Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France? Examining the Predilections of Native Women and Immigrant Women from Asia and Africa


Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France? 
Examining the Predilections of Native Women and Immigrant 
Women from Asia and Africa

Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli

Abstract: This paper investigates gender preferences for offspring within the 
native French population and among immigrants from North Africa, Sub-Saharan 
Africa, Turkey and Vietnam-Cambodia-Laos in France by combining the Family and 
Housing Survey (2011) and the Trajectories and Origins Survey (2008). In so doing, it 
is the fi rst paper to examine the persistence (or lack thereof) of gender preferences 
among immigrants in France. This allows the fi ndings of the paper to serve as a tool 
for monitoring the immigrant integration process in the country. Using (multilevel) 
logistic regressions to examine transitions to second and third child births contingent 
upon gender of existing children and by migration status provides two main 
results. First, regarding evidence of gender preferences, the results show: mixed 
gender preferences and weak daughter preference among native French women 
when transitioning to the third parity; mixed gender preferences among second-
generation Turkish immigrant women when transitioning to the third parity; and 
a daughter preference for second-generation North African, Sub-Saharan African 
and Vietnamese-Laos-Cambodian immigrant women when transitioning to the third 
parity. Second, for the immigrant sample, these preferences emerge in the face of 
declining fertility, across subsequent generations of immigrants, and on average 
as a deviation from their country of origin gender preferences. This not only points 
to the malleability of gender preferences for offspring but also lends credence to 
both the selection and adaptation hypotheses in explaining immigrant integration 
in France. 

Keywords: Parental gender preferences · Immigrants · Migration status · Fertility 
decline · Transitions · Integration · Comparison

Comparative Population Studies
Vol. 46 (2021): 303-330 (Date of release: 03.08.2021)

Federal Institute for Population Research 2021 URL: www.comparativepopulationstudies.de
      DOI: https://doi.org/10.12765/CPoS-2021-11
      URN: urn:nbn:de:bib-cpos-2021-11en3
    



•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli304

1 Introduction 

France has a long history of immigration dating back to the early 19th century, 
with immigrants arriving from other European countries (Pison 2019). More recent 
waves of immigrants, i.e. after the Second World War, included non-European 
immigrants from North Africa and later Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia (Pison 2019). 
Consequently, the immigrant population in France has formed gradually over the 
years, over successive waves of immigration (Pison 2019). In 2015, immigrants 
formed approximately 12.3 percent of the French population (Pison 2019). As 
of 2017, immigrants born in Africa and Turkey comprised 65.2 percent of the 
immigrant population (of which 29.5 percent were Algerian, Moroccan and Tunisian 
immigrants) and second-generation immigrants comprised 48.1 percent of the 
immigrant population (of which 32.3 percent were second-generation Algerian, 
Moroccan and Tunisian immigrants) in France (INED 2020). 

The diversity in terms of country of origin of immigrants creates heterogeneity 
across fi rst-generation immigrants in different communities on social and economic 
fronts (Algan/Bisin/Verdier 2012). First-generation immigrants may also display 
signifi cant gaps vis-à-vis natives in terms of age at fi rst marriage, education, age 
gap between spouses and fertility rates (Algan/Bisin/Verdier 2012). This is especially 
true for non-European immigrants from more recent waves of immigration who 
come from high fertility countries with a strong emphasis on traditional family 
values, parent-child ties and religion (Pailhé 2017). Nevertheless, research has 
shown a rapid integration process between fi rst-generation and second-generation 
immigrants on almost all dimensions and for almost all groups of origin (Algan/
Bisin/Verdier 2012). 

Academic literature has analysed various facets of the immigrant integration 
processes in France for both fi rst-generation (e.g. Toulemon 2004) and second-
generation (e.g. Pailhé 2017; Dupray/Pailhé 2018) immigrants in order to provide 
a quantitative assessment of the cultural integration path (Algan/Landais/Senik 
2012). Nevertheless, one facet with the potential to provide crucial information on 
integration processes in France has largely been neglected to date, namely the 
possible existence of gender preferences among immigrants in France.

Given the persistence of gender preferences in North Africa (e.g. Arnold 1997), 
Turkey (e.g. Altindag 2016), Southeast Asia and possibly matrilineal and patrilineal 
societies of Sub-Saharan Africa (e.g. Rossi/Rouanet 2015), an examination of their 
existence among immigrants from these countries in France and a comparison of 
these preferences with those of the native French population is important for two 
reasons. First, gender preferences for offspring develop at the nexus of strong 
institutional, cultural and economic values. A change in gender preferences refl ects 
a fundamental alteration in these values based on the futility of formerly held 
gender preferences in favour of new preferences. A change in gender preferences 
to match those of the host population thereby refl ects the development of a value 
system similar to that of the native population, refl ecting simultaneous integration 
on multiple fronts. Second, the relationship between fertility decline and gender 
preferences cannot be ignored. As fertility declines, the expression of gender 



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 305

preferences in a population group increases as women have fewer birth parities 
within which to achieve the desired gender constellation of their offspring (Guilmoto 
2009). In France, the fertility of second-generation immigrants of various immigrant 
groups that exhibit gender preferences in their country of origin (e.g. North African, 
Sub-Saharan African, Southeast Asian; Kulu et al. 2017; Pailhé 2017) has converged 
to the level of the native French population.

Therefore, in order to fully understand the immigrant integration process, 
especially with regard to fertility, an examination of gender preferences is imperative 
to reveal how immigrants reconcile this lower fertility with the desired gender 
preferences for their offspring.

To this end, our paper combines data from the Trajectories and Origins Survey 
(2008) and the Family and Housing Survey (2011) to examine the existence of gender 
preference for offspring among native French women and immigrant women from 
North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, Turkey and Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia. In so doing, 
we seek to answer three research questions: (1) Do native French women exhibit 
gender preferences for offspring when transitioning to the second and/or third birth 
parity?; (2) Do immigrant women (in France) from North Africa1, Sub-Saharan Africa2, 
Turkey and Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia exhibit gender preferences for offspring when 
transitioning to the second and/or third birth parity, and how do these preferences 
(or lack thereof) compare with preferences in both the immigrant’s country of 
origin and in France (from 1)?; and (3) How do gender preferences for offspring 
among immigrants (in France) from North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, Turkey and 
Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia change across subsequent generations of immigrants? 
In addressing these research questions, we make two main contributions to the 
literature available on this subject. First, we use relatively recent data to determine 
the extent to which gender preferences for offspring in France exist, among both 
native and immigrant women. Second, as far as we are aware, we are the fi rst to 
examine the existence/persistence or development of gender preferences among 
immigrant communities in France, and thereby to use these preferences (or lack 
thereof) as a tool to navigate immigrant integration processes in the country.

Our paper is organised as follows: the next section provides the theoretical 
background alongside the research questions; Section 3 presents the data, analytical 
strategy and variables (dependent, explanatory and covariates); Sections 4 and 5 
provide the results and discussion, respectively; Section 6 contains the conclusion.

1 Includes: Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia.
2 Includes: Senegal, Mauritania, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, 

Ivory Coast, Niger, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Gabon, 
Congo, DR Congo, Equatorial Guinea.



•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli306

2 Theoretical background

2.1 Universal gender preferences 

Gender preferences for offspring are a continuously evolving global phenomenon. 
In developing and developed countries, even when parents show a predilection for 
a specifi c gender, both sons and daughters are usually desired for distinct reasons 
(Arnold/Kuo 1984; Hank 2007). In developing countries, sons may be valued for 
economic reasons (e.g. old age support, inheritance rights), continuing the family 
name and performing burial rites for parents (Arnold/Kuo 1984). Daughters may 
be desired for companionship, non-fi nancial care-giving and desirable personality 
traits (Arnold 1997). In developed countries, where economic motives are unlikely 
to be drivers of gender preferences, parents may perceive benefi ts derived from 
children in terms of expansion of self, affi liation, stimulation, accomplishment and 
social comparison to differ between sons and daughters (Hank 2007). Parents 
may exercise gender preferences by continuing to have children until the desired 
number of children of the preferred gender have been born or by using sex selection 
ultrasound technology to have an offspring of the preferred gender at the desired 
parity (Pison 2004).

Son preference is commonly observed across many countries in Asia, North 
Africa and the Caucasian region (Pison 2004; Guilmoto 2009; Duthé et al. 2012; 
Rossi/Rouanet 2015). Examples of countries where such preference is prominent 
include: China, India, Vietnam, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt, Morocco, 
Jordan, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia (Arnold 1997; Pison 2004; Duthé et al. 
2012; Guilmoto 2009; Fuse 2010). In some Asian countries, such as Cambodia, there 
is also a documented preference for daughters (Fuse 2010). In Sub-Saharan Africa, 
while no or mixed gender preferences prevail on average, weak son preference is 
dominant in patrilineal societies and daughter preference is common in the relatively 
few matrilineal societies (Rossi/Rouanet 2015).

Different permutations of gender preferences are also evident in Western 
countries. An analysis of 24 European countries shows that son preference is 
prominent in countries where gender equity is low and old age poverty is high 
(Mills/Begall 2010). Nevertheless, the majority of these countries show evidence 
of mixed gender preferences when transitioning to a third birth parity (Mills/Begall 
2010). Parental preference for a gender mix of children has also been documented 
in Austria, Belgium, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Slovenia, Spain, Switzerland, Australia, 
Canada, Denmark, United States and United Kingdom (Jacobsen et al. 1999; 
McDougall et al. 1999; Hank/Kohler 2000; Dahl et al. 2003; Gray/Evans 2005; Tian/
Morgan 2015).

Across all countries, modernisation resulting in a change in the societal gender 
system can be expected to equalise the value of sons and daughters in the long 
run, thereby producing indifference among couples with regard to the gender of 
their offspring (Pollard/Morgan 2002; Rossi/Rouanet 2015). A fl eeting period of 
gender indifference emerged in the United States in the 1980s and 1990s, only to 
be reversed in favour of a gender mix in the 2000s (Pollard/Morgan 2002; Tian/



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 307

Morgan 2015). On the other hand, recent evidence from Western countries has 
shown that modernisation, increased levels of female labour force participation 
and the sharing of family responsibilities within the household are leading to the 
emergence of a daughter preference (Miranda et al. 2018). From the 1980s onwards, 
mothers in Denmark, Norway and Sweden exhibited daughter preference at the 
third parity (Andersson et al. 2006; Saarela/Finnäs 2014). From 2000 onwards, 
daughter preference became stronger in Sweden with mothers exhibiting it from 
the second parity onwards (Miranda et al. 2018). Similarly, historically changing 
gender preferences in East and West Germany evolved into a preference for gender 
mix of children alongside a weak preference for daugters in unifi ed Germany in the 
2000s as a result of modernisation and policies of the welfare regime (Carol/Hank 
2020; Ezdi/Baş 2020). 

Gender preferences have been shown to be malleable in France as well. 
Retrospective fertility data from the 1962, 1975 and 1982 Family and Housing 
Surveys provides evidence for mixed gender preferences and weak son preference 
when transitioning to the third parity for births in the 1970s only (Desplanques 
1987). This is accompanied by the later Fertility and Family Survey (1994), providing 
evidence of no gender preferences among offspring in France (Hank/Kohler 2000). 
We use two relatively recent surveys (Trajectories and Origins Survey 2008 and 
Family and Housing Survey 2011) to examine whether native French women exhibit 
gender preferences for offspring when transitioning to the second and/or third birth 
parity.

2.2 Gender preferences and migration

The effect of immigration on gender preferences provides a unique opportunity to 
investigate the extent of cultural integration of immigrants, as it indicates the extent 
to which immigrants abandon the cultural and social norms of their country of origin 
in favour of those of the host country. Several hypotheses discuss the manner in 
which migration may shape the fertility behaviour of immigrants. The socialisation 
hypothesis assumes that individuals develop their fertility preferences during their 
childhood. Hence, immigrants’ fertility behaviour is similar to that of their country 
of origin (Kulu/Gonzalez-Ferrer 2014). The adaptation hypothesis, which hinges on 
re-socialisation, assumes that the current socio-cultural and economic environment 
of immigrants determines their fertility behaviour (Kulu/Gonzalez-Ferrer 2014). The 
selection hypothesis assumes that immigrants are a distinct group whose fertility 
preference and behaviour differ from their country of origin and resemble that 
of their host country (Kulu/Gonzalez Ferrer 2014). Transnationalism assumes that 
sustained connections to the country of origin enable immigrants to forge and 
sustain simultaneous multi-stranded social relations that link together their country 
of origin and host country (Afulani/Asunka 2015).

Some evidence points towards cultural adaptation of gender preferences in the 
fertility behaviour of immigrants. Tønnessen, Aalandslid, and Skjerpen (2013) fi nd 
that Indian-born women in Norway gave birth to more girls than boys at higher 
orders in the 2006-2012 period compared with the 1969-2005 period, with this 



•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli308

latter period witnessing a heavy concentration of male births at higher parities. 
Mussino, Miranda, and Ma (2018) fi nd a positive effect of gender egalitarian values 
and universal welfare on Chinese, South Korean, and Indian immigrants’ fertility 
preferences so that their sex ratios at birth (male/female) for the period 2000 to 2015 
were lower than their signifi cantly male-skewed sex ratios at birth for the period 
1980 to 1999.

The majority of literature, however, shows that immigrant preferences continue 
to refl ect the cultural norms in their country of origin. Asian immigrant populations 
originating from son-preferring countries (e.g. China, India, South Korea, and 
Pakistan), hosted in the United Kingdom, United States, Canada, Norway, Italy, 
Greece and Spain, have lower fertility than their counterparts in their country of 
origin and adopt son-preferring behaviour in a manner parallel to their country of 
origin (Dubuc/Coleman 2007; Abrevaya 2009; Gill/Mitra-Kahn 2009; Lillehagen/
Lyngstad 2018; Verrapoulu/Tsimbos 2010; Singh et al. 2010; Adamou et al. 2013; 
Almond et al. 2013; Gonzalez 2014; Ambrosetti et al. 2015). For Chinese, Indian, and 
South Korean immigrants, this implies the adoption of enabling technology in favour 
of sons at higher birth orders and a masculinised sex ratio at birth trajectory over 
time parallel to that of their home countries (Dubuc/Coleman 2007; Abrevaya 2009; 
Adamou et al. 2013; Almond et al. 2013). For Pakistani immigrants, this implies the 
adoption of the fertility-stopping rule until the fi nal birth parity to ensure the birth of 
at least one son (Almond et al. 2013).

Immigrants in France arrive from countries that display different types of gender 
preferences: e.g. son preferences in North Africa, Turkey and Vietnam (Arnold 
1997; Guilmoto 2009; Altindag 2016), an assortment of preferences (son/daughter/
mixed/none) in Sub-Saharan Africa (Rossi/Rouanet 2015); daughter preference in 
Cambodia (Fuse 2010). The manner in which these preferences are either retained 
or re-formulated may help obtain a multifaceted understanding of the integration 
process, especially as all immigrants do not solely come from son-preferring or 
daughter-preferring societies. To investigate this, we assess whether immigrant 
women (in France) from North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, Turkey and Vietnam-
Laos-Cambodia exhibit gender preferences for offspring when transitioning to the 
second and/or third parity, and how these preferences (or lack thereof) compare 
with preferences in both the immigrant’s country of origin and those of native 
women in France.

2.3 Fertility and gender preferences in France

With the exception of occasional spikes and dips, the total fertility rate (TFR) in 
France has remained roughly stable at approximately 1.84 per woman since 1975 
(Toulemon et al. 2008; Pison 2020). France thus has one of the highest fertility 
rates in Europe (Volant et al. 2019). This is largely a consequence of the country’s 
family policy which promotes fertility by reconciling pro-birth and family assistance 
objectives with work-family balance and female labour force participation (Toulemon 
et al. 2008). This has promoted a high level of fertility amongst working-age women, 
i.e. 30-40 years old (Toulemon et al. 2008). Hence, although the data shows that 



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 309

progression to fi rst births has declined since 1975, progression to subsequent 
parities (i.e. second, third, fourth) has not changed, implying that a decline in fi rst 
births does not lead to a decline in second births (Toulemon et al. 2008). A family of 
two to three children is the ideal completed family size in France, with most couples 
following the two child norm (Toulemon et al. 2008; Pailhé 2017). Until the early 
1990s, gender preferences for offspring appeared to be fl exible in France: having 
oscillated from no gender preferences, to mixed gender preferences accompanied 
by weak son preference, to no gender preferences (Desplanquess 1987; Hank/
Kohler 2000).

Although the fertility behaviour of the children of immigrants in France displays 
a tendency to converge with French norms, with children of immigrants mostly 
adopting the norm of having two children (Dupray/Pailhé 2018), substantial 
heterogeneity in this convergence is observable amongst groups of immigrants 
(Penn/Lambert 2002; Algan/Landais/Senik 2012). This highlights the multifaceted 
nature of integration between fi rst-generation and second-generation immigrants, 
which may be easier on some dimensions than others (Algan/Landais/Senik 2012). 
Women born in North Africa (Algerian, Moroccan and Tunisian) have the highest 
TFR of 3.5, whereas women born in Sub-Saharan Africa, Turkey and the rest of the 
world have an average of 3 children (Volant et al. 2019). 

North African respondents in France have signifi cantly higher fertility rates than 
those born in France or those who have acquired French citizenship (Penn/Lambert 
2002). Nevertheless, women of North African descent (i.e. second generation) 
display the greatest convergence with French fertility patterns, especially with 
regard to fi rst and second births (Pailhé 2017). A large proportion of these women 
have a fi rst child later than native French women, and proceed to have a second 
and third child (Dupray/Pailhé 2018; Pailhé 2017). Turkish immigrants in France have 
signifi cantly higher fi rst birth rates than other population subgroups and maintain 
a very high third birth risk (Kulu et al. 2017). Second-generation Turkish immigrants 
enter motherhood earlier and have higher fi rst, second and third birth risks than 
native French women, thereby indicating an adherence to their parents’ fertility 
preferences (Pailhé 2017). Sub-Saharan African immigrants of the fi rst generation 
have higher fertility than both the native French population and other immigrant 
subgroups in the country (Afulani/Asunka 2015). Second-generation Sub-Saharan 
African immigrants appear to adapt to the society of settlement, postpone fi rst and 
second births, and hence display fertility patterns similar to those of native French 
women (Afulani/Asunka 2015; Pailhé 2017). Second-generation Southeast Asian 
immigrant women in France deviate from the fertility patterns of their parents and 
converge with the French norm (Pailhé 2017). They postpone childbearing and have 
their fi rst child signifi cantly later than native French women but show no signifi cant 
difference with regard to the timing of second births (Pailhé 2017). Hence, with the 
exception of second-generation Turkish immigrant women who continue to adhere 
to their parents’ fertility preferences, second-generation descendants of North 
African, Sub-Saharan and Southeast Asian origin have a strong tendency to align 
with French standards. 



•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli310

Given the steep convergence in fertility behaviour amongst second-generation 
immigrants and the heterogeneity in these transitions between different generations 
of immigrants, we seek to analyse how gender preferences for offspring among 
immigrants (in France) from North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, Turkey and Vietnam-
Laos-Cambodia change across subsequent generations of immigrants.

3 Methodology 

3.1 Data 

We combine data from two nationally representative surveys in France: the Family 
and Housing Survey (2011); and the Trajectories and Origins Survey (2008). The 
Family and Housing Survey (2011) is a joint collaboration among the National 
Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE), the National Institute for 
Demographic Studies (INED), the Department for Research Evaluation and Statistics 
(DREES) and the National Family Allowance Fund (CNAF, CASD n.d.). It is based on 
a sample of 360,000 individuals aged 18 years or older residing in 400,000 private 
dwellings across metropolitan France. Key issues addressed by the survey include 
fertility, partnership information, family structuring and restructuring, child care, 
information on parents and grandchildren, geographical distribution of the family, 
multiple residences and civil solidarity pacts (INSEE 2020). Given these domains it 
allows fertility analysis to be performed by generation, socio-demographic origin 
or geographic origin, and is useful for the detailed investigation of distinct family 
situations and quantitative analysis of minority situations that are often inaccessible 
in large surveys (CASD n.d.). The 2011 survey is the most recent and most evolved 
wave of the Family and Housing Survey in not only incorporating family history, male 
respondents and regional respondents, but also providing detailed descriptions of 
current marital status and family situations (INSEE 2020).

The Trajectories and Origins Survey (2008-2009) is a joint collaboration 
between INED and INSEE conducted with the aim of identifying the impact of 
origin on living conditions and social trajectories (INED 2020). Based on a sample 
of 22,000 people residing in metropolitan France, it collates relevant data on socio-
demographic characteristics such as age, gender, level of education, generation, 
social environment and neighbourhood of residence (INED 2020). Given its focus 
on highlighting the diversity of the French population, it places special emphasis on 
sub-populations who, due to their origin or appearance, may encounter obstacles in 
their life trajectories, i.e. immigrants, descendants of immigrants, individuals from 
French overseas territories, descendants of the latter (INED 2020). The 2008-2009 
survey is the fi rst and, at present, only available wave of the Trajectories and Origins 
Survey (INSEE 2020).

The two surveys are combined to not only maximise the sample size, especially 
for immigrant groups that form a relatively smaller proportion of the migrant 
population in France (e.g. Southeast Asian immigrants), but also to add a wider 
range of recent childbirth years for the examination of gender preferences (i.e. by 



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 311

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Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 313

the incorporation of the 2011 Survey). Appropriate weights are used in all analyses 
to ensure that the sample is nationally representative.

The subjects of the study are women aged 16 to 45 who have given birth to at 
least one child. These respondents are either native French women or immigrant 
women of the fi rst generation, 1.5 generation or second generation from North 
Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, Turkey and Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia. Data from the 
survey is used to construct fertility histories for fi rst, second, and third childbirths 
for the respondents of interest. Only women who had their fi rst child after migration 
are included in the sample. 

Respondents with multiple births and fostered and adopted children up to the 
third parity are excluded from the sample, as are respondents who present missing 
information on their own date of birth, date of birth of children at the fi rst, second, 
or third parity, and migration status. Tables 1a and 1b provide an overview of the 
fi nal sample to be analysed. 

3.2 Methods

We conduct the analysis for each group of origin separately: for the native (French) 
population we use discrete time logistic regression and for each separate immigrant 
group (North African, Sub-Saharan African, Turkish and Vietnamese-Laos-
Cambodian), we use multilevel discrete time logistic regression. We fi rst examine 
transitions to second and third births for native and immigrant women contingent 
upon the gender of the fi rst child and of the fi rst two children, respectively, while 
incorporating the role of migration status for each immigrant group. Subsequently, 
we subdivide the sample of each immigrant group by gender of the fi rst (boy/girl) 
and fi rst two (boy/girl/mix) child(ren) and investigate transitions to second and third 
births respectively while accounting for migration status.

Discrete time hazard hij is the conditional probability that a randomly selected 
individual i will experience the target event in time period j given that he or she 
survived through all prior time periods and did not experience the event prior to j 
(Singer/Willet 1993):

hij = Pr{Ti = j | Ti ≥ j, Z1ij = z1ij, Z2ij = z2ij, …, ZPij = zPij}

Since hij are probabilities, they can be transformed to have logistic dependence 
on the predictors and the time periods (Singer/Willet 1993):

logite(hij) = (1D1ij + 2D2ij + … + JDJij) + (1Z1ij + 2Z2ij + … + PZPij)

This specifi cation clarifi es that the conditional log odds that the event will 
occur in each time period j (given that it did not occur before) is a linear function 
of the constant term, j, specifi c to period j and of the values of predictors period 
j multiplied by the appropriate slope parameter. Multilevel models are fi tted to 
immigrant subgroups to account for the hierarchical structure of the data within each 



•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli314

group (i.e. individuals classifi ed by migration status: fi rst generation, 1.5 generation, 
second generation). The methods employed in this paper, i.e. (multilevel) logistic 
regression models and contingency on gender of existing children, are commonly 
used by researchers investigating fertility transitions (e.g. Pailhé 2017; Kulu et al. 
2017; Dupray/Pailhé 2018) and gender preferences (e.g. Miranda et al. 2018; Ezdi/
Baş 2020) in both local and immigrant populations.

3.3 Variables

The dependent variable of interest is the probability of second or third childbirth 
for each origin group. To construct data for this variable, the fertility trajectories of 
the sample are followed until the occurrence of the second and subsequently third 
childbirth in the case of event occurrence. Alternatively, in the case of event non-
occurrence, the sample of interest is followed until the respondent turns 45 or until 
the date of last interview (right censoring).

The analysis incorporates two explanatory variables: gender of existing children 
and migration status. Gender of existing children is a categorical variable assuming 
the status of boy/girl when transitioning to the second parity and boy-boy/gender 
mix/girl-girl when transitioning to the third parity. This variable is included to depict 
how transition to subsequent parities is affected by different gender combinations 
of existing children, and thereby to indicate which gender constellation is most 
desired at each parity. 

Migration status has four categories: non-immigrant, fi rst-generation immigrant, 
1.5-generation immigrant, and second-generation immigrant. The non-immigrant 
category comprises both French-born individuals with two French-born parents 
and non-French-born individuals with two French-born parents who moved to 
France before the age of 15. The non-immigrant category is distinct from all other 
categories as it refers to the native French population. First-generation immigrant 
refers to foreign-born individuals with foreign-born parents, and who migrated to 
France at age 15 or later. 1.5-generation immigrant refers to individuals with foreign-
born parents, and who migrated to France before the age of 15. Second-generation 
immigrant refers to French-born individuals with one or two foreign-born parents. 
Different levels of gradation in migration status allow us to account for the effect of 
integration on son preference.

We incorporate the same six covariates for transitions to second and third 
births for all population groups in both sets of analyses. These include: age at the 
time of fi rst birth, age squared at the time of fi rst birth, education, relationship 
status, professional status, and mother’s professional status in France. Education 
is recorded as the highest educational attainment of the respondent at the time 
of the survey and is recoded as primary, secondary or tertiary level of education. 
Relationship status is recorded as the respondent being either single or married at 
the time of fi rst birth when considering transitions to second births, and at the time 
of second births when considering transitions to third births. Professional status 
is recorded as the respondent falling into the category of no occupation, skilled 
occupation or highly skilled occupation. Mother’s professional status is recorded as 



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 315

the respondent’s mother having fallen under the category of no occupation, skilled 
occupation or highly skilled occupation at the time the respondent was 15 years of 
age. These covariates were incorporated due to their relevance as determinants of 
fertility and gender preferences for offspring, as identifi ed by previous literature 
(e.g. Rossi/Rouanet 2015; Jiang et al. 2016; Pailhé 2017; Ezdi/Baş 2020).

4 Results

4.1 Transition to second births 

Table 2 shows the logistic regression results as average marginal effects for 
transition to second births for the native population and different immigrant 
groups in France. The gender of the fi rst child signifi cantly affects the probability of 
transition for North African immigrants only: women who have a daughter as a fi rst 
child are signifi cantly more likely to transition to a second birth than those who have 
a son. Migration status signifi cantly affects North African and Turkish immigrants. 
For North Africa, compared to fi rst-generation immigrants, both 1.5-generation and 
second-generation immigrants have a signifi cantly lower probability of transitioning 
to the second parity. Among Turkish immigrants, this applies to the latter group 
only.

Native North Sub- Turkey Vietnam-
(French) Africa Saharan Cambodia-

Africa Laos

Gender of fi rst child (Ref.: male)
Female .005 .027** -.004 .014 -.001

(.005) (.009) (.015) (.014) (.015)

Migration status (Ref.: First-generation)
1.5- generation - -.030** -.003 -.009 .026

- (.010) (.018) (.017) (.020)
Second-generation - -.020* -.023 -.047* .009

- (.009) (.017) (.019) (.018)

Person years 478,623 40,081 4,821 4,386 4,005
Sample size 75,909 8,292 1,151 1,033 821

Note: Controls: Age at fi rst birth; Age at fi rst birth square; Education; Professional status; 
Relationship status; Professional status of respondent’s mother.
Signifi cance levels: *=p-value<0.05; **=p-value<0.01; ***=p-value<0.001; Standard 
errors in parentheses
Source: French Family and Housing Survey (2011) and the Trajectories and Origins Survey 

(2008), authors' own calculations

Tab. 2: Results of transitions from fi rst to second births, presented as average 
marginal effects of logistic regressions, run separately for each 
population group



•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli316

Table 3 divides the results for immigrant population groups by the gender of 
the fi rst child to separately assess the effect of migration status on the probability 
of having a second child. The results show that migration status signifi cantly alters 
gender preferences for North African immigrant women only. If the fi rst child is 
a boy, the 1.5-generation of immigrants has a signifi cantly lower probability of 
transitioning to a second birth compared to fi rst-generation immigrants. If the fi rst 
child is a girl, second-generation immigrants have a signifi cantly lower probability 
of having another child than fi rst-generation immigrants.

4.2 Transition to third births

Table 4 provides the logistic regression results as average marginal effects for 
transition to third births for all population groups in France. The gender of existing 
children signifi cantly affects the transition probability of the native French population 
only: women who achieve a gender mix of children at the fi rst two parities are 
signifi cantly less likely to transition to a third birth compared to women who have two 
sons. Although statistically non-signifi cant, our results also show that native French 
women who have daughters at the fi rst two parities have a lower probability of 
transitioning to a third birth. Migration status signifi cantly affects transition probability 
for all immigrant groups. North African and Sub-Saharan African women of the 1.5 
and second generation have a signifi cantly lower probability of transitioning to a third 
birth compared to their fi rst-generation counterparts. This only holds true for second-
generation women from Turkey and Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia.

Following the logic of Table 3, Table 5 divides the results for each population 
group by gender of the fi rst two children in order to separately assess the effect 
of migration status on the probability of having a third child. This yields signifi cant 
results for all immigrant groups. AmongstNorth African women with a gender mix 
and daughters only at the fi rst two parities, the probability of transitioning to a 
third birth is signifi cantly lower for 1.5-generation and second-generation women 
compared with fi rst-generation women. For North African women with two sons, this 
applies only to the 1.5-generation. For Sub-Saharan African women, only second-
generation immigrant women with daughters only at the fi rst two parities have a 
signifi cantly lower probability of transitioning to a third parity than fi rst-generation 
women. For Turkish women, second-generation immigrant women who have 
achieved a gender mix of children at the fi rst two parities have a signifi cantly lower 
probability of transitioning to a third parity than fi rst-generation women. Among 
women from Vietnam-Cambodia-Laos, immigrant women of the second generation 
who achieve a gender mix of children or daughters only at the fi rst two parities have 
a signifi cantly lower probability of transitioning to a third birth than women of the 
fi rst generation. This is accompanied by a higher, albeit non-signifi cant, likelihood 
of transitioning to a third birth for second-generation vs. fi rst-generation immigrant 
women from Vietnam-Cambodia-Laos in the event of sons only at the fi rst two 
parities.



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 317

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•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli318

5 Discussion

Using data from the Family and Housing Survey (2011) and the Trajectories and 
Origins Survey (2008), we examined gender preferences for offspring within the 
native French population and among North African, Turkish, Sub-Saharan African 
and Vietnamese-Laos-Cambodian immigrants in France. Our analyses highlight how 
the gender of existing children and migration status (in the case of immigrants) may 
be refl ected in both parity progression and underlying gender preferences. This 
investigation provides several interesting results. First, for all our immigrant groups, 
we confi rm declining fertility rates across subsequent generations of immigrants.

For North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa, 1.5-generation and second-generation 
immigrants have a signifi cantly lower probability of transitioning to second and 
third births and third births only, respectively, vis-à- fi rst-generation immigrants. 
For Turkey and Vietnam-Cambodia-Laos, second-generation immigrants have a 
signifi cantly lower probability of transitioning to second and third births, and to 
third births only, respectively, vis-à-vis fi rst-generation immigrants. On average, 
these fi ndings are consistent with existing research which depicts declining fertility 

Tab. 4: Results of transitions from second to third births, presented as average 
marginal effects of logistic regressions, run separately for each 
population group

Native North Africa Sub- Turkey Vietnam-
(French) Saharan Cambodia-

Africa Laos

Gender of fi rst two children (Ref.: Boy-boy)
Gender mix -.015*** -.006 -.017 -.003 -.002

(.003) (.005) (.016) (.012) (.015)
Girl-girl -.000 .009 -.003 .017 .023

(.004) (.007) (.025) (.016) (.018)

Migration status (Ref.: First-generation)
1.5-generation - -.027*** -.036* .006 -.005

- (.004) (.016) (.012) (.013)
Second-generation - -.019** -.039* -.050*** -.033*

- (.006) (.017) (.013) (.015)

Person years 572,350 42,058 3,529 4,512 3,662
Sample size 57,561 6,371 782 833 452

Controls: Age at fi rst birth; Age at fi rst birth square; Education; Professional status; 
Relationship status; Professional status of respondent’s mother.
Signifi cance levels: *=p-value<0.05; **=p-value<0.01; ***=p-value<0.001; Standard 
errors in parentheses
Source: French Family and Housing Survey (2011) and the Trajectories and Origins Survey 

(2008), authors' own calculations



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 319

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•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli320

rates for second-generation immigrants in France and in Europe (Kulu et al. 2017; 
Pailhé 2017; Dupray/Pailhé 2018). 

Second, our results reveal whether the gender of existing children affects 
transition to second and third births for native French women and immigrant 
women in France. For native French women, while we fi nd no signifi cant effect 
of the gender of the fi rst child when transitioning to the second parity, we fi nd 
a signifi cant preference for a gender mix of children when transitioning to the 
third parity. Furthermore, we fi nd a non-signifi cant daughter preference when 
transitioning to the third parity. Our results signalling a preference for a gender mix 
of children are consistent with those of Desplanques (1987) who, using the 1962, 
1975 and 1982 Family and Housing Surveys, also fi nds a preference for a gender 
mix of children when transitioning to the third parity in the 1970s in France. At the 
same time, our results for the non-signifi cant daughter preference are also at odds 
with Desplanques (1987) who, in addition to fi nding a gender mix for offspring, 
fi nds evidence of weak son preference in the 1970s when transitioning to the third 
parity. Our results are also somewhat different from those of Hank and Kohler 
(2000) who fi nd no gender preferences for offspring in France based on the Fertility 
and Family Survey (1994). These discrepancies can be reconciled by noting that the 
different studies (i.e. Desplanques 1987; Hank/Kohler 2000 and the current analysis) 
use data that examine gender preferences among native women for different birth 
cohorts of women in France. The different gender preferences for offspring noted 
amongst these studies thereby depict the changing nature of these preferences in 
France: from no gender preferences, to mixed-gender preferences accompanied 
by a weak son preference, to no gender preferences, to mixed-gender preferences 
accompanied by a weak (non-signifi cant) daughter preference. Such an evolution 
in gender preferences has been noted in other European countries as well. For 
example, in Germany, mixed-gender preferences were previously only observed 
in the East (Hank/Kohler 2003). However, over the past two decades they have also 
become evident in the West and hence unifi ed Germany, alongside a weak daughter 
preference (Carol/Hank 2020; Ezdi/Baş 2020). In Sweden, daughter preference 
has strengthened in the new millennium with mothers fertility transitions being 
conditional upon having a daughter at one parity earlier, i.e. second rather than third 
(Miranda et al. 2018). The adaptability of gender prefrences and non-signifi cant 
daughter prefrence in France suggest that modernisation, change in the societal 
gender system, female labour force participation and work-family reconciliation 
policies may lead to the emergence of a strong daughter preference at the third 
parity among younger/future cohorts of French women (Pollard/Morgan 2002; 
Miranda et al. 2018).

For immigrant women in France, the gender of existing children only affects 
the transition probability of North African immigrant women. Women who have a 
daughter as a fi rst child have a signifi cantly higher likelihood of transitioning to a 
second birth than those who have a son. However, when considering transitions to 
the third parity, the gender sequence of existing children has no signifi cant bearing 
on the probability of transition. This can possibly be explained by the polarisation 
of fertility rates between immigrants of the fi rst-generation and subsequent 



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 321

(in particular second) generation, with the former displaying the highest fertility 
levels amongst all population subgroups in France and the latter exhibiting native 
level fertility rates (Penn/Lambert 2002; Volant et al. 2019). Furthermore, among 
second-generation North African immigrants, the rates of transition to different 
parities differ, with transitions to second parity being the same as the native 
level and transitions to third parity exceeding the native level (Kulu et al. 2017). 
For second-generation North African immigrants, this confi rms an adaptation to 
the strong French two child norm regarding the timing of transition to the second 
parity, but the maintenance of the parents’ family-oriented values when considering 
transitions to third parities (Pailhé 2017). As a result, we expect the son preference 
observed at the second parity among North African immigrants in France to be due 
to a contraction in fertility when transitioning to the second parity.

Third, our results allow us to disaggregate and compare transitions for 
immigrants simultaneously by gender of existing children and migration status. We 
fi nd signifi cant effects for all immigrant groups. For North African immigrants, we 
confi rm that regardless of the gender of the fi rst child, each subsequent generation 
(1.5 and second) has a lower likelihood of transitioning to the next parity. When 
transitioning to the second parity, these results are signifi cant for 1.5-generation 
immigrants who have a son as a fi rst child and second-generation immigrants who 
have a daughter as a fi rst child. This may be interpreted as declining son preference 
across subsequent generations of North African immigrants when transitioning to 
the second parity. When transitioning to the third parity, these results are only non-
signifi cant for second-generation immigrants who have two sons at the fi rst two 
parities. This may be interpreted as the emergence of a weak daughter preference 
amongst second-generation North African immigrants when transitioning to the 
third parity.3 The decline in son preference and emergence of a weak daughter 
preference may be explained by a combination of the selection and adaptation 
hypotheses, especially given the convergence and non-convergence to native 
French levels in transition rates to the second and third parities respectively (Kulu 
et al. 2017). North African immigrants in France are not part of a marginal, rural, 
pre-modern group but rather have above average educational levels and French 
language abilities (Penn/Lambert 2002). These attributes point to the selectivity 
of North African immigrants so that perhaps even in their country of origin, their 
gender preferences are malleable. Hence, it is likely that a welfare regime that is not 
only pro-birth but also promotes a work-family balance and women’s employment 
(Toulemon et al. 2008) eventually creates an environment in which these preferences 
can emerge, despite the fertility constraints when transitioning to the second parity.

For Sub-Saharan African immigrants, we fi nd that only women who have 
daughters at the fi rst two parities have a signifi cantly lower probability of 
transitioning to the third birth. These results depict the emergence of a daughter 
preference among Sub-Saharan African immigrants when transitioning to the third 

3 For 1.5-generation immigrants, our results signal lower fertility vis-à-vis fi rst-generation 
immigrants as the likelihood of transition is signifi cantly lower for all gender combinations.



•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli322

parity. The emergence of gender preferences for offspring among Sub-Saharan 
African immigrant women is somewhat surprising, primarily because individual 
countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have either not shown any gender preferences 
for offspring or, when present, such preferences have been rather modest 
compared with those displayed by Asian countries. Sub-Saharan Africa consists of 
countries/societies displaying son preference, daughter preference, gender-mixed 
preferences and no gender preferences (Rossi/Rouanet 2015). As our sample does 
not disaggregate among these countries/societies, we did not expect any overall 
gender preferences to prevail. We especially did not expect the emergence of a 
daughter preference because research from Sweden, a country with a pro-fertility 
gender egalitarian welfare regime, has shown that African women display son 
preference when transitioning to third births (Mussino et al. 2019). Nevertheless, 
our results for Sub-Saharan Africa may be explicable by the adaptation hypothesis. 
Adaptation has already been shown to reduce fertility among second-generation 
Sub-Saharan African immigrants in France (Afulani/Asunka 2015). In the case of 
gender preferences for offspring, the factors that have led to the emergence of a 
gender mix in France may be the drivers of daughter preference in Sub-Saharan 
Africa by not only weakening son preference in patrilineal societies but also 
eliminating gender preferences in societies that desire a gender mix and that exhibit 
no gender preferences for offspring. In light of the fi ndings for Sweden (Mussino et 
al. 2019), our results would suggest greater adaptation among Sub-Saharan African 
immigrants in France than in Sweden.

Among Turkish immigrants, we fi nd that only second-generation women with 
a gender mix of children have a signifi cantly lower likelihood of transition than 
fi rst-generation Turkish immigrants. This is accompanied by lower non-signifi cant 
transition probabilities to third parities among second generation immigrant women 
who have sons only or daughters compared with their fi rst generation counterparts. 
These preferences are somewhat evident within the 1.5 generation as well: albeit 
non-signifi cant, women with a gender mix of children have a lower probability 
of transitioning to the third parity and women with sons only or daughters only 
have a higher probability of transitioning to the third parity compared with their 
respective fi rst generation counterparts. Although Turkish women in their country 
of origin display son preference when transitioning to the third parity (Altindag 
2016) and Turkish immigrants in Sweden display son preference (Mussino et al. 
2019), our result for the emergence of gender-mixed preferences among Turkish 
immigrants in France is entirely plausible. Research on the gender preferences of 
Turkish immigrants in Germany provides evidence of the changing nature of gender 
preferences across subsequent generations of immigrants and the emergence of 
a preference for a gender mix for children when transitioning to the third parity 
among second-generation Turkish immigrants (Carol/Hank 2020; Ezdi/Baş 2020). 
This may be explained by the following factors: either by immigrant selectivity; or 
by the joint effect of higher fertility among Turkish immigrant women in Europe vis-
à-vis Turkish women in Turkey and the higher fertility of Turkish immigrant women 
(transition to second births) in France relative to other population groups (Baykara-
Krumm/Milewski 2017; Pailhé 2017). The latter explanation provides women with 



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 323

fewer constraints in which to exercise their preferences and ensures a slower 
convergence with native French fertility levels, possibly allowing Turkish immigrant 
women ample time to simultaneously adjust their fertility and gender preferences.

For immigrants from Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia, migration status has no 
signifi cant bearing on the probability of transitioning to second births. Relative 
to fi rst-generation immigrants, second-generation immigrants with a gender 
mix of children and daughters at the fi rst two parities have a signifi cantly lower 
probability of transitioning to the third parity. This suggests a daughter preference 
among second-generation immigrants from these countries in France. We cannot 
conclusively assert whether this daughter preference signals an evolution of the 
gender preferences or migrant selectivity for Vietnam (where boy preference 
dominates), or the prevalence of country of origin norms for Cambodia (where girl 
preference dominates) as different gender preferences from different countries of 
origin were combined to form a single immigrant group. Mussino, Miranda and Ma 
(2018) face a similar problem when they test the gender preferences of Southeast 
Asian immigrants in Sweden from different origin countries (displaying different 
gender preferences) combined to show that immigrants originating from this region 
display neutral gender preferences. Nevertheless, we suspect that this daughter 
preference is at least partly driven by a deviation from country of origin gender 
norms as it is evident among second-generation immigrants and research has 
shown that second-generation Southeast Asian immigrants in France deviate from 
the fertility patterns of their parents, withfi rst birth rates even lower than native 
French women (Pailhé 2017).

6 Conclusion

Our results show the development of mixed gender preferences alongside a weak 
(non-signifi cant) daughter preference for offspring among native French women, and 
an overall deviation from the gender preferences prevailing in the country of origin 
for North African, Turkish, Sub-Saharan African and Vietnamese-Laos-Cambodian 
immigrant women in France. Second generation North African immigrant women 
display a decline in son preference when transitioning to the second parity and the 
emergence of a weak daughter preference when transitioning to the third parity. 
Gender preferences of second-generation Turkish immigrant women evolve into 
a preference for a gender mix of children when transitioning to the third parity. 
Second generation Sub-Saharan African display a daughter preference when 
transitioning to the third parity. Second generation Vietnamese-Laos-Cambodian 
immigrant women display a daughter preference at the third parity.

The evolutionary nature of gender preferences for offspring across subsequent 
cohorts of native French women suggests that the French pattern is similar to its 
German and, in particular, Swedish counterparts. The latter countries have displayed 
weak daughter preference and persistent daughter preference strengthening over 
decades, respectively (Carol/Hank 2020; Ezdi/Baş 2020; Miranda et al. 2018). For 
France, this suggests that modernisation, changes in the societal gender system, 



•    Sehar Ezdi, Sabrina Pastorelli324

female labour force participation and work-family reconciliatory/pro-birth policies 
may lead to the emergence of a strong daughter preference at least at the third parity 
among younger/future cohorts of French women (Pollard/Morgan 2002; Toulemon 
et al. 2008; Miranda et al. 2018). It would therefore be fruitful to investigate gender 
preferences for offspring among younger French women on a periodic basis using 
recent datasets as they are released.

Despite the fertility decline observed across subsequent generations of all 
immigrant groups investigated, overall, we do not suspect the gender preferences 
displayed by North African, Turkish, Vietnamese-Laos-Cambodian and Sub-Saharan 
African immigrants to be a consequence of the constraint caused by this decline. Such 
a constraint, resulting from the inverse relationship between fertility and expression 
of gender preferences, would strengthen country of origin gender preferences and 
thus enhance son preference among North African and Turkish immigrants. This is 
exhibited by Indian and Pakistani immigrants in the United Kingdom, for example, 
who experience a contraction in fertility compared with their counterparts in their 
country of origin and a stronger expression of son preference, i.e. at lower birth 
parities compared with their counterparts in their respective countries of origin 
(Dubuc/Coleman 2007; Adamou et al. 2013). Rather, our results show a weakening 
of these preferences among Turkish and North African immigrants and possibly 
Vietnamese-Lao-Cambodian immigrants, and altered preferences (i.e. daughter 
preference) among Sub-Saharan African immigrants. This may be the consequence 
of the selection hypothesis (especially in the case of North African immigrants), 
the adaptation hypothesis or a combination of the two. The viable application of 
these hypotheses has already been established in the context of immigrant gender 
preferences. For example, Indian immigrant women in Norway, and Indian, Chinese 
and South Korean immigrant women in Sweden who had been residing in the 
respective countries for an extended period of time, exhibited a decline in son 
preference (via a decrease in masculinised sex ratios at birth) in the period 2000-
2015 (Tønnessen et al. 2013; Mussino et al. 2018).

The malleable nature of North African, Sub-Saharan African and potentially 
Vietnamese-Laos-Cambodian immigrants’ gender preferences as well as the decline 
in fertility also portray the dual infl uence of French mainstream society and the 
respective immigrant group’s minority subculture in reformulating the immigrants’ 
fertility and gender preferences. While French mainstream culture may have steered 
immigrants away from their native country gender preferences, the infl uence of 
the minority subculture may have led to the development of new preferences to 
specifi cally meet the demands of the immigrant subgroups in France. The viability 
of this explanation remains high in France where welfare state policies have 
reduced differences among population subgroups, the size of the main minority 
groups remains large, and residential and school segregation is substantial (Kulu et 
al. 2017). 

We caution our readers to interpret our results while taking note of regional 
clustering of immigrant’s countries of origin. With the exception of native French 
women and Turkish immigrant women, our analyses cluster countries together 
at the regional level. Such regional aggregation may hide important country-level 



Is There Evidence of Gender Preference for Offspring in France?    • 325

differences both with regard to gender preferences and the ability of immigrants to 
integrate. For example, in this paper, the interpretation of gender preferences for 
Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia presents some diffi culties because of contrasting gender 
preferences in Vietnam and Cambodia, i.e. son preference in Vietnam (Guilmoto 
2009) and daughter preference in Cambodia (Fuse 2010). This is a problem that 
other authors have also faced (e.g. Mussino et al. 2018) when interpreting gender 
neutral preferences for Southeast Asian immigrants in Sweden. However, we note 
that many studies on fertility and gender preferences, especially for France using the 
same datasets, have used regional classifi cations similar to ours to obtain empirically 
and theoretically sound results. We therefore fi nd our regional clustering and the 
subsequent results to be theoretically and empirically sound and are confi dent in 
their ability to serve as indicators of the immigrant integration process.

We conclude that our results for gender preferences among natives and 
immigrants in France provide evidence of the cultural adaptation of immigrants in 
France whilst also displaying elements of immigrant selectivity and the infl uence of 
a minority subculture. The fact that clear preferences for a gender mix or daughters 
only become evident in the second generation shows that early socialisation is 
important in the formulation of gender preferences for offspring. The development 
of a daughter preference among second-generation North African (weak), Sub-
Saharan African and Vietnam-Laos-Cambodian women shows the role of minority 
subculture alongside cultural adaptation as, to date, among French women there is 
non-signifi cant evidence of daughter preference. This shows that the modernisation 
and work-family reconciliatory policies that are leading to the evoution of gender 
preferences for offspring among native French women may also be infl uencing 
immigrant women’s gender preferences for offspring. Our results suggest that this 
would indicate the integration of immigrants on multiple fronts as we confi rm that 
these gender preferences for offspring emerge alongside a decline in immigrant 
fertility rates across subsequent generations. As we expect daughter preference in 
France to become more prominent in the forthcoming decades, we would expect 
immigrant gender preferences for offspring to converge more closely with those 
of the native French population. Future research should therefore continue to 
use more recent data to see whether/how gender preferences have evolved and 
continue to evolve in the country among natives and immigrants, and if possible 
examine gender preferences by country or origin rather than region of origin. 

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Date of submission: 25.01.2021  Date of acceptance: 25.05.2021

Dr. Sehar Ezdi (). CERPOP, Université de Toulouse, Inserm, UPS. Toulouse, France. 
E-mail: sehar.ezdi@inserm.fr, seharezdi@gmail.com

Dr. Sabrina Pastorelli. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifi que (CNRS), Centre 
Maurice Halbwachs (CNRS/EHESS/ENS). Paris, France. 
E-mail: pastorelli.sabrina@gmail.com
URL: https://cnrs.academia.edu/SabrinaPastorelli



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