year-old child, parents pay an average of $8,727 a year for center-based 
care, and $7,128 for home-based care (Legislative Budget and Finance Com-
mittee 2015). According to the national childcare resource Child Care Aware of 
America, in Pennsylvania the cost for a married couple with children averages 
almost 14% of the median income. For single mothers, the financial burden 
is particularly high, absorbing up to 40% of their annual income (Child Care 
Aware of America 2014). In addition, 40% greatly exceeds the U.S. Department 
of Health and Human Services recommendation of a 10% affordability thresh-
old for child care (Cooke and Gould 2015). In fact, according to a report cre-
ated by the Economic Policy Institute (EPI), in only a handful of the EPI’s 618 
family budget regions are childcare costs near the recommended 10% thresh-
old (Cooke and Gould 2015). This is a major financial consideration for most 
families, and especially impacts low-income and single family households.

Pennsylvania ranks 22nd for least-affordable infant care1 and 20th for 
least-affordable care of four-year-olds (Child Care Aware of America 2014).2 
Arguably, this major concern for parents has received minor public policy 
attention, and a complex web of public policy prescriptions at the national, 
state, and local levels offers only a weak network of support for parents who 
need help finding and affording care.

Why Child Care Matters

Studies have shown that learning begins at birth, and during the first few years 
of life a child undergoes growth in cognitive skills, social skills, emotional 
skills, and patterns of engagement in school and learning (Florida’s Office of 



Is This the Care We Need? 29

Early Learning 2012; ZERO TO THREE: National Center for Infants, Tod-
dlers and Families 2014; Morin 2014). Early years are remarkably important; 
by four years of age, a child’s brain is usually 90% developed (Winter 2010). 
High-quality child care is linked to school readiness, physical well-being, 
motor development, social and emotional development, and cognitive and 
language development (Brown 2002).3 Furthermore, children who receive 
quality child care exhibit benefits in all stages of childhood and into adult-
hood. In elementary school, these children have improved math and language 
ability, fewer behavioral problems, fewer cognitive and social issues, and are 
less likely to have to repeat a grade (Reynolds et al. 2001; Schweinhart et al. 
2005; Peisner-Feinbert and Yazejian 2004).

As children age, those who participated in preschool are more likely to 
graduate from high school and less likely to enter a juvenile detention pro-
gram (Reynolds et al. 2001). As adults, these children are less likely to commit 
a crime or felony, less likely to rely on social assistance programs, and more 
likely to be employed in a high-skilled job (Schweinhart et al. 2005). Quality 
child care has also been linked to increased intellectual and language test 
performance, and higher median annual earnings (Schweinhart et al. 2005). 
On the other hand, studies have found that children who have experienced 
poor-quality child care may lack academic interest, adequate school skills, and 
exhibit heightened aggression (Helburn and Howes 1996).

Child care matters not only to parents and their children but (as it should) 
to U.S. businesses as well. In the United States, businesses lose “$3 billion 
annually due to employee absenteeism as a result of childcare breakdowns” 
(Child Care Aware of America 2015). In a six-month timeframe, 45% of par-
ents miss at least one day of work due to a failure of childcare plans. Addi-
tionally, 65% of parents reported having to make adjustments to their work 
schedules due to the challenges of child care (Child Action n.d.). In 2014, 
problems related to child care prevented 6.2% of families from spending more 
time at work (RegionTrack Inc. 2015). Many parents have few options but to 
stay home when a child is sick or schools are closed. This situation also pre-
sents challenges for employers. In a 1992 survey, nearly 30% of workers knew 
employees who quit their jobs due to inadequate child care (Economic Oppor-
tunity Institute n.d.). The ability to retain employees is important to compa-
nies and affects their bottom line (Abbasi and Hollman 2000). Yet, when a 
company has to hire and train a new employee it costs them 150% of a salaried 
employee’s annual pay and 75% of an hourly employee’s annual salary (Child 
Action n.d.). Visible costs of replacing an employee include things such as 
recruitment, hiring, and orientation, while hidden costs include things such 
as disruption of work flow, vacancy until the job is filled, and disruption of 
customer relations (Abbasi and Hollman 2000).



30 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

Research conducted by the Families and Work Institute, found that 
employers find substantial benefits of childcare programs (Department of 
Treasury n.d.). In a survey of more than 1,100 companies, more than two-
thirds of respondents reported that the costs of childcare programs are 
outweighed by the benefits, or that the programs are at least cost-neutral 
(Department of Treasury n.d.).

The availability of quality child care provides both short- and long-term 
economic benefits. In the short term, an increase in childcare centers has the 
potential to provide jobs and, in turn, allow employees to spend wages and 
pay taxes. Centers also purchase goods and services, and company spon-
sored childcare centers enable employers to attract and retain employees and 
increase productivity (Calman and Tarr-Whelan 2005). In the long term, the 
benefits children receive from quality child care cause the economy to experi-
ence a boost due to the lowered cost for remedial and special education ser-
vices, more school completion and increased skills, better job preparedness 
and ability to meet future labor demands, higher incomes and tax payments, 
lower criminal justice costs, and fewer welfare payments (Calman and Tarr-
Whelan 2005). In Pennsylvania, a report using Impact Analysis for Planning 
(IMPLAN), an economic modeling system often used to analyze economic 
impact, looked at how the childcare industry impacts the state. IMPLAN 
revealed that, in Pennsylvania, each additional dollar that is invested in early 
child care and education contributes $2.06 to the state’s economy. Thus, while 
providing access to quality child care for children within Pennsylvania4 would 
require $2.2 billion in investment, the investment would yield $2.4 billion in 
additional sales in Pennsylvania’s economy. The $2.2 billion price tag would 
also generate 75,000 jobs, an estimated 17,000 of which would be found in 
other economic sectors (America’s Edge 2011).

Policy: An Inadequate Patchwork

But these investments receive little serious consideration in either the pub-
lic or private sector, leaving families to rely on a weak and often inadequate 
system of public and private solutions. In 1971, there was much promise as 
the United States seemed to be moving toward universal child care when the 
Comprehensive Child Development Act was proposed. This legislation would 
have mandated that childcare programs be available to all children regardless 
of race, economic status, and family background (Cohen 1996). While the 
act passed through Congress, President Richard Nixon vetoed it, and there 
have been no subsequent serious attempts at providing universal child care. 
Instead, funding for child care now comes from a mixture of federal, state, 
and local programs.



Is This the Care We Need? 31

Federal

At the federal level, existing programs are typically implemented at the state 
and/or local level and combine financial resources as well. These programs 
include the Childcare and Development Block Grant (part of the Childcare 
and Development Fund),5 Head Start and Early Head Start, Childcare Means 
Parents in School Program (CCAMPIS),6 Child and Dependent Care Credit 
(CDCC),7 and Childcare Works.8 The Childcare and Development Fund pro-
vides subsidies to assist low-income families in paying for child care. Parents 
are provided either a slot at a contracted care provider or a voucher that can be 
used at any provider that meets state requirements (National Center for Chil-
dren in Poverty 2014). States have some flexibility in setting income eligibility 
requirements and parental co-payment fees (Assistant Secretary for Planning 
and Evaluation 2015), though requirements include a maximum income eli-
gibility limit of 85% of the state median income (National Center for Children 
in Poverty 2014). In Pennsylvania, as of 2013 for a family of three, the 85% 
threshold equates to $4,675 a month or less (Office of Child Care n.d.).9 As 
of September 2015, 92,800 children in Pennsylvania were being served under 
this program (Child Care State Systems Specialist Network 2015). The federal 
expenditure under this program was $339 million, while the state’s contribu-
tion was $97 million (Childcare State Systems Specialist Network 2015). The 
Childcare and Development Block Grant is used as a supplement for state 
funds for childcare assistance (FederalGrantsWire 2015).

Both the federal Head Start and Early Head Start programs promote 
school readiness in young children from low-income families. They focus on 
five domains, including language and literacy, cognitive and general knowl-
edge, approaches to learning, physical development and health, and social 
and emotional development (Early Childhood Learning and Knowledge Cen-
ter 2015). Head Start is administered by the U.S. Department of Health and 
Human Services; however, the $7.2 billion in federal funding is filtered to 
states to implement these programs (Head Start 2014). Despite ever-present 
need, Pennsylvania received 14.9% less federal funding for the Head Start and 
Early Head Start programs in 2015, and 26.5% fewer children were served 
(Head Start 2014; Child Care State Systems Specialist Network 2015).

The Childcare Access Means Parents in School (CCAMPIS) program pro-
vides child care for low-income parents who are also eligible for the higher 
education Federal Pell Grant (U.S. Department of Education 2014). The funds 
help support campus-based child care for primarily low-income students 
enrolled in institutions of higher learning (U.S. Department of Education 
2014). In 2014, $15 million was allocated for CCAMPIS grants (U.S. Depart-
ment of Education 2014). Three grant recipients were located in Pennsylvania: 



32 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

Northampton County Area Community College, Pennsylvania College of 
Technology, and Slippery Rock University of Pennsylvania (Childcare Access 
Means Parents in School Program 2014).

Childcare Works also allows states to combine federal funding with their 
own contribution (Department of Human Services 2015). In Pennsylvania, 
the program supports residents who require care in order to work at least 20 
hours a week or participate in an education program (Department of Human 
Services 2015). Income qualifications stipulate that a family’s income must 
be 200% or less of the Federal Poverty Income Guidelines (Department of 
Human Services 2015). For a family of three in Pennsylvania, this equates to 
less than $40,320 annually (Families USA 2016). In 2008, Pennsylvania was 
allocated $1.8 million in federal funding to help remove children from their 
Childcare Works waiting list, but the waiting list continues to grow (Pennsyl-
vania Office of Child Development and Early Learning 2009). In 2014, Child-
care Works served approximately 160,000 children in Pennsylvania, only 22% 
of those who qualified (Legislative Budget and Finance Committee 2015). The 
programs described offer some insight into how difficult it can be for families 
to understand what program they qualify for because the federal programs 
have different income requirements and are funded in different ways.

Federal employees are also eligible to receive affordable child care at 
the Academy for Early Learning, which is managed by the General Services 
Administration (Academy for Early Learning 2015). For civilian workers, this 
child care is paid for by the Childcare Subsidy Program, while for military 
personnel, funding is provided by the Army Fee Assistance program (Acad-
emy for Early Learning 2015).

Finally, the federal government also uses tax credits to help families in 
the form of the Child and Dependent Care Credit. To qualify for this credit, 
an individual must have paid someone to care for their child in the last year, 
the child must be 12 or younger, and the care must have been provided so 
you could work or look for work. The credit may be up to 35% of the qualify-
ing expenses depending on adjusted gross income (Internal Revenue Service 
2011). In 2012, more than 228,000 Pennsylvanians claimed this credit on their 
federal income taxes, which amounted to $121 million in tax credits (Legisla-
tive Budget and Finance Committee 2015).

State

At the state level, Pennsylvania enables several unique child programs, though 
in many cases the state pulls from federal funds not otherwise earmarked 



Is This the Care We Need? 33

for the programs described above. Governor Tom Wolf ’s 2015–2016 budget,10 
proposed $35 million in federal funds to be invested in childcare programs, 
including $18 million for providing childcare assistance (Wolf 2015).

The state is primarily responsible for regulating care quality. In Pennsyl-
vania, the Keystone STARS program measures the quality of Pennsylvania’s 
childcare facilities on a scale of one to four stars. Keystone STARS was created 
as an initiative of the state’s Office of Child Development and Early Learning 
(Pennsylvania Early Learning 2009). The program measures staff education, 
learning environment, leadership management, and family and community 
partnerships. The program is voluntary for providers, but can allow families 
to measure quality of the care they use or seek (Pennsylvania Department of 
Human Services n.d.). As of March 2011, 978 programs in Pennsylvania had 
a top Keystone STARS rating of 3 or 4—a 10% increase from 2010 (Keystone 
STARS 2011). However, only 20% of participants in the Childcare Works pro-
gram, for instance, received care at a highest-rated provider (Pennsylvania 
Partnerships for Children 2013).

Pennsylvania also created the program Pre-K Counts,11 which is a pub-
lic-private partnership designed to help expand high-quality child care for 
three- and four-year-olds (PSEA Education Services Division 2008). With a 
combination of both public tax dollars and support from prominent Pennsyl-
vania foundations, Pre-K Counts offers free, high-quality pre-kindergarten 
that is available for either full- or half-day classes. Income eligibility is more 
inclusive than many other programs, as a child’s family must be under 300% 
of the federal poverty level, or be a language-minority, or demonstrate cul-
tural or special needs (PSEA Education Services Division 2008). The program 
is state funded through grants, with Pennsylvania allocating $82.8 million to 
fund the program in 2012–2013 (Pre-K for PA 2014). The program has over 
300 childhood programs and many school districts currently participating 
(PSEA Education Services Division 2008).

Pre-K Counts appears to be quite successful. For instance, a 2010–2011 
evaluation of the program indicated that nearly every child (99%) showed 
age-appropriate or emerging age-appropriate language, math, and social 
skills after their time in the program (Pennsylvania Pre-K Counts 2011). 
Unfortunately though, in 2010–2011 the program served only 11,500 chil-
dren in 62 counties, representing only 4% of the preschoolers in the Com-
monwealth. More than 4,500 children were on the wait list for the program 
(Pennsylvania Pre-K Counts 2011). Students on the wait list are eligible 
for assistance but, because of limited funding, are admitted only as spaces 
become available.



34 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

Local

At the local level, many different types of unique programs vary by county, 
and even municipality, within the state. This variation creates substantial dis-
parities in access to affordable child care and childcare assistance throughout 
the state and there is no comprehensive approach to how, to whom, or where 
these programs do exist. Many of these programs are initiated and run by 
nonprofit organizations and have a variety of funding sources—including 
grants from federal and state funding sources that are not a part of other 
federal and state childcare programs.

In Pittsburgh, for instance, one local program is Angels’ Place: A Place 
to Grow. This nonprofit organization provides single, low-income full-time 
students with free child care and family support programs to help them com-
plete their education (Angels’ Place 2012). The child care provided is flexible, 
Monday–Friday, year round, and is provided for children between birth to five 
years. In 2013–2014, 71 parents participated and 91 children benefited from 
the program. Angels’ Place (2012) reports 86% of the participating children 
obtained age-appropriate skill levels or higher. Furthermore, Pittsburgh Pub-
lic Schools Early Childhood Education Department provides children birth 
to five years with a flexible program that is funded through a combination of 
government funding sources (Pittsburgh Public Schools n.d.). For income-
eligible families there is no cost, and for families whose income is 300% or 
more than the poverty level there is a fee-for-service model (Pittsburgh Public 
Schools n.d.). If there is more interest in one site than spots available, a lottery 
is held and the remaining children are placed on a wait list (Pittsburgh Public 
Schools n.d.).

The YMCA in both Pittsburgh and Philadelphia also provide child care 
using an income-based scale. For instance, in Philadelphia, rates usually fall 
between $208 and $235 a week (Philadelphia Freedom Valley YMCA 2015). 
The YMCA programs are funded by a combination of charitable contribu-
tions, membership dues, program dues, and fundraising. The nonprofit’s 
program at the Roxborough Center has earned a 4-STAR rating and is also 
a Pre-K Counts site (Philadelphia Freedom Valley YMCA 2015). In Philadel-
phia, the School District of Philadelphia also directly provides preschool to 
more than 9,500 children through its Bright Futures program (combined with 
a federal Head Start Program) (School District of Philadelphia n.d.).

A sprinkling of other programs is available throughout other counties, 
including the Childcare Scholarship Fund in Butler County, the Commu-
nity Action Program (CAP) Childcare Center and Lancaster Early Education 
Center, the West Chester Area Day Care Center, the Elizabethtown Childcare 



Is This the Care We Need? 35

Center, and the Cambria County Child Development Corporation program. 
The Childcare Scholarship Fund in Butler County administers aid for low-
income families and aims to provide 50 families an average of 58 days of care 
(United Way of Butler County 2015). In Lancaster, the CAP Childcare Cen-
ter provides full-time care, for which families pay using their CCIS subsidy 
plus a daily $5–$25 co-pay (Community Action Program of Lancaster County 
2015). Costs at the Lancaster Early Education Center are subsidized in part by 
donations, private contributions, and fundraising activities (Lancaster Early 
Education Center n.d.).

The West Chester Area Day Care Center is a nonprofit program that does 
not impose caps on how many children on subsidies can enter the program 
and offers scholarships for families in financial crisis. The program has a 
STAR 3 rating and is funded by state and county subsidies, private fees, the 
United Way and Food Program Grant, and parent co-pay (West Chester Area 
Day Care Center 2015). The Elizabethtown Childcare Center provides care 
for infants to school age children up to fifth grade. The center is a nonprofit 
organization that is funded through community and corporate donations as 
well as fundraising. Tuition assistance is provided on a sliding fee scale based 
on income (Elizabethtown Childcare Center n.d.). In Cambria County, the 
Child Development Corporation Program of Cambria provides before and 
after school care for infants, toddlers, and preschoolers for $20 per week for 
five hours of care plus $4 an hour per child past 5 hours. The program is 
funded by the Pennsylvania Department of Education and the 21st Century 
Community Learning Centers Grant (Cambria County Child Development 
Corporation 2013).

These are just some examples of local Pennsylvania programs that offer 
child care to moderate and low-income families. Other options can include 
having a friend or family member care for the child or receiving noncenter 
care in a private home. A parent can also remain home with the child, though 
for financial reasons, this option is not available to many. Yet while a range of 
local, state, and federal childcare options are available, a number of obstacles 
may hinder a parent’s ability to use them, as described below.

Status of Care in Pennsylvania: Challenges

Many challenges stand in the way of obtaining quality care in Pennsylvania. 
The patchwork of care that is currently available is far from systematically 
covering all families. Some options are unaffordable for many families. Qual-
ity of programs varies significantly and may be hard to assess, since childcare 
programs are not required to participate in the Pennsylvania Keystone STARS 



36 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

program. Families also face issues with accessibility; more children need care 
than there are available spaces. Furthermore, parents who work nontradi-
tional schedules must face a lack of programs offering more flexible hours. 
These challenges, discussed in the next section, stand in the way of providing 
quality child care for all of Pennsylvania’s children.

Affordability

Despite the importance of early child care for development, current programs 
are not keeping up with the need. Low-income and single-parent homes are 
especially affected, with many parents unable to afford the child care they 
need. These families, already at or close to the poverty level, are not guaran-
teed government assistance.

In 2012, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported that over 10 million peo-
ple were considered to be among the “working poor” (BLS Reports 2014). In 
Pennsylvania, more than a quarter of children under six and almost 18% of 
older children live below the poverty line. However, due to a lack of federal 
funding, in 2011, only 17% of the estimated 14.3 million children who would 
qualify for federal childcare assistance received it, with assistance in 2013 at 
its lowest levels since 1997 (National Women’s Law Center 2015a).

In terms of specific programs, in 2015, estimates suggest that Head 
Start, which provides care and education for low-income children under 
the age of five, reached only half of eligible children, while the Early Head 
Start program reached only 5% of the eligible infants and toddlers nation-
ally (National Women’s Law Center 2015a). Nationally, the Childcare and 
Development Fund served only an estimated 12%–15% of eligible children in 
recent years (Administration for Children and Families 2000). Out of children 
who received funding in 2011, most funding went toward younger children 
(Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation 2011). Demand far exceeds 
the available support in Pennsylvania, as well; with limited funds and lengthy 
waitlists, programs cannot support every needy child. Instead, only some of 
the neediest receive care, and the rest often slip through the cracks.

Quality

Even when families can afford care, a lack of quality childcare facilities poses 
a challenge. One Cost, Quality, and Child Outcomes study focused on child 
care across four states, including California, Colorado, Connecticut, and 
North Carolina (Helburn and Howes 1996). Examining 401 childcare centers, 
researchers found that 86% of the centers provided mediocre or poor-quality 



Is This the Care We Need? 37

services, while only 14% of centers met levels of process quality high enough 
to support the emotional development of children.

But studies like this reveal little about the unregulated environments 
where an abundance of children receive care. In Pennsylvania, when care is 
provided in the home to three or fewer children, it is left up to the parents to 
monitor the child care provided, and quality varies. In those settings that are 
regulated, very few meet Pennsylvania’s Keystone STARS12 requirements for 
four-star facilities.

For Pennsylvania, the most recent process quality study was conducted in 
2006 using the Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale, Revised (ECERS-
R) and Family Day Care Rating Scale (FDCRS) (Pennsylvania Office of Child 
Development 2006). The study looked at 356 childcare centers, 81 group 
homes, and 135 family childcare homes (Pennsylvania Office of Child Devel-
opment 2006). The ECERS-R measured program quality using seven sub-
scales including things such as program structure, activities, and personal 
care routines (Pennsylvania Office of Child Development 2006), whereas the 
FDCRS measured the quality of family childcare programs using seven sub-
scales including things such as basic care, adult needs, and social development 
(Pennsylvania Office of Child Development 2006). Quality of child care in 
Pennsylvania has increased over time, primarily due to participation in the 
STARS program (Pennsylvania Office of Child Development 2006). Com-
pared to the previous study, conducted in 2002, in 2006, family and group 
practitioners rated higher in quality according to the FDCRS, and childcare 
centers rated higher according to the ECERS (Pennsylvania Office of Child 
Development 2006). Moreover, facilities rated as 2 STARS or higher were rated 
significantly higher in quality than they were in 2002 (Pennsylvania Office of 
Child Development 2006).

Nonetheless, provider standards are mandated and enforced by the state, 
and each year many childcare facilities are found in violation of standards. 
For group childcare homes and childcare centers inspections occur when a 
facility first opens and annually after that. Every year, 15% of family childcare 
homes are randomly selected for inspection (Pennsylvania’s Promise 2016). 
Some recent violations included broken glass found in play areas, unfenced 
pools, and leaking ceilings (Parks 2015).

The rating system and monitoring does not appear to help Pennsylvania’s 
national reputation on child care. The National Institute for Early Education 
(NIEER) measures the quality of pre-k programs across the country using cri-
teria such as early learning standards, teacher qualifications, and class sizes. 
NIEER gave Pennsylvania a seven out of 10 quality score for providing merely 
10% of three-year-olds and 2% of four-year-olds quality pre-kindergarten 



38 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

education (Pre-K for PA 2014). This places Pennsylvania behind states such 
as Oklahoma which provided 14% of three-year-olds and 87% of four-year-
olds pre-k through Head Start, and the District of Columbia, which served 
96% of three-year-olds and 100% of four-year-olds pre-k (Pre-K for PA 2014). 
In another area, licensing inspection, Pennsylvania was ranked 14th in the 
nation, on the basis of factors of oversight and regulation (NACCRRA 2016).

Accessibility

Even when families are eligible for childcare subsidies, they are not guaran-
teed assistance. In 2014, 18 states had either waiting lists or were no longer 
accepting names even for the waitlist for assistance. In some states, families 
are placed on a waiting list for quite some time with lists in some states reach-
ing into the thousands (National Women’s Law Center 2015b).

As of February 2014, 2,651 children were on the wait list for childcare 
assistance in Pennsylvania (Schulman and Blank 2014). Families are told that 
wait times can vary, and are usually at least several months or longer. As of 
January 2015, it was estimated that those eligible in Pennsylvania would wait 
at least four months for Childcare Works funding. This delay could pose sig-
nificant challenges to families whose members need to maintain jobs or go to 
school in the meantime. Also, some programs allow applications before babies 
are even born, though there is no guarantee a spot is available when the baby 
is born. Furthermore, while prices do become more affordable as children 
get older, almost 30% of children in Pennsylvania six years and older live in a 
one-parent working household and nearly 40% live in a two-parent working 
household (Child Care State Systems Specialist Network 2015), a majority of 
which require some before and/or afterschool and summer care. Generally, 
the need for assistance far outweighs the availability of assistance available.

Nontraditional Schedules

Another problem that families face is lack of child care for nontraditional 
schedules. Families of all incomes work nights or weekends, rather than a typ-
ical nine-to-five schedule. As many as one-third of working-poor mothers and 
more than one-quarter of working-class mothers work on weekends (Hofferth 
1996),13 and half of working-poor parents work a rotating schedule, poten-
tially requiring them to work weekends. Despite this, only 10% of centers and 
6% of family day-care homes provide weekend care (Vandell and Wolfe n.d.). 
While studies have mostly focused on those of lower income, nontraditional 
schedules can impact any family with young children. In addition, working 



Is This the Care We Need? 39

overtime may not be an option for families who have to juggle child care and 
work, placing a further financial disadvantage on families.

Public Opinion on Child Care

While public opinion is notoriously subject to change, public policy can be 
much slower to change—which has clearly been the case in the realm of child 
care (Cassese and Barnes unpublished). Americans have consistently sup-
ported greater federal and state assistance for child care. In a national study 
of 1,500 voters conducted by EDK Associates, the majority of voters expressed 
support for public financing of child care, while six in 10 voters expressed 
support for a significant proposal meant to make quality child care afford-
able, and 67% favored a more limited package (Klein n.d.). A 2000 poll by the 
Opinion Research Corporation International found that 68% of respondents 
rated “providing access to after school programs and early childhood develop-
ment programs like Head Start as a higher priority than cutting taxes” (Syl-
vester n.d.). In 2002, 80% of Washington State voters agreed that tax dollars 
should be used to support early learning programs for children, while 76% 
favored providing funds for all-day kindergarten accessible by all children, 
and 75% supported funds for high quality preschool for all three- to four-year-
olds (Economic Opportunity Institute 2002). As these large majorities sug-
gest, support for developing public policy to improve early learning cut across 
income, age, geography, party affiliation, and gender (Economic Opportunity 
Institute 2002).

In 2010, Child Care Aware conducted multiple national surveys hoping 
to better understand what parents needed and wanted out of their childcare 
options. The organization found that parents’ top two concerns were qual-
ity of child care (38%) and cost (20%) (National Association of Childcare 
Resource and Referral Agencies 2011). Furthermore, 73% of all parents sup-
ported paying $10 more in taxes a year to improve childcare quality, and 65% 
supported paying $10 more in taxes a year to reduce the cost of child care 
(National Association of Childcare Resource and Referral Agencies 2011). 
Emphasizing how crucial child care is to working families, 31% of respondents 
in another survey rated affordable child care as the most important factor 
affecting families (National Association of Childcare Resource and Referral 
Agencies 2010). Of significant concern were the 20% of parents who reported 
using their savings to pay for child care and the 10% who reported either 
removing their children from a formal arrangement, moving closer to rela-
tives, or moving their children to a care center of lesser quality in order to save 
money (National Association of Childcare Resource and Referral Agencies 



40 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

2010). Those parents who are earning low incomes were more likely to say that 
they changed childcare arrangements due to not being able to pay (35%) and 
were more likely to support the use of federal funds to reduce the cost of child 
care (59%) (National Association of Childcare Resource and Referral Agencies 
2010). Last, a 2015 Washington Post report found that 37% of mothers rated 
their cost of child care as very expensive (Washington Post 2015). Parents were 
also asked to rate how easy or difficult it was to find child care in their area 
that was both affordable and high quality. In this case, mothers rated finding 
child care as very difficult 28% of the time. When asked how satisfied parents 
were with the flexibility in their work schedule after their first child, only 56% 
of mothers were satisfied. Many parents even reported quitting their jobs or 
switching to a less demanding (and often lower paying) job in order to manage 
childcare concerns (Washington Post 2015).

These various reports demonstrate that the majority of people within the 
United States support increased federal and state funding for childcare pro-
grams. Moreover, women appear to be especially vulnerable to a lack of child 
care, quitting or changing their jobs to accommodate their children. Many 
households are willing to tolerate a small increase in taxes to help establish 
quality childcare facilities as well as making child care more affordable.

Pennsylvanian Attitudes on Childcare Issues

In 2015, the Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics commissioned a 
survey of voters in the state to examine how public opinion around issues of 
child care matched up with the patchwork of policies described above. We 
use this data to specifically examine whether voters’ preferences and per-
ceptions around issues of child care align with the provision of childcare 
policy in the state. The survey asked voters of the Commonwealth to report 
their impressions of childcare options available to Pennsylvania families—
revealing whether they see the options as adequate on measures of accessi-
bility, affordability, and safety. The survey also asked them to provide some 
feedback on what child care should look like in Pennsylvania. Should, for 
instance, families pay more or less than they currently do for care? What 
level of government should be most involved in providing care subsidies or 
regulations?

Using the 2014 Qualified Voter File of registered voters in Pennsylvania, 
2000 voters were randomly selected to receive a mail survey in June 2015 via 
the U.S. Postal Service. A follow-up postcard was also sent in early August 
2015 offering an online version of the survey. Eighty-six respondents returned 
their mail surveys, and five completed the online version, for a total response 



Is This the Care We Need? 41

rate of 4.5% (N = 91). While this response rate is low, it is not surprising (Dill-
man 2011). Americans have grown increasingly skeptical of “junk mail” and 
are accordingly less and less likely to complete mail surveys. Nonetheless, the 
small sample of respondents still provides a unique perspective of Pennsylva-
nians, albeit a nonrepresentative one. That said, to our knowledge these data 
are the only public opinion data of their kind that are specific to Pennsylvania.

Of the respondents, more than 90% described themselves as white, which 
is somewhat higher than the 2014 U.S. Census report that about 83% of Penn-
sylvanians are white (U.S. Census 2014). The average age was 55 years, with 
ages ranging from 21 to 85 years old. Likely due to the topic of the survey, 
a majority of the respondents were women (74%) and most had college or 
advanced degrees or had attended some college (82%). Most participants were 
either married or in a long-term committed relationship (65.9%). The mean 
household income was in the range of $30,000–$52,500. The sample skewed 
somewhat more Democrat (46% Democrat, 30% Republican, 24% indepen-
dent) (Pennsylvania Department of State 2014).

According to our survey data, voters are not necessarily opposed to child-
care policy manifesting in the form of the patchwork described here. Despite 
the limitations within the current system, a plurality of Pennsylvania survey 
respondents (36%) indicated that funding and regulation for programs should 
be the responsibility of multiple levels of government—potentially expressing 
approval for the current system of shared responsibility.

Of the survey respondents, 42% reported that they believe quality of child 
care in the Commonwealth is average or better. Partisan differences were also 
common on this measure, though many Republicans in the sample indicated 
that they either “didn’t know” or had “no opinion” of the quality of care avail-
able (see Table 1).

table 1. Survey respondent Perception of Quality, by Political affiliation

Quality

Poor
Below 
average average

above 
average excellent

Democrat 1  8 14  4 1

Independent 0  5  7  1 2

Republican 2  1  6  6 0

total % 4 14 27 11 4

Note: (1) As a consequence of “no response” and “don’t know” answers, percentages do not equal 
100%. (2) N = 91.

Source: Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics Child Care Survey 2015.



42 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

The survey data respondents did, however, seem to have other concerns 
similar to those reflected in national public opinion. In particular, respon-
dents with household incomes under $30,000/year were more likely to express 
concerns about affordability and funding of child care. Most respondents 
indicated that they view costs for child care in the state as being “average,” 
but Democrats and independents were more likely to express more concern 
about the cost of care (see Table 2).

It is also possible to see evidence of concerns around issues of flexibility 
and availability of care in the survey data. Very few respondents expressed 
that they thought access to or flexibility in options was “excellent,” and while 
most rated these criteria as “average,” notable minorities gave “below average” 
or worse ratings for both accessibility and flexibility (15% and 17%, respec-
tively). (See Tables 3 and 4.)

table 2. Survey respondent Perception of affordability, by Political affiliation

affordability

Poor
Below 
average average

above 
average excellent

Democrat 4 10 13 1 0

Independent 1  2 12 1 0

Republican 1  0 10 1 2

total % 6 12 35 4 2

Note: (1) As a consequence of “no response” and “don’t know” answers, percentages do not equal 
100%. (2) N = 91.

Source: Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics Child Care Survey 2015.

table 3. Survey respondent Perception of accessibility, by Political affiliation

accessibility

Poor
Below 
average average

above 
average excellent

Democrat 2  7 10 11 0

Independent 2  1 12  1 0

Republican 0  1  6  6 4

total % 5 10 27 18 4

Note: (1) As a consequence of “no response” and “don’t know” answers, percentages do not equal 
100%. (2) N = 91.

Source: Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics Child Care Survey 2015.



Is This the Care We Need? 43

Despite the seeming limitations of child care in Pennsylvania, survey par-
ticipants’ ratings of quality, affordability, f lexibility, and safety were mostly 
favorable. Most who felt they had enough knowledge to rate child care in these 
areas ranked the state’s options as being “average” on each of the above met-
rics. Furthermore, those with children, tended to offer better ratings, a per-
haps encouraging perspective. However, very few respondents viewed child 
care in the state as “excellent” on any measure.

Conclusion: Addressing Inadequacies

Despite legitimate concerns around policy and public opinion about policy 
highlighted in this report, few attempts have been made to change our cur-
rent system. At the state level, legislation has been consistently introduced, 
but with little success. A recent exception of incremental reform was HB1322 
in December 2015. Governor Tom Wolf signed into law the bipartisan spon-
sored bill, which addressed issues of potential fraud in subsidized care and 
upgraded state programming that provides child care for low-income parents 
seeking training or education.

While Pennsylvania seems slow to make changes, other states have had 
greater success. Florida, New York City, Vermont, and Washington, DC, pro-
vide free pre-kindergarten to all resident children (National Education Asso-
ciation n.d.). The programs vary in daily length of program, number of free 
hours provided, and in some cases provide after school care for older children. 
Each program incorporates a curriculum and quality requirements, making 
high-quality child care affordable to all.

Suffering from chronically poor education performance, Mississippi, in 
2013, introduced a new pre-k program to serve 15,000 children throughout 

table 4. Survey respondent Perception of Flexibility, by Political affiliation

Flexibility

Poor
Below 
average average

above 
average excellent

Democrat 2  8 12 4 0

Independent 1  2  8 0 2

Republican 0  2  4 5 0

total % 4 13 24 8 2

Note: (1) As a consequence of “no response” and “don’t know” answers, percentages do not equal 
100%. (2) N = 91.

Source: Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics Child Care Survey 2015.



44 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

the state. The legislation also established requirements for teachers to hold 
degrees in early childhood education, independent program evaluation and 
reporting, and implementation of an early childhood tax credit (Mississippi 
First n.d.). Colorado also extended their childcare assistance eligibility to par-
ents taking unpaid leave from work due to the birth of a child, and in 2014 
modified their Child Care Assistance program by capping co-payments for 
low-income families to no more than 1% of their income. Recognizing that 
some families with income too high to qualify for assistance may also struggle 
to afford care, the state also established a tiered co-pay structure to offset costs 
for families with financial need (Colorado Office of Early Childhood n.d.). In 
2015, California provided supplemental funding to qualifying California state 
preschool programs on the condition that they provide parenting education 
and staff development for teachers (California Legislative Information 2015). 
And, in Nebraska, eligible parents now receive up to 24 consecutive months 
of child care or until their family income exceeds 185% of the federal poverty 
level—even after they exceed the standard 140% cut off (National Women’s 
Law Center 2015b).

These examples name just a few ways states have attempted to manage 
issues around child care in their states. In sum, in the absence of a national 
childcare program, states have acted in varied ways to attempt to meet the 
needs of families. While other states have shown leadership on these issues, 
Pennsylvania has lagged behind, and with serious budget issues continuing to 
be the norm and large-scale acts of bipartisanship rare, child care is not likely 
to be addressed in any comprehensive way any time soon.

NOTES

Acknowledgment: This research was supported by research funds granted by the 
Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics.

1. For center-based care.
2. Also based on center-based care statistics.
3. Some studies argue that children who don’t obtain quality child care are able to 

catch up, in the later years, to their peers who do (Lipsey et al. 2015).
4. Children from birth to four years.
5. The grant was first established in 1990 and was reauthorized in November 2014.
6. Amendments made in 1998 to the Higher Education Act of 1965 authorized the 

Childcare Access Means Parents in School program. Funding began in 1999.
7. The child and dependent care credit was first created as a deduction in 1954. In 1976 

the deduction became a credit.
8. Also sometimes called Childcare Information Services, CCIS goes back to 1970 and 

moved into its own office in 1993. 
9. In 2013, if a family of three made 100% of the state median income for Pennsylva-

nia, it would make $5,500 monthly. At 85% it would make $4,675, and at less than 85% it 
would make $3,255.



Is This the Care We Need? 45

10. At this writing, this budget is still under consideration by the state legislature. The 
2015–2016 budget, due to severe revenue shortfall, not only added no additional funding, 
but required cuts to these programs. As of this writing, it appears another failed attempt 
at balancing the state budget will mean the same in 2017–2018.

11. Pennsylvania Pre-K Counts was established by Act 45 in 2007.
12. The Keystone STARS program was first piloted in 2002. 
13. Hofferth (1996) defines the working poor as individuals whose income was less 

than the poverty line, and she defined working-class individuals as those who had incomes 
that were above poverty level but less than $25,000. 

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www.butlerunitedway.org/child-care-scholarship-fund. Accessed March 1, 2016.

U.S. Census Bureau. 2014. “Quick Facts Pennsylvania.” Available at http://www.census 
.gov/quickfacts/table/PST045215/42#headnote-js-a. Accessed March 10, 2016.

U.S. Department of Education. 2014. “Child Care Access Means Parents in School Pro-
gram.” December 30. Available at http://www2.ed.gov/programs/campisp/index 
.html. Accessed February 24, 2016. 

Vandell, Deborah L., and Barbara Wolfe. N.d. “Child Care Quality: Does It Matter and 
Does It Need to Be Improved?” Available at https://www.purdue.edu/hhs/hdfs/fii/
wp-content/uploads/2015/07/s_wifis17c01.pdf. Accessed March 24, 2016.

Washington Post. 2015. “Washington Post Poll: How Moms and Dads See Child Care.” August 
6. Available at http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/washington 
-post-poll-how-moms-and-dads-see-child-care/2015/08/06/a7a06464-3712-11e5 
-9d0f-7865a67390ee_graphic.html. Accessed February 9, 2016.

West Chester Area Day Care Center. 2015. “About West Chester Area Day Care Center.” 
February. Available at http://www.wcadaycare.org/about.html. Accessed March 23, 
2016.

White House. 2015. “FACT SHEET: Helping All Working Families with Young Children 
Afford Child Care.” January 21. Available at https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press 
-office/2015/01/21/fact-sheet-helping-all-working-families-young-children-afford 
-child-care. Accessed February 17, 2016.

Winter, Pam. 2010. “Engaging Families in the Early Childhood Development Story.” 
March. Available at http://www.scseec.edu.au/site/DefaultSite/filesystem/documents/
Reports%20and%20publications/Publications/Early%20childhood%20education/
Engaging%20Families%20in%20the%20ECD%20Story-Neuroscience%20and%20
ECD.pdf. Accessed March 24, 2016.



50 Jennie Sweet-CuShman anD aShley harDen

Wolf, Tom. 2015. “Fiscal Year 2015–16 Executive Budget.” March 3. Available at http://
www.dhs.state.pa.us/cs/groups/webcontent/documents/document/c_152243.pdf. 
Accessed March 24, 2016.

ZERO TO THREE: National Center for Infants, Toddlers and Families. 2014. “Devel-
opmental Milestones from Birth to 3.” Available at http://www.zerotothree.org/ 
child-development/early-development/developmental-milestones-from.html? 
referrer=https://www.google.com/. Accessed February 3, 2016.

Jennie Sweet-Cushman is an assistant professor of political science and assistant director 
of the Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics at Chatham University. She earned her 
doctoral degree at Wayne State University. Her research focuses on women, politics, and 
public policy, with particular emphasis on political ambition and candidate emergence.

ashley harden is a recent graduate of the master of science in counseling psychology pro-
gram at Chatham University. As a graduate student, she worked as a research assistant for 
the Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics. She is currently an addictions counselor 
within the Allegheny County area. 


	Structure Bookmarks
	Why Child Care Matters
	Policy: An Inadequate Patchwork
	Status of Care in Pennsylvania: Challenges
	Public Opinion on Child Care
	Conclusion: Addressing Inadequacies




