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COOU Journal of Arts and Humanities (CJAH) Vol. 5 No. 3, 2020

Abstract
Kingship and power politics remain significant in Africa's post-colonial development 
discourse.  Debates on the role of this age-old political institution in modern governance 
however remain polarised. For the modernists, traditional political institution has become 
anachronistic and has little role in a rather 'sophisticated' system of governance. In contrast, 
the traditionalists submit that since the kingship custodians have identifiable jurisdiction in 
the periphery, the best the wielders of modern political powers could do was to collaborate 
with them for inclusive nation-building project. In this context, the paper discusses how the 
traditional rulers in Akokoland showed resilience through the tactical deployment of power 
politics as instrument of control, stability and order. The historical approach was adopted 
using primary and secondary sources. In-depth interviews were conducted with purposively 
selected informants based on their knowledge of the history of kingship and power politics in 
Akokoland for primary data while secondary data were sourced from books, journal articles, 
theses and materials from the internet. Data were subjected to historical analysis. The paper 
argues that the tactical use of the different components of power politics was informed by the 
desire of the traditional rulers to ensure the continued survival of the kingship institution, their 
powers and relevance serve as viable social mobiliser, pillar of communal cohesion and 
integration. The paper concludes that despite some of the challenges facing traditional rulers, 
they have continued to show dynamism through adaptation and continuity as worthy agents of 
change and progress. It is, therefore, the position of this paper that efforts should be made by 
government to help reduce the incidence of bitter kingship/chieftaincy disputes to avoid the 
further disintegration of the institution and allow its custodians play their roles as reliable 
partners in the nation-building project. 

Keywords: Kingship institution, Power Politics, Akokoland and Northeastern Yoruba land

Introduction
Akokoland is a conglomeration of many towns located in the northeaster part of Yorubaland, 
South West Nigeria. In the context of this paper, power politics was used to represent the 
complexity of power play and the dynamics of power relations among Akokoland kings and 
other traditional rulers in the twentieth century especially after independence in 1960.While 
reference shall be made to the years before independence, the adoption of power politics as 
instrument of control by the traditional rulers in Akokoland after the exit of colonial rule up to 
1999 shall also be appraised. Kings have had the responsibility of representing and uniting all 
social groups within the kingdom—rival clans, city dwellers and country folk, the living and 
the dead, the nobles and the commoners, the free people and the slaves. Kings have stood 

OGUNODE, SUNDAY ABRAHAM
sonniee2@gmail.com&sunday.ogunode@aaua.edu.ng

Department of History and International Studies,
Adekunle Ajasin University

Akungba-Akoko, Ondo State

KINGSHIP INSTITUTION 
AND POWER POLITICS IN AKOKOLAND  NORTHEASTERN

 YORUBALAND IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY



above and apart from all groups, even from the royal relatives. However, kings have rarely 
pleased everyone and have often made enemies. As a result, they have frequently faced attacks 
from dissatisfied subjects, power-hungry relatives, and opponents within and outside the 
kingdom. The violent histories of many kingdoms, such as Zulu, Benin, Yoruba and Buganda, 
show how dangerous it could be to be king, and how often a ruler's grip on power has been 

1 
loosened. The point here is to show that colonial rule negatively impacted the powers and 
relevance of the traditional rulers who during their hay days were held in great awe and their 
words were laws. The divisive politics of divide and rule coupled with the injection of non-
blood members to the ruling lineage remain one of the potent causes of threatening chieftaincy 
disputes in the period under review. African kings have also faced problems related to kinship, 
marriage and succession. As heads of royal kin groups, they are expected to give wealth and 
privileges to their younger kin in return for support and loyalty. If royal relatives have grown 
too powerful or ambitious, they have sometimes tried to overthrow the king. Rulers have 
worked to avoid such situations by carefully balancing ties with the kingdom's most powerful 
clans, often through marriage. Polygamy, the practice of taking multiple wives, has allowed 

2 kings to spread such ties across all regions, ethnic groups, and major clans within their realms.
This is the aspect of royal power politics that this paper represents. 

Power politics also played out while dealing with succession related issues. Kings have 
had two general methods of dealing with the question of succession which also presents 
complex power politics among the different royal and non-blue blood families laying claims to 
the throne. Sometimes, they have named their heirs or established a system of regular 
inheritance, in which the throne might go to the oldest son or to the firstborn son of the primary 
wife. This method has prevented conflict over the question of succession, but it has also 
disappointed and angered relatives and kinship groups by cutting off their access to the throne. 
The other method has been to declare no heir and to let clan leaders or others choose a new king 
from among the many competing royal sons and relatives. This approach has often resulted in 
conflict and disorder upon the king's death. Ambitious royal kins have posed one of the 
principal dangers to a king. African rulers have used two strategies for surrounding themselves 
with loyal supporters. Some, like the Ganda and the Zulu, have depended heavily on their 
mother's relatives, who cannot inherit the throne in patrilineal kingdoms but can enjoy power 

3and privilege as long as their son rules as king. The other method, used in the kingdom of Benin 
and Muslim states of West Africa, has been to appoint royal servants or even slaves as court 
officials or generals. These people, dependent on the king's favour and unable to rule on their 

4own, have generally made loyal and dependable deputies.
Essentially, power politics is the complex but necessary instrument that reflects the 

various strategies used by Akokoland kings in their various domain of royal jurisdiction to 
contain the challenges and threats to their powers and thrones. Moises Naim has excellently 

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argued that power is easier to get, harder to use and easier to lose.  He appraised the extent to 
which recent developments have made traditional repositories of power – whether political, 
corporate, or cultural increasingly vulnerable to challenges by smaller entities. The threats 
from smaller entities within the context of this paper came from competing royal sons, 
ambitious relatives, chiefs, and non-blue blood members but strongly connected royal power 
seekers. How the kings confronted these challenges and still stay relevant in the scheme of 
things is what the current study explained using power politics. The various manifestation and 
components of power politics in Akokoland, North-eastern Yoruba land are discussed below.

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Ancient landmarks
Ancient landmarks were basic requirements to be fulfilled before laying claim to royalty, 
tenancy and other rights in the period before 1900. As different people moved in groups or 
bands from their original settlement (apole) to settle at a new location, certain agreements 
were reached through covenants or oaths by some selected elders (usually leaders of the 
migrated groups) to seal the bond that brought them together. All the items used for the oaths 
and the secrets behind them were not often revealed to one person because of its sensitive 
nature and for the sake of unforeseen development which may warrant one group taking 

6
advantage over the other in the period of dispute.

The British establishment of their imperial presence and colonial rule in Nigeria began 
before 1900. This was manifest in the British declaration of colonial rule in Lagos in 1861 ten 
years after the bombardment of same, the granting of royal charter to the Royal Niger 
Company (RNC) in 1886 and the activities of the Company particularly in the North. The 
establishment of the Company's headquarters at Lokoja brought British informal colonial 
interest near Akoko. In 1895, two out-stations of the RNC were established at Kabba and 
Omuo-Oke (a northern town of Akoko). Eventually, after RNC forces had trounced Nupe 
forces in 1897 liberating Akoko communities from Nupe imperialist rule, the RNC 
commenced company rule in Akokoland – a rule that served as a precursor for formal colonial 
rule. Acting under the pretense of establishing a lasting peace or instituting Pax Britannica, the 
RNC agents clearly established mechanisms that were later to be operated for colonial 
administration with all its attendant exploitative features.  Of course, the picture later became 
clearer to the people that the Company's agents wanted more than mere restoration of peace 
and trading relations. In a clear demonstration of their readiness to assume proper control, the 
British Government revoked the 1886 charter of RNC in December 1899, and assumed full 

7
control of the, “territories of the Niger” on January 1, 1900.  This marked the official 
commencement of colonial in Nigeria and Akokoland. The British coins was introduced 

8towards the end of the nineteenth century and banknotes in the 1920s. The colonial phase of 
currency  in the West Africa sub-region can be divided in to namely: 1914 and 1958 the British 
West African pound was used and the Nigerian pound came into force in 1958 and its usage 

9
stopped in 1960.

From the 1920, the traditional rulers especially the king who was the symbol of the 
monarchy became the salaried agent and tool of the colonial authority under the District Head 

10System in Akokoland and throughout Nigeria. The introduction of stipends by the British 
administration led to the gradual commercialization of the kingship institution in the period of 
the study. As the kings became salaried agents of the British, their survival and continued 

11
relevance became the prerogative of the colonial government officials.   Kings in Akokoland 
who could not quite adapt to their new subservient status dissented but due to the lack of 
concerted efforts amongst them lost the fight. Colonial government took advantage of the 
disunity among traditional rulers in Akokoland to alter their political traditions by imposing 
untitled persons as kings. The introduction of outsiders through colonial manipulation into 
royalty became a serious issue after the attainment of independence in 1960. Strangely, 
communities that, hitherto, settled disputes through internal mechanisms became enmeshed in 

12 
protracted legal tussles to reclaim 'stolen' titles and settle chieftaincy disputes. To this end; 
various Commissions of Inquiries have intervened to settle decades of kingship/chieftaincy 



contests in Akokoland. Available information in most court judgments revealed that Owa Ale 
of Ikare-Akoko, Asin of Okaland and the Alakungba of Akungba-Akoko secured respite from 
the court of law because of the strong traditional evidence provided. They were all able to trace 
their lineage to Ife, presented list of previous kings that ruled in their lineage and the tradition 

13
of beaded crown. Adetona buttressed the place of ancient landmarks in laying claim to royalty 
when he observed that: 

You see, before one can lay claim to royalty, certain requirements must be met. 
Historically, a special building called Ile Olori and later Afin Oba must be 
linked to the claimant, verifiable list of previous obas that had reigned in their 
lineage and the tradition of right to wear beaded crown. Again, the Ife link is 
also central in the claim to royalty. So, ambitious chiefs though aware of these 
requirements, have over the years repeatedly tried in futility to alter well 
respected tradition of kingship in Ogbagi-Akoko and other towns in 

14Akokoland.

The Ajowa-Akoko example of a Yoruba town with seven kings living in harmony for over five 
decades was interrogated in line with the potency of ancient landmarks. Alhassan was clear 
when he observed that: 

By the time we moved from our different apole to Ajowa-Akoko, we started 
with love and there was a solid agreement by all the eight towns to come 
together as a mega settlement with each having its leader. It is true that we are in 
modern time with its own sophistication and dynamism, the place of covenant 
or oath taking in the unity of Ajowa-Akoko cannot be played down. The elders 
that met to conclude on how affairs of each town would be managed were very 
frank with the need to respect the agreements reached before the establishment 
of the town. Consequences of betraying the terms of agreement to bond despite 
the obvious diversity in traditions and cultural were constantly re-echoed at 
important meetings. It was, therefore, very hard for anybody to wake up one 

15morning to alter the structure.

Marriage
Marriage remains one of the best mediums of bonding in traditional African societies. The 
ancient odesan (inter-cousin) marriage in Okaland and the arokun so omiye (conjugal union 
between relatives) in Akungba-Akoko played a key role in the strong bond between the 
different communities that make up the two prominent Akokoland towns. This marriage 
system has proved helpful in the survival of the traditional political institution and the overall 
progress of the two towns in the period of the study. Although this marriage system had been 
practiced as far as the history of the two towns are known, the period of its commencement is 
not the concern of this paper but the bond of kinship and fraternal ties it has engendered up till 
the late 1990s in the two towns. Through this marriage system, family members related to the 
throne of the two towns married close relatives which have produced strong extended bond 
among the different interest groups. In most cases, daughters of powerful chiefs with potential 
of creating serious problems for the throne were the ones married to either the king or relatives. 

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The married daughters often served as checks on their powerful fathers and also regularly gave 
useful pieces of information on plans that might be inimical to the throne and the kingdom. Afa 
in Okeagbe-Akoko presented a good instance of how marriage was used by one of their kings 
as instrument of power politics to stay in control of his domain. Adewumi in his response to the 
place of power politics in the survival of kingship in Akokoland reminisced on how one Afa 
king that reigned in the 1930s outsmarted his opposition with the unlikely weapon of marriage. 
He revealed that: 

The Oba OmoegunArasanyi I took 15 wives. During his reign, there were 
many powerful men who were equally ambitious in the three communities in 
Afa, Okeagbe-Akoko. He therefore, married daughters of these powerful 
people who he thought were potential threats to his power and leadership. 
These wives helped the Oba gather intelligence report which the kabiyesi 

16
relied on to stay in control and survived all threats to his throne.

The omiye bond (relationship built on the basis of belonging to the same fraternal cord through 
marriage) as we have it in Oka, Akungba, Okeagbe and other parts of Akokoland remained one 
of the most reliable factors responsible for the relative peace, good concord and stability 
enjoyed in the affected towns. Stephen buttressed the place of marriage in the survival of the 
throne when he argued that in most towns in Akokoland with few exemptions where only one 
ruling family exists like in Isua-Akoko, marriage is one of the socio-cultural instruments used 
to build strong fraternal closure. Despite the age long chieftaincy dispute between the Asin of 
Oka-Odo and the Olubaka of Okaland, the two traditional rulers have not found a good reason 
to go into a full fledge war with each other. Although the Olubaka sometimes in 1992 tried to 
force allegiance of the Asin to him as the paramount ruler of Okaland by not allowing the latter 
hold the annual new festival for that year. This unfortunate incident was expected to have 
generated serious conflict between Oke-Oka and Oka-Odo, but tradition forbids them because 

17
of the close relationship that was built over the years through marriage.

While the debate on the role of marriage as viable instrument of power politics in 
future research efforts continues, one fact that has been established was that marriage formed 
one of the strongest links to the continue survival of the kingship institution in Akokoland 
during the period examined.

Festival and market
Festival and market were also employed to ensure loyalty to the throne. The parade at the 
annual Oka-Day celebration which started since 1990 has been a very potent instrument used 
by the Olubaka of Okaland to publicly enforce loyalty of all chiefs and communities under his 
jurisdiction. At the warm glare of dignitaries present at the venue of the celebration, each 
community head chief with selected delegates in a well-co-ordinated marching parade took 
turn to pay homage to the kabiyesi and openly pledge their loyalty to his leadership. The 
quarters' parade allowed the people to collectively revere the king despite their divergent 
history and tradition. The odunijesutitun (new yam festival) in Oka-Odo, the Supare, Oba, 
Ajowa, Ikare and Ogbagi day celebration play key role in the survival of the kingship 
institution and the culture of the people. Like the Oka-Day celebration, the kings in the above 



listed Akoko towns used the festival to measure the quality of support they have from the 
people. The kings during the festival and as a matter of necessity expected all their chiefs and 
eminent sons and daughters to be in attendance to show solidarity. When a chief(s) and key 
individuals who have confirmed their attendance failed to attend the festival, the kings, as 
expected, would summon a meeting of his Council-of-Chiefs with the festival organising 
committee to review the situation for further necessary action. This was discovered from the 
information gathered to have helped the kings to know those that needed to be reached out to, 
those to be managed for their peculiarity and those to be 'avoided'. This lent credence to the fact 
that festival can be deployed as instrument of power politics to regulate power and ensure 

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allegiance.

One of the traditional things that promote communal spirit and cohesion is trading. 
Apart from buying and selling, the market performs socio-religious functions. Traditionally, 
people tend to relate well when they meet in an atmosphere with social appeal. Across many 
Yoruba towns, the common nomenclature for market around the palace is ojaoba (the king's 
market) which does not necessarily mean that the king owned all the businesses operated 
around the palace. The name is beneficial to the throne and the merchants dealing in different 
items in the market. As expected, such market helps to give wide coverage to the institution and 
its custodian as visitors needed not ask if such town has a king. Sometimes, some visitors even 
requested to pay courtesy visits to the throne and when they returned to their different domains, 
they proudly reported their adventures. Markets in Akokoland due to their location some 
distance away from the palaces were named after the town where the kings ruled.  Oja Oka-

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Akoko, Oja Okeagbe-Akoko, Oja Iwaro, Oja Oba, Oja Supare-Akoko, Oja Ikare-Akoko  and 
many more. 

The case of Oka-Akoko and Okeagbe-Akoko deserved mention. Each of the 
fifteen quarters in Oka-Akoko before the colonial era operated their market differently without 
any hitch. The appointment of the Olubaka as the paramount ruler of all the quarters that 
hitherto enjoyed virtual independence under their village heads changed the status quo with 
regards to market operation. The king must ensure his acceptance by all and to do this, he must 
ensure that the people buy and sell in one central market which has his direct approval. Quarter 
by quarter market was, therefore, cancelled with the establishment of the oja Oke-Oka (upper 
Oka market) where all the communities under the Olubaka carry out their trading activities. As 
observed by Omosola, “the current king is a lover of peace but very strategic in ensuring his 
acceptance through collective loyalty from the people of the town. Originally we had different 
markets on quarter by quarter basis; this was the situation until the colonial masters 
pronounced the Olubaka as the paramount ruler of Okaland. This development meant one 
thing: the alteration of the old order to allow the needed changes to be effected. One market 
was established by the king to ensure inclusion and collective allegiance to the throne by all 
and sundry. The king could not have allowed the town to run independent of his total grip. 
While the central Oka market might have promoted cohesion and communalism, the ultimate 

20concern of the king was to ensure collective loyalty through the subtle instrument of market”.
Okeagbe-Akoko also presented a good case of how market served as instrument of 

ensuring loyalty to the crown. Like Oka-Akoko, the four Okeagbe-Akoko communities of 
Afa, Aje, Oge and Ido observed different market day as independent community under their 

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different ruler before their relocation to their present settlement. To also promote and entrench 
a deep sense of togetherness, the four communities since relocation in 1924 collectively 
agreed to have one unifying market. The initial name for the new market was enyenyen which 
was originally an Afa market. To avoid bad blood among the other three communities who 
might naturally view Afa as usurping its advantage as the biggest of the four towns, the Ajana 
of Afa met and agreed with other kings and renamed enyenyen as Okeagbe market. This 
development greatly endeared the people the more to their leaders. The market thus, allowed 
the people to see the survival of their communities as a collective responsibility as instability 
in one community would naturally have spill over effect on the others. The collective support 
enjoyed from the people of Okeagbe-Akoko allowed the traditional rulers the latitude to 
administer their domain and collectively see to the inclusive development of the area. As a 
show of solidarity and good wishes from the throne, the kings also sent palace messengers 
with the long beaded royal staff carrying a small beaded crown to convey their prayers and 
wishes for smooth trading among the traders. The Iyaloja (the traditional head of the market 
women) and associations got words of commendations for their role in ensuring order among 
the different business interest in the markets. Through this, the people reaffirmed their 
readiness to support the reign of the king who has shown warm disposition towards them as 
their fathers and rulers concerned with their wellbeing and progress and partners in progress. 

Compulsory Meeting
Another means of ensuring loyalty to the leadership and power of the Oba in Akokoland is 
through the imposition of compulsory meeting period for all chiefs with the Oba-in-Council. 
This development has continued beyond 1999. Oka-Akoko presented a good example of how 
the Olubaka has been able to ensure loyalty of his chiefs through the mandatory meeting with 
them. Tuesday of every week is the day for a compulsory meeting of Oka Chiefs-in-Council 
with the kabiyesi. Except when the kabiyesi is unavoidably absent, he presides over the 
meeting to provide leadership and direction on important issues that bothered on the growth 

21and development of the kingdom.  Specifically, the Council is like agboibawi (place of 
admonition) where notes are compared and ideas are shared on how to move the community 
forward. Also, the last Sunday of every month has been set aside by the Olubaka of Oka-
Akoko as the time of general meeting of all the chiefs' resident in Oka-Akoko and those living 
outside to meet with him to discuss the problems and progress of the town. This arrangement 
has seriously helped the kabiyesi to detect dissenting chiefs and as a leader and father of all, he 
has always found a way to win them back as friends ready to work with him for the progress of 

22
the kingdom.  As it would be discussed later, the Olubaka like his counterparts some Akoko 

23towns did not succeed in bringing all the dissenting chiefs back to his fold.  In Aje, Okeagbe-
Akoko, the Oba presided over the ajoilu attended by the male elders (agbaokunrin) and the 
chiefs of the town. At this meeting, important issues that concerned the progress of the town 
are collectively discussed. The king ensured that definite conclusions were reached before the 
end of the meeting. The general meeting of the entire town (ajogbogboilu or apejoilu) is then 
called. The general meeting holds in front of the Oba's palace. Again, the king presided over 
the meeting but everyone interested in making presentation was allowed to do so without 

24 
constraints. The strategy is to ensure that the king takes control and stay in charge. 



Afa in Okeagbe-Akoko also showcased how the king used compulsory meeting venue 
to secure loyalty to his power and authority. There are two lines of High Chiefs in Afa, 
Okeagbe-Akoko: Iyares (the father chiefs which are the highest ranked in Afa and the Elegbe 
representing the lower chiefs. The Ajana of Afa and his deputy the Rawa are both Iyares. Just as 
the Ajana is the head of the community, he is also the head of the Iyares and the Rawa the 
second in command. For strategic reason, the Iyares members as a matter of compulsion meet 

25in the palace of the king at all its meetings.  The Osunla heads the Elegbe chiefs and they meet 
at the Osunla's house. The king allowed the meeting of the Elegbe outside the palace to allow 
the chiefs engage themselves freely in discussion without the limitation that their meeting in 
the palace could have imposed. This tradition continued in Afa until 1932, when something 

26 unusual happened during the reign of Oba Omoegun Arasanyi I. The year marked an 
important chapter in the history of ascendancy to the throne of the Ajana of Afa. For the first 
time, two people contested but Prince Omoegun won. While the people preferred his 
candidature, his second-in-command Rawa Aliu did not like him. Due to the high level of 
education of Rawa Aliu, he manipulated Ajana Omoegun who was of less educational 

27 
exposure. This negative tendency of Rawa Aliu did not go down well with the Ajana who saw 
his action as deliberate attempt to usurp his powers and authority. Oba  Omoegun now decided 
that both the Elegbe chiefs and the Iyare chiefs should, henceforth, meet in his palace, because 
he knew that if he allowed some dissenting chiefs to meet separately outside the palace, his 
power, authority and control might be seriously threatened. Records available during data 
gathering revealed that the change in the meeting venue of the Elegbe chiefs has played key 
role in raising the relevance and power of the Ajana as loyalty to the throne was made stronger 
and better. This has helped in the effective management of the town by subsequent Ajana that 
reigned after the demise of Oba  Omoegun Arasanyi I.

Like the Oyomesi in Oyo empire, a powerful age grade called the Oyereswas the organ 
saddled with the responsibility to check the excesses of the Ajana of Afa, Okeagbe-Akoko. 
Tradition provided that the Oyereage grade members must meet at the king's palace. Unlike the 
Iyare and Elegbe chiefs, the Oyere have their own kind of mini-palace located within the main 
palace. This mini-palace is called omodeowa. The king is forbidden by tradition from visiting 
the omodeowa despite its location in his official residence. Membership of the group 
comprised hunters picked from the three quarters of Ogosi, Oguna and Ogotun in Afa. The Oba 
hunter is also chosen from the palace to represent him in the Oyere age grade. This is where 
power politics come to play. Traditionally, the kabiyesi is not allowed to attend their meeting 
since it is the only body that can call him to order in the event that he erred. In fact, it was 
revealed that the Oyere is so powerful that no Ajana has ever risked joining issues with them. 
Interestingly, the palace hunter out of respect for the Oba is naturally allowed to assume the 
leadership of the Oyere. This translates to the kabiyesi having control over the membership or 
decisions of the group. The head of the group also functions as the eye of the Oba as he was 
expected to give first-hand useful pieces of information on developments in the town. The 
quality of information provided and the actions taken by the palace representative either make 
or mar the position of the Ajana. His loyalty to the kabiyesi and his readiness to always pursue 
the interest of the throne are key to determine the usefulness of the game of power play 
between the Ajana and the Oyere on the one hand, and his relationship with the other three 
members of the group. 

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Management of ambitious royal family members/chiefs and others
The introduction of the District Head System from 1920 which was due largely to the 
reorganization exercise carried out by the colonial authority to 'strengthen' the oba governing 
council led to the creation of new forces as chiefs who showed loyalty to the colonial policies 
got upgraded. This development meant that the oba could no longer influence the judicial 
council as hitherto less powerful chiefs had been upgraded to crown wearing kings. 
Essentially, the ease of tax collection became enhanced as the salary of the traditional rulers 
was largely consequent on the frequency and quality of tax remittances to the colonial 
authority. The introduction of salary and other monetary inducement by the colonial authority 
made the kingship/chieftaincy institution made it to become economically attractive and 
source of envious desperation as those who would traditionally worked toward the continued 
survival of the institution became locked in threatening battle of wits for the royal throne even 
though they were not qualified by tradition.

This economic dimension visited on the traditional political institutions across Nigeria 
communities and villages with the introduction of salary for the traditional rulers since the 
colonial period, has created cut-throat quest for royalty by both the qualified and outsiders. 
Even chiefs with no link to royalty have suddenly become awakened with the desire to upgrade 
to obas. It is very true that all royal male members of the ruling family are qualified to desire 
the throne but the final decision rests in the hands of the kingmakers and the collective 
decisions of the people. Interestingly, Isua-Akoko presented a unique example of ruling 
family in Akokoland. Only one ruling house produced the Oba. So, managing the intra-royal 
family crisis becomes a very easy task. The records available revealed that Isua-Akoko Oba 
(then and now) have not had serious issue with equally qualified princes and where such cases 
were reported, the king has been able to handle them with traditional wisdom without resulting 

28in serious legal frenzy.
Committees with different community related assignments to be carried out by 

designated individuals also play important role in the survival of the kingship institution in 
Akokoland. Interestingly, the committees are headed by chiefs or individuals who posed 
serious threat to the power and authority of the kings. This strategy has really worked in Aje, 
Okeagbe-Akoko, Oka-Akoko, Ogba-Akoko, Ajowa-Akoko, Isua-Akoko and others for many 
decades. The result of this strategy has been awesome, as the king through his seeming 
benevolence imposed a moral burden on the head of each committee to deliver the set goals. 
Through this, the chiefs are made to see the unity and progress of the town as a collective 
responsibility that can be achieved when they give the king who is the eye of the town the 

29needed support. For the assurance of loyalty, the different committees meet in the Oba's 
palace at an agreed date. The head of each committee reports directly to the king who was 
expected to give approval to all issues agreed upon. It is, however, important to say that, the 
king do not usually attend the committee meeting, except when there is a pressing issue that 
required his intervention. Holding the meeting in the palace is enough to compel loyalty from 
the committee members. While some members appointed into the different committees were 
often those loyal to the throne, others are there to help the king close ranks and ensure that they 
are positively engaged in activity that give them a sense of inclusion as partners in the 
development of the community. They see themselves as stakeholders who must do everything 
possible to ensure the unity and stability of their towns.



Some of the kings interviewed also believed that dialogue can be used to manage 
aggrieved members of the town, especially the princes and chiefs. In one of his speeches at the 
ajoilu, the kabiyesi (Ewi) Oloruntoba Bello was apt when he observed that: 

I am aware that some of the princes that contested with me would be sad at the 
turn of event, but having emerged after fulfilling all that was required of me by 
the extant provisions of our customs and tradition and with the collective 
acceptance by the people of Aje, I am ready to be the father of all which by 
virtue of my royal office I am expected to exhibit at all times. Aggrieved 
princes and other interest groups have the natural right to vent their anger, but 
in doing so, they should ensure that their actions do not in any way endanger 
peace, unity and stability of the community. I am not Oba of my household; I 
am the father of all and the rallying point, whatever the issues are, remember 
we could always talk and reach valid conclusions for the good of all. Aje was 
handed over to me united and I forbid anybody for whatever reason start any 
bad history during my reign. While the unity of all in this town is not 

30
negotiable, the place of dialogue cannot be over emphasized.

Momoh also stressed the place of dialogue in handling cases that involved aggrieved members 
of the society especially in the royal circle when he submitted that: “I soft pedal a little to avoid 
shooting myself in the leg. Remember the princes are very much free to interact with the people 
of the town and if the Oba in power fails to manage these princes and allow them to muster 
ready and willing hands to revolt against the power of the reigning king the result can be 

31 damaging”. Oyekan also lent his voice to the importance peaceful resolution of problems in 
the society. Although he acknowledged that he went through the most harrowing experiences 
before ascending to the throne of his fathers, he never avenged those who were bent on taking 
all from him. He captured his experience thus;

At emergence and after winning all the court cases, I extended hands of 
friendship to my aggrieved uncle who contested with me. Despite my appeal to 
him, he went ahead to institute legal process against me at the High Court. He 
lost and never appealed because he was convinced that his case has no merit for 
further legal interrogation. Thankfully, we mended fences and the peace that 
followed has been very tremendous. Interestingly, I made a point of duty to 
visit all those who were not in my support and I even slept in their houses as a 
king. My open-mindedness and sincere love has allowed the chieftaincy 
disputes in Epimi-Akoko to die a natural death. They have come to accept the 

32
fact that, only little can be achieved in crisis and vice versa.

The Olusin of Owalusin who hitherto, was a member of the Council of Chiefs in Okaland 
suddenly renounced his membership due to his conviction that he is more than a High Chief. 
His consistent absence from meetings of Oka Chiefs-In-Council with the Olubaka of Okaland 
was perceived as disrespect to the paramount of the consenting authority in Okaland. The 
chiefs, the people and the kabiyesi held divergent opinion concerning the decision of the 
Olusin to become a king. While the first two groups, especially those of Oke-Oka collectively 

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condemned the action of the Olusin, the Olubaka held a contrary view. While acknowledging 
the painful decision taken by one of his trusted high chiefs to become king, he submitted that:

as the paramount ruler of Okaland, I have managed the unfortunate 
development, the point must be made that choices made by conscious 
individuals must be respected and where there are conflicts that cannot be 
resolved with the available traditional mechanisms; the parties concerned can 
approach a court of competent jurisdiction to settle the matter. Whatever the 
outcome of the court intervention might be, the disputants remain one big 
family strongly linked together by the bond of one ancestry, omiye tie and 
language. We will always disagree to agree and this is good for communal 

33
bonding, fraternity and collective progress.

As noted earlier, it is important to state here that the Olubaka has not succeeded in resolving 
issues with all the alleged dissenting chiefs. For example, the Asin of Oka-Odo has 
consistently refuted the claim that he is a chief under the Olubaka. Pieces of information 
gathered through extensive interviews, archival documents and court proceedings have 

34
proved to the contrary that the Asin is a chief under the paramount of the Olubaka.  In the same 
vein, the Olusin of Owalusin who fell out with the Olubaka of Okaland has also argued that he 
is an oba in his own right not a chief. While clarifying issues on his decision to become 
independent of the Olubaka, he argued that:

“As you now know and can confirm, there is an old palace traceable to my 
lineage. My claim to royalty was not accidental. My forefathers came from 
Ile-Ife with the beaded crown. Yes, there are a lot of issues surrounding my 
claim to kingship, the question is not whether I am qualified to be a king but 
why on earth was the old palace from where I oversee the affairs of my people 
built? Does a chief build palace, only royalty uses palace and that is the class I 
belong. Until our plurality is respected and accepted, there will always be 
issues to fight over. Oba agba la fi moagba. If the higher king cannot tolerate 
the existence of the smaller ones with their own unique story of migration and 

35
crown history, there will always be an issue to argue over”.

The support of the people and wielding the big stick
Kings through the ages were and are still looked upon as the father of all. They are expected to 
provide leadership with traditional finesse and native wisdom. As the Yoruba elders would 
always say: ojul'obaya, obakiyaenu (the king should be patient in observing more, but never in 

36
hurry to make pronouncement especially when he is angry).  While patience is a long term 
strategy, kings who are not super humans, are sometimes, although rarely, forced to wield the 
big stick to arrest some disturbing situations that could threaten peace and order in their 
domains. It is equally a fact that the survival of the traditional rulers on the thrones of their 
fathers is largely premised on the quality of support they get from the people. While the 
support of the chiefs is critical, the place of the people from whom the kings derive their power 
and relevance is more central to the overall wellbeing of the throne and the administration of 
the society. 



The people factor in the survival of kingship in Akokoland was given credence after the 
sad event of 1957 that led to the burning down of Zakiof Arigidi-Akoko old palace by some 
elements that supported the opposing Memudu Olanipekun family is worthy of mention. 
Despite the deposition of the then Zaki, the leaders of the rebellion was unable to achieve his 
inordinate ambition of becoming the new king as he met stiff opposition from the people who 
insisted that since their king was not dead, he must be allowed to return home and continue his 

37
reign as the paramount ruler of the town.  Interestingly, those who led the rebellion of 1957 
were also responsible for the return of the deposed Oba from exile in 1985. Omosola agreed 
that grass roots mobilisation remains a factor in any rural society where a ruling king or 
traditional ruler desire to stay relevant and have the support of his people at all times. A wise 
king will count on the support of the people by running an open government and leading 

38aright.
The masquerade menace of 1998 in Epinmi-Akoko was a good instance of wielding 

the big stick can be used to court loyalty and allegiance. Gbiri of Epimi-Akoko detailed the 
situation when he recounted how hard it was for him to use extreme measure to restore order 
and take charge of his domain which was at verge of anarchy due to unnecessary crisis secretly 
orchestrated by some vested interests in the town. He submitted that: “there was a religious 
crisis that seriously threatened the peace of my kingdom but I was able to arrest the situation 
through careful dialogue. But since some vested interests were bent on complicating issue and 
thereby making the management of the town difficult for me, I had to assert my authority as the 

39
Oba by involving the police to arrest the menacing masquerade.  Through the intervention of 
the law enforcement agents, some respected son and daughters of Epimi-Akoko and with my 
resolve to take the centre stage as the father of all, peace was restored and the town has 

40remained united since then”.
The most reliable means of ensuring loyalty and respect of the people for the throne in a 

more inclusive way was summarised thus: “once you understand the people you are managing, 
you can be sure of their commitment and loyalty. It is normal for some chiefs to dissent but the 
king in power must also show that there is the need to ensure that such dissent is managed 
properly to the extent that it does not affect the peace and stability of the kingdom. It must be 
stressed also that, the king may have to sometimes wield the big stick in the event that a 
dissenting chief or aggrieved royal family member(s)  refused to accept amicable resolution 

41after due intervention from stakeholders”.

Conclusion
The foregoing has discussed the different components and manifestations of power politics 
used by traditional rulers in Akokoland as instrument of control, stability and order in their 
domains. Given the dynamic nature of every human society, the need to always evolve new 
methods of staying in charge becomes a necessity. Kings and other traditional rulers in 
Akokoland and Yorubaland in general have continued to show dynamism on the workings of 
modern governance and how to stay relevant. While the colonial masters used power politics 
to alter the traditional institutions and create divisions amongst ruling families, set the 
indigenous people against each other, the traditional rulers in Akokoland used same to build 
trust, loyalty, communal cohesion and inclusive society. Aware of the fact that their powers had 

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weaned appreciably, traditional rulers in Akokoland wisely took the part of caution through 
the tactical adoption of power politics to ensure that their stakes as custodians of traditions, 
customs and history of the people as well as viable grassroots mobilisers are protected. The 
myriad of challenges faced by the traditional rulers notwithstanding, through the progressive 
adoption and application of power politics, they have continued to show dynamism through 
adaptation and continuity. The government of the day must come to the realisation that the 
traditional rulers have good roles to play in the efforts at nation-building and emplacing a 
better society safe enough for all to co-habit and contribute to the development of the country. 
On the strength of this, the controller of the instrument of state should continue to see the 
traditional rulers as development partners and work towards ensuring that their place in the 
scheme of things is properly outlined and assured through the necessary instrument of the 
state. 

ENDNOTES

1. Kings and Kingship: http://geography.name/kings-and-kingship Accessed on 
14/5/2017

2. Kings and Kingship: http://geography.name/kings-and-kingship Accessed on 
14/5/2017

3. Kings and Kingship: http://geography.name/kings-and-kingship Accessed on 
14/5/2017

4. Kings and Kingship: http://geography.name/kings-and-kingship Accessed on 
14/5/2017

5. LiliLoofbourow, “The End of Power by MoisesNaim Review – A Study in Mass 
Alienation” 
https://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/jan/15/the-end-of-power-moses-naim-
review  Accessed 06/10/2016 @ 9:45pm

6. Ipinlaiye, A.E. 82, Olojeof Igashi-Akoko, Igashi-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 
15/4/2016.

7. For details on colonial rule in Nigeria and Akokoland see: F. Lugard, 1965. The Dual 
Mandate in British Tropical Africa, London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., M. Crowder, 
1973. West Africa under Colonial Rule, London: Hutchinson & Co.; Adeyeri, J.O., 
2015.  “British Rule and the Transformation of Akokoland, 1897 – 1960”, Ph.D. 
Thesis Department of History, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria; Akomolafe, 
C.O., 1976. “Akoko under British Rule, 1900-1935”, M.Phil. Thesis, Department of 
History, University of Ife, Ile-Ife; Crowder and ObaroIkime eds. 1970. “West African 
Chiefs; Their Changing Status under Colonial Rule and Independence”, Ile-Ife: 
University of Ife Press; Obaro, Ikime 1968. “Reconsidering Indirect Rule: The 
Nigerian Example”. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol. 4, No. 3, 
December, pp.421-438.



8. Dan, O. Chukwu 2010. “Trends and Changes in the Nigerian Currency System, 
Colonial Period-2008”. Stud Tribes Tribals, 8(2), p.88

9. For details on the history of currency in Nigeria see: Kirk-Greene, A.H.M 1960. “The 
Major Currencies in Nigerian History”. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, 
Vol. 2, No. 1, December, pp.132-150; Dan, O. Chukwu 2010. “Trends and Changes in 
the Nigerian Currency System, Colonial Period-2008”. Stud Tribes Tribals, 8(2), 
pp.87-101. 

10. Igbafe, P. A. 1967. “The District Head System in Benin, 1914-1935”, Odu: University 
of Ife Journal of African Studies, vol. III, no. 3, January, pp. 3-21. 

11. For details on the impact of the introduction of financial inducement on the monarchy 

by the colonial masters in Nigeria see: Edo, V.O., 2001. “The Benin Monarchy, 1897-

1978: A Study in Institutional Adaptation to Change”, PhD Thesis, Department of 

History, University of Ibadan, Ibadan. p.v, pp.60-62, Obaro, Ikime 1968. 

“Reconsidering Indirect Rule: The Nigerian Example”. Journal of the Historical 

Society of Nigeria, Vol. 4, No. 3, December, pp.421-438.

12. Ipinlaiye, A.E. 82, Olojeof Igashi-Akoko, Igashi-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 

15/4/2016. For details on traditional rulers and chieftaincy disputes see: Oguntomisin, 

G.O. (2004). The Processes of Peacekeeping and Peace -Making in Pre-Colonial 

Nigeria. Ibadan: John Archers and Olaoba, O. B. (n.d.). “The Traditional Approaches 

to Conflict Resolution in the South-West Zone of Nigeria,” Nigerian Army Quarterly 

Journal, Vol., no.1, Negatons (W.A) Ltd. 22-37.

13. Except the Owa Ale whose tradition of beaded crown was questioned by the Morgan 

Commission, the other two had valid tradition of beaded crown traceable to Ile-Ife. The 

Morgan Commission however, agreed that the Owa Ale's feathered crown (Iyaade) 

was an ancient one used by his ancestors as one of the symbols of royalty. 

14. Adetona, Victor Ojo. 53, Owa of Ogbagi-Akoko, his palace at Ogbagi-Akoko, Ondo 

State, Nigeria. 18/4/2018. For details on kingship tradition in Yorubaland see: Johnson 

S. The History of the Yorubas, from the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the British 

Protectorate. Lagos: CSS Bookshop Limited, 1921.

15. Alhaji Alhassan Adesina, Elela Sasere (Elela II), 82, The Olora of Ora. Interviewed at 

his palace in Ora, Ajowa-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 7/4/2018. For details on 

covenant or oath taking in Yoruba traditional institutions see: Thorpe, C. O. Àwon 

ÈèwòIlè Yorùbá. Onibon-Oje Press. Ibadan, 1972.
16. Adewumi, Ojo Stephen, 70, High Chief Ologotun-Igase, he is the high priest of Afa 

community in Okeagbe-Akoko. Ogosi quarters, Afa, Okeagbe-Akoko, Ondo State, 
Nigeria.12/4/2018. For more details on women influence in Yoruba traditional systems 
see: Ukpokolo, F.C. “Gender Politics and African Culture: Concepts, Issues and 
Practices" in Oguntomisin, G.O. and Edo, V.O. (eds.). African Culture and 

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Civilization, Ibadan: GSP University of Ibadan, 2005.
17. Interview with Oba Stephen OlorunteleOgunoye, 57, the Olusin of Owalusin, Olusin's 

palace at Iwaro, Oka-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 30/7/2018. For more details on 
Yoruba traditional marriage and its significance see: Fadipe, N. A. (1970). The 
Sociology of the Yoruba. Ibadan: University Press.

18. Interview with Chief Ojo, S.A., 58. Community leader, No. 1, Shine shine Villa, Ikese, 
Oka-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 30/7/2018. For more details on festivals in 
Yorubaland see: Ajetunmobi, R.O. (2009) “Traditional Festivals in Nigeria” in 
Ajetunmobi, R.O. and Osiyale, B.O. (eds.) Themes in Nigeria as a Nation. Abeokuta: 
Gabby Printing (Nig.) Enterprises.

19. The market at Ikare-Akoko can be partly regarded as oja Oba because of its proximity 
to the palace but oja Ikare appear to be the accepted name among several buyers and 
sellers. For more details on market in Yorubaland see: Olaoba, O.B. (1999). Rural and 
Urban Market in Yorubaland: Bodija Market in Ibadan 1987-1995. Ibadan: John 
Archers Limited.

20. Omosola, A.B., 76, Farmer/ community leaders, EwuIkanmu, Oka-Akoko, Ondo 
State, Nigeria. 30/7/2018. For more details on market as instrument of socio-economic 
relations see: Hodder, B.W and Ukwu, U.I (eds.) (1969). Markets in West Africa. 
Ibadan: Ibadan University Press.

21. Interview with Chief Ojo, S.A., 58. Community leader/farmer, No. 1, Shine shine 
Villa, Ikese, Oka-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 30/7/2018. For more details on Yoruba 
traditional political structure see: Oguntomisin, G.O. “Through the Changing Scenes: 
Traditional Rulers in Nigeria”, Journal of African Studies. 2. no. 1 (1997) Olota.

22. Interview with Chief Ojo, S.A., 58. Farmer/community leader, No. 1, Shineshine 
Villa, Ikese, Oka-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 30/7/2018. For details about politics 
and interaction among the Akokos see:  Olukoju, A.O. (1989). “The Siege of Oka, ca. 
1878-84: A Study in the Resistance to Nupe Militarism in Northeastern Yorubaland”, 
in Toyin Falola and Robin Law (eds.). Warfare and Diplomacy in Pre-colonial 
Nigeria: Essays in Honour of Robert Smith. Madison: University of Wisconsin.

23. Same was the case in Erusu-Akoko where the Osunla have failed to reconcile with 
chiefs from Amo, Aga and Okesan, the Zakiof Arigidi-Akoko has also failed in his 
many attempts to reconcile with chiefs from Iyu, Imo and Osin quarters. Interestingly, 
these three Arigidi-Akoko quarters have their king makers. This has made 
reconciliation more difficult.

24. This arrangement was commended by many in Aje community and linked to one of the 
major reasons why the king is widely supported and accepted by the people.

25. Adewumi, Ojo Stephen, 70, High Chief Ologotun-Igase, he is the high priest of Afa 
community in Okeagbe-Akoko. Ogosi quarters, Afa, Okeagbe-Akoko, Ondo State, 
Nigeria. 12/4/2018. For details on this see: Faboyede, O. “Akokoland before Colonial 
Rule: Earliest Times to 1900”. International Journals of Arts and Humanities (IJAH), 
(Bahir Dar-Ethiopia, 4, no.1 (2015). 



26. Adewumi, Ojo Stephen, 70, High Chief Ologotun-Igase, he is the high priest of Afa 
community in Okeagbe-Akoko. Ogosi quarters, Afa, Okeagbe-Akoko, Ondo State, 
Nigeria.. 12/4/2018. For details on this see: Ogunode S. A. “An Appraisal of the Roles 
of the Warriors' Guild in Addressing Pre-colonial Security Challenges in Okaland 
South-West Nigeria.” International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies 
(IJHCS), Vol.1, Issue 3 (2014).

27. Adewumi, Ojo Stephen, 70, High Chief Ologotun-Igase, he is the high priest of Afa 
community in Okeagbe-Akoko. Ogosi quarters, Afa, Okeagbe-Akoko, Ondo State, 
Nigeria. 12/4/2018. For more details on this see: Ibid.

28. Interview with Akande Sunday, 30, palace staff, Olisuapalace, Isua-Akoko, Ondo 
State, Nigeria. 18/5/2018. For details on traditional wisdom see: Olaoba, O. B. “The 
Traditional Approaches to Conflict Resolution in the South-West Zone of Nigeria”. 
Nigerian Army Quarterly Journal, Vol. no.1, Negatons (W.A) Ltd.

29. Onipinla, Emmanuel Elegbelye, 84, Clergy and community leader, S40A, Aje, 
Okeagbe-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 12/4/2018. For details on power and status of 
Yoruba chiefs see: Falola, T. (2006). “Power, Status and Influence of Yoruba Chiefs in 
Historical Perspective” in Falola, T. and Geneva, A. Yoruba Identity and Power 
Politics. New York: University of Rochester Press.  

30. Oloruntoba, Bello, 70+, The Ewiof Aje, Aje's palace, Okeagbe-Akoko, Ondo State, 
Nigeria. 12/05/2015. The use of dialogue to manage ambitious princes, chiefs and 
other members of the town was also buttressed by the Owa of Ogbagi-Akoko, the 
Zakiof Arigidi-Akoko, the Osunlaof Erusu-Akoko and the Olubaka of Oka-Akoko. 
For details on the use of dialogue see:  Nwosile, O.B. 'ed.' 2005. Traditional Models of 
Bargaining and Conflict Resolution in Africa: Perspective on Peace and Conflict in 
Africa. Ibadan: John Archers Ltd.

31. Interview with Oba Akadiri Saliu-Momoh IV, The Olukare of Ikare-Akoko, 80. 
Olukare's palace, Ikare-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 18/08/2016. For details on this 
see: Faboyede, O. (2015), cited.

32. Interview with Oba George Olusegun Oyekan (JP), The Gbiri of Epimi-Akoko, 57. 
Gbiri's palace, Epimi-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 7/6/2018. For details on this see: 
Faboyede, O. “Elitism in Pre-colonial Akoko Society: Its Disorientation from Socio-
Cultural Value in Contemporary Akoko”, LUMINA, Vol. 22, No.1. (2013)

33. Interview with HRH Oba Adeleye, Yusuf Adebori, 73+, Olubaka of Oka-Akoko., 
Olubaka's palace, Oka-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 6/8/2018. See Ibid for details.

34. Interview with HRM Ambassador Regent Adekemi Omorinbola, Asinof Okaland, 
Ondo State, Nigeria. 27/7/2018. For details see: Orojo, J. O. (2008). A Short 
History of Arigidi-Akoko. Lagos: Royet and Day Publication Ltd.

35. Interview with Oba Stephen Oloruntele Ogunoye, 57, the Olusin of Owalusin, Olusin's 
palace at Iwaro, Oka-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 30/7/2018. For details see: 
Kolawole, D.O. A History of Oka. Ibadan, Demman Consultancy & Printers, 2009.

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36. Same advice was given to Alafin Abiodun Adegoolu when he was installed as the new 
oba of Oyo in the epic movie titled: “Basorun Gaa” directed by Adebayo Faleti. For 
details on proverbs and conflict management see: Ademowo, A.J. & Noah Balogun. 
2014. “Proverbs and Conflict Management in Africa: A Study of Selected Yoruba 
Proverbs and Proverbial Expressions.”. International Journal of Literature, Language 
and Linguistics, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1(1).

37. Interview with Francis Rotimi Alabi, 50, Edibo of Ogo Quarters, Arigidi-Akoko, Ondo 
State, Nigeria. 6/4/2018.For details see: Orojo, J. O. 2008, cited.

38. Interview with Pa Omosola, A.B., 76. Ikanmu, Oka-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 
30/7/2018. For details on the personality of the ruler see: Sofola, J.A. 1973. African 
Culture and the African Personality: What Makes an African Person African, Ibadan: 
African Resources Publishers Co.

39. Interview with Oba George Olusegun Oyekan (JP), The Gbiri of Epimi-Akoko, 57. 
Gbiri's palace, Epimi-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 7/6/2018. For details on this see: 
Ayo B. Public Administration and the Conduct of Community Affairs among the 
Yoruba in Nigeria. California: ICS Press, 2002.

40. For details on this see: Foluso, A. and Kolawole, A. Akoko land: History and 
Distinguished People. Ibadan: Lizab Nigeria Ltd, 1997.

41. Interview with HRM Ambassador Regent Adekemi Omorinbola, 24, Asin of Okaland, 
Ondo State, Nigeria.  27/7/2018. For details on these reactions see: Faboyede, O. “The 
Akoko Elite”. Unpublished PhD Thesis, Ekiti State University, Nigeria, 2013.


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