this study analyzed the responses of masters and doctoral counseling students to two domestic violence scenarios couples counseling in domestic violence 1 endorsement of couples counseling in a domestic violence case as a function of training mona bapat and terence tracey college of education arizona state university biographical information: mona bapat is a doctoral candidate in the counseling psychology program at arizona state university. her primary research focus is on issues of intimate partner violence. terence tracey is a professor in the counseling and counseling psychology programs at arizona state university. his research efforts have focused on the topics of client-therapist interaction in psychotherapy. correspondence should be addressed to: mona bapat, division of psychology in education, 302 payne hall, mc-0611 arizona state university, tempe, az 85287-0611. email: mbapat@asu.edu. mailto:mbapat@asu.edu.� couples counseling in domestic violence 2 abstract reactions of students in helping professions to domestic violence were examined with respect to whether or not the students had any training in domestic violence. one hundred, four students read one of two vignettes describing a domestic violence case and responded to statements related to treatment options. the vignettes differed only in education level and occupation of the target of the violence. students with training in domestic violence evidenced less willingness to endorse couples counseling as a treatment option than those without the knowledge or training. this main effect held across both ses conditions. couples counseling in domestic violence 3 endorsement of couples counseling in a domestic violence case as a function of training domestic violence is an extremely prevalent problem and one that is important for mental health professionals to understand. kragh and huber (2002) summarize that “over two million united states women are abused each year by their husbands or partners and as many as four thousand women are killed during these batterings” (p. 290). thus, it is probable that every mental health worker will at some point in his or her career work with a client who has been involved in a violent relationship (hansen & harway, 1993). therefore, knowledge and training in the area of domestic violence appear to be needed in order for mental health professionals to help targets of violence most effectively. however, there has been little research evaluating the relation of training in domestic violence and interventions used in domestic violence cases. the focus of this study is on the relation between reactions to a domestic violence situation and the level of training in domestic violence of the mental health professional. we were most interested in endorsement of different treatment options, specifically couples counseling. in addition to our assessment of the relation of training to intervention endorsement, we also focused on the potentially confounding variable of socio-economic status (ses) of the target. although males can certainly be targets of domestic violence from female perpetrators, we will focus on trainees’ reactions to a domestic violence scenario with a female target in a heterosexual relationship, given that females are more likely to seek help for the abuse (graham-kevan & archer, 2005; koopmans & lamers, 2006). in working with domestic violence, the potential of increased harm can quickly arise and requires attention. domestic violence involves the perpetrator’s effort to control his partner (azcadv, 2000; mcmurran & gilchrist, 2008); therefore, there is the potential for violence to increase, especially if she attempts to leave. in other words, the possibility of her leaving his couples counseling in domestic violence 4 control could lead him to use greater violence in an attempt to get her to stay. further, challenging times for families, such as the current financial crisis, could contribute to an increase of harm to targets of domestic violence. the national domestic violence hotline reported a 21% increase in calls in september of 2008 (beginning of the financial crisis) compared to the same month in 2007 and callers reported the financial stress as a factor associated with the violence in september of 2008 (sotelo, 2009). however, the literature documents that the focus of practitioners on decreasing harm to the women is not always a primary focus. in a survey of 362 therapists conducted by hansen and harway (1993), 40% of the practitioners failed to address the issue of violence in a hypothetical case and 91% of those who addressed the conflict inappropriately considered it to be mild or moderate. in a second study conducted by hansen and harway (1993), the single most common response by psychologists when presented with a rather extreme case of violence was focusing on the couple’s marital problems. furthermore, with knowledge of the lethal outcome of the case, only 50% of the participants indicated that their intervention of choice was to seek protection for the wife. so it is important to recognize these dangerous situations and choose an appropriate intervention that decreases harm to the target. use of couples counseling in domestic violence cases anecdotal data have shown that mental health professionals believe couples counseling can be the solution in domestic violence (montreal men against sexism, 1995); in addition, the us air force family advocacy program provides various services in response to spousal abuse, of which marital therapy is most frequent (o’leary, 2001). however, marital therapy it is not a recommended intervention in the literature, particularly when the partners are engaged in physical violence. both mcmahon and pence (1996) and hansen and goldberg (1993) suggest couples counseling in domestic violence 5 that couples counseling can be effective; however, only when the couple is no longer engaging in violent transactions. montreal men against sexism (1995) conducted a study in which at sixweek follow-up, half of the couples with domestic violence that received conjoint therapy reported violent incidents, and at six months, all couples that were in conjoint therapy reported further violence. while there was no control group in this study, it does provide some support for the treatment recommendations noted above. regardless, couples counseling as an automatic treatment recommendation needs to be carefully considered. couples counseling involves helping the couple to identify and reach goals, just as in individual counseling. in order for couples counseling to be effective, one partner cannot feel threatened by the other, and in general there would need to be an agreement on the problem for which the couple is seeking help. in cases of domestic violence, there will likely be a disagreement between the partners on the nature of the problem. domestic violence is one partner trying to control the other so abuse perpetrators often blame their partners for issues, or do not acknowledge that a problem exists (azcadv, 2000), and out of fear women may not openly express themselves in the presence of their partner. montreal men against sexism (1995) state that one result of conjoint therapy with domestic violence is that “therapy can end up mimicking the batterer’s rationale for his violence.” williamson (2000) also recommends that couples counseling be avoided and to instead work with the woman to improve her situation. there are a number of possible outcomes if couples counseling is recommended or used when a woman seeks help for domestic violence, and we will list some of the main ones. one, the couple may not return for another session due to the perpetrator’s lack of acknowledgement of any problem. hansen and goldberg (1993) state that some research shows that helping the perpetrator develop insight into his responsibility for the violence fails to reduce the violence or couples counseling in domestic violence 6 change his behavior. two, the perpetrator could become more abusive because his partner has exposed their situation to an outside party or three, the couple may continue to attend therapy and the perpetrator, given his desire for control, will attempt to control the sessions and misuse guidance provided by the counselor to further abuse at home. o’leary and murphy (1999) state that in cases where the violence has become more severe and more male perpetrated, couple therapy may perpetuate a severe imbalance of power. finally, there exists the possibility that the perpetrator will not agree to go to counseling at all. consequently, attempting only to work with the woman in individual counseling is the preferred intervention because it gives her time for herself in a safe environment to deal with the situation. as a side note, in working with male perpetrators of partner violence or when identifying a strategy for reducing partner violence on a macro scale in our society, batterers intervention programs (bips) have shown to have a significant impact in alleviating abusive behavior in intimate relationships (bennett et al., 2007). however, “50% of the participants never complete the program, regardless of whether or not they are court-ordered” (bennett et al., 2007, p. 42), which further supports the importance for mental health professionals to focus on targets of violence who ask for help and what they can do to deal with the situation. training of mental health practitioners we expected that the presence of training in the area of domestic violence would be related to mental health workers reactions to domestic violence situations. we define training in this study as technical training, as received in a formal course. the literature has demonstrated that there is an absence of training in working with domestic violence cases among mental health workers. campbell, raja and grining (1999) found that of 14,119 licensed counselors, social workers, clinical social workers or clinical/counseling psychologists they surveyed, only 59% of couples counseling in domestic violence 7 them had training in domestic violence. such lack of training could lead to responses to domestic violence situations that are not in the best interest of the client, or could even cause her harm. we hypothesized that these results of hansen and harway (1993) could come in part from a lack of specific training. we thus sought to examine if the presence of formal training resulted in treatment endorsements that may be more protective of the woman, specifically a decreased tendency to endorse couples counseling. socio-economic status and domestic violence in addition to the presence of training, we examined the factor of socio-economic status (ses) of the women in the vignettes. although the literature does not provide any information on mental health professionals’ perceptions of domestic violence in relation to ses of targets, one misconception is that domestic violence only occurs in lower ses populations. shapiro (1984) states in his chapter about working with people experiencing domestic violence that, “frequently there was a need to hide the abuse from public view. secretiveness was strengthened by concern with public opinion and fears of damage to social standing and occupational status” (p. 116). shapiro (1984) goes on further to say that some therapists can “reflect a customary middle-class abhorrence of violence” (p.118), implying that there can be a denial of the existence of family violence by and within the middle-class population. nevertheless, for shapiro (1984) the family violence that was seamless to outsiders was the most frequent type in his clinic, and adragna (1991) has found that 22% of the divorces in middle-class marriages are attributable to domestic violence. therefore, even though domestic violence exists in all ses classes, it is possible that the perception of a relation between domestic violence and social class could affect decisions of practitioners. mental health professionals may use different interventions with targets of a higher couples counseling in domestic violence 8 ses than with those of a lower ses. because a woman is of a higher ses and possibly in a stronger financial position to be on her own, a mental health worker may view her situation as less grave than that of a woman of lower ses. the professional may expect this woman to be more intelligent and to be able to leave the relationship more easily. therefore, if the client remains in the relationship, the helping professional may believe that the couple is simply having marital conflict that can be alleviated with couples counseling. however, her situation can be just as severe as that of a woman of a lower social status, with various factors hindering her ability to escape. furthermore, contrary to a misconception that domestic violence only entails physical abuse, it also entails verbal, emotional and financial abuse (tolman, rosen & wood, 1999). examples of financial abuse include the target’s partner taking her money, or putting more financial responsibility on her, so she may still not have complete control of her financial resources (azcadv, 2000). however, given the potentially greater financial wherewithal of women in higher ses groups, we expected that study participants would recommend couples counseling more highly for the woman of higher ses. in summary, given the lack of education in domestic violence received by mental health professionals, and the amount of controversy in utilizing couples counseling as an intervention in domestic violence cases, it is important to empirically measure the perceptions held by students in helping professions and to determine the extent to which they would endorse couples counseling. we expected those with no training in domestic violence to more highly endorse couples counseling for the couple in the vignettes than those with training in the area, and that this endorsement would be greater for the woman of high ses. we have examined the relationship between these two factors and the students’ level of endorsement of the following couples counseling in domestic violence 9 treatment options: going to a shelter, group counseling, individual counseling and couples counseling. method participants the study participants were 104 male and female undergraduate and graduate students taking classes in the education college of a large southwestern university. these classes included counseling, counseling psychology and various education classes. eight-three percent were female and 17% were male. our sample included individuals ranging from 20 to 60 years of age with a mean age of 30 years. sixty percent were graduate students and five percent were undergraduates; 35% did not report their year in school. further demographic details of the participants are presented in tables 1 and 2. table 1 has participants’ religious affiliation in addition to gender and major. table 2 has ethnicity and marital status. table 1 study participant gender, major and religious affiliation _____________________________________________________________________________________ gender school major religious affiliation _____________ ________________________________ _________________________________ male female psychology unidentified christian none other unidentified grad undergrad _____________________________________________________________________________________ 17 83 59 1 40 38.2 13.2 15.2 33.4 ____________________________________________________________________________ note. vales are percentages based on 104 total participants. couples counseling in domestic violence 10 table 2 study participant ethnicity and marital status _____________________________________________________________________________________ ethnicity marital status _________________________________________________ _______________________________ white hispanic asian black other unidentified single married unidentified _____________________________________________________________________________________ 66 9 6 4 10 5 50 18.4 31.6 ____________________________________________________________________________ note. percentages based on 104 total participants. instrument each student completed a survey that we created. the survey included a two-paragraph description of an abusive scenario adapted from wise and bowman (1997), five statements that were rated on a likert-type scale, and a demographic section. the two scenarios were identical except for the manipulation of the educational level and occupation of the target. the text of the first vignette was: josephine smith has contacted your agency. she requests help after an incident with her husband that left her with a cut on her right hand. ms. smith, a 35-year-old college instructor with a master’s degree in chemistry, tells you her story. she had arrived home in the evening after teaching a late-afternoon class, spent some time with her 10 year-old and 15 year-old daughters, and started preparing dinner. approximately ten minutes later, her husband, mark smith (an engineer), arrived home from work and became angry because dinner was not yet ready. he walked into the couples counseling in domestic violence 11 kitchen yelling that he has things to do and that dinner should be ready on time, then picked up a knife and threw it at her. as josephine started crying and treating her wound, mark left the house. the following morning, she called the “life help agency.” for the second scenario, “college instructor” was replaced with “cashier in department store”, “master’s degree in chemistry” was replaced with “who has never attended college” and “after teaching a late-afternoon class” was replaced with “after working late.” after reading the vignettes, the participants rated five statements on a likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). these statements were related to the treatment recommendations that the participant would give to the woman in the vignette as though they were an employee of life help agency, specifically: individual counseling, group counseling, couples counseling, and going to a shelter. for example, one statement read “i recommend couples counseling for josephine and her husband.” in addition, to test the validity of the ses manipulation, study participants responded to the question “josephine is intelligent.” if participants are attending to the two conditions, then they should rate the intelligence of josephine higher in the college instructor condition than in the cashier condition. the treatment recommendations and validity check statement are presented in table 1. in addition, we asked each participant the question “have you had any knowledge or training in partner violence?” to which they were to respond yes or no. procedure students taking various counseling and education courses were recruited to fill out the survey and the surveys were administered in the classrooms with minimal instruction. the first author attended classes with instructor permission and explained to the classes in a general way that the study would be surveying students’ reactions to a hypothetical domestic violence couples counseling in domestic violence 12 situation. the first author attended the classes toward the end of class time and explained that participation was voluntary. this way those students who chose to not participate were able to leave while others stayed to complete the survey. some instructors participated in the college’s research protocol that facilitated undergraduate participation in various research projects for extra credit. the first author also attended these classes to announce the study and, according to protocol, arranged times in a reserved classroom in which students could come to fill out the survey for extra credit. each student read only one of the two possible vignettes. the first author attended the classes with a stack of the surveys with the vignettes alternating, and randomly passed out surveys to each student from the top of the stack. the students were simply told that they would be reading a short vignette describing a situation of domestic violence and answering questions in response to it. the informed consent letter only told the students that the study will help determine domestic violence-related education needed, and did not indicate the factors to be analyzed. this letter was placed on top of the surveys so that the author could not match faces with handwriting, to ensure anonymity of the participants. to ensure independence of the participants’ responses, the first author was present in the classrooms and observed that students did not discuss the survey with each other and completed it on their own. study results were not purposely shared with participants but they were encouraged to approach the authors if they were interested in seeing them, or if they had any questions regarding the study. analysis we first conducted a univariate analysis of variance at an alpha level of .05 to test our ses manipulation. then, given that we expected students’ responses to the four statements of treatment options to be related to each other, we conducted a multivariate analysis of variance couples counseling in domestic violence 13 test with the four treatment options as the dependent variables. the two fixed factors of training and ses had two levels; target ses was either “instructor” or “cashier,” and training in domestic violence was “yes” or “no.” given that we found the manova analysis to be significant (indicating a difference between levels of endorsement of the four treatments), we conducted post-hoc individual univariate analyses so that we could compare the significance of the level of endorsement of the four different treatment recommendations. this allowed us to see how participants’ level of endorsement of couples counseling differed with respect to training and ses versus the other treatments of individual counseling, group counseling and shelter. results with our first univariate test as a manipulation check at an alpha level of .05, the effect of ses was significant, f(1,103) = 23.04, p < .001. the observed power of this test was .99. effect size of the difference between the two conditions was measured with eta-squared (η2) and was found to be .18, a large size in the social sciences. thus, participants very highly perceived the college instructor as more intelligent than the cashier, so they seem to have recognized the intended difference between the two conditions. these results are summarized in table 3. twenty-six percent of our sample reported having some training in domestic violence, 43% reported no training, and 32% of the respondents did not report their training level. with our manova analysis, the training effect was significant, f(4,97) = 4.59, p < .005. this test had an observed power of .94 and another high effect size of .16. this indicated that the level of endorsement of each treatment recommendation was significantly different from the others. thus we conducted post hoc univariate analyses given that the manova showed a difference in level of endorsement between the four treatments. the results of the post hoc univariate analyses are couples counseling in domestic violence 14 summarized in table 3. the interaction effect between training and ses was not significant, f(4, 97) = .94, p > .05. table 3 univariate anova results across participant training and target ses effects ______________________________________________________________________________ target ses training statement _________________ ________________ df f η2 df f η2 ______________________________________________________________________________ recommend going to a shelter. 1,103 4.66 .04 1,103 4.10 .04 recommend group counseling. 1,103 .04 .00 1,103 4.97 .04 recommend individual counseling. 1,103 .01 .00 1,103 4.60 .04 recommend couples counseling. 1,103 2.03 .02 1,103 13.92* .11 she is intelligent. 1,103 22.36** .18 ______________________________________________________________________________ *p = .001, **p < .001 the only significant training effect in our post-hoc analyses pertained to the degree to which the participants endorsed couples counseling, f (1,103) = 13.92, p < .001. this test had an observed power of .96 and an effect size of .11. participants without training were very much more likely to endorse couples counseling than those who had training. the mean and standard deviation for those with no training were m = 3.62, sd = 1.31, and for those with training were, m = 2.62, sd couples counseling in domestic violence 15 = 1.35. again, the likert-type scale on which participants responded was from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). discussion conclusions as we expected, training in the area of domestic violence was related to how highly students recommended couples counseling for the wife and her husband in our vignette. those without training in the area more highly recommended couples counseling than those who had training in the area. these results indicate that domestic violence education succeeds in making mental health workers aware of the potential ramifications of couples counseling in domestic violence cases. as we described in the beginning, couples counseling is not an uncommonly recommended intervention in these cases; however, it is counterindicated, particularly in instances where the couple is engaged in violent transactions or the woman feels unsafe in the presence of her partner. there were no significant results related to ses of the target. in other words, participants did not treat the women of high and low ses differently, and the difference due to training held across both ses conditions. this is a positive result showing that these students did not treat the women differently based on ses. these results can probably be explained by a greater awareness of domestic violence in our society today, and people in general understanding that no ses level is immune to domestic violence. implications and recommendations given the significant relationship in this study between training in domestic violence and level of endorsement of couples counseling, it would be appropriate for mental health worker training programs to provide more education in domestic violence to their students. campbell, couples counseling in domestic violence 16 raja and grinning (1999) found that most mental health professionals receive training in childhood sexual abuse, but they receive less training in domestic violence, and they recommend that training needs to be required in graduate school. they recommend that this training include therapy strategies, referral sources for targets, and legal and medical consequences. in addition, we attest that more comprehensive training would give students the needed formal knowledge of the area in order to more clearly understand the dynamics of domestic violence, the abuse cycle and thus why couples counseling should be considered cautiously. domestic violence involves the perpetrator’s desire to control his partner and this could be done in various ways, such as through physical abuse, verbal abuse, controlling her interactions with friends and family, or controlling her money (azcadv, 2000). thus we recommend that the training include the important factor of control in abusive relationships, a description of the abuse cycle, the above-mentioned ways in which the control is executed and why a target of domestic violence may not be safe in a couples counseling situation. other factors that are related to domestic violence are alcohol use and issues of anger on part of the perpetrators (mcmurran & gilchrist, 2008). it is also important that training include these factors that can often coincide with domestic violence. such comprehensive training could allow mental health professionals to help a target avoid increased harm, and help them to understand why couples counseling could be counterproductive. in table 4 we summarize more specific items that training curricula could include, provided by payne (2009) through his survey of mental health professionals’ supervisors for their input on training needs. we organized the training topics extracted by payne (2009) into categories for parsimony in the presentation in the table. table 4 couples counseling in domestic violence 17 possible topics for domestic violence training programs category topics basic information the basic dynamics of domestic violence theoretical perspectives on domestic violence victim-related issues indicators that may identify domestic violence victims documenting domestic violence in the victim’s record talking with victims of domestic violence the critical complications involved in domestic violence, such as posttraumatic stress disorder and depression designing a safety plan for victims and children obtaining a protection order for victims the availability of community (local) resources for victims the special needs of victims of elder abuse working with community-based services to get needed services to victims (e.g. shelters) obtaining needed medical care for victims obtained needed mental health care for victims family-related issues assessing a family for the risk of domestic violence talking with child witnesses of domestic violence the effect of domestic violence on employment the effect of domestic violence on children table 4 (continued). couples counseling in domestic violence 18 possible topics for domestic violence training programs category topics developing a rapport with families living in domestic violence situations perpetrator-related issues intervening with perpetrators of violence (abusers) communicating warning signs of abuser lethality legal issues legal options and laws available in domestic violence situations accessing law enforcement or legal options in domestic violence situations assisting victims in overcoming barriers to legal options testifying in court hearings working with the police to assist victims working with the court system to assist victims health professional-related issues coping with frustrations and emotions encountered when working with victims of domestic violence planning for own safety when working with victims note. adopted from payne (2008). working with a target of domestic violence is not unlike working with clients on other issues. the role of the counselor is to help the client be safe from danger, help her identify her couples counseling in domestic violence 19 goals for counseling, and facilitate progress toward those goals. this role does not include being directive and insisting on couples counseling. it is not uncommon for targets of domestic violence in individual counseling to ask the counselor if their partners should attend sessions with them. in such a situation, providing psychoeducation to the client on the possible outcomes of couples counseling would be appropriate. a thorough assessment of the client’s situation can help to determine if she is in an abusive relationship. o’leary and murphy (1999) provide instruments including self-report questionnaires and interview techniques that can aid the assessment process. moreover, these tools can also help to determine the amount of physical danger the client is facing. safety planning, a harm reduction method, will most likely be a part of the counselor’s work with the client, whether or not she chooses to leave her abuser. the therapist would want to cater to the woman’s requests, and if her goal is to stay with her partner and she asks the therapist to help them improve their communication, couples counseling could be appropriate. the results of this research are limited in several ways. first, only one training program was studied and the results cannot be generalized to students in other programs. second, the participants were novices to the clinical setting. it is possible that the study would yield different results if the participants were experienced clinicians who had worked with more domestic violence cases. third, there is the possibility that demographic differences of therapists can be related their reactions to domestic violence, such as gender, level of schooling, ethnicity and religiosity. the literature does not provide information on why such demographic differences of therapists would be significant in their attitudes toward domestic violence, but further research could be done to explore any differences between the reactions of males versus females, undergraduate versus graduate students, whites versus ethnic minorities, and religious versus couples counseling in domestic violence 20 nonreligious therapists. further research could also be done in surveying more experienced clinicians. it is plausible that value differences between groups could lead to different attitudes, in turn leading to different treatment recommendations. nevertheless, the power of our analyses show that training in the area of domestic violence is a factor in how these students responded to the scenarios presented to them. couples counseling was recommended significantly less strongly by those students with some training in the area. therefore, training in domestic violence could be useful in allowing helping professionals to guide clients in as safe and effective way as possible. couples counseling in domestic violence 21 references adragna, m. 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(1984). therapy with violent families. in s. saunders, a.m. anderson, c.a. hart & g.m. rubenstein (eds.), violent individuals and families (pp. 116-118). springfield, il: charles thomas publisher. sotelo, n. (2009, april 17). women hit hardest in bad economy. national catholic reporter, p.23. tolman, r. m., rosen, d., & wood, g. c. (1999). psychological maltreatment of women. in r.t. ammerman & m. hersen (eds.), assessment of family violence: a clinical and legal sourcebook (pp. 322-328). new york, ny: john wiley & sons, inc. http://www.mincava.umn.edu/documents/limits/limits.html#id2633616� couples counseling in domestic violence 23 williamson, t. a. (2000). the relationship between formal education/training and the ability of psychologists and marriage family therapists to assess and intervene when counseling with female victims of domestic violence [abstract]. dissertation abstracts international: section a: humanities and social sciences, 61(4-a), 1311. retrieved on august 24, 2007 from psycinfo database. wise, a. j., & bowman, s. l. (1997). comparison of beginning counselors’ responses to lesbian vs. heterosexual partner abuse. violence and victims, 12, 127-135. possible topics for domestic violence training programs possible topics for domestic violence training programs disposition_final volume 13, number 2 issn 1099-839x disposition and early childhood education preservice teachers: where to start? ursula thomas, ed.d university of west georgia citation thomas, u. (2010). disposition and early childhood education preservice teachers: where to start?. current issues in education, 13(2). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this study explores teacher education programs and preservice teacher dispositions. the study examined the dispositions of two sections of a reading methods course populated by preservice teachers. a dispositions checklist was used to collect data in three phases and from two audiences. the findings of the study strongly suggest that preservice teachers have a positive view of their own dispositions as well as their peers’ dispositions. the study also shows that the perception of preservice teachers’ dispositions of themselves differ greatly from the perception of the instructor of the course. implications from this study suggest further development of practices that surface disposition and strategic use of data to improve teacher dispositions within teacher education programs. keywords: teachers, preservice, early childhood, education, disposition current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 about the author(s) author: ursula thomas, ed.d. affiliation: university of west georgia address: dept. of c&i, 1601 maple street, carrollton, ga, 30118 email: uthomas@westga.edu biographical information: ursula thomas ed.d is an assistant professor of early childhood education at the university of west georgia. her research efforts focus on cultural mediation and teacher belief systems in the context of early childhood and teacher education. disposition and early childhood education 3 as the push for effective teachers persists, many teacher education programs, and professional development administrators are left speculating about the part dispositions perform in effective teaching. johnson & reinman (2007) sought to explore the definition of dispositions as teacher professional judgment and professional action in the moral/ethical domain of adult cognition. by assessing beginning teacher judgment both quantitatively and qualitatively, convergence between predicted and observed patterns was found in addition to congruence between teacher judgment and action. based on the findings of convergence and congruence, implications for teacher education and development are made. they mirror what jung (2009) found in the study of teacher technology. jung studied technology teacher dispositions and found education significantly increased competence level and disposition measures. the study also found there are no statistically significant differences in technology proficiency level in terms of age or gender, female and older students should be strongly encouraged to use technology without fear of failure. since the major difference in the technology disposition score was due to the male students’ stronger self-confidence level toward technology, teacher educators should pay attention for female students to be more self-assured through repeated contact to the technology experience. jung made the following recommendations: (1)the importance of technology should be stressed frequently and intensely throughout the curriculum. (2) future teachers should see successful role models continuously for adopting technology. (3) numerous technology literacy and integration classes, and other forms of technology education need to be included in the curriculumto make them competent and current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 perceive themselves technologically competent. (4) future teachers should be exposed to the experiences, which repeatedly connect the value of technology with their career, which enable them to see and to experience the value of using technology and living with technology, which let them frequently use technology for their learning, problem solving, and future instruction. disparate to the literature on some dispositions, the dispositions cited in the teacher education literature (e.g., intasc) have almost no illuminating value and very little significance presently. this conclusion comes from an examination of the cited teacher dispositions in terms of underwood's levels of meaning in the behavioral sciences and shows that these dispositional paradigms are little more than labels for particular behaviors. although the construct, disposition, in teacher education may be redundant now, it is not entirely inadequate as it may provide a pilot hypothesis for further investigations (murray, 2007; windschitl, 2003). the implications from the previous studies provide the groundwork for exploring teacher dispositions. in order to effectively investigate this, a definition for dispositions by our governing bodies must be identified. “ncate now defines professional dispositions as: professional attitudes, values, and beliefs demonstrated through both verbal and non-verbal behaviors as educators interact with students, families, colleagues, and communities. these positive behaviors support student learning and development” (2007). institutions take their own stab at defining dispositions in many ways. the national association for the education of young children states in order to enact and examine surface disposition: “all teaching staff evaluates and improve their own performance based on ongoing reflection and feedback from supervisors, peers and families. they add to their knowledge and increase disposition and early childhood education 5 their ability to put knowledge into practice. they develop an annual individualized professional development plan with their supervisor and use it to inform their continuous professional development”. the national association for the education of young children also states that disposition is defined through: “all teaching staff continuously strengthening their leadership skills and relationships with others and works to improve the conditions of children and families within their programs, the local community or region, and beyond. teaching staff participate in informal or formal ways in local, state, or regional public-awareness activities related to early care by joining groups, attending meetings, or sharing information with others both at and outside the program (2005)”. the university of west georgia surfaces disposition through its conceptual framework. “the conceptual framework is the rationale and organizing principle that guides the curriculum for developing educators for school improvement. the conceptual framework is grounded in research, knowledge, and experience that describe what undergraduate and graduate candidates should know and apply to foster transformational systemic change. our conceptual framework incorporates the standards and principles established by the national council for accreditation of teacher education (ncate), georgia professional standards commission (psc), and specialized professional associations (spas). the following beliefs give credence to our professional commitments—the 10 descriptors used to describe the qualities and dispositions that we feel educators must possess to positively impact school improvement—and provide further delineation of the conceptual framework: 1. decision makers: we believe that candidates should be able to demonstrate knowledge and skills when making decisions that will influence effective transformational systemic change. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 2. leaders: we believe that candidates should be able to demonstrate effective leadership skills to initiate and facilitate transformational systemic change. 3. life long learners: we believe that candidates should seek continually to improve their knowledge, disposition, and skills to influence transformational systemic change. 4. adaptive: we believe that candidates should be able to demonstrate flexibility and strategic planning appropriate to a wide variety of learners for effective transformational systemic change. 5. collaborative: we believe that candidates should be able to develop skills to work effectively with various stakeholders involved in the educational process that will bring about transformational systemic change. 6. culturally sensitive: we believe that candidates should be able to develop awareness and understanding of individual and group differences when diagnosing and prescribing transformational systemic change. 7. empathetic: we believe that candidates should be able to develop the sensitivity for individual, family, and institutional needs that will embrace transformational systemic change. 8. knowledgeable: we believe that candidates should be able to demonstrate general knowledge inherent in a liberal arts curriculum, advanced knowledge in content areas, and specific knowledge in professional education for the implementation of transformational systemic change. 9. proactive: we believe that candidates should be able to advocate for the removal of barriers that impede life long learning and hinder transformational systemic change. 10. reflective: we believe that candidates should be able to demonstrate critical thinking skills in the diagnosis and prescription for transformational systemic change. hp authorized custo…, 3/26/11 12:19 pm comment [1]: for your consideration, this is an exceptionally long reference that perhaps could be condensed from two pages down to half a page? it begins with a quotation mark but needs an ending quotation mark added, not sure where? underlining and numbering are style choices, not always advisable and i would reference apa formating and style guide in future if this wasn’t assumably a direct reference. disposition and early childhood education 7 according to merriam-webster (2010), disposition is defined as a “prevailing tendency, mood, or inclination b : temperamental makeup c : the tendency of something to act in a certain manner under given circumstances”. katz (1985) defines disposition as “the notion of disposition was defined as an attributed characteristic of a teacher, one that summarizes the trend of a teacher’s actions in particular contexts” (p. 301). now that the definitions for this context have been identified, let us examine what the research says about them. what does research say about disposition? the arena of literature on dispositions in the field of teacher education is one of great concern. in light of the fact that our professional organizations and accrediting bodies are constructing disposition requirements for graduate and undergraduate levels, universities are now being required to provide concrete evidence as to how dispositions are being addressed. at the same time, teacher education programs are continuously providing opportunities for reflection in induction, courses, field and clinical placements. if we are considering reflection in action as schon (1987) defines it, we must marry this concept with teaching dispositions. within action, reflection has the ability to surface. this study seeks to examine this relationship within the coursework through three points of view: the students themselves, their view of each other and the instructor. in the context of this study, the researcher defines preservice teacher as “a teacher education student working to attain an undergraduate degree in education or initial certification after receiving a four-year degree in another field”. disposition origin “the study of dispositions had its roots in the 1960’s when arthur w. combs began a series of studies on the personal perceptions of effective helpers, which he called perceptual characteristics” (p. 96). teacher education programs over the last 30 years have been implicit and explicit in including current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 them in their conceptual frameworks. in issues of accreditation, dispositions play an important role in the making of teacher candidates. similarly, giovannelli (2003) stated that dispositions serve as an accurate measure of teacher effectiveness. on the other hand, beyer (2002) stated that accreditation mandates, such as dispositions, emphasize a “technical-rational” approach to teaching and ignore “social, philosophical, and political understandings” needed by educators” (p. 96). the major teacher accrediting bodies have battled with this for a while now. mcknight (2006) states, “where as before ncate held college of education faculty accountable for proving each preservice teacher had mastered certain knowledge and skills, new policies and standards now dictate faculty must generate evidence as to whether the teacher candidate is the right sort of person” (p. 213). national council for accreditation of teacher education has been criticized regarding the dispositions that are highlighted in its’ standards. they should be assessed at the college level, or taught in a manner that would guide the teacher candidate to alter his or her already established dispositions. time and opportunity may be in question. there is also the concern of whether dispositions towards virtues such as social justice, caring and honesty, which ncate standards present as attractive, will fall short of leaving a mark on teacher candidates. mcknight (2006) found, “these dispositions have been reinforced in the general process of schooling, as part of the hidden curriculum and academic achievement discourse, according to those who analyze schooling from a critical lens (e.g. bowers and flinders 1990; cherryholmes 1988; doll 1993; zeichner 1991, p. 214)”. presence of dispositions in order to be aware of the facilitation of dispositions, preservice teachers must be open to interaction and experience in the learning and teaching environment. this would denote presence. raider-roth and rodgers, (2006) defines this “engagement as ‘presence’a state of alert awareness, disposition and early childhood education 9 receptivity and connectedness to the mental, emotional and physical workings of both the individual and the group in the context of their learning environments and the ability to respond with a considered and compassionate best next step ” (p. 266). the authors also hold that reflective teaching cannot be compacted to a set of behaviors or skills, but is a practice that requires presence. “it requires selfknowledge, trust, relationship and compassion” (p. 266). research from past studies confirm that the relationship between teacher and student is a cornerstone in student achievement, motivation, engagement and in their ability to depend on what they know (midgley & urdan., 2001; pianta, 1999; roeser eccles & sameroff., 2000; rodgers, in press; raider-roth, 2005a,b). this research illustrated that the quality of these relationships is not a light or surface factor of schooling; it is a critical feature of learning. what allows this relationship to burgeon is intricate and calls upon the mental, physical, emotive and related capital of the teacher”. if this is the case, preservice teachers must be prepared and primed for such a relationship. “maxine greene (1973), lifting the semantics of merleau-ponty, wrote on ‘wide-awakeness.’ through the act of reflection the human being confronts and becomes aware of ‘his relation to his surroundings, his manner of conducting himself with respect to things and other human beings, the changing perspectives through which the world presents itself to him” (p. 269). teacher educators anticipate this permeating exchange in the classroom. schulz (2003) and heshusius (1995) illustrated a similar position when they articulated the power of listening. schultz, categorized listening at the crux of what it is to teach, defined listening as “an active, rational, and interpretive process that is focused on creating meaning” (p. 118). as with other thinkers and practitioners mentioned here she saw the teacher’s job as one of attentiveness. attending to students in this manner, implies becoming deeply engaged in understanding what a person has to say through current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 words, gesture, and action. “listening is fundamentally about being in relationship to other and through this relationship supporting change or transformation” (p. 270). transmission of dispositions oftentimes, dispositions are aligned with skills. for example, critical-thinking skills include the ability to create justification for via analysis, evaluation, and interpretation in reasonable, effective, careful, and serious ways, but these skills are powerless if certain dispositions are not in place. attending to concepts and enacting these skills requires open-minded and prejudice-free dispositions. “thinking skills rely on disposition to imply knowledge transfer within domains and the impetus to apply those skills (harpern 1998; wright 2002)”. there are multiple approaches to this. the author suggests: “creating learning experiences for students that foster the development of dispositional commitments including incontrovertible and democratic rights of liberty, opportunity, and dissent, as well as freedoms of participation, inquiry, expression, and worship, are mush easier to prescribe than enact. developing these dispositions is central to the charge of democratic education: creating widening and enlarging experiences (barton and levstik, 2004; dewey, 1916)”. instead of attempting the edification of dispositions via transmission of instruction, learners can instead appropriately surface them habitually when students have continued exposure to various kinds of learning experiences reinforcement of dispositions battalio and morin (2004) share that teachers react to reinforcement similarly as students do. in this case, strategies that engage disposition need to be reinforced. a teacher who meets with disposition and early childhood education 11 accomplishment with a strategy will more than likely use the approach at another opportunity. if the success is a lasting one, then the teacher gets consistent confirmation about the usefulness of his or her practice. regrettably, the reverse is also true. if a teacher uses a strategy that does not appear to operate, he or she is likely to employ the approach again. achieving enduring change is often slow and seemingly unresponsive to initial positive interventions. teachers need to be capable and ready to interpret preliminary intervention outcomes in the full framework of the student’s milieu while also resisting the temptation to follow subjective appraisals of the intervention’s effectiveness. the authors describe such teachers as having high personal teaching efficacy (pte; guskey & passaro, 1994). this high personal teaching efficacy springs from a candidate who has the opportunity to explore and develop teacher dispositions for such behavior. problem with dispositions due to concerns with the students’ communication to the instructor, and the nature of the language in that communication, the question of disposition arose. this is based on schon’s definition of reflection in action. reflection-in-action is defined by schon (1987) as the ability of professionals to ‘think about what they are doing while they are doing it’. schon views this as a fundamental skill. he emphasizes that the only way to manage the ‘indeterminate zones of (professional) practice’ is through the ability to think on your feet, and put into operation previous experience to new situations. students often equate a score on an assignment of project with a positive teaching disposition. this is not an automatic correlation and is often misinterpreted in various areas; student-instructor communications, classroom discussions, instructional conversations, group assignments, presentations, field placements and lesson planning; as well as the instructional environment at large. in this particular case, dispositions manifest themselves in all of the previously mentioned areas in this course. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 because of a cohort of students in the first block of the program from the previous semester experienced major problems with maintaining the teacher dispositions as indicated by the college of education’s conceptual framework, the instructor soon discovered that a more explicit system for aiding students in surfacing and monitoring their own dispositions was critical. the next semester the instructor taught the course and took a proactive approach to the situation. she instituted a simple instrument that served a three-pronged purpose: to engage students in assessing themselves, each other, and assisting the instructor in assessing the student’s disposition as well. the review of literature and the instructor’s concerns of developing the “whole” teacher raised an essential question. how and under what conditions do preservice teachers assess dispositions in terms of themselves, each other, and in the eyes of the instructor? methodology research questions 1. to what degree do preservice teachers assess their own dispositions? 2. to what degree do preservice teachers assess the dispositions of their peers? 3. to what degree does the instructor assess the dispositions of the preservice teachers in the reading methods course? population the sample consisted of forty-seven students enrolled in two sections of the reading methods course instituted in the first of four methods block courses in the undergraduate teacher education program at the university. there were forty-three females and four males. thirty-six were early childhood education majors, eight were middle grades education majors and three were special disposition and early childhood education 13 education majors. the study was voluntary and this population, and its sequences through the methods course blocks, was appropriate for this study because this is the structured progression of the undergraduate teacher education program. convenience sampling was utilized (salkind & rassmussen, 2007). though convenience sampling has been stated in the literature not to be as strong a method as others, this method is essential to the study because of the nature of the candidates to this institution’s program. if these candidates are to continue in the program as a cohort, monitoring them will be essential to teacher quality and program expectations. measurement measures the likert scale is an ordered, one-dimensional scale from which respondents choose one option that that most appropriately supports their view. there are usually between four and seven options. an advantage is that questions used are usually simple to understand and show the way to consistent responses. a disadvantage is that limited options are presented; with which respondents may not completely agree. construction of measures the instrument was a 4-point likert scale with three major response categories: satisfactory, areas of concern, and not observed. with in the category of satisfactory were two response subcategories: exemplary performance and expected performance. within the category of areas of concern was below expected performance. finally, there was the category of not observed. this makes for four responses in total. exemplary performance was rated as a three, expected performance current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 was rated as a two and below expected performance was rated as a one. the dispositions being assessed were belonging, mastery, independence and generosity. within the category of belonging were samples of descriptors. descriptors included: relates easily, positively, and tactfully with others, is friendly, courteous, and professional; actively seeks opportunities for personal and professional growth; appropriate professional appearance and personal hygiene. within the category of mastery were samples of descriptors. they were: demonstrates a commitment to continuous learning and reflection; exhibits an interest in and a commitment to teaching and learning; responds with a positive attitude when receiving feedback. within the category of independence were samples of descriptors. descriptors included: demonstrates initiative and positive attitude; is responsible, reliable, dependable, & well organized (meets deadlines, reliable, prompt, attends classes, appointments, meetings, etc.), and demonstrates flexibility and adaptability. within the category of generosity were samples of descriptors. they were willingly, actively and cooperatively participates in collaborative situations; shares ideas and concerns, and appreciates multiple perspectives. there was also an open-ended comments section for those responses that students felt were important to the survey but not included in the checklist (see appendix a). procedures the instrument was administered twice to the students and completed once by the instructor. the students completed the checklist based on their observation of themselves at the middle of the semester. the students then completed the instrument anonymously on a group member at the end of the semester. finally, the instructor completed the disposition checklist on all of the students at the end of the semester. each checklist was submitted the day it was completed and all of the data were disposition and early childhood education 15 compiled ten days after the last checklist was collected. though this was a mixed methods study, the research chose to address the quantitative aspect of the study at this time. data analysis the data was subject to descriptive statistical analysis, by way of percentages. results self-reporting in the category of belonging disposition, all of the participants rated themselves as displaying satisfactory performance; with 39 (83%) reporting exemplary performance and 8 (17%) reporting expected performance. in the category of mastery disposition 27 (57%) of the participants rated themselves as exemplary performance, 17 (36%) reported expected performance, and a small percentage; 3 (7%) rated themselves an area of concern-below expected performance. in the category of the independence disposition, 100% rated themselves as satisfactory in the area with 25 (53%) of them rated as exemplary performance and 22 (47%) at expected performance. finally, in the disposition of generosity, 39 (83%) of the participants rated themselves with an exemplary performance and with 8 (17%) of preservice teachers rated themselves with expected performance (see appendix b, table 1). figure 1. 0 10 20 30 40 50 n um be r o f s tu de nt s exemplary expected below expected not observed current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 peer reporting in the category of belonging, 40 (85%) of the participants rated their classmates as exemplary performance with 5 (10%) of the students citing expected performance. five percent of the participants rated their peers in the area of concern-below expected performance. in the category of mastery, 39 (83%) of the participants rated their peers at exemplary performance. fifteen percent of participants rated their peers with expected performance and a small percentage of participants reported 1 (2%) of their peers at an area of concern-below expected performance. in the category of the independence, 39 (83%) of the participants rated each other with exemplary performance in this area. of the preservice teachers, 5 (10%) were rated by their peers as meeting expected performance. seven percent of the participants rated each other in the category of below-expected performance. in the category of generosity, 41(86 %) of the participants rated each other with a score of exemplary performance. seven percent of participants rated their peers with expected performance. finally, 3 (7 %) of the participants rated their peers below expected performance (see appendix b, table 2). figure 2. 0 10 20 30 40 50 belonging mastery independence generosity n um be r o f s tu de nt s exemplary expected below expected not observed disposition and early childhood education 17 instructor reporting in the category of belonging, the instructor rated 12 (25%) of the participants as displaying exemplary performance. fifty-seven percent of preservice teachers were rated as displaying expected performance. seventeen percent of the participants were rated below-expected performance. in the category of mastery, the instructor rated 7 (15%) of the participants as exemplary performance. thirtytwo percent were rated as expected performance and a smaller percentage; 25 (53%) of the participants were rated as below expected performance area of concern. in the category of independence, 9 (19%) of the students were rated as displaying exemplary performance. twenty-five percent of participants were rated as having expected performance and 26 (55%) of the participants were rated as below expected performance. in the category of generosity, the instructor rated 7 (15%) of the participants as exemplary performance and 33 (70%) at expected performance. fifteen percent of the participants were rated at area of concern-below expected performance (see appendix b, table 3). figure 3. 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 n um be r o f s tu de nt s exemplary expected below expected not observed current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 figure 4. discussion this tool provided three views of major disposition categories. the most marked difference was between the instructors view of the participants’ disposition of independence (figure 4). the discrepancy solicits questions about the definition of independence based on objectives and the context provided by the program’s conceptual framework. it is possible that the proactive descriptor could be part of this definition. comparison of students' scores 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 1 4 7 10 13 16 19 22 25 28 31 34 37 40 43 46 number of students m e a n s c o re reported by self reported by peer reported by instructor disposition and early childhood education 19 mastery was another disposition that elicited conversation and conflict. this, like independence, was controversial as well. participants tended to view completing assignments as mastery whereas the instructor looked at issues of quality. belonging was a disposition that was actually consistent across all three reporting groups. this disposition is critiqued because it sets the stage for collegiality; an essential part of teacher life. generosity was also consistent across all three reporting groups. this disposition too, is critical for planting seeds of empathy; a descriptor in the university’s conceptual framework. as far as limitations are concerned, the research acknowledges a few of them. first of all, of the university’s descriptors are not discreetly measured or assessed. secondly, the number of students is a relatively small number. third, these students are in the first methods block of the teacher education program. the researcher questions what this data would reveal if the students were assessed towards the end of the program. conclusion the study found a significant difference between the instructor’s view of the student’s disposition and their view of themselves. the research found this to be of importance and planned to examine this phenomenon qualitatively. independence was the one disposition where students were actually aligned with the perception of that disposition with the instructor. implications this small, yet informative study delineates three relatively important points. first, we must make the importance of dispositions explicit in each course, not just listed in the course objectives. it must be surfaced in the courses and monitored qualitatively and quantitatively. secondly, we must current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 teach students how to surface dispositions and understand the total commitment associated with the conceptual frameworks of each institution’s teacher education program. third and finally, we must continue to create and fine tune a more concise process for creating banks of comparative disposition data in our accreditation and institutional reports that inform a dynamic curriculum. as issues of teacher quality and student performance continue to avail, we must make the examination of the potential and power of disposition a part of the deliberate conversation. disposition and early childhood education 21 references american psychological association. (2001). publication manual of the american psychological association (5th ed.). washington, dc: author battalio, r., morin, j. (2004). constructing misbehavior: the efficacy connection in responding to misbehavior. journal of positive behavior interventions. vol. 6. 251-254. barton, k. c., and mccully, a. w. (2004). history, identity, and the school curriculum in northern ireland: an empirical study of secondary students' ideas and perspectives. journal of curriculum studies vol. 37, 85-116. beckham, l.; julian, k.; roberson, t.; whitsett, g. (2007). first year teachers’ reported levels of functioning on selected professional dispositions. education. vol. 128. 95-102. beyer, l. e. (2002). the politics of standardization: teacher education in the usa. journal of education for teaching, 28, 239-246 pd. bowers, c.a., & flinders, david j. 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(2007). did i forget about the dispositions? preparing high school graduates for moral life. the clearing house. vol. 80. 267-270 murray, f. b. (2007). disposition: a superfluous construct in teacher education. journal of teacher education. 58(5), 381-387. national association for the education of young children (2005). program standards: preparing early childhood professionals, washington, d.c. national council for accreditation of teacher education (2000). performance-based accreditation standards, washington dc: author. pianta, r. c. (1999). enhancing relationships between children and teachers. washington, dc: american psychological association. raider-roth, miriam b.; rodgers, carol r. (2006). presence in teaching. teachers and teaching: theory and practice. vol. 12, 265-287. roeser, r., eccles, j., & sameroff, a. (2000). school as a context of early adolescents’ academic and social-emotional development: a summary of research findings. elementary school journal, 100, 443–471. disposition and early childhood education 23 salkind, n. j., & rasmussen, k. (2007). encyclopedia of measurement and statistics. thousand oaks, calif: sage publications. schon, d. (1987). educating the reflective practitioner. jossey-bass: san francisco schulz, k. (2003). listening: a framework for teaching across differences. teachers college press: new york. university of west georgia. (2003). college of education conceptual framework: developing educators for school improvement. carrollton, ga. windschitl, m. (2003). inquiry projects in science teacher education: what can investigative experiences reveal about teacher thinking and eventual classroom practice? science education. 87 (1), 112-43. wright, i. (2002). challenging students with the tools of critical thinking. the social studies, 93 (6), 257-61. appendix a assessment of dispositions candidate name____________________________________________id#_________________ major #1______________________________major #2______________________________ course______________________________________________date___________________ the assessment of candidate disposition form will be used to assess teacher education candidates and will help to determine if candidates demonstrate the dispositions necessary to help all current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 students learn. decisions regarding program entrance and acceptance to student teaching will be informed by this and other assessment criteria. the assessment of candidate disposition form is built around the teacher education program’s conceptual framework. teacher education candidates receiving a rating of “1”, below expected performance/area of concern, on any criteria will conference with the evaluator to discuss the area of concern(s). if necessary, a staffing may be scheduled to discuss the teacher education candidate’s program status and to further address the area(s) of concern. satisfactory area o f c o n c e r n n/a exempla ry per for ma nce 3 expecte d per for ma nce 2 below exp ect ed per for ma nce 1 not o b s e r v e d belonging relates easily, positively, and tactfully with others, is friendly, courteous, professional; actively seeks opportunities for personal and professional growth; appropriate professional appearance and personal hygiene mastery demonstrates a commitment to continuous learning and reflection; exhibits an interest in and a commitment to teaching and learning; responds with a positive attitude when receiving feedback independence demonstrates initiative and positive attitude; is responsible, reliable, dependable, & wellorganized (meets deadlines, reliable, prompt, attends classes, appointments, meetings, etc.); demonstrates flexibility and adaptability generosity disposition and early childhood education 25 willingly, actively and cooperatively participates in collaborative situations; shares ideas and concerns; appreciates multiple perspectives comments: student evaluator signature________________________________________ date______ candidate signature______________________________________________ date______ rating of “1” or area(s) of concern noted yes or no if yes, conference scheduled yes or no if yes, date_____ referred for staffing yes or no original to be returned to candidate carbon copy to be filed in candidate’s academic advising folder appendix btable 1. number (percentage ) of preservice teachers who self-reported dispositions n=47 satisfactory area of co nce rn n/a current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 26 exempla ry per for ma nce 3 expecte d per for ma nce 2 below exp ect ed per for ma nce 1 not o bs er ve d belonging relates easily, positively, and tactfully with others, is friendly, courteous, professional; actively seeks opportunities for personal and professional growth; appropriate professional appearance and personal hygiene n=39 (83%) n=8 (17%) mastery demonstrates a commitment to continuous learning and reflection; exhibits an interest in and a commitment to teaching and learning; responds with a positive attitude when receiving feedback n=27 (57%) n=17 (36%) n=3 (7%) independence demonstrates initiative and positive attitude; is responsible, reliable, dependable, & wellorganized (meets deadlines, reliable, prompt, attends classes, appointments, meetings, etc.); demonstrates flexibility and adaptability n=25 (53%) n=22 (47%) generosity willingly, actively and cooperatively participates in collaborative situations; shares ideas and concerns; appreciates multiple perspectives n=39 (83%) n=8 (17%) disposition and early childhood education 27 table 2. number (percentage ) of preservice teachers who peer-reported dispositions n=47 satisfactory area of co nce rn n/a exemplar y perf orm ance 3 expecte d per for ma nce 2 below exp ect ed per for ma nce 1 not o b s e r v e d belonging relates easily, positively, and tactfully with others, is friendly, courteous, professional; actively seeks opportunities for personal and professional growth; appropriate professional appearance and personal hygiene n=40 (85%) n=5 (10%) n=2 (5%) mastery demonstrates a commitment to continuous learning and reflection; exhibits an interest in and a commitment to teaching and learning; responds with a positive attitude when receiving feedback n=39 (83%) n=7 (15%) n=1 (2%) independence demonstrates initiative and positive attitude; is responsible, reliable, dependable, & wellorganized (meets deadlines, reliable, prompt, attends classes, appointments, meetings, etc.); demonstrates flexibility and n=39 (83%) n=5 (10%) n=3 (7%) current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 28 adaptability generosity willingly, actively and cooperatively participates in collaborative situations; shares ideas and concerns; appreciates multiple perspectives n=41 (86%) n=3 (7%) n=3 (7%) table 3. instructors’ review number (percentage ) of preservice teachers assessed by instructor n=47 satisfactory area of co nce rn n/a exempla ry per for ma nce 3 expecte d per for ma nce 2 below exp ect ed per for ma nce 1 not ob se rv ed belonging disposition and early childhood education 29 relates easily, positively, and tactfully with others, is friendly, courteous, professional; actively seeks opportunities for personal and professional growth; appropriate professional appearance and personal hygiene n=12 (25%) n=27 (57%) n=8 (17%) mastery demonstrates a commitment to continuous learning and reflection; exhibits an interest in and a commitment to teaching and learning; responds with a positive attitude when receiving feedback n=7 (15%) n=15 (32%) n=25 (53%) independence demonstrates initiative and positive attitude; is responsible, reliable, dependable, & wellorganized (meets deadlines, reliable, prompt, attends classes, appointments, meetings, etc.); demonstrates flexibility and adaptability n=9 (19%) n=12 (25%) n=26 (55%) generosity willingly, actively and cooperatively participates in collaborative situations; shares ideas and concerns; appreciates multiple perspectives n=7 (15%) n=33 (70%) n=7 (15%) current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 30 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 2 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo “it’s not my fault”using neutralization theory to volume 13, number 3 issn 1099-839x “it’s not my fault”: using neutralization theory to understand cheating by middle school students nicole zito boston college patrick j. mcquillan boston college citation mcquillan, p. & zito, n. (2011). “it’s not my fault”: using neutralization theory to understand cheating by middle school students. current issues in education, 13(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract according to neutralization theory, to justify unethical behavior delinquents often embrace strategies that deflect personal responsibility for their actions from them and toward other persons or contextual factors outside their control. drawing on neutralization theory, this case study explores how middle school students endorsed comparable strategies to justify cheating. participants included six faculty members from an 8th grade teaching team and eight of their students at a competitive, private middle school in northeastern massachusetts. based on interview and focus group data, we found that students adopted three of the five neutralizing strategies to rationalize what might be seen as unethical behavior: (1) denying responsibility; (2) condemning the condemner; and (3) appealing to higher ideals. specific recommendations for schools include promoting supportive student-teacher relations and creating an academic environment in which students value course work for its inherent value, rather than solely as a means to gain admission to an elite high school. keywords: cheating, neutralization theory, middle school, student-teacher relationships, assignments current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: nicole zito affiliation: boston college email: nicolealisazit@gmail.com biographical information: nicole zito has taught both locally and internationally; this year she served as an 11th and 12th grade english at beaver country day. she completed her ph.d. in k-12 school administration in the lynch school of education at boston college. she has an article coming out in middle school journal entitled, “cheating themselves out of an education: assignments that promote higher order thinking and honesty in middle school.” (middle school journal, 2010, co-authored with patrick j. mcquillan). author: patrick j. mcquillan affiliation: boston college email: mcquilpa@bc.edu biographical information: patrick j. mcquillan, a cultural anthropologist, is an associate professor in the lynch school of education at boston college. his current research interests focus on educational change, with an emphasis on small school reform in urban contexts. his publications include reform and resistance in schools and classrooms: an ethnographic view of the coalition of essential schools (yale university press, 1996; co-authored with donna muncey) and educational opportunity in an urban american high school: a cultural analysis (suny press, 1998). using neutralization theory to understand cheating 3 in a survey of 4500 american high school students mccabe, trevino and butterfield (2001) reported that more than half admitted to plagiarizing from the internet, 74% admitted to cheating on exams, and 97% admitted to cheating on homework. according to eisenberg’s (2004) survey, out of 3000+ “high achieving” high school students, 80% self-reported cheating.1 in its 2008 biannual report, the josephson institute of ethics, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization based in los angeles, disclosed that of the 30,000 high school students surveyed, 64% admitted to cheating on a test during the past year, with 38% of students sharing that they did so two or more times, and 36% admitting to using the internet to plagiarize an assignment. at odds with such behavior, 96% of these same students maintained, “it’s important to me that people trust me,” and 84% believed, “it’s not worth it to lie or cheat because it hurts your character” (josephson, 2008, p. 13-14). furthermore, on the josephson survey 93% said they were satisfied with their personal ethics and character, and 77% agreed with the statement, “when it comes to doing what is right, i am better than most people i know” (p. 5). given these apparent contractions and tensions, the following case study aims to explain how students purport to value honesty and take pride in their own integrity, while simultaneously cheating in school. theoretical overview: kohlberg and neutralization theory to date, most analyses of students’ moral development and its relationship to academic integrity and honesty in school view these issues in terms of kohlberg’s stages of moral development (miller, murdock, anderman, & poindexter, 2007). according to kohlberg, moral reasoning progresses from the lowest pre-conventional level in which individuals obey established laws in order to avoid punishment to the highest post-conventional level at which point individuals make moral decisions because of an internalized universal ethic (kohlberg, 1 “high achieving” refers to students who have an a or b average and intend to go to college. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 1984). yet moral reasoning and cheating behavior have never been definitively correlated in the literature (miller, murdock, anderman, et al., 2007). while research in some cases has substantiated the progressive evolution of moral thinking, there has been no subsequent link to specific actions, as various classroom characteristics can impact students’ moral reasoning and thereby confound efforts to link students who have internalized higher levels of moral development with fewer incidences of cheating (corcoran & rotter, 1987; hartshorne & may, 1928; miller et al, 2007). even kohlberg acknowledged that his research attended to general reasoning about moral decision-making rather than specific decisions people had made. as such, cheating could, in theory, be viewed as ethically appropriate at any stage of moral reasoning. students’ reasoning about the acceptability of cheating depends to a greater extent on situational variables rather than a particular stage of moral development (murdock & stevens, 2007). as aron (1977) summarizes, “[i]ndividuals at a higher stage are not necessarily more moral than those at a lower stage; they are only more advanced in terms of the principles they espouse and the justifications which they give for their judgments” (p.18). while a relationship exists between moral development and cheating, it is theoretically possible, even according to kohlberg, that an individual at any stage could advocate either side of the dilemma (kohlberg, 1977). because kohlberg’s stages of moral development do not sufficiently explain students’ cheating behavior, researchers must turn to other theoretical frameworks to understand student dishonesty in their academic work. neutralization theory, as applied to the interplay between the beliefs and actions of delinquent youth, offers one way to understand why individuals might violate ethical codes they otherwise endorse. specifically, sykes and matza (1957) proposed that delinquents avoided personal responsibility for unethical actions by deflecting disapproval from the conforming using neutralization theory to understand cheating 5 social order before actually committing the deviant act. when justifications precede deviant behavior, such rationalizing helps offenders ignore social controls. the actor can still embrace the normative system but simultaneously qualify prohibited behavior as acceptable, though not necessarily ethical. in such instances, delinquents typically portray themselves as caught up in a dilemma that must be resolved, often at the cost of violating some existing moral standard. in applying neutralization theory to student cheating, a number of researchers have found that a student’s likelihood of cheating derives not from an absolute sense of right or wrong, but by the degree to which individuals can rationalize cheating in a given context (eisenberg, 2004, diekhoff et al., 1996; micheals & miethe, 1989, lanza-kaduce & klug, 1986; whitley, 1998). if students can convince themselves that a given situation is unjust, unreasonable, or somehow exceptional, they can apply a personal sense of morality to validate actions which may violate school rules. in accord with neutralization theory, individuals use five strategies to deflect responsibility for deviant behavior from themselves, though we found that three most aptly apply to the cheating-related beliefs of middle school students: denial of responsibility, condemning the condemner, and appealing to higher ideals.2 although researchers have applied this theory in school settings, few studies address middle school learners (evans & craig, 1990; murdock & miller, 2003). denial of responsibility. sykes and matza (1957) contend that denial of responsibility entails not only that the actor perceives the behavior as an accident or unintended but also that external forces, beyond individual control, constitute the cause for cheating. students may draw on this rationale when they consider aspects of the system of schooling as unfair. as mccabe (1999) found, a student may believe that without cheating he or she will fail a class, be excluded from a higher track in 2 the two additional strategies are “denial of injury” and “denial of the victim.” current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 school, or miss out on elite higher education opportunities. in other studies, students rationalized cheating when they were assigned overly difficult material or received excessive amounts of work (daniel, blount, & ferrell, 1991). other studies reveal that both cheating by one’s friends and parental pressure to receive high grades can serve as justification for cheating (michaels & meithe, 1989, p.876). together, these studies suggest that students may deny responsibility for their actions when, in their view, they can reasonably blame external factors for creating a situation where they must cheat to avoid unreasonable negative consequences. condemning the condemner one primary neutralization strategy involves shifting attention from the delinquent’s actions and onto the motives and behavior of those who disapprove of those actions. in deflecting attention from one’s deviant behavior to the ostensible shortcomings of others, those behaving outside accepted ethical standards can more easily repress, conceal, or deny any offense. students, for example, may cite a teacher’s perceived failings as a pretext for cheating (mccabe, 2001). various studies associate students’ judgment of teacher knowledge and pedagogical skills with increased acceptability of cheating behavior: when teachers are perceived as incompetent, unknowledgeable, or not committed to their work as teachers, students more frequently justify cheating (murdock, hale, & weber, 2001; schraw, et al., 2007; szabo & underwood, 2004). in a focus group made up of students from an ap calculus course, mccabe (2001) found that students validated cheating behavior by alluding to poor instructional methods. specifically, mccabe documented student anger toward teachers who give tests that include material not discussed in class or covered in homework assignments and how such feelings tie to the ease with which students then justify cheating (mccabe, 2001). these practices could be interpreted by students as a lack of caring, weak pedagogy, or both. when students sense they using neutralization theory to understand cheating 7 exert little control over their learning, cannot explain what they are expected to do, do not feel prepared or supported by the teacher, and do not value the task at-hand, they are more likely to cheat (koch, 2000). appealing to higher ideals deviating from accepted norms may occur not because an individual rejects specific norms per se, but because these standards are superseded by alternative priorities, held to be more pressing or involving a more valued ideal. with cheating behavior, this may occur when students feel they should cheat to help others, often to maintain friendships (jensen, arnett, feldman, & cauffman, 2002). similar tensions may arise when students weigh the value of honesty with the importance of attaining high grades as a means to gain admission to elite colleges and thereby secure a prestigious job. in such cases, a decision to cheat derives from an ethical tension between competing priorities in which students feel compelled to sacrifice one value for another. when students decide to cheat they may not be acting immorally as such; rather, they have prioritized competing ideals and decided the benefits derived from high grades exceed those derived from honest behavior. summary of neutralization theories individuals justify cheating when they view societal rules as flexible and not binding in every situation. though murder is a crime, for instance, during war or under laws of capital punishment, society condones killing. likewise, dishonest students may believe that alternative decision-making factors—such as social conventions, peer norms, and school rules—may justify dishonest behavior. with this possibility in mind, neutralization theory posits that students’ likelihood of cheating increases when they find themselves in a context they feel will excuse dishonest behavior and may even necessitate such action. drawing on the three strategies derived current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 from neutralization theory, we address the question: what do students believe are school-based characteristics that influence cheating in middle school? methods northwest school is a private, non-denominational, coeducational day school in northeastern massachusetts. blending a strong academic reputation with an advisory program, the school focuses on the holistic development of its students. average class size for grades 6through-8 ranges between 13 and16 students, with an overall student-to-faculty ratio of 8-to-1. nearly 30% of students and 18% of teachers and administrators identify as non-european americans. typically, students are assigned two-and-a-half hours of homework each night. there is no tracking although accommodating student math programs limits classroom heterogeneity. two eighth grade advisories participated in this study, and eight of the 16 students in those advisories were actively involved, five girls and three boys. all four core teachers in the advisories (math, english, history, and science) participated along with two of the four world language teachers. data were gathered during spring 2008 and included, semi-structured, onehour interviews with all participants, and two focus groups of four students each. sampling & data analysis for the purposes of this study, it seems fortuitous that the northwest school mission aligns with the aims of our study, which includes examining links between academic integrity and thoughtful pedagogy while raising student and teacher perceptions about quality schoolwork. as middle schools cluster by team level, an important characteristic of our study is the willing participation of all four core teachers from the eighth grade team and the two world language teachers. student participants came from two advisory groups and their involvement derived using neutralization theory to understand cheating 9 largely from a willingness to openly and honestly discuss issues of academic integrity. students were de facto representative of northwest students in general because the school intentionally organizes advisory into diverse, well-balanced groups of ten to twelve students. focus groups and individual interviews were conducted so students could both hear what their peers believed and clarify their own beliefs on these matters. to analyze our data, we relied extensively upon six analytic strategies outlined by miles and huberman (1994): open coding of data from interviews; sorting data by similar codes; writing reflections on the data; looking for commonalities and differences among the data; reducing codes to a concise group of generalizations, themes, and tentative theories; and analyzing these generalizations in light of extant research. for example, after reading interview transcripts multiple times, we applied line-by-line in-vivo coding to our data. we then kept a separate running list of in-vivo codes (eaves, 2001). after reviewing multiple transcripts, we reduced these codes by grouping similar codes and compressing some disparate codes into more encompassing categories. this list of preliminary codes was then applied to the remaining transcripts, adding new codes when data did not fit existing codes (hsieh & shannon, 2005). next, we generated patterns and regularities derived from these codes. upon completing this step, we identified tentative themes, generalizations, and theories regarding these data (coffey & atkinson, 1996). we continued this process until we had reviewed all data sources and used them to test and further refine our emerging insights. results based on our study, a correlation seems to exist between academic cheating and eighth grade students’ contextualized attitudes about dishonesty. consistently, students’ reasoning about the context for cheating tempered any judgments they made about those who acted current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 dishonestly. in so doing, they drew upon three aspects of neutralization theory: denial of responsibility, condemning the condemner, and appealing to higher ideals. denial of responsibility when denying responsibility, students typically attribute what might be seen as unethical actions to factors outside their control. along these lines, in a focus group one northwest student rationalized copying another student’s homework: “if you get a lot of homework in one day, if you were not to cheat, it would be four or five hours of homework. so you are just not going to do that much. so, i think it would be acceptable.. . .” another student justified getting help from a friend, even though in this focus group scenario the teacher expressly prohibited such help. as he explained, “[e]ither i work with someone else and understand what i was doing because of their help, or i do not do the assignment because it was too hard.” providing further justification for such behavior, students claimed that cheating would be minimal and their action would be somewhat altruistic if it helped other students better grasp course material. much the same, when asked, “do you think your teachers would prefer that the assignment to be done collaboratively [so that] everyone has the correct answers, or for kids who are having difficulty to have not done the assignment?” students as a whole, both in interviews and focus groups, said they did not see anything morally wrong with helping one another understand an assignment, even if that meant giving others some answers. the english teacher sought to clarify such thinking: “there are those [northwest students] who are good at the class and those who are not good at the class. and everyone knows who they are. the more empathic ‘haves’ feel compulsion to even things out, to be a middle man between the instructor and the using neutralization theory to understand cheating 11 ‘have-nots’ in class.” further, students believed the consequences of not helping or receiving help from others would be far worse, as their teachers would be upset at them for not completing the work, even if they did not understand it, and they would be penalized for doing it incorrectly. in such situations, students viewed getting help from other students, tutors or parents as the only option available if they did not understand the assigned homework. they were not responsible for their ultimate actions. in agreement, the history teacher said that students may fear the consequences of failing to complete their work: “teachers that are extremely rigid might invite more cheating. students [who] are scared of the teacher, think, ‘okay if you don’t turn it in on [this particular] day you get a zero.’ well, then the incentive [to cheat] is greater.” this teacher felt that students need to realize that teachers are not their enemies and may be quite understanding of their individual situations. he added that some students lose sight of the fact that missing one assignment is not going to mean failing a class. condemning the condemner at times, students violate a moral standard they might typically honor because a teacher has, in their view, compromised the educational process. thus, in some classroom contexts cheating may seem acceptable, though perhaps not right. the history teacher offered a classic example: when teachers have students exchange papers to correct one another’s work. as he explained, “kids, i think, are sophisticated enough to recognize that one reason a teacher might be doing that is to save themselves the trouble of correcting each paper individually.” therefore, students may “allow themselves a lower degree of respect for the content as a result. so [cheating] might not seem as serious an offense, to change something here or there. . . . the [integrity of the work] is not really being protected by the teacher who has the power to protect it.” current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 in a related instance, a student explained how one might justify cheating if a teacher failed to thoroughly explain a concept: “in the last five minutes [of class, our teacher] explained these really hard math terms, and no one really got it. and you are not supposed to work in groups, but sometimes they help.” although students recognized that the teacher considered it cheating to work in groups and had given clear directions about this issue, students still engaged neutralizing attitudes to distance themselves from moral responsibility. moreover, if students do not understand assigned work but have been told not to work with others, some may still justify doing so because, as one student contended in a focus group, “it is not really cheating, if you are learning to understand it. it is ‘not following directions.’” in this same focus group, a fellow student agreed, saying that a student could either fail to do any homework individually or complete it all wrong. in either case “the next day the teacher is probably going to be mad at you.” or, as the same student continued, “[y]ou can do it with a friend. then you will get there the next day and you will have it done. you have it understood. which one sounds better?” offering a comparable explanation, another student shared: [when] a student has so much work because the teacher is just laying it on, having someone else help you get something done faster, which might be considered cheating, [but] i guess you could consider it okay in this [situation]. you could [somewhat] cheat by asking someone to help you do it faster. if you are doing the problems really slow, a person might help you, show you one of their problems and give you a shortcut or something, which could be seen as cheating. but it is that versus not doing the assignment at all.” the science teacher offered an additional point of view on the matter, saying that students don’t like to see their classmates or friends looking dumb or feeling inferior . . . and so . . . oftentimes they are legitimatelywanting to help their friends. but what i then using neutralization theory to understand cheating 13 think is important to do is to let students know that if assignments are only being done to help them to become better [at a particular skill], that by stopping them from doing their own work, they are preventing their friends from becoming better. students can also find grounds to modify ethical standards when they feel overwhelmed by the amount of work they face—when they get home from music recitals, lacrosse practice, and art lessons. here, too, students may sense that the educational process has been undermined. in particular, students object to teachers who assign excessive amounts of homework. echoing a common sentiment, one young woman remarked, “sometimes i don’t think they realize that there are other subjects. if i had the same amount of math or spanish homework as i did in other subjects, then i would be up all night.” another student recalled a time when “i had a science paper, an english paper, a math test coming up and then a spanish paper. it just sometimes feels that you are drowning in work. you start to get really desperate then.” a third student explained how such predicaments could lead to cheating: “if you have a lot of homework . . . in one night, you are going to cheat, because one, you feel cheated, and two, you don’t have time. so you are going to copy someone’s answers.” a fourth student agreed, portraying cheating as virtually inevitable when teachers assign too much work: “i think . . . it is almost required [to cheat in this context] because [teachers] are just giving you so much homework. it is not right to do that much homework and [they] act like you don’t have other assignments to do.” students, in general, felt that teachers did not appreciate how much work they did each night and how little time they had to complete it, given their commute and extracurricular activities. although most every teacher mentioned the pressure students feel regarding schoolwork and expressed compassion for them, no teacher noted that students receive excessive amounts of work, either for their class or cumulatively. in fact, teachers mentioned a daily study current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 hall, their efforts to coordinate due dates of major tests and projects with other teachers, and their consistent efforts to break large assignments into smaller, more manageable parts as efforts they made to keep student workloads reasonable. to some degree, perceptions of being overworked provide a complementary rationale to help students justify what may seem unethical, as students often link their decisions to cheat to the type of teacher they have. a teacher who is unfeeling towards student needs will generate resentment that may justify behaving dishonestly. in the words of one female student, “the teacher has something to do with [cheating]. if [teachers] are insensitive, there is going to be more cheating. ‘oh yeah i heard you have a math test but i am going to assign you two hours of homework’ [said mockingly].” this student followed up her comments by acknowledging, you could communicate with your teacher, ‘hey, i really haven’t been getting enough sleep because you have been laying our assignments so much.’ [but] it is sort of hard to say that to a teacher. some of the teachers are almost in their own world just because they are so old. we can’t really go up to them and tell them what they are doing is bad. although their remarks, aside from a few, derived largely from hypothetical scenarios presented in focus groups, students could articulate clear and consistent rationales for deviating from accepted standards, even though they recognized the standard as a valid moral guideline. in contrast, just realizing that a favorite teacher would be disappointed to learn you had cheated would devastate some students: “i would never ever even think of like cheating with [one teacher]. it would never go into my head. you wouldn’t want him to find out. he is such a good person that you don’t want to disappoint him.” another male student shared, “i would never cheat for my seventh grade english teacher because if he ever caught me i would be miserable.” much as students validated unethical behavior with teachers who didn’t care, using neutralization theory to understand cheating 15 students expressed utmost loyalty to teachers who students believed cared about them. in looking at student thinking regarding when they would and would not cheat reveals that student views of what kind of teacher a person is can notably impact student honesty in the classroom. appealing to higher loyalties in “appealing to higher ideals,” students recognize that cheating is morally wrong. however, when negative consequences are likely to arise if one does not violate this standard, students may consider such potential outcomes valid rationales for deviating from what is generally considered ethical. thus, in certain contexts students may view cheating as the better option when failure means the loss of valued extra-curriculars or future academic opportunities. for example, one student shared, “if your mom says, ‘if you don’t get [good grades], you are not going to be on the ski team anymore.’ i think that is a pretty good reason. i know that happened at northwest.” other students shared this point of view, linking such decisions to school climate. as one girl remarked, “this is sort of an athletic school, so people might think it is okay to cheat a little bit to a lot if it is going to get in the way with their sports.” she further maintained that even though teachers say that if you are having problems with your classes then you can skip sports, if you make a varsity team and miss practice, there are consequences. a similar rationale could be adapted and applied to academics. when students feel overwhelming pressure to earn high grades to gain entry to select high schools, as is the norm at northwest, cheating may become a viable option. offering a sense for what her peers may be telling themselves, one student explained: “i know if i did this assignment without cheating, then i am going to get a bad grade. and then i am not going to get into a good school.” she continued, “then you could see it as affecting the college you get into and your job and your success later in life.” along the same lines, another student shared, if you are at risk for academic probation and current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 the possibility of expulsion, then cheating may seem reasonable: “i see it both ways. i see it as a really bad thing, as cheating. or you could see it as a sort of a thing done out of desperation, to prevent something worse from happening.” clearly, these students could envision how the negative impact from certain difficult circumstances might adversely affect their lives. every teacher did mention the pressure on students to earn high grades. the following comment from the spanish teacher exemplified this point of view: “the work all of a sudden becomes important when students don’t necessarily get a good grade and that is going to affect the secondary school [they attend].” the history teacher talked specifically about the pressure students on the edge of a b+/agrade experience: “[s]ome are on the border line, especially in our situation. they are leaving this school and their grades really matter, because they are basically applying to elite secondary schools.” in addition to concerns with getting admitted to elite secondary schools, parents were most often cited by both students and teachers as a source of academic pressure, although participants acknowledged that pressure also originated from teachers and students themselves. discussion as sykes & matza (1957) suggested in their theory on delinquent deviance, students often viewed decisions to cheat as a reflection of factors beyond their control. comparable to mccabe’s (1999) findings, this allowed students to divert blame from themselves to the situation as a means to lessen feelings of guilt and shame. in particular, northwest students may consider cheating acceptable, though not “right,” when cheating compensates for perceived unjust treatment, such as excessive amounts of work or when hard-working students do not have the time after school, given other extra-curricular commitments, to complete the work assigned (daniel, et al., 1991). using neutralization theory to understand cheating 17 as other studies have found, students also will more likely commit to an educational program if they believe their teacher “is personally interested and emotionally invested in [their] success” (collier, 2005, p.4). as shraw et al. (2007) found on their survey, the single variable most cited as decreasing cheating behavior was an effective teacher. comparably, in this study every student pointed to teacher caring and mutual respect as pivotal in shaping students’ perception toward their course work, including the possibility of them cheating. in what seems a related development, various scholars claim students are more likely to cheat when they suspect their teacher either does not care about them, the quality of instruction, or they judge the teacher as somehow incompetent (evans & craig, 1990, murdock et al., 2001; schraw et al., 2007; szabo & underwood, 2004). in such instances, students draw on this perception to justify completing work dishonestly (pulvers diekhoff, 1999; mccabe, 2001; evans & craig, 1990). as various studies have found, students are most invested in the course goals when they trust that the teacher cares about them and their individual success (collier, 2005; murdock & miller, 2003). moreover, students often view values as in competition with one another and can therefore justify cheating by framing a decision to cheat as choosing some other esteemed value over honesty. in this regard, students and teachers acknowledged that in some circumstances students feel that completing work honestly may jeopardize peer friendships. if sharing answers with a friend could help students maintain a friendship, some may choose the stability of the friendship over any concern that such collaboration constitutes cheating. likewise, in some instances, students viewed maintaining sports eligibility as justifying cheating behavior. were they to become ineligible, their self-esteem, friendships with teammates, and relations with the coach could all suffer. further, students often feel significant parental pressure to earn high current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 grades, which they may occasionally feel they cannot achieve without cheating. consequently, they may seek to honor their parents’ aspirations, but do so in dishonest fashion. implications often, as educators, we ask children to rank competing values by unintentionally placing one in tension with another. for example, we emphasize the importance of grades as well as honesty. students therefore may, at times, need to weigh two competing values, as an assignment or exam completed honestly may threaten their chance of obtaining a high grade and consequent selective school admission. in addition, we tell students to report when their peers cheat. but again, a tension may arise: students should value loyalty and friendship but also be honest and truthful. while we don’t propose a simple answer to such dilemmas, we do believe schools should explicitly acknowledge that students at times may embrace one value and thereby violate another. we need to discuss with students how to consciously grapple with these tensions as a means to help students clarify their values and begin to resolve what may for many be enduring tensions. advisory groups, such as those at northwest, seem ideal for this purpose. they are relatively small, so they provide opportunities for teachers to know students well. there is also a commitment to respect and confidentiality, which allows students a safe space to interact honestly with both peers and a teacher. and this seems precisely where students could explore the contextual factors, contradictions, and conflicts many encounter when they confront issues linked to academic honesty: as a student, do you have to share your hard work with a friend to preserve that friendship? is a teacher’s perceived lack of commitment to your success in the classroom grounds for cheating? if, as a student, your schedule leaves little free time, how do you respond to a teacher who assigns considerable homework? exploring such issues would using neutralization theory to understand cheating 19 provide students with an opportunity to articulate their position on tensions that seem inherent to a school such as northwest, and thereby address some likely scenarios in a way that is thoughtful, reflective, and includes more of the school community rather than being a spur of the moment judgment made by an individual student. moreover, this approach allows faculty working on the same team to engage in dialogue with students about important matters, air their concerns, and thereby begin to consider how they might address these matters of importance. in addition, teachers should acknowledge the links among good teaching, teachers who care, and student engagement and honesty in their work. in turn, faculty should consider how they might signal to students that they care about their personal and academic well-being. what does this look like in terms of routine classroom interactions, and how should teachers design lessons and assessments so they embody both rigor and concern for students’ academic growth? as we found, when teachers ask little of students, students respond in kind, and honesty may easily be compromised. teachers who invest little effort in developing respectful relations with their students and authentic learning opportunities in the classroom, may create alienated students who willingly cheat in a context where they care little for anyone’s well-being but their own. schools can’t be amoral institutions. they cannot ignore the link between good teaching, respect for students, and honesty. finally, our research suggests that northwest teachers and administrators, as well as those in similar schools, may want to think about how they might help students deal with pressures linked to high school admission. presently, many northwest students view eighth grade as preparation for high school rather than as equipping them with skills and knowledge that are innately interesting, personally relevant, and applicable beyond the classroom. consequently, it seems that some students rationalize cheating behavior because they sense little inherent value to current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 some school work and therefore cheating seems benign. with this perception in mind, teachers might reevaluate their instructional practices and work they assign to avoid involuntarily reinforcing cheating behavior on the part of alienated students. limitations this case study included teachers and students from a single, rather exclusive middle school in the northeast, resulting in little generalizability. to the extent that these students and teachers represent typical eighth grade students and their core teachers requires the reader to recognize particular elements of relevance to another context. in addition, because of the sensitivity of the topic, interview protocols did not ask participants about personal cheating behaviors. rather, they focused on their general attitudes on the acceptability of cheating and the perceived likelihood of cheating of their peers in particular contexts. thus, this study generally explored student perceptions of cheating behavior rather than the actual behavior of the students interviewed. students therefore may have felt a need to provide socially desirable responses and not been fully candid in their remarks. references american psychological association. 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(2004). cybercheats: is information and communication technology fuelling academic dishonesty? learning and teaching in higher education, 5, 180-199. whitley, b. e. (1998). factors associated with cheating among college students: a review. research in higher education, 39, 235-274. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain jeffery johnson seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen using neutralization theory to understand cheating 25 jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word 732-2947-3-le.docx 1 volume 14, number 2 august 7, 2011 issn 1099-839x understanding multicultural education osman özturgut university of the incarnate word with the shifting cultural texture and demographics of the united states (banks, 2006b; irvine, 2003), redefining multicultural education has become imperative. there are many views on the benefits and/or shortcomings of the multiculturalization of education. the question is not whether a multicultural education should be adopted but it is rather what we understand from multicultural education and how we are going to initiate such a reform within an educational system when we cannot even define ‘multicultural.’ “the awareness of one’s own assumptions, prejudices and stereotypes is a first step to be able to positively interact and learn from others. in this process lies the essence of intercultural learning” (martins, 2008, p. 203). this paper attempts to define (and redefine) multicultural education, explain its shortcomings, and offer recommendations for further discussion. keywords: multicultural education, intercultural communication with the shifting cultural texture and demographics of the united states (banks, 2006b; irvine, 2003), redefining multicultural education has become imperative. according to the data provided by the national center for education statistics (nces), between 1979 and 2008, the number of school-aged children (children ages 517) who spoke a language other than english at home increased from 3.8 to 10.9 million, or from 9 to 21 percent of the population in this age range (nces, 2009). nces (2010) reports that in 2007-2008, 58% of public school teachers of grades 9 through 12 are females with 83.5 % defined as belonging to “white” race/ethnicity. hispanics constituted the 6.6 % and blacks 6.9% of all teacher population of public school teachers of grades 9 through 12. the implications of the difference between the number of students with diverse backgrounds and the number of diverse teachers available to meet the needs of these students are certainly worth exploring. rhoads (1995) argues that the ever-increasing diversity that students bring to classrooms produces mass confusion about how to teach, what to teach, and even who to teach. “clearly, multiculturalism has significant implications for how we think about and structure pedagogy” (p. 262). in order to further understand these implications, this paper, evoked with an “epistemological curiosity” (freire, 1997), attempts to define (and redefine) multicultural education, explain its shortcomings, and offer recommendations for further discussion. multiple definitions of multicultural education many researchers have explained and defined the cultural difference paradigm with regards to creating classroom interventions and strategies to support the learning of students of color. with the idea of further understanding the diverse populations, pedagogical strategies such as multicultural education (banks, 1979; banks & mcgee, 2001; gay, 2000; grant & sleeter, 2003; nieto, 1996), cultural responsiveness (cazden & leggett, 1981; gibson, 1976) and culturally relevant pedagogy (ladson-billings, 1995) are grounded and justified. however, with the multiple definitions and explanations, there is not necessarily an agreed definition of multiculturalism and multicultural education among scholars and practitioners. what all agree is that there is room for further discussion about the definition and current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 application of multicultural education in nation’s schools. therefore, through a thorough review of the current and relevant literature, the author further tries to shed light on the understandings and applications of multicultural education and offers recommendations for educators and policy makers. review of current definitions even though ogbu (1992) had suggested that multicultural education has yet to be defined by the scholars, there has been a sufficient number of definitions to justify an action. banks (1993) explained that multicultural education started in the united states during the civil rights movement of the 1960s. since then, there has been a wealth of interest and research on multicultural education (banks, 1993; banks, 2001a, 2001b, 2004, 2006a, 2007; banks & banks, 2001; cochran-smith, 2001; ladson-billings, 1995, 1999a, 1999b; ladson-billings, 2003, 2006; perry, moore, acosta, edwards, & frey, 2006; sleeter, 2008, 2009; sleeter & stillman, 2005; sleeter, 1991, 2001, 2008; sleeter & bernal, 2004). banks and banks (2001) define multicultural education as: an idea, an educational reform movement, and a process whose major goal is to change the structure of educational institutions so that male and female students, exceptional students, and students who are members of diverse racial, ethnic, language, and cultural groups will have an equal chance to achieve academically in school (p. 1). they further explain that, "the term multicultural education describes a wide variety of programs and practices related to educational equity, women, ethnic groups, language minorities, low-income groups, and people with disabilities" (p. 6). multicultural education may mean making changes within the curriculum in one school but a total change in leadership in another school. gay (2000) and ladson-billings (2004) defined multicultural education as adopting a culturally responsive pedagogy with trained instructors facilitating it. nieto (1996) defined multicultural education as “antiracist education” which is “a process important for all students” (p. 307). jay and jones (2005) defined multicultural education as “the common term used to describe the type of pluralist education” where “its advocates are seeking for all children receiving an education, pre-k through college” (p. 3). the national association for multicultural education (name) described multicultural education as a “philosophical concept built on the ideals of freedom, justice, equality, equity, and human dignity as acknowledged in various documents, such as the u.s. declaration of independence, constitutions of south africa and the united states, and the universal declaration of human rights adopted by the united nations” (national association of multicultural education, 2011). kahn (2008) described multicultural education as a “process, a philosophy, a concept, which is dynamic, multifaceted, and polemic” (p. 531). with the emphasis on minority learning, gibson’s (1976) survey outlined five models where culture and education are explored in a combined fashion. 1) multicultural education for cross cultural understanding was designed to teach that there are differences among cultures and that the teaching should be designed so that the emphasis on respecting one another’s culture is apparent. 2) culturally responsive education was developed mostly for k-12 education to include the cultures of the minority students in the curriculum and adapt teaching strategies accordingly to fit the needs and expectations of these students. 3) bicultural education was adopted mostly to emphasize the importance of teaching languages and the skills needed to be able to function in the other cultures efficiently. in this, the language and culture of the minority students are reinforced in the curriculum and through the teaching methods used. 4) cultural pluralism was specifically designed to strengthen the socio-cultural, political, economic, and educational participation of minority students within societies. in this, it is important to note that the cultures do not mix but simply find a way to live with each other through providing equal opportunities to every member of the society. 5) multicultural education as an experience of the individuals in the society designed to help the society to work well harmoniously and respectfully. in short, there is no clear and agreed definition of what we understand from “multicultural education” but a variety of context-specific definitions. benefits and shortcomings of multicultural education: an overview nieto (2004) explained that the increase in cultural/ethnic diversity has caused many educators to recognize and own the need to expand their understanding of multicultural education, especially in public schools. with a very long history of immigration of people from many different cultural groups, the need for multicultural education and embracing diversity has become increasingly urgent. smith (2009) asserted that success or failure of multicultural education depends on the effective preparation of teachers and administrators. when the teachers and administrators understand the learning needs of students and recognize how these needs can be different than the needs of the students from the dominant culture, then the actual learning occurs. that is, when “we really see, know the students we must teach” (delpit, 1995, p. 183), we start making a difference in the lives of these students. in order to achieve this, teacher preparation programs are responsible for designing programs that are appropriate and in line with the needs of these teacher candidates. these programs do not only need to challenge teacher candidates to leave their “comfort zones” but the programs themselves need to examine and expand their knowledge and understanding of diverse cultures these teacher candidates will serve (ball, 2000; cruz, 1999; garcia & willis, 2001; gay, 2002). schugurensky (2002) argued that when the cultural diversity and global tolerance are promoted within understanding multicultural education 3 multicultural education, traditional elitism (of having eurocentric curriculum) and its shortcomings would be overcome. bernstein (1994) argued that multicultural education hinders the assimilation efforts and creates a divisive society. ravich (1990) argued that multiculturalization pose a threat to the best of what u.s. education has to offer the values, beliefs, and traditions of western civilization. dirlik (1997) quotes the poet russell leong as stating, "multiculturalism = postcolonial eurocentrism" (p. xi). pon (2009) further stated that “cultural competency resembles new racism both by otherizing non-whites and by deploying modernist and absolutist views of culture while not using racialist language (p. 59). some claim that a good liberal education embodies a rather mono-cultural education, where national origins and race are not confused with culture as a learned attribute (bernstein, 1994; bloom, 1994; souza, 1991; grant & graham, 1994; chavez, 1994). jenks, lee, and kanpol (2001) further argue that, under the guise of multicultural education, a deeper agenda lies, “how do we americanize minorities...? how do we prepare them for a competitive economy?" (p. 91). critical multiculturalists (chicago cultural studies group, 1992) explain that the study of multiculturalism is vulnerable because of its weaknesses in its own rhetoric: an overreliance on the efficacy of theory; a false voluntarism about political engagement; an unrecognized assumption of civil-society conditions; a tendency to limit grounds of critique to a standard brace of minoritized identities (for example, race, class, and gender); and a forgetfulness about how its terms circulate in "thirdworld" con-texts, which are often expected to provide raw material for integration in western visions of multicultural pluralism (p. 531). hooks (1994) explains that these weaknesses cause a return to narrow nationalism, isolationism, and xenophobia rather than developing a world perspective respecting multiple viewpoints and perspectives. it is an attempt to return to an idealized past. bensimon (1994) argues that the current understanding of multiculturalism downplays the role of human relations. this is because the focus is simply the reduction of tension among diverse groups. rhoads (1995) defines this as “mainstream multiculturalism” (p. 265). the attempt to change mono-cultural institutions into multicultural democratic communities is treating cultural diversity as a subject matter and not attempting to reform the ways of thinking and doing in the society. critical multiculturalism emphasizes the very nature of teaching itself. it is not only involved in discussing the content and the curriculum, but also involved in defining what the relevant knowledge is (rhoads, 1995). its purpose is to transform educational institutions and organizational structures to reflect diverse cultures and perspectives. educational anthropologists have highlighted the role of communication styles (cummins, 1986; mehan, 1979) and how societies interact within their defined cultural norms (au, 1980; foley, 1991; goldenberg & gallimore, 1991). one significant shortcoming of intercultural communication competence research and the multiculturalization of education attempts is that it focuses on majority interacting with minority groups (giles & evans, 1986; glaser, 1994; taylor, 1998). exceptions to this include sigelman and welch (1993) and sigelman et al. (1996) studying the racial attitudes of blacks toward whites and powers and ellison (1995) studying blacks’ convictions on interracial dating and friendship. all these studies focused on black/african american and white/european american populations. many ethnic and racial groups (black/african americans, latino, asian americans, and white/european americans, etc.) that form the basis of today’s multicultural environment are ignored (stein & rinden, 2000; hood & morris, 1997). advocating for multicultural education, as it is defined and practiced today in u.s. schools, whether k-12 or higher, has become a shallow application of a bicultural education. bicultural, for the purposes of this paper, is defined as interactions between african-americans and european-americans in certain states (within the u.s.) and hispanics and european-americans in certain states. ‘shallow’ in this context is defined as the poor and misguided attempts to multiculturalize the education. one example of the underestimation of the significance of a multicultural education is even though multicultural education is a necessary ingredient of quality education, it is perceived by most educators as to be embraced only in times of crisis or simply as a luxury if time in the school day allows (banks & banks, 2002). a scholar and practitioner nieto (2000) limits the shortcomings of the multicultural education to the “colorblindness”: many teachers and schools, in an attempt to be color-blind, do not want to acknowledge cultural or racial differences … although it sounds fair and honest and ethical, the opposite may actually be true … color blindness may result in refusing to accept differences and therefore accepting the dominant culture as the norm (p. 138). it is the lack of the ability “to relate and communicate effectively when individuals involved in the interaction do not share the same culture, ethnicity, language, or other salient variables” (hains, lynch, & winton, 2000, p. 2). we identify ourselves better and more easily with those who resemble us but we are generally not aware of how mono-cultural patterns influence our ways of thinking. another strong advocate of so-called multicultural education is lisa delpit. she argues that educational reforms are not designed with children of color in mind (delpit, 1995). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 delpit (1995), nieto (2000), banks and banks (2002), fuller (1992), and many other scholars argue that it is rather the mono-cultural curriculum and the shortcomings of teacher education programs that are mainly composed of female european americans that create the achievement gap. fuller (1992) compiled statistics revealing that the majority of students in teacher education programs are european-american, middle-class females, products of suburbs, small cities or rural areas. dilg (1995) warns that white teachers’ approach to multicultural education (mostly the curriculum aspect of multicultural education) as an outsider carries the danger of ignorance. despite increasing ethnic diversity in the united states, many educators do not seem to understand that multicultural education is the broader understanding, involvement, and appreciation of more than two cultures. jay (2003) explained that “despite a tendency to equate ‘americanness’ with ‘whiteness’ by individuals both outside and inside the united states, the united states is comprised of many different racial, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural groups” (p. 3). and in some instances, an artificial implicit connection between nationality and culture is created. this is artificial in the sense that it does not emphasize originality but pushes children into social constructs by encouraging them to learn about asian food or the mexican fiesta. contrary to the popular discourse of creating equity within the current education system, king (1991) argued that culturally relevant teaching that is successful helps produce a relevant black personality. his argument is relevant in the sense that culture is significant for individual and group identity. it “gives people a sense of who they are, of belonging, of how they should behave and of what they should not be doing” (harris & moran, 1991, p. 12). however, for all we know, while individuals foster positive self-appreciation as belonging to a specific group, they may also perceive the prejudice and stigmatization from other groups and experience exclusion and isolation. with all the shortcomings of the application of so-called multicultural education, the author argues, that the focus, as it is presented in the current literature, is on why the children of african-american population in the u.s. schools are not excelling in their classes comparable to the children of european-american populations. there are facts and the author does not argue against these facts where african-american students score low on the standardized tests. for example, garcia (1994) argues that research on african-american students tends to focus on dropouts, literacy gaps, and educational delinquency. another example to arguing the dominance of the white race is critical race theorists’ argument that official school curricula are designed to maintain a “white supremacist master script” and they are “culturally specific artifacts” (delgado, 1995, p. 21). regarding instruction, delgado argued that the “current instructional strategies presume that african-american students are deficient” (p. 22). when the african-american/black students are given tests, gould (1981) argued that it is a movement to legitimize african-american students’ deficiency. tate (1997) further commented that the current multicultural paradigm, currently popular in the u.s., exists to benefit whites. the question here is whether whites are promoting advances for blacks when only blacks promote white interests (bell, 1980). in order for learning to occur in classrooms, we need to examine a wide variety of perspectives, including our own (curtis, 1998). martins (2008) argue that “the awareness of one’s own assumptions, prejudices and stereotypes is a first step to be able to positively interact and learn from others. in this process lies the essence of intercultural learning” (p. 203). lawrence (2005) claimed that for an antiracist multicultural education to be more than superficially effective, it must go beyond the lack of multicultural ingredients in the curriculum, policy and structure issues within schools and how school personnel, specifically teachers, interact with students and with each other (see also banks & banks, 1995; lee, 1995; nieto, 2000). it is the innate rejection of culture difference as threatening as it is because “it challenges an individual to reconsider ethnocentric views of the world and negotiate each intercultural encounter with an open mind and as a unique experience” (mahoney & schamber, 2004, p. 312). furthermore, learning about other cultures and cultural competencies is rather difficult and bothersome because it entails acknowledging “how we are all implicated in contradictory relationships of oppression” (pon, 2009, p. 69). when educators claim the need for cultural competency or the need for a more comprehensive understanding of culturally responsive teaching, they are not necessarily exercising self-reflexivity but simply shielding themselves from criticisms of racism. through this study, the author postulates that the solution to the challenges of establishing a multicultural education lies in the understanding of the relationship between the individuals rather than implementation of a policy model or educational reform within an educational system. an education system, which does not recognize its problems and challenges as they exist but instead creates superficial challenges and solutions, is bound to fail in the long run. however, it should also be noted that intercultural communication and thus research is problematic as members of cultural groups may be blinded to significant aspects of their own culture. this is also a limitation of an education system where educators “represent ethnically diverse individuals and groups in all strata of human accomplishment instead of typecasting particular groups as dependent and helpless victims who make limited contributions of significance” (banks & banks, 2002, p. 33). understanding multicultural education 5 discussion bennett (1993) argued that, “probably one of the most threatening ideas encountered by students is this concept of difference and the implications this concept brings along with it” (p. 181). that is, how we perceive the differences determine the scale and limit of our interactions with other cultures. hitlin, scott, and elder jr. (2006), claim that when individuals choose from social categories that are structurally available to them, they tend to internalize the symbolic and cultural meanings attached to these categories. this internalization may cause an increase in self-appreciation or result in self-depreciation. further, park (1931) does not believe the outcome differences between whites, blacks, or other ethnic groups are a result of biology, but a function of social environments. stonequist (1935), too, argued that individual’s selfperception stems largely from his ability to view himself from multiple, if not conflicting, perspectives. in this context, intercultural communication competence is the first big step towards creating a culturally sensitive education. “exploring the construct of cultural difference is fundamental to learning about other cultures” (mahoney & schamber, 2004, p. 311) and we need to start with a close look at our intercultural communication competence. are we communicating our sincere attempts to understand other cultures effectively, or are we simply blinding ourselves with our own convictions on what is right for the students? we should also note that to understand the reason behind using the “white” as the excuse for failure, one must look to the society from a deeper perspective. the reason behind this argument might lie in self handicapping (arranging to perform under conditions that impair performance). by providing an excuse for poor performance, self handicapping makes people feel better in situations where they might fail (drexler, ahrens, & haaga, 1995). zuckerman, kieffer, and knee (1998) explain that self handicapping is mainly a problem when it becomes habitual. when it does, it typically leads to poor adjustment and lower self-esteem. and, self handicapping is the current tendency among african-americans and among some european-americans for the justification of africanamerican children’s failure in american schools. it is also not necessarily the information provided by the schools that will enhance our intercultural communication competence but an understanding of “why we do what we do”. gudykunst (1998) explained that intercultural competence includes not only knowledge of the culture and language, but also affective and behavioral skills. examples to such affective and behavioral skills are empathy, human warmth, charisma, and the ability to manage anxiety and uncertainty. there is no question that racism is a big concern and dominance of a single culture and presents a real threat for any education system. however, not belonging to the mainstream culture should not justify the failure of the education for minorities. from a pedagogical point of view, cultural sensitivity provides a road map to the multiculturalization of education and thus equality. from a political point of view, ‘divide and rule’ style of management applies where schools, through singling out the differences (unique characteristics), are creating culturally distinct groups. through these divisive policies, it becomes easier to focus on a problem where political sensitivity becomes a handicap. school management focuses on maintaining a superficially equal education rather than focusing on the learning outcomes of students from all cultures within the system. in order to have a better understanding, we need to take a close look at the policies as how an educational ideology is transferred to procedures, and regarding application, and how these procedures are practiced. the solution is not simply to create a culturally responsive pedagogy with a curriculum designed with children of color in mind, and turning young, female, white suburban teachers into culturally competent and responsive educators. the author does not argue the relevance of such discourses in the current education system. however, what is being argued here is that these do not constitute the essence of the solution but it is, rather, an understanding of ‘who i am’, and ‘why i do what i do’ as to start the ‘change’. conclusion to achieve multiculturalism in education, we need to have a clear definition of what we understand from ‘multicultural education’. through a clear definition, we can make the necessary changes in the policies. after we make the necessary changes in the policies, we need to have leaders with strong intercultural communication skills in order to communicate the vision of a multicultural education. the process of defining multicultural education, making the necessary changes in the policies, and finding a leader to communicate these can be achieved through serious and sincere applications of each of these steps, respectively. the intense focus on the mastery of other cultures within the multiculturalism is overambitious and self-satisfying, for the lack of a better word. understanding and respecting other cultural viewpoints and behavior is essential to the promotion of intercultural understanding. however, before we start to ‘change’ the world, we need to understand ‘why i do what i do.’ whoever you are, wherever you are, whatever you want to accomplish, it all begins with an understanding of ‘i’: “the awareness of one’s own assumptions, prejudices and stereotypes is a first step to be able to positively interact and learn from others. in this process lies the essence of intercultural learning” (martins, 2008, p. 203). references antal, b. 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(2011). understanding multicultural education. current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/732 author notes osman özturgut, ph.d. university of the incarnate word 4301 broadway cpo #293 san antonio, texas 78209 ozturgut@uiwtx.edu dr. osman özturgut has worked in international and comparative education for over ten years. he has been an administrator and faculty member in various higher education institutions in turkey, china, and the united states. dr. özturgut is currently an assistant professor of international education and entrepreneurship at the university of the incarnate word in san antonio, texas. he has conducted research in china, south korea, japan, norway, singapore, turkey, south africa, and the us. he is an expert in international and comparative higher education and leadership studies and has numerous publications and presentations in these areas. his current research interests include international students in the u.s., internationalization of higher education, multicultural education, sino-u.s. joint-venture campuses, and private higher education in china. . understanding multicultural education 11 volume 14, number 2 august 7, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editor melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy angeles maldonado carol masser tapati sen jennifer shea alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers the teaching performance_final volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x the teacher performance assessment: reflections on the pedagogical thought processes of three student teachers kimberlee a. sharp, ed.d. morehead state university citation sharp, k.a. (2010). the teacher performance assessment: reflections on the pedagogical thought processes of three student teachers. current issues in education, 13(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the impact of the teacher performance assessment (tpa) on three pre-service teachers’ pedagogical thought processes and self-perceptions is the focus of this study. qualitative research procedures included interviews, observations, and coding of the pre-service teachers’ written documents. emerging themes and implications for teacher education include variance in: 1) the pre-service teachers’ ability to analyze and articulate learner outcome results; 2) how they thought they impacted student learning; and 3) their locus of control. keywords: pre-service teachers, pre-service teacher supervision, qualitative research, teacher performance assessment current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: kimberlee a. sharp, ed.d. affiliation: morehead state university address: 301-c ginger hall, morehead, ky 40351. email: k.sharp@moreheadstate.edu biographical information: kimberlee sharp is an assistant professor of teacher education in the department of middle grades and secondary education at morehead state university in kentucky. her research efforts focus on the pedagogy of controversial issues in the social studies, citizenship education, and pre-service teacher preparation and supervision. the teacher performance assessment 3 what is teacher quality? what attributes and dispositions must teachers possess to demonstrate quality? what is the relationship between teachers’ instructional decisions and students’ learning? these questions are just a few on the minds of teacher educators in this era of no child left behind and heightened interest in pre-service teacher effectiveness. because teacher attributes resulting in significant learner gains are difficult to determine and classify, recent experiences using performance assessments is drawing attention. this article suggests that the teacher performance assessment (tpa), although strong in its ability to evaluate entry level teacher competencies, is capable of yielding more important information about teacher candidates: their pedagogical thought processes and perceptions of themselves as teachers. the teacher performance assessment conceptualized at western oregon university as the “teacher work sample,” the teacher performance assessment (tpa) was developed as a means to assist pre-service and new teachers to evaluate their instructional effects on learners (devlin–scherer, burroughs, daly & mccartan, 2007; girod & girod, 2006). more precisely, girod and girod state that the purpose of the tpa is to develop in teachers the ability to “make systematic connections between their teaching actions and the learning of each student in their classrooms” using student data (p. 482). to ensure this occurs, pre-service and new teachers (“candidates,” henceforth) follow a six-step process while planning a unit of instruction which involves documenting: 1) student contextual features; 2) desired learning outcomes; 3) instructional plans; 4) assessment plans; 5) evidence of learner gains; and 6) reflections on student achievement and instructional decision – making (french, 2002). it is not surprising that the tpa methodology is receiving widespread attention among current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 4 teacher preparation programs. federal and state education reforms have created a high-stakes atmosphere, and at no other time in american public school history has student achievement been scrutinized as closely as it is today (french, 2002; mayer, 2005). changes occurring in the credentialing and licensing of new teachers is an example of the impact of these reforms. many states now have new-teacher induction programs, bureaucratic accountability systems, and new teacher standards to evaluate entry-level competence (branyon, 2008; mayer, 2005; ohio department of education [ode], 1999; pecheone, pigg, chung & souviney, 2005). in addition to these responses to education reform, teacher accreditation organizations, such as the national council for the accreditation of teacher education (ncate) have revised their standards to include performance-based models for assessing teacher candidates and accrediting teacher preparation programs (cawyer & caldwell, 2002; national council for the accreditation of teacher education [ncate], 2008). the current educational reform environment has given rise to several studies examining the value of using the tpa to evaluate teacher candidates’ entry-level teaching skills. one theme emerging from the current literature concerns candidates’ attitudes and supports they perceive to have received while completing a tpa. with regard to attitudes, okhremtchouk, seiki, gilliland, ateh, wallace and kato (2009) found the tpa adversely affects candidates’ ability to complete concurrent university coursework and impedes their ability to maintain normal sleeping routines and personal relationships. another study conducted by stone (1998) revealed lack of time and lack of preparation assistance by university supervisors as deterrents to the candidates’ attitudes toward performance-based assessment. taking this finding further, devlin – scherer et al. (2007) reported that some mentor teachers are unsupportive of pre assessment techniques as a method for determining instructional course of action by teacher the teacher performance assessment 5 candidates. even worse, the candidates in okhremtchouk et al. reported that mentor teachers had “nothing to do” with candidates’ teacher performance preparation and maintained an “indifference to [its] importance and significance” (p. 54). thus, the attitudes regarding tpa supports reported in these studies may be suggestive of team members’ competing pedagogical beliefs and differing levels of expertise with performance assessment. reports such as these may also justify the move of some teacher preparation programs to train partner teachers in the tpa process (branyon, 2008; devlin – scherer et al.). recent research has also explored teacher candidates’ perceived value of the tpa in terms of informing their instructional practice. girod & girod’s (2006) web-based simulation, the “cook school district simulation,” is one example. used as a training tool to introduce teacher candidates to performance assessment methodology, the cook simulation rendered positive results in candidates’ ability to connect teaching and learning in simulated classroom exercises. okhremtchouk et al. (2009) found that despite the performance assessment’s negative features (i.e., the consumption of one’s time and the sacrifice of other coursework), candidates reported to have improved their skills in lesson plan development and aligning assessment with state standards. branyon’s (2008) study further affirms the methodology’s power to inform instructional practice. this study reported that candidates “had indeed affected k-12 student learning” (p. 36), and the collaboration of skilled mentor teachers was an essential factor in the candidates’ performance. yet another marker of the perceived value of the tpa by candidates is the extent to which they claim to differentiate instruction based upon diverse learning needs and learning styles. in the devlin – scherer et al. (2007) study, candidates reported reflection and experimentation with fusing theory and practice as the key elements to informing their instructional decisions regarding individualized adaptations. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 6 in summary of the literature, the tpa is a powerful methodology for evaluating teacher candidate instructional effects on learners. it sensitizes beginning teachers to numerous factors and nuances of classroom teaching. because of this, candidates need to possess nominal skills and understandings prior to commencing a tpa. the collective skills represented in the research above stipulate common features to determine candidate effectiveness, which include: 1) the ability to demonstrate effective oral and written communication; 2) the ability to identify and articulate learner outcomes; 3) the ability to identify appropriate assessment procedures; and 4) the ability to adapt instruction according to student dynamics and student outcomes. the collective research also underscores the importance of developmentally appropriate instructional practices as informed by theory and practice as well as the presentation of thorough and accurate content knowledge as requisite understandings of teacher candidates. the teacher education program (tep) described in this article affirmed this collective body of knowledge and scaffolded the skills and understandings in courses and field – experiences prior to its candidates’ clinical practice semester. methodology the role of the tpa on the pedagogical thought processes of 3 student teachers and the perceived impact on student learning described in this article took place at a regional university in the southern region of the united states during the 2008 spring semester. the national council for accreditation of teacher education (ncate) and the state’s teacher licensing board accredit this university’s teacher education program. the college of education at this university is composed of three departments, all of which share in the preand post-professional preparation of teachers, both undergraduate and graduate. the teacher performance assessment 7 prior to this college of education’s adoption of the tpa, faculty assessed their student teachers’ initial teaching competencies using a portfolio of artifacts aligned with state teacher standards. although the portfolio was designed to represent a comprehensive evaluation of the student teachers’ exiting competencies, several faculty members criticized the method for its lack of tangible, quantifiable evidence of pre-service teacher skills (e.g., articulation of instructional decisions as determined by student data) and for its “scrapbook” format. members of the faculty and clinical practice supervisors decided to replace the portfolio with the tpa and vigorously drafted its own manual and scoring rubrics using existing tpa models, such as the renaissance partnership teacher work sample (the renaissance partnership for improving teacher quality [rpitq], 2004). the author (“professor,” henceforth) hoped to gain insight into the pedagogical thought processes of 3 student teachers during and following their work on the tpa. she solicited volunteers from among the college of education’s student teachers during their clinical practice semester. the professor informed the volunteers that the inquiry would consist of regularly scheduled conferences, interviews, and observations in order to render conclusions about their thought processes, actions, and self – perceptions as teachers. the professor collected data about the 3 student teachers’ pedagogical thought processes using methodology from the qualitative research tradition; more specifically, classroom action research. according to kemmis and mctaggart (2000), this tradition involves researchers assisting teachers in “making judgments about how to improve their own practices” (p. 569). the professor employed a reflexive system of questioning in order to challenge the student teachers’ existing views of theory and practice as well as their interactions and actions in the classroom. in doing so, the professor relied upon the unique context of each student teacher’s placement to current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 8 determine the sets of questions asked. however, to stimulate thinking about lesson planning and differentiation, the professor developed some common questions that she asked of each student teacher: 1) given the special needs identified in your classroom, how do you expect to modify instruction for every child? 2) what do you believe will be some obstacles or challenges when designing your lesson plans for your group of students? 3) what do you believe to be your strengths and/ or weaknesses with regard to the topic you are about to teach? what do you plan to do to compensate for weak areas? 4) can you explain how community factors and background experiences of your students will impact the unit you are about to teach? and, how do you know these factors will impact learning? what is the relationship between the community factors and background experiences to the unit topic you are about to teach? what do you anticipate some misunderstandings will be? as the student teachers progressed through the teaching of their units, the professor queried them about their lesson plans, the delivery of instruction, their assessment practices, and their instructional decision – making. examples of these questions included: 1) during your lesson today, i noticed that you had confused the students on the explanation of two similar, but different concepts. can you identify when that happened during your lesson and identify the two concepts? how do you think you will address this error tomorrow in your teaching? what strategy do you think will help iron – out the students’ confusion? (student teacher #1, marie) 2) how did you derive the questions asked during the interviews of your students? did these interviews elicit the responses you wanted? why or why not? (student teacher the teacher performance assessment 9 #1, marie) 3) what do you predict your students’ retention level will be using the strategy you have selected? what other strategies have you tried when helping your learners with rote – level tasks? did they work? why or why not? (student teacher #2, anne) 4) during your lesson, i observed two students off-task. can you identify when this occurred? physical and cognitive disability aside, what could you do to ensure that everyone participate? how do you know they understand “rhyming”? did the “tickmarks” used to tally their claps demonstrate an understand of rhyming? why or why not? (student teacher #2, anne) 5) based upon results of your pre-assessment, what modern day examples do you think you could use to serve as analogies for explaining prohibition and women’s suffrage? how do you know your students will identify with these examples? what is their connection to these examples? (student teacher #3, june) 6) can you explain how you decided upon “community-building” as part of your lesson plan development? what factors about the students influenced your decisions to use community building in your lessons? during your observation, i noticed a breakdown of the “democratic process.” what do you believe caused this breakdown? how do plan to restore democracy tomorrow? (student teacher #3, june) the professor archived the questions and responses in individually labeled portfolios for each student teacher. these portfolios also held classroom observation protocols, email exchanges, the student teachers’ written lesson plans, action-impact-refinement essays, and drafts of narratives of their tpa documents. following each meeting with the student teachers and review of tpa documents, the professor recorded notes on an excel spreadsheet and coded them according to decisions about instructional strategies, adaptations, assessment procedures, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 10 and resources used. the professor also recorded verbatim comments made by the student teachers that appeared to be unique thoughts and responses to their teaching and learning experience. it was during this process of recording the student teachers’ interview comments, written reflections, and anecdotal information from observations that the professor employed the constant comparative method and discovered patterns emerging from the data. according to strauss and corbin (1998), the constant comparison method enables the researcher to identify “variations in the patterns” of the data by comparing those patterns to various “properties and dimensions under different conditions” (p. 67). the researcher coded the student teachers’ information according to pre-conceived properties (e.g., instructional strategies, assessment plans, etc.) and found variance in their behaviors, thinking processes, and comments. the researcher deduced the variances were due to the individual context and predilection of each student teacher as well as the context of their classroom placement. this process generated three themes attributed to the student teachers’ entry-level competencies in which this article proceeds to report: 1) their ability to analyze and articulate learner outcome results; 2) their perceptions of how they thought they impacted student learning; and 3) the role their exhibited locus of control played in the delivery of their lessons. the student teachers the professor assigned pseudonyms to the three student teachers in order to protect their anonymity. each of the 3 participating student teachers were dual special education and regular education majors and completed their clinical practice semester in the same school district close to the university. the school district services students of the entire county and consists of one high school, one middle school, and four elementary schools. although the district is rural and the teacher performance assessment 11 generally homogenous in terms of ethnicity and religious background, several aspects regarding the grade level, classroom profile, and subject matter deemed each of these student teachers’ experiences as very different. the first student teacher, marie, was a dual elementary p-5/msd (moderate to severe disabilities) p-12 major and assigned to a self-contained, inclusive 5th grade classroom. several of marie’s students exhibited the range of ability levels often associated with inclusive learning environments. these ability levels included students with significant learning delays and/ or disabilities in addition to students designated as academically gifted. at the time of marie’s arrival, the class was studying early history and political life of the american colonies. to keep with this general theme, marie’s cooperating teacher assigned the preamble to the united states constitution as the subject for her tpa learning sequence. the second student teacher, anne, also a dual elementary p-5/msd p-12 major, was assigned to a self-contained, multi-age msd classroom consisting of grades 6, 7, and 8. each of the 9 students in this classroom had disabilities which precluded their ability to function in regular education settings, although a few of these students “went out” for physical education, social studies, and music. some of the specific disabilities represented in this classroom included down syndrome, childhood ataxia with central hypomyelination (cach), and other neurological and physical disorders impeding normal cognitive development and growth. the curriculum practiced in this classroom primarily focused on the practical living needs of the students supplemented with some academic instruction in reading, mathematics, and science. anne’s cooperating teacher assigned poetry, more specifically, the attributes of rhyme and rhythm of poetry as her tpa learning sequence topic. the third student teacher, june, was a dual elementary p-5/lbd (learning and behavior current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 12 disorders) p-12 major, and assigned to the county high school for her student teaching assignment. her experience occurred in an 11th grade lbd resource classroom in which the students’ disabilities consisted of mild mental disorders, emotional behavioral disorders, and specific learning disabilities in reading and comprehension. june’s cooperating teacher taught mathematics, language arts, and social studies at different times of the day, and assigned june u.s. history, more specifically, the roaring twenties, as her subject for the tpa learning sequence. findings as stated previously, the professor spent significant time conferencing with the 3 participating student teachers during and following the completion of their tpa for the purpose of understanding their pedagogical thought processes. these conferences along with their individual tpa documentation produced several findings which appeared to have profound effect on these pre-service teachers’ decision-making skills and the achievement of their students. these findings include variances in their understanding of their students’ prior knowledge and cognitive capabilities, their perceptions of how they thought they impacted student learning, and the extent to which their observed locus of control may have contributed to their perceptions of their impact on learning. prior to the tpa learning sequence, each student teacher ascertained their students’ prior knowledge by administering an informal pre-test. although the student teachers gleaned productive information from these pre-tests, especially in the form of zeroing in on daily skill and concept targets, the professor noted differences in the student teachers’ expectations of student performance and cognitive capabilities. marie, whose tpa learning sequence was the teacher performance assessment 13 written for a 5th grade social studies class, appeared to have the greatest challenge reconciling her students’ misunderstandings with her selected instructional strategies. marie’s pre-test results indicated that 100% of her students could recite the preamble with near perfection, that 62.5% of her students understood that the preamble is an introduction, and that 37.5% of her students knew the preamble is part of the u.s. constitution. these results indicated that her students’ rote-level understanding of the preamble was sufficient and did not require extensive re teaching. however, the pre-test also showed marie that only .03% of her students understood the meaning of each of the 6 goals listed in the preamble; thus, “after the pre-test, it was clear that my students only had a superficial understanding of the preamble” and its role in american’s lives. this pre-test result caused marie to focus her daily instruction on the “current day representations of each goal so that [the] students can derive meaning from the complex words.” marie developed higher – order objectives using bloom’s taxonomy that she hoped would enable her students “to apply those meanings to present day experiences.” in summary, marie “felt that having the students recite a bunch of big words without any conceptual understanding would serve little, if any practical purpose.” to aid her students’ understanding of the preamble and its current day representations, marie planned a variety of instructional strategies that were hands-on, engaging, and nurtured conceptual understanding. the conferences with marie and the notes in her tpa revealed that she planned these exercises according to lev vygotsky’s theory of zone of proximal development utilizing scaffolds such as rich conversation, analogies, and current event representations of the preamble. marie alluded to this constructivist approach by commenting, i will probe the students about their understanding of the constitution ... as an analogy using a game board. this activity will take the form of a whole class current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 14 discussion ... present[ing] the information in a student inquiry method. i will have the students discover the meaning of the game board by guiding them to the final conclusion that the constitution is like the instruction manual for our nation’s government. marie also demonstrated a constructivist approach to teaching this topic by her frequent use of “interactive powerpoint,” in which the teacher recorded student comments and questions on the computer for all students to see. this approach allowed marie’s students an opportunity to revise their thinking about each goal of the preamble as they proceeded through their activities. using the interactive powerpoint marie “move[d] onto the next activity using newspapers ... each group [having] one goal from the preamble and had them take time to locate articles from the newspaper that represent that goal.” as each group presented their current event representation of the preamble, “students [were] encouraged to jot down notes” using the powerpoint as their guide. although marie observed slight gains in her students’ conceptual understanding of the preamble’s 6 goals, she appeared somewhat discouraged in their ability to retain or make sense of the goals’ abstract meanings. to compensate for this, she supplemented the interactive powerpoint exercises with core content textbooks, re-taught the newspaper exercise using video clips and discussion, and asked the students to illustrate their personal constructions of the goals in small groups. the professor’s classroom observations with marie also indicated that she had confused the students during their daily discussions on two of the goals by giving vague definitions and examples to ambiguous goals, namely, “providing for the common defense” and “establishing domestic tranquility.” despite this error, the students’ scores regarding the meanings of the 6 goals listed in the preamble did improve on the post-assessment that marie the teacher performance assessment 15 administered, moving from .03% correct responses to 56.2% correct. marie commented that, those scores show a marked improvement in the conceptual understanding of the goals ... i think that this [the preamble] was an extremely challenging and abstract concept for 5th graders to understand and that my class especially had trouble due to their limited means and limited experience outside of their rural community. marie exhibited a strong internal locus of control in her tpa documentation as well as during the conferences she had with the professor. when asked about how she thought she impacted student learning, it was clear that she derived her explanations from thoughtful observations and data evaluation. she testified in her tpa that 88.8% of her students improved their conceptual understanding of each of the preamble’s goals between their pre-test and post test performances. she made a decision to “teach the preamble from a conceptual standpoint” and added that she “expect[ed] the students at the end of the unit to be able to provide specific examples and evidence of how the goals in the preamble can be seen in action today.” marie’s decision-making appeared effective as she observed that her students “provided examples of each goal from the preamble,” and attributed her students’ success to factors for which she was in control as evidenced in her comment that, “after reviewing the students’ [written] answers, i could see much of my phrasing that was used throughout the learning sequence.” in short, marie’s students were successful in repeating drilled examples of the preamble’s goals in written form. further evidence of marie’s strong internal locus of control in impacting student learning occurred during the administration of a second tier to her post-test. cleverly designed to augment her understanding of the depth of knowledge gained by her students, marie interviewed 4 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 16 students of differing academic abilities and socioeconomic backgrounds about the goals set forth in the preamble by showing them pictures of events, people, and/ or situations. marie noted vast differences and errors in their responses and interpretations about the pictures, and reasoned that 5th grade students have “a limited ability to attach the meaning of the goals to pictorial representations” and to explain them in their own words. marie further reasoned that her students’ difficulty to think abstractly on the subject was due to their “limited experiences,” yet qualified this statement by recounting various compensations she implemented to bridge the experience gap. thus, marie’s use of interview allowed her to discover firsthand the degree to which environment plays in students’ abstract thinking and served to reconcile for her the importance of examining instructional inputs in light of students’ special backgrounds. anne’s experiences teaching her tpa learning sequence and the expectations she had for her students were notably different than marie’s; the most important difference being the student context of anne’s classroom: multi-age students with severe neurological, physical, and cognitive disabilities. each of anne’s students were exempt from state standardized testing. as marie had done, anne administered a pre-test about rhyme and rhythm in poetry. her pre-test differed from marie’s, however, because anne developed pre-tests according to each student’s individual iep and alternate portfolio. having access to each of the students’ records therefore enabled anne to effectively plan her learning sequence and assessments based upon known abilities and frustration levels. each student failed anne’s pre-test which contained questions regarding the rudiments of poetry, rhyme, and rhythm. anne informed the professor that she expected each of the students to fail the pre-test because of their cognitive disabilities and because “the students lacked basic understanding and / or awareness of this literary genre.” anne reasoned that her daily objectives the teacher performance assessment 17 needed to focus on the lowest levels of bloom’s taxonomy, and, tasks will need to be age appropriate since they are in middle school, even though their academic and functional abilities are as low as a typical 1st grader ... i feel emphasizing the knowledge, comprehension, and application levels will be appropriate for my students because i want them to work at both the independent and instructional levels. i don’t want to push my students to their frustration level because they can get very sensitive, and their [impaired] confidence will prohibit them from achieving my objectives. as a result of anne’s acute attention to her students’ cognitive capabilities, she developed only one to two lower-order objectives for each day of her instructional sequence with subobjectives specifying adaptations for each student. the theoretical foundation by which anne selected instructional strategies to teach about rhyme and rhythm in poetry differed markedly from marie’s unit on the preamble. whereas the latter relied heavily on “students making meaning,” (i.e., constructivism), the former selected strategies which had more in common with behaviorist assumptions about learning (parsons, hinson, & sardo – brown, 2001). using the stimulus – response model, anne taught rhyme by reading rhyming words from shel silverstein’s (1996) “spoiled brat” and having her students match silverstein’s words to highlighted words on individualized worksheets. in addition, anne attempted to teach rhythm by breaking down the skill into small, easily emulated tasks. anne introduced syllables and rhythm by reading segments of another shel silverstein (1974) poem, “alice.” she read phrases out loud and clapped with the expectation of students echo clapping in unison. as a follow up to this exercise, the students were given a sheet with the poem printed on it. to the side of each phrase, space was provided for students to write in tick marks. tick marks indicated each time a clap was heard. for this activity, the teacher clapped the poem as the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 18 students made tick marks. following the post-assessment on rhyme and rhythm in poetry, anne discovered that her students demonstrated limited success toward her established objectives. anne’s pre-test scores were extremely low prior to her unit (i.e., 33%, 44%, 25%, and 0% for each of the four students taught), yet the daily formative assessment scores were nearly perfect. anne commented, with the results of their formatives being so high, i expected a near perfect summative assessment [for each student] ... knowing that my students have such limited cognitive ability, i had to provide several manipulatives and accommodations during their lessons to help them be successful. anne was surprised with the students’ post-test results as only two students passed her test on rhyme and rhythm with scores of 70% or higher. anne’s reflection revealed that she may have contributed to the low scores by not taking into account her students’ inability “to retain even the simplest skills and pieces of information on a day-to-day basis.” as a self-identified growth area, anne emphasized the need for frequent repetition, modeling, and immersion while developing new skills and concepts, especially with students having moderate to severe learning disabilities. whereas anne’s tpa documentation and conference notes indicated significant elaborations regarding her instructional plans and was replete with data used to inform her practice, anne’s perceptions for how she thought she impacted learning were less detailed. the professor observed that her reasoning emanated largely from the obvious physical and cognitive impairments of her students, their academic histories, and their behaviors in class; in other words, factors beyond her immediate control. thus, anne exhibited a greater tendency to justify her students’ performance based on their disabilities and other extraneous factors. in terms of her the teacher performance assessment 19 students’ reluctant behaviors and limited attention spans, anne attributed frequent interruptions in the classroom as the impediment for meaningful instruction to occur, by noting, most of my students need bathroom assistance, which is provided by the teacher or one of her aides. this can take away a lot of the day because of how much time it takes to get to every student in the room. anne also attributed her students’ limited attention span on day 2 of her learning sequence by commenting, “my students were not as engaged in the activities i had. the behavior of one student was slouching, putting her head down, and arguing. others were frustrated that we were working with poetry again.” and finally, anne pointed out that in order to maintain a student’s alternate portfolio designation, pre-test scores for the core content must fall below 50%, and based upon that standard, “by looking at my [post-test] results, i feel that my students did have success.” anne’s tpa lacked compelling evidence to suggest that she thought constructively about the impact of the external factors on her instructional delivery and on her students’ achievement, even though she mentioned the externals several times. anne provided little to no reflection for how to atone for those factors by taking responsibility for them. instead, anne’s documentation contained several references of the burden for achievement as belonging to the students, such as in her statement that, “being able to retain knowledge into another lesson can be hard for students, but it is especially hard for my students.” further, anne’s documentation mentioned “review” as a means to address her students’ inability to “retain knowledge”; yet she inadvertently failed to identify specific instructional interventions and their predicted impact on learning. because of this omission, anne’s understanding of the overall contributions she made toward her students’ achievement may only be superficial. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 20 the final student teacher, june, appeared to have the fewest struggles planning and teaching her tpa learning sequence. like anne, june had access to her students’ individual ieps and academic histories which enabled her to differentiate instruction according to specific learning styles and needs. although her students were 11th graders in a special education resource classroom, none of her students’ learning delays were severe enough for exemption from the state standardized test for u.s. history. in conferencing with june, the professor found that developing a learning sequence with strong connections to the present was her primary focus. with help from her cooperating teacher and investigation into the state’s core content for assessment, june identified the “roaring twenties” as the topic that would elicit the greatest interest and discussion among her students. june’s pre-test consisted of 10 questions using the anticipation guide method (fisher, brozo, frey, & ivey, 2007). her aim was to determine what the students considered fact or fiction regarding women’s suffrage, prohibition, and cultural change in the 1920s. the results of june’s pre-test showed that the students had naïve constructions of the term, “women’s suffrage,” had little understanding of the term “prohibition” and its effects on american society, yet had realistic understanding of the impact of automobiles and factories on society and on the economy. these misunderstandings caused june to focus her learning sequence on women’s suffrage and prohibition by, tapping into students’ interests and background experiences, asking them to make comparisons of women’s rights of yesteryear with the present, and by asking them to think about restrictions on the sale of alcohol in our state today compared to the past. june’s tpa suggested numerous efforts to compensate for her students’ lower academic aptitudes and impaired motivations to learn by involving them in the planning and decision making process of the learning sequence. much in the spirit of john dewey’s (1933) democracythe teacher performance assessment 21 building in the classroom, june commented that, “each of [the students] gave me their suggestions on how to make the unit beneficial to them . . . i added those suggestions before i taught the unit. these suggestions included more visuals and more class participation assignments.” in addition, june attempted to nurture communitybuilding and participatory citizenship skills among her students by involving them in a constructive discussion exercise. june observed that the topics of women’s rights and restrictions on the sale of alcohol evoked emotional and argumentative responses from her students. the professor observed that june did not succumb to their outbursts and strong convictions; instead, she decided to channel their intensity “by having them participate in a teacher moderated debate between the boys and girls.” to prepare her students for the debate, june provided video clips, primary sources such as advertisements and photographs, and short journal articles and newspaper clippings as resources for their position development. june’s students collectively demonstrated significant gains in achievement between her pre-test and post-test administrations; the former average being 66.67% and the latter being 92.67%. she noted, however, that her students struggled on the segment of the post-test which assessed students’ analysis of the roaring twenties’ issues and their relationship to contemporary society. june noted that because of the open-ended format and requirement to “write complete sentences and use paragraph form,” her students “had trouble explaining in writing, when they rarely have trouble explaining verbally,” even though the task was necessary for her to determine their depth of understanding. throughout the tpa process, june exuded enthusiasm and self-confidence in her instructional abilities both in her written documentation and conversations with the professor. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 22 june opined in her reflection, i feel that i have not only grown as a teacher, but i have also grown as a human being. i have been able to experience this growth from the beginning to the end. now, that it is over, i feel successful and confident in my abilities and for a new teacher that is the best reward. perhaps more so than her peers, june claimed the greatest responsibility for her actions and their effects on her learners, suggesting a strong internal locus of control. to support her students’ recommendations regarding strategies they would like to see her employ, june overtly sought ways to make her unit on the roaring twenties meaningful through extensive background reading on the subject. owning up to this responsibility she commented, i think that i need to focus on the content areas i struggle with in order to better prepare myself for the classroom. as teachers, we are taught a wide range of content and information in a short period of time. with that in mind, i believe that as much as we tell our students that they need to be lifelong learners, we ourselves need to take that into consideration and should never stop increasing our knowledge of the content. insofar as the perceived impact june’s instruction had on her students, the professor observed that june felt she could control for her students’ various learning disabilities by actively involving them in the learning process. june’s written notes indicated that her cooperating teacher conditioned the students to work silently and independently in the resource classroom with little teacher/student interaction. by experimenting with deweyian principles, june altered the learning arrangement to include group work, exchange of ideas through debate and discussion, and democratic decision-making. her own decisions to include these strategies appeared beneficial, as evidenced in her observation that, “each of my students was able to give an ‘alcohol’ law and state their opinion on why the government created that law. learning from the teacher performance assessment 23 each other’s comments, this discussion was very successful in meeting my objective.” thus, june’s thought processes recorded in her tpa suggest that she perhaps displayed the strongest self-efficacy, or power, to impact learning among the three student teachers. she appeared to exert enthusiasm for the teaching process, appeared to own the responsibility for student achievement regardless of extenuating factors, and appeared to compensate for her students’ motivational challenges by involving them in the instructional decision-making process. discussion as stated earlier, the purpose of this inquiry was to help the professor gain a better insight into student teachers’ pedagogical thought processes and perceived impacts on student learning during their completion of a tpa. the professor’s inquiry involved only 3 student teachers and therefore the results described in this article are not necessarily demonstrative of their peers’ within the same population. nonetheless, the professor uncovered worthwhile observations about these 3 student teachers’ thought processes and actions during their tpa which may have implications for teacher preparation programs and for predicting teacher effectiveness. specifically, these implications concern the articulation of desirable tpa outcomes and desirable supervision of student teachers during their completion of tpas. first and perhaps most important, the snapshots of these 3 student teachers’ experiences reveal that they demonstrated rudimentary instructional and analysis skills. their tpas represent the first opportunity to independently plan, implement, and analyze student assessment results for an entire learning sequence. in terms of knowing what to teach and cogitating appropriate strategies, each of these student teachers appeared to understand the connection between precurrent issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 24 tests and instructional targets. additionally, each student teacher attempted to address student learning needs and learning preferences by differentiating instruction as much as possible. one explanation for these observations may rest in the fact that each of the 3 student teachers majored in both regular and special education (i.e., msd and lbd specifically) and benefited from the emphasis placed on assessment and differentiation in their special education courses. if this is true, which continued research in this area could illumine, teacher preparation programs utilizing the tpa as a means of evaluating candidate competency should ensure all methods courses embed assessment and differentiation practices in their syllabi. a second implication regarding these 3 student teachers’ experiences during their tpa completion is in the area of data analysis. each of the student teachers adequately reported pre test, formative, and summative assessment results in their tpas using appropriate statistical calculations, graphs, and tables. each attempted to articulate the meanings of those results; however, these attempts depicted nothing more than written summaries of their graphs, tables, and data artifacts found in the tpa appendices. although sensitized to the importance of data collection and analysis to inform instruction, each of the 3 student teachers lacked important inferences and speculations about their students’ achievement and long – term impact on learning. an explanation for this observation may reside in the psychology of cognitive development; that as adults continue to grow and enter new situations and experiences, their ability to reason contextually expands. due to these student teachers’ experiential and cognitive limitations, teacher preparation programs may need to consider the inability of the tpa to evaluate the likelihood new teachers can effectively use and make meaning of student data. a third and final implication regarding these 3 student teachers’ thought processes during the completion of their tpa concerns the influence of internal and external factors on the the teacher performance assessment 25 shaping of their instructional decision-making. two of the student teachers exhibited strong internal loci of control as evidenced by taking responsibility for reducing barriers to learning and holding students to high standards for achievement. the other student teacher, although equally capable and conscientious in her efforts, exhibited an external locus of control tendency as factors beyond her control (i.e., the students’ obvious physical and neurological disabilities, and classroom interruptions) appeared to influence her instructional responses. an explanation accounting for this variance in their decision-making and perceived impacts on learning may reside in their innate personalities, but also in the degree to which they believe their instructional efforts will be worthwhile. as a result, teacher preparation programs utilizing the tpa should nourish the attitude in their student teachers that all students are capable of learning regardless of intervening factors. supervisors particularly should regularly query and challenge their student teachers’ thought processes in such a way that is conducive to enlightened instructional practice. in closing, this article reported on the pedagogical thought processes of 3 student teachers as derived from tpa documentation and conferencing. the findings included variances in the student teachers’ understanding of their students’ prior knowledge and cognitive capabilities, their perceptions of how they thought they impacted student learning, and the extent to which their observed locus of control may have contributed to their self-perceptions. the insights illuminated in this article will hopefully spawn new interest and dialogue in the evaluative possibilities of the tpa in predicting teacher candidate effectiveness as it relates to student achievement. references american psychological association. (2001). publication manual of the american psychological association (5th ed.). washington, dc: author current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 26 branyon, j. (2008). using mentoring and cohort collaboration: enhancing teacher quality in preservice teachers. delta kappa gamma bulletin, 74(3), 35–38. cawyer, c., & caldwell, d.a. (2002). performance-based assessment of teacher education: some contextual considerations. action in teacher education, 23(4), 1–3. devlin – scherer, r., burroughs, g., daly, j., & mccartan, w. (2007). the value of the teacher work sample for improving instruction and program. action in teacher education, 29(1), 51–60. dewey, j. (1933). how we think: a restatement of the relation of reflective thinking to the educative process. boston, ma: d.c. heath. fisher, d., brozo, w.g., frey, n., & ivey, g. (2007). anticipation guides. in 50 content area strategies for adolescent literacy. upper saddle river, nj: pearson education, inc. french, r. (2002). linking teacher quality to student achievement through assessment [monograph]. basic education: a monthly forum for analysis & comment, 46(10), 12–16. girod, m., & girod, g. (2006). exploring the efficacy of the cook school district simulation [electronic version]. journal of teacher education, 57(5), 481–497. kemmis, s., & mctaggart, r. (2000). participatory action research. in n.k. denzin & y.s. lincoln (eds.), handbook of qualitative research, (pp. 567–605). thousand oaks, ca: sage publications, inc. mayer, d. (2005). reviving the “policy bargain” discussion: professional accountability and the contribution of teacher performance assessment. the clearing house, 78(4), 177–181. national council for the accreditation of teacher education. (2008). professional standards for the accreditation of teacher preparation institutions. washington, d.c.: ncate. ohio department of education. (1999). ohio’s entry year program for teachers: toward the implementation of performancebased licensure. (eric document reproduction service no. ed 436495). okhremtchouk, i., seiki, s., gilliland, b., ateh, c., wallace, m., & kato, a. (2009). voices of pre-service teachers: perspectives on the performance assessment for california teachers (pact). issues in teacher education, 18(1), 39–62. parsons, r.d., hinson, s.l., & sardo-brown, d. (2001). educational psychology: a practitioner – researcher model of teaching. stamford, ct: wadsworth/ thomson learning, inc. pecheone, r.l., pigg, m.j., chung, r.r., & souviney, r.j. (2005). performance assessment and electronic portfolios: their effect on teacher learning and education. the clearing house, 78(4), 164–176. the teacher performance assessment 27 renaissance partnership for improving teacher quality. (2004). the teacher work sample: manual for teacher candidates – tips for preparing the teacher work sample. retrieved june 30, 2008 from http://www.uni.edu/itq/pdf_files/student_tws_manual_june_2004.pdf silverstein, s. (1974). alice. in where the sidewalk ends. new york, ny: harper collins publishers, inc. silverstein, s. (1996). spoiled brat. in falling up. new york, ny: harper collins publishers, inc. stone, b.a. (1998). problems, pitfalls, and benefits of portfolios. teacher education quarterly, 25(1), 105–114. strauss, a. & corbin, j. (1998). basics of qualitative research: techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory (2nd ed.). thousand oaks, ca: sage publications ltd. current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 28 editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word 778-2945-4-le.docx 1 volume 14, number 2 august 7, 2011 issn 1099-839x advocacy for the efficacy and reinstatement of funding federal even start family literacy grant programs judith j. smith east carolina university the even start family literacy model builds coalitions of community partners that build learning communities throughout our nation. the problem for stakeholders in family literacy programs is how to continue funding to encourage success and sustainability of programs. the focus of the study was twofold: 1) the importance of using data from national studies to make program improvements 2) the importance of making program improvement prior to reducing or rescinding funding for the even start family literacy program. this quantitative study identified program, participant, and funding characteristics that state and local educators can target for program improvement. programs must demonstrate measurable outcomes of success for adults and children. keywords: family literacy, early childhood education, adult education, collaboration, parenting, federal grant funding family literacy programs improve the literacy skills of parents and their children while developing an appreciation for the value of life-long learning. the even start family literacy model is an effective intervention for enhancing the lives of at-risk families. after approximately twenty-three years of federal funding, congress is eliminating the program from the national budget. this study examined program improvements suggested by three national studies of even start. in addition, the researcher conducted a quantitative study of an even start state program to find possible participant, program, and funding characteristics to improve programs prior to rescinding federal funding. historical background of family literacy in the united states the development of family literacy as an approach to level the educational playing field for impoverished adults and children is rooted in the national educational shift that began in the 1980s. according to parecki, paris, and seidenberg (1996) family literacy emerged as a field that integrated knowledge from psychology, education, social work, and literacy and applied the information to improve the educational achievement and economic wellbeing of families. as the nation focused on student achievement, legislators and educators stressed the importance of community, policy, and parental support in order to reach higher academic standards (king & mcmaster, 2000). in 1988 president ronald reagan signed into law a comprehensive program that funded a combination of adult basic education, parenting education, and early childhood education information for its participants. the national education goals of 1989 addressed literacy directly and family literacy indirectly. goal one, titled “school readiness,” laid the groundwork for family literacy programs by stating, every parent in the united states will be a child’s first teacher and devote time each day to helping such parent’s preschool child learn, and parents will have access to the training and support parents need. goal six, titled “adult literacy and lifelong learning,” looked to a future when every adult american will be literate and will possess the knowledge and skills necessary to compete in a global economy and exercise the rights and responsibilities of current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 citizenship. this goal also states as one of its objectives that schools will implement comprehensive parent involvement programs. (king & mcmaster, 2000, p.2) in 1991, the national literacy act officially made community-based and nonprofit organizations eligible for family literacy funding. family literacy programs according to purcell-gates (1995) recognized the importance of the home and the community as places of learning. the impetus for these programs came primarily from the adult education community. operating under different names and from different funding sources, these programs varied in their approach. some focused on improving the literacy levels of parents and providing them with parenting tips and literacy activities in which they engaged with their children at home. other programs involved both parents and children in literacy lessons, either separately, together, or in a variation of both. the term “family literacy” was used broadly throughout the literature. it was often used to refer to the complex naturally occurring process by which literacy was transferred from parent to child during normal home activities. more specifically it was used to describe an educational program. the design of family literacy programs differed depending upon context, but the ultimate goal was to support the development of literate families (martinez, 1999; national center for family literacy, 1996). federal grant programs have been funded in schools, churches, and community agencies across the country for the purpose of improving the academic, social, and/or economic success of the participants. the even start family literacy federal statute of the elementary and secondary education act of 1965 provided “seed” money in anticipation that a successful program would be sustained through subsequent state and/or local funding. (us department of education, 2001b). yet in the past ten years, the financial climate and budget constraints in washington have caused the even start family literacy program to be scrutinized heavily each year to determine future funding. three national evaluations suggest that aspects of the grant program need improvement. the administration in fy2005 and fy2006 recommended zeroing out federal funding for the program, but the program continued at level funding. even start family literacy has been eliminated from the federal budget for fy2011-2012. historical background of the even start family literacy program the even start family literacy program was first enacted in 1988 as part b of chapter 1 of title i of the elementary and secondary education act of 1965. the purpose of even start was to help break the cycle of poverty and illiteracy by improving the educational opportunities of the nation’s low-income families. early childhood education, adult literacy (adult basic education or english as a second language [esl]), parent/child together time, and parenting education were the basic components of a comprehensive family literacy program. the even start family literacy model builds coalitions of community partners to build learning communities throughout our nation. darling (2008) noted that research demonstrates parental involvement has a positive impact on children’s reading acquisition, regardless of their families’ socioeconomic status. some parents just need a few tools to help them maximize their children’s education. according to tao and alamprese (2005) workfocused family literacy programs resulted in adults more likely to have obtained employment. after one year in the program adults had increased their household incomes, decreased their dependence on welfare, increased their education levels while retaining or increasing their basic skills. two years later many of the adults continued their education while working and reported that their lives had improved because of the work focused family literacy program. in addition, fuligni and brooks-gunn (2004) posit research that children from low income backgrounds receiving early intervention in family literacy programs make gains including reduction of delinquency and behavior problems. when young children are involved with their families in intensive high quality family literacy programs the effects are stronger than if children are involved alone in early childhood education. high quality programs for young children living in poverty demonstrated the promise of lasting benefits and return on investment (gallagher, clayton, & heinemeier, 2001). the high/scope perry preschool project; the abecedarian project; and the cost, quality, and outcomes study (peisner-feinberg et al., 1999) convinced researchers there was significantly better intellectual performance with students involved in early childhood education. hayes (2002) noted that family literacy programs were designed to be a comprehensive system of services that met the educational needs of children and their parents. for many of the families who enrolled in the programs, the educational, personal, and family needs were both too numerous and too complex to be served well by programs providing educational services for only adults or children. family literacy programs were more likely to be effective for the entire family. martinez (1999) noted that even start was an educational intervention program that assisted children and adults to achieve challenging state content standards and student performance standards. the u.s. department of education awarded formula grants to states, which in turn made subgrants to eligible applicants. these applicants could be partnerships between one or more local education agencies and one or more nonprofit community-based organizations, public agencies, institutions of higher advocacy for the efficacy and reinstatement of funding federal even start family literacy grant programs 3 education, or public or private nonprofit organizations of demonstrated quality. susan newman, then assistant u.s. secretary of education, stated: first, our goal is to ensure that all families and their young children will be provided the education that they deserve—no matter the circumstances of their birth…second our goal is to ensure that instruction is based on the scientific evidence that tells us how children and adults develop reading skills and therefore how reading is best taught…third, there is a clear and direct call for program accountability to determine if instruction results in achievement. this is how the administrations’ key priorities complement and tie into even start. (u.s. department of education, 2001a, p. a-1). through relationships with social service agencies, even start programs helped meet a range of necessary, but non-educational, needs to induce program participation, ensure access to health services, and reduce family stress. many also provided transportation, early care and education programs, and meals. to promote learning outside the program, staff helped familiarize families with community literacy resources, such as the public library and museums. collaborations with many agencies were necessary for even start programs to meet the mandate for intense, results-oriented, and comprehensive family literacy services (dwyer, 1995; schwartz, 1999; handel, 1999). collaboration and partnerships among different groups such as universities, public schools, early childhood education programs, adult literacy programs, and businesses have been advocated as promising avenues for continued growth of the family literacy movement (brizius & foster, 1993). the development of grassroots family literacy movements was a visible trend at the local level. individuals from differing sectors of a community took it upon themselves to initiate a family literacy project in their hometown or city (morrow, tracey, & maxwell, 1995). family literacy not only improved the literacy skills of parents and their children, it also helped develop an appreciation for the value of life-long learning. in our nation, education was the quintessential leveler. through family literacy programs everyone had a share of the american dream (u.s. department of education, 2001a). family literacy programs offered promise as being an effective intervention for enhancing the literacy development of young children. children received direct help with their language and literacy development. parents received help in literacy skills, parenting, and related areas such as job skills. the combination of these intervention efforts influenced the lives of children and their families who participated in family literacy programs (wasik, herrmann, dobbins, & roberts, 2000). results of family literacy studies on children’s reading acquisition from kindergarten to grade 3 noted significantly improved reading and writing test scores. (saint-laurent & giasson, 2005; senechal & young, 2008; swick, 2009). a research study by katzir, lesaux, and kim (2009) concluded fourth graders enrolled with their parents in a family literacy program had 1) higher frequency of children’s literacy practices that were associated with positive attitudes toward reading 2) reading comprehension skills were positively related to self-concept after controlling for verbal ability and word and non-word reading 3) frequency of library visits were significantly related to word reading efficiency 4) home environment was positively associated with reading self-concept. the family and child education program (face) announced that more than nine hundred native americans earned their high school diploma or general equivalency diploma (ged) and fifty percent of special education services for children were eliminated through the collaboration of the bureau of indian education and the national center for family literacy. (pfannensteil, yarnell, & seltzer, 2006). the toyota family literacy program, a project of the national center for family literacy designed for hispanic and other immigrant families, maintained that literacy levels among participants increased 21 percent, parental visits to schools increased 14.3 percent, and teachers rated participating children higher than their peers in overall achievement. (darling, 2008, 1995). the u.s. department of education (2003) stated that even start’s purpose included promoting the academic achievement of children and adults, and using instructional programs based on scientifically based research. each state reported state level performance indicators and used evaluation measures to improve even start. identifying and determining which practices and procedures worked best would be a model for improving even start projects across the nation. three national evaluations generate mixed findings the first national evaluation, 1989-1990, was broad in scope and described implementation of the program. information from this first evaluation improved the program through legislative changes by targeting those most in need, requiring at least a three-year age range of children, allowing projects to serve teen parents, and allowing involvement of ineligible family members in appropriate family literacy activities. yet the evaluation did not provide answers to questions about the effectiveness of even start family literacy. (martinez, 1999; st. pierre, gamse, alamprese, rimdzius, & tao, 1998; u.s. department of education, 2001a) the second national evaluation, esis (even start information system) was conducted from 1993-1997. this report demonstrated that overall, even start programs met the specified criteria for adult literacy, school readiness for children, and parenting improvement only to a limited degree (boser, 2002; st. pierre, layzer, & barnes, 1995; tao, schwartz, st. pierre, & tarr, 1997; u.s. department of education, 1998). st. pierre et al. (1998) noted the second current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 national evaluation reported what had been learned about the even start family literacy program after 10 years of demonstration and evaluation activities. problems existed in 1) intensity of service – children and adults with high levels of participation had larger learning gains than those with low level of participation 2) literacy-based parenting education 3) service location – center based programs had larger learning gains than children in projects that emphasized home based services and 4) duration of parent and child time. project size was equivocal – children and parents did equally well in small and large projects. the third national evaluation, 1997-2001, included two complimentary studies: 1) the even start performance information reporting system (espirs) which provided annual data on the projects, and 2) the experimental design study (eds) which was an experimental study of even start’s effectiveness in eighteen projects. key findings noted a) children and parents in the eighteen even start programs gained no more than children and parents in the control group b) even start served a very disadvantaged population in comparison to head start c) even start children and parents made small gains on literacy measures and scored low compared to national norms when they left the program d) families made little advantage of the services offered by even start projects e) early childhood classrooms did not provide sufficient emphasis on language acquisition and reasoning to produce measurable impacts and hence achieve legislative outcomes f) the extent to which parents and children participated in literacy services was related to child outcomes. (u.s. department of education planning & evaluation service, 2003) recently, the u.s. department of education contracted with westat and abt associates for the even start classroom literacy interventions and outcomes (clio) study (2001-2007 with a follow-up contract 2006 – 2010). the study examined the following two key research questions: 1) is the combination of research-based, literacyfocused preschool and parenting curricula more effective than existing even start services? 2) do research-based parenting curricula that focus on child literacy add value to the clio preschool curricula? key findings of the clio study indicated 1) although there were positive impacts on instructional supports for literacy, child social competence, and parenting skills, the clio curricula did not have statistically significant impacts on the child language development and literacy outcomes. 2) the clio parenting curricula did not significantly add value to the clio preschool curricula with respect to child outcomes. the funding controversy the even start federal grant initiative was well funded and grew rapidly in its first years, but the program has been subject to increasing criticism. from fy2000 to fy2001 the budget increased funding from $150 million to $250 million. funding declined in fy2003 to $248 million, fy2004 to $247 million, fy2005 to $225 million, and most notably in fy2006 to $99 million. the administration requested no funding for the program for either fy2005 or fy2006 stating the program had not been effective in improving child and adult learning outcomes. although funding was provided each budget year fy2006-2010, the funding has decreased and in fy2010 the even start budget was $66.5 million (congressional research service report order code rl33071, 2006). this congressional research report summarized the even start funding controversy: advocates of the even start program argue the program should not be eliminated or receive funding cuts because providing integrated family literacy services to an extremely disadvantaged population is so important. furthermore, they recommend a thorough study of the impact of legislatively mandated quality improvements to even start. proponents of even start emphasize that a concerted effort should be implemented to improve the program through implementation of model programs and technical assistance (crs report for congress, 2006, p.1). most recently, congress recommended zeroing out even start family literacy funding for fy2011-2012. committees are meeting presently to determine the fate of funding for the programs nationwide. method the purpose of this study was to identify strategies that promote success and sustainability in even start family literacy programs in north carolina. the researcher collected pre-existing data from the north carolina department of public instruction. the data included the north carolina department of public instruction continuation applications and the north carolina family literacy performance indicator reports. these reports document program characteristics, demographics, participant statistics, educational services provided, collaboration/coordination, progress toward objectives, summer services, project revisions, local contributions, budget requests, expenditures, and performance indicator results for adult education, early childhood education, parenting, and parent/child time. participants participants were twenty-four even start programs in north carolina. eligibility in a local even start program requires at least one parent and one or more eligible child(ren) to participate together in all components of the even start project (early childhood, parenting, pact [parent and child together] and adult education). the even start family literacy program statute specified that each program include the identification and recruitment of families most in need of services as indicated by a low level of income, a low level of adult literacy or english language proficiency, and other need-related indicators. a total of 776 families were enrolled in the twenty-four even start programs including 785 adults and advocacy for the efficacy and reinstatement of funding federal even start family literacy grant programs 5 929 children. of the 776 families, 364 (47%) were enrolled to learn english as a second language. approximately 501 (54%) of the children were ages three or four and were enrolled in preschool. of the newly enrolled families 87% were at or below the federal poverty level. measures the researcher analyzed data for seventeen characteristics reported as part of the north carolina department of public instruction (ncdpi) continuation applications. characteristics were categorized in accordance with the measures stated in the continuation applications as program, participant, and funding characteristics. program characteristics. the first category, program characteristics, measured first the number of families served (fs). each local even start program reported the number of families served, detailing the newly enrolled adults and children for each fiscal year. the second program characteristic noted the number of preschool children served (cs) by the local even start family literacy program. preschoolers ages birth through age 8 are served in even start. next, age of the program (age) indicated how long the program had been in operation; the number of years since the original grant award. the twentyfour programs ranged in age from one to nine years. a fourth important program characteristic was the tenure of the director (td) noting the length of time a director served as the leader of a local even start family literacy program. the educational level of the even start program director (ed) was also considered a program characteristic important in each local program. some program directors had terminal degrees while others completed masters degrees and others a four year degree. participant characteristics. the second category of characteristics described the participants in the targeted even start programs. these participant characteristics included families enrolled less than three months (ena), families enrolled four to six months (enb), families enrolled seven to twelve months (enc), and families enrolled more than twelve months (end). retention of families is considered paramount for a successful even start family literacy program. the attendance of preschool children (attc) was noted an important participant characteristic, as well as, the children’s performance on the peabody picture vocabulary test (ppvt) achievement for preschoolers. adults who obtained their general equivalency diploma (ged) were also included in the participant category. the final participant characteristic analyzed included the number of families served that were below the poverty level (pov). funding characteristics. number of collaborators (col) was included in a third category described as funding characteristics. every program was required by grant guidelines to partner with local community agencies for implementation the even start family literacy grant. funding allotment for the program (fa) specified the dollar amount for each program’s initial federal award. program allotments ranged from $250,000 to $500,000 for the initial year of funding. each year the grant award decreased as local matching funds increased. the number of collaborators that shared funding with the program (colm) was specified as a funding characteristic for analysis. the even start family literacy grant was designed as “seed money” to establish a local program in anticipation that local collaborators would “buy in” to the program and ultimately designate funding allotments on a regular basis. finally, the number of additional grant funds received by the program (ags) was noted as a funding characteristic worthy of investigation. procedure pre-existing program evaluation data were collected from the north carolina department of public instruction. the twenty-four even start partnerships submitted continuation applications and performance indicator reports to the north carolina department of public instruction. the performance indicator report stated the adult and child outcomes for each participating family. preschool teachers in each even start program pre and post tested their three and four year old students using the preschool picture vocabulary test iii (ppvt-iii). according to dunn and dunn (1997) reliability of the ppvt-iii appears to be satisfactory. four types of reliability were computed: alpha reliability coefficients, split-half reliability coefficients and test-retest reliability. validity of the ppvt-iii ranged from .30 to .86 with the lowest correlation with the wechsler preschool and primary scale of intelligence (wechsler, 1967) and highest with a receptive vocabulary test, the full-range picture vocabulary test (ammons & ammons, 1948). its correlations with measures of verbal ability were: .23 with the columbia mental maturity scale (burgemeister, blum, & lorge, 1972), and .78 with the kait crystallized iq. in summary, the ppvt-iii correlates well with other measures of vocabulary and moderately well with tests of verbal ability. ppvt-iii is the leading measure of receptive vocabulary for standard english and a screening test of verbal ability. this individually administered, normreferenced instrument is offered in two parallel forms— iiia and iiib—for reliable testing and retesting. even start adult participants were tested at local north carolina community college adult basic education centers using ged tests. according to the general educational development testing service for the american council on education (2006) the purpose of the ged tests is to provide an opportunity for adults who did not complete a formal high school program to certify their attainment of high school–level academic knowledge and skills and earn their high school equivalency credential. in order to allow adults the opportunity to demonstrate that their knowledge and skills are comparable to that of high school graduates, the score scales for the ged tests are referenced to the performance of graduating high school seniors on these current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 6 same tests. ged tests are standardized and normed using a nationally representative sample of graduating seniors. periodically, changes in national curricular trends dictate changes in the content of the ged tests. when these changes occur, the “new” forms cannot be equated to the “older” forms, and a new standardization and norming studies are performed. norming studies are also conducted whenever it is suspected that changes in achievement levels may have occurred in the norm group (i.e., graduating high school seniors). in all cases, the new norms reflect a new set of performance standards for obtaining a ged credential. a simultaneous multiple regression analysis identified predictors of success for even start family literacy programs. the researcher evaluated core indicators from the north carolina performance indicator reports. success of local programs was measured by implementing a two-phase process of data analysis. the first step of the analysis strategy was a preliminary screening to determine which characteristics were more promising in relation to others. the researcher used a significance level of .10 in a multiple regression analysis of the program, participant, and funding characteristics. next, the researcher used a significance level of .05 in a regression analysis to predict characteristics having a significant relationship to program outcomes. as noted by peugh (2009), analyzing multilevel data especially “nested” data structures such as the adult and child outcomes embedded in program outcomes of the even start family literacy performance indicator reports presents challenges for researchers. the problem arises because the data violate the independence assumption of traditional statistical analyses. for this reason, the researcher used a correlation matrix as an alternative approach. the correlation matrix was analyzed using multidimensional scaling. next a cluster tree was produced to assess the fidelity of the analysis and a high clustering configuration was presented to conceptualize the data. results relationship of program outcomes to program dynamics. seventeen sets of even start family literacy program, participant, and funding characteristics were analyzed to identify predictors of success and sustainability of even start family literacy programs. in order to manage the analysis more efficiently, characteristics were grouped into the following three categories as indicated on the continuation grant reports: program characteristics, participant characteristics, and funding characteristics (see table 1). overall, the average age of the programs was four and one-half years and the tenure of the director was four years. the average educational level of the director was slightly less than six years. the calculations for the educational level of even start directors equaled one year for each year of college (i.e. undergraduate degree [4], masters degree [6], advanced degree [7], and doctorate degree [11]). there was wider variation on the range in the number of families and children served, but the mean number of clients in each category was just over 30 (see table 2). table 1 characteristics of even start family literacy programs program characteristics participant characteristics funding characteristics number of families served (fs) families enrolled>3mo. (ena) funding allotment (fa) number of children served (cs) families enrolled 4-6mo. (enb) number of collaborators (col) age of the program (age) families enrolled 7-12mo. (enc) collab. that share $$ (colm) tenure of the director (td) families enrolled 12mo+ (end) additional grant $$ (ags) education of the director (ed) attendance of children (attc) families below poverty (pov) peabody pic voc test(ppvt iii) general equiv diploma(ged) advocacy for the efficacy and reinstatement of funding federal even start family literacy grant programs 7 table 2 even start family literacy program, participant, and funding characteristics characteristic mean standard dev 95%ci upper 95%ci lower program characteristics fs 32.333 13.130 37.878 26.789 cs 31.875 15.394 38.375 25.375 age 4.500 2.919 5.733 3.267 td 4.000 2.571 5.086 2.914 ed 5.870 1.961 6.718 5.022 participant characteristics ena 7.125 4.712 9.255 5.093 enb 9.652 8.835 13.937 6.063 enc 9.583 5.867 11.532 6.729 end 5.043 7.227 8.176 1.643 attc 128.696 24.110 139.122 118.270 pov 26.261 13.291 32.008 20.513 ppvt 9.435 6.700 12.332 6.537 ged 3.292 2.528 4.359 2.224 funding characteristics fa 181.542 31.748 194.948 168.136 col 8.708 7.704 11.961 5.455 colm 6.458 6.199 9.076 3.841 ags 0.682 0.477 0.893 0.470 note. n-24. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 8 a significance level of less than .05 was used in a regression analysis to predict characteristics having a significant relationship to program outcomes. education of the director and the number of collaborators were identified as characteristics that were significant predictors of success for children’s performance on the ppvt iii (see table 3). again, no relationship existed from data collected in this study for performance on the ged. an alternative approach was used to capture program dynamics. correlations among the different facets or elements that described the program dynamics were identified in a correlation matrix (see table 4). table 3 regression analysis of variables with a p value less than 0.10 in phase 1 characteristics ppvt ed 0.016* attc 0.086 col 0.025* table 4 correlation matrix advocacy for the efficacy and reinstatement of funding federal even start family literacy grant programs 9 configuration -2 -1 0 1 2 dimension-1 -2 -1 0 1 2 d im e n s io n -2 colm gedpct col ppvtpct attc td cs ags fs pov fa ed age figure 1. multidimensional scaling figure 2. cluster tree cluster tree 0.0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 distances pov fs cs age td ed fa col colm ags attc ppvtpct gedpct current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 10 figure 3. hierarchical clustering mapped onto two dimensional multidimensional scaling using the correlation coefficients as a proximity (similarity) measure, the correlation matrix was analyzed using multidimensional scaling. figure 1 shows the results of the multidimensional scaling (msd) which is essentially a geometric representation for which things (e.g., objects, variables) that are correlated more closely are located closer together in a geometric space whose dimensionality is minimized. in the present study, the multidimensional scaling solution, using correlations among the different program elements as similarities, resulted in the twodimensional solution shown in figure 1. in order to assess the fidelity of the multidimensional scaling analysis, a hierarchical clustering procedure was applied to the correlation matrix. figure 2 shows the results of the hierarchical grouping procedure which iteratively linked program elements together that were closest until all elements were linked. figure 3 shows the combined results of the hierarchical clustering mapped onto the two dimensional multidimensional scaling solution. as inspection of figure 3 shows, these combined results provide evidence of the fidelity of the dimensionality of the multidimensional scaling solution. the results of these alternative scaling perspectives indicated that collaborators and collaborators that shared resources were highly correlated. also collaborators and education of the director fitted closely to the peabody picture vocabulary test as did attendance of the children. education of the even start director and the number of collaborators were characteristics that were significant as predictors of success and sustainability for even start programs in regard to performance on the ppvt. attendance of the children was also noted in the scaling model as closely related to success on the ppvt. krippendorff (1980) suggested clustering lumped together variables that shared some observed qualities. some concepts were so similar or so interrelated that they may be regarded as one. finding clusters conceptualized the data. discussion configuration -2 -1 0 1 2 dimension-1 -2 -1 0 1 2 d im e n s i o n -2 colm gedpct col ppvtpct attc td cs ags fs pov fa ed age advocacy for the efficacy and reinstatement of funding federal even start family literacy grant programs 11 first, even start family literacy programs should capitalize on their collaborations with community partners. this study indicated that the number of collaborators, particularly collaborators that share resources, influenced positively the success of the programs. melaville, blank, and asayesh (1993) noted that collaboratives are an emerging force for change in america’s communities. researchers, policymakers, and practitioners agreed that stronger connections between family, school, and the larger community, particularly among educators and health and human service providers, were essential to the success of children and families. even start family literacy programs should also require an advanced degree for the directors of the programs; a masters or doctorate degree is preferred. the educational level of the director was highly correlated with success of the program. the director needed an educational background and/or experience in early childhood education as well as adult basic education. he/she also needed knowledge of parenting education and skills in educational leadership. state and local leaders must continue to advocate and provide support for even start family literacy programs. school districts have the responsibility to provide state and local funding to match the federal mandates for even start. state and local funding endorsements for the even start programs ensure family literacy services for families and children. even start family literacy can be a powerful program. systemic change can take place for families. parents become more self-confident in working with their children and in entering the world of work. the benefit for many participants was continuing their education and improving their job skills. their first goal was to obtain their ged (general equivalency diploma). the adult participants indicated that obtaining their ged was the foremost reason for enrolling in the even start program. the adult outcomes on the north carolina family literacy performance indicators are closely linked to progress on obtaining a ged through even start family literacy and the north carolina community college system. core indicator one of the report stated that adult participants demonstrate achievement in the areas of reading, writing, english-language acquisition, problem solving, and numeracy, during the family literacy program year. core indicator three stated that adult family literacy enrollees will receive their secondary school diploma or a general equivalency diploma, ged. when collaboration was associated with other strategies, the combinations emerged as promising strategies for improvement. the success and sustainability for an even start family literacy program depended on support from local agencies in the community. collaboration among the school system, community college, health organizations, child advocates, religious organizations, and civic groups enrich the program. these partners provide varying support from funding resources to professional assistance. limitations one problem addressed in this study is the use of program data analysis related to sustained funding for even start family literacy. individual participant outcomes were more desirable but unavailable from the north carolina family literacy performance indicator reports. another problem is the education level of the directors, an ordinal variable, that was used in the statistical analysis as an interval variable. also the performance indicator report included only those students enrolled in even start programs long enough to be pre and post tested. as the school year progressed student enrollment in even start decreased dramatically. many participants left after the first month while others reached their goal and left shortly before receiving their post-tests at the community college; therefore, the successes of many students were omitted from the reports. why do adults leave the program? miller (2005) reports barriers such as culture and language, educational level of parents, psychological issues, and logistical issues prevent family involvement in schools. family literacy programs often present a deficit thinking perspective measuring adults against european-american, middle-class family literacy practices, which leads to the marginalization of students and families (reyes & torres, 2007). to retain adults in family literacy programs more culturally sensitive and supportive approaches to family literacy are needed. furthermore, adults enrolled in family literacy programs have significant life pressures exacerbated by financial struggles that negatively affect their full participation. timmons (2008) explored special challenges that exist in researching family literacy programs. the diversity in funding, organization of the programs, selection of participants, and recruitment of families make it difficult to measure effective implementation. the sometimes informal nature of the family literacy program assessment complicates researchers’ efforts to identify trends and draw conclusions about the effectiveness of family literacy programs. conclusions dwindling financial resources at the federal, state, and local level may eliminate funding initiatives such as the even start family literacy program. the federal budget for fy2011-2012 recommends eliminating funding for the even start family literacy program. state and local leaders must provide support for successful even start programs by continually finding ways to fund and improve the program. school districts as well as numerous community agencies and partners are required to provide matching funds for the even start programs and are important partners in collaborative efforts. educators current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 12 statewide must be creative and allocate funds for continuation of successful even start family literacy partnerships. the even start family literacy model funded through federal grant initiatives was designed as “seed’ money to assist states in breaking the cycle of poverty and intergenerational undereducation. evaluating programs on a case-by-case basis will inform public and private sources of funding and ultimately determine the future of the even start family literacy model. finally, “investment in family literacy programs requires evidence of their effectiveness; however, the way to obtain such evidence is to fund research that investigates the programs’ effects.” (timmons, 2008, p. 100-101). national studies provide an impetus for looking at program improvement before reducing and ultimately eliminating funding for family literacy. olson, danahy, and murphy (2005) suggest family literacy professionals must make concerted efforts to maximize implementation of evidencebased research to ensure that knowledge gained through research can be translated into practice. we should not “throw away” family literacy programs before trying to implement national findings to improve them. references ammons, r.b., & ammons, h.s. (1948). full-range picture vocabulary test. missoula, mt: psychological test specialists. boser, s. (2002). evaluation across an intergovernmental context: issues raised through different perspectives on even start. new directions for evaluation, 95, 23-37. brizius, j., & foster, s. (1993). generation to generation: realizing the promise of family literacy. ypsilanti, mi: high/scope press.723-742. burgemeister, b.b., blum, l.h., & lorge, i. (1972). columbia mental maturity scale-third edition. san antonio, tx: the psychological corporation. congressional research service order code rd33071, at 1 (2006). darling, s. (2008). family must be a part of the solution in closing the achievement gap. clearing house, 81(6) washington: heldref publications. darling, s. (1995). testimony before the house ways and means committee. national center for family literacy. dunn, l.m., & dunn, l.m. (1997). examiner’s manual for the ppvt-iii peabody picture vocabulary test third edition. circle pines, mn: american guidance service. dwyer, m.c. (1995). guide to quality even start family literacy programs. washington, dc: u.s. department of education. fuligni, a. s., & brooks-gunn, j. (2004). early childhood intervention in family literacy programs. in b.h. wasik (ed.) handbook on family literacy (pp. 117-136). mahwah, nj: lawrence earlbaum. gallagher, j., clayton, j., & heinemeier, s. (2001). education for four-year-olds: state initiatives. executive summary. chapel hill: university of north carolina fpg child development center, national center for early development learning. general educational development testing service of the american council on education (2006). who passed the ged tests? 2005 statistical report. washington, dc: american council on education. handel, r.d. (1999). building family literacy in an urban community. new york: teachers college press. hayes, a. (2002). high-quality family literacy programs: child outcomes and impacts. connecting the world of family literacy, 1, 6-7. katzir, t., lesaux, n.k., & kim, y. (2009). the role of reading self-concept and home literacy practices in fourth grade reading comprehension. reading and writing, 22, 261-276. king, r., & mcmaster, j. (2000). pathways: a primer for family literacy program design and development. ky: national center for family literacy. krippendorff, k. (1980). content analysis: an introduction to its methodology. newbury park: sage. martinez, a. l. (1999). life after funding: a descriptive study of even start family literacy programs that have completed the initial funding cycle (doctoral dissertation, texas a&m university, 1999) melaville, a.i., blank, m. j., & asayesh, g. (1993). together we can a guide for crafting a profamily system of education and human services. washington, dc: u.s. department of education & u.s. department of health and human services miller, s. f. (2005). bringing together home and school. family literacy forum, 4(1), 3-11. morrow, l. m., tracey, d.h., & maxwell, c. m. (eds.). (1995). a survey of family literacy in the united states. newark, delaware: international reading association. olson, j., danahy, l., & murphy, c. l. (2005). linking research and practice through innovative in-service offerings. family literacy forum, 4(1), 19-26. peisner-feinberg, e., burchinal, m., clifford, r., yazejian, n., culkin, m., zelazo, j., howes, c., byler, p., kagan, s., & rustici, j. (1999). the children of the cost, quality, and outcomes study go to school. executive summary. chapel hill: university of north carolina, fpg child development center. peugh, j. l. (2009). a practical guide to multilevel modeling. journal of school psychology, 48(1), 85-112. advocacy for the efficacy and reinstatement of funding federal even start family literacy grant programs 13 pfannensteil, j., yarnell, v., & seltzer, d. (2006). family and child education program (face): impact study report. overland park, ks: research and training associates. reyes, l. v., & torres, m. n. (2007). decolonizing family literacy in a culture circle: reinventing the family literacy educator’s role. journal of early childhood literacy, 7, 73-94. saint-laurent, l., & giasson, j. (2005). effects of a family literacy program adapting parental intervention to first graders’ evolution of reading and writing abilities. journal of early childhood literacy, 5(3), 253-278. schwartz, w. (1999). family literacy strategies to support children’s learning. new york: clearinghouse on urban education. (eric document reproduction service no. ed431064) st. pierre, r.g., gamse, b., alamprese, j., rimdzius, t., & tao, f. (1998). even start: evidence from the past and a look to the future 1998. washington, dc: u.s. department of education, planning and evaluation service. st. pierre, r.g., layzer, j.i., & barnes, h.v. (1995). regenerating two-generation programs. in w.s. barnett & s.s. bobcock (eds), early care and education for children in poverty: promises, programs, and long term results (pp.99-121). albany: state university of new york press. tao, f., & alamprese, j. a. (2005). work-focused family literacy programs: participant outcomes. family literacy forum, 4(1), 27-34. tao, f., swartz, r., st. pierre, r., & tarr, h. (1997). national evaluation of the even start family literacy program: 1995 interim report. alexandria, va: fu associates, ltd. timmons, v. (2008). challenges in researching family\literacy programs. canadian psychology/ psychologie canadienne, 49(2), 96-102. u.s. department of education. (1998). national evaluation of the even start family literacy program: 19941997 final report. washington, dc. u.s. department of education (2001a). program resource manual even start family literacy: the stronger the start, the better the finish. washington, dc: flood, j., lazo, l., johnson, t., mckee, p., sligh, d. u.s. department of education. (2001b). the even start family literacy programs statute, as of december 31, 2000, including amendments made by the literacy involves families together (lift) act, as enacted by p.l.o. 106-554, the consolidated appropriations act, 2001 (office of the general counsel staff). washington, dc. u.s. department of education. (2003). third national even start evaluation: program impacts and implications for improvement (publication no. 2003-05) washington, d.c. u.s. department of education planning & evaluation service. (2003). third national even start evaluation: program impacts and implications for improvement. retrieved march 8, 2003, from http://www.ed.gov/pubs/evenstartthird/execsum.html wasik, b. h., herrmann, s., dobbins, d. r., & roberts, j. e. (2000). family literacy programs: a promising practice for the twenty-first century (pr/award number r307a60004). chapel hill, north carolina: university of north carolina at chapel hill, frank porter graham child development center. wechsler, d. (1967). wechsler preschool and primary scale of intelligence. new york: the psychological corporation. current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 14 article citation smith, j.j. (2011). advocacy for the efficacy and reinstatement of funding federal even start family literacy grant programs. current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/778 author notes judith j. smith east carolina university 119 speight building, greenville, north carolina 27835 smithjud@ecu.edu dr. judith j. smith is an assistant professor in the department of curriculum and instruction, in the college of education at east carolina university. her research interests include family literacy, instructional technology, and teacher education. advocacy for the efficacy and reinstatement of funding federal even start family literacy grant programs 15 volume 14, number 2 august 7, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editor melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp anglea hines younsu kim lisa lacy angeles maldonado carol masser tapati sen jennifer shea alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers microsoft word jarman article.docx 1 volume 14, number 2 june 4, 2011 issn 1099-839x the impacts of budget reductions on indiana’s public schools: the impact of budget changes on student achievement, personnel, and class size for public school corporations in the state of indiana del w. jarman lori g. boyland ball state university in recent years, economic downturn and changes to indiana’s school funding have resulted in significant financial reductions in general fund allocations for many of indiana’s public school corporations. the main purpose of this statewide study is to examine the possible impacts of these budget reductions on class size and student achievement. this three-year, quantitative study examines budget cutback amounts, teaching position reductions, per-pupil spending changes, class-size data, and studentachievement indicators. methods of data collection include a statewide superintendent’s survey, an evaluation of student achievement indicators, and a collection of public financial records of participating indiana school corporations. currently, year one is complete. a compilation of this data provides current information regarding general fund budgets, position reductions, and class sizes for indiana’s public schools. keywords: school budget reduction, class size, student achievement, cost benefit analysis due to the national recession and shifts in leadership philosophy at the state level, several changes have been made to the indiana prek-12 school funding formula over the past two years. these changes have resulted in significant financial reductions in general fund allocations for the majority of indiana’s public school corporations. it is important to study these budget cutbacks because in indiana, a public school’s general fund pays for the bulk of its educational operation, including salaries and benefits of teachers and support staff, the majority of teaching supplies, and most student programs. therefore, general fund reductions could ultimately impact the quality of education that students receive in indiana’s public schools. this research is a statewide study with the goal of determining a number of outcomes as a result of these budget reductions. the researchers are asking indiana’s public school superintendents questions regarding budget cuts, position reductions, and class-size information. financial information is also being obtained for each of the responding superintendents’ school corporations, including general fund revenue and per pupil expenditure data. in addition, the researchers are gathering student achievement data in the form of statewide-standardized test results for the respondents’ schools in math and language arts for third grade, eighth grade, and the corporation as a whole. the researchers’ hypothesize that an analysis of this data will reveal steady increases in class sizes over a three-year period, and ultimately, a decline in student achievement. thus, the main objective of this study is to examine the possible impacts of budget reductions on class size and student achievement in indiana. secondary objectives include an analysis of demographic variables in relationship to school corporations’ budget changes, per-pupil current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 expenditures, reductions in personnel, class sizes, and student achievement indicators. in summary, the collected data will be examined to determine changes in the answers to each of the following research questions: 1. what are the changes being made in the number and type of teaching positions, and teaching assistant positions, in public schools in indiana? 2. what are the changes in general fund revenue and per pupil spending for indiana public school corporations? 3. what are the average class sizes for third grade, eighth grade, and total elementary and secondary classes in public school corporations in indiana? 4. what are students’ average math and language arts passing scores on the statewide standardized exam for third grade, eighth grade, and k-12 total for public school corporations in indiana? for many years, the funding of indiana’s public school corporations has proven to be a challenging and controversial process. historically, the indiana public school funding formula placed a substantial reliance on property taxes as a major source of general fund revenue. prior to 1974, individual school corporations actually had complete control over their own general fund tax rates (michael, spradlin, & carson, 2009). this created a disproportionate system due to the fact that different communities had varying levels of assessed valuation per student, depending on the local property tax base or the overall wealth of the community. across the state, property tax rates, as well as school corporations’ annual per pupil expenditures, varied greatly. over the years, state policy makers recognized these concerns and attempted to limit and reduce the variability of property tax rates across the state (toutkoushia & michael, 2005). in order to offset disparities, legislators worked to create a funding formula in which school corporations with high assessed valuation received less state aid, while school corporations with less assessed valuation per pupil received additional state funds. more recently, a “complexity index” was implemented in order to provide extra funds to school corporations with high percentages of students on free and reduced meals (michael, spradlin, & carson, 2009). unfortunately, the system has never been perfected and funding inequities have continued. for example, in 2009, per pupil expenditures for some public school corporations were as high as $11,000 per student, while some corporations per pupil spending was as low as $7,000 or less (hornaday, 2010). in 2008, the indiana general assembly made the decision to change the indiana public school funding formula to rely more on sales tax, thus eliminating the reliance on local property tax as a central revenue source for many school corporations’ general funds (michael, spradlin, & carson, 2009). because the shift to state sales tax reduces the association between a school corporation’s level of assessed valuation and their general fund revenue, it is hoped that over time, the equity issue will decline. however, due to a number of unresolved factors, some funding gaps have been perpetuated. this has prompted several school corporations to initiate a lawsuit against the state of indiana, alleging the current formula does not provide a level of funding adequate to meet current educational requirements (michael, spradlin, & carson, 2009). to raise needed additional funds, a number of indiana school corporations have attempted to hold local referendums, requesting that their community members vote “yes” on increasing property taxes in order to cover operating expenses (general fund referendum) or the costs of facilities (capital projects referendum). in some cases, these referendums have been successful, but for the most part, they have not. as of may 2011, there have been a total of 67 referendums held in indiana since the process was approved in 2008. of these 67 referendums, 40 (60%) of them have failed (ceep website, 2011). like most states in our nation, indiana is currently recovering from a recession. the recession has seriously impacted revenues generated from taxes. sales tax revenue is especially vulnerable during a recession, causing a deterioration of funding available for schools. in 2009, the indiana legislature reduced public school funding by 3%, effectively cutting $300 million from the public education budget, resulting in cutbacks in personnel and programs at the school level. educators were hopeful that this was a “one time cut.” however, in january 2011, the governor of indiana announced that the 3% cut would continue, effectively providing school corporations with the same lowered budget amounts in 2011 as in 2010. due to inflation and other increasing cost factors, this will mean additional cuts for many school corporations in the coming year. the sum of these reductions in funding for indiana’s public schools have resulted in unusually high levels of budget cuts, forcing school corporations to reduce staff and programs, and in some cases, to close schools. the impacts of these budget reductions on class sizes and student achievement are the focus of this study. a review of research on class size will be discussed next. throughout public education’s history, the subject of class size has presented teachers, parents and administrators with complex issues. discussions have surrounded the issue of “best” class size, including the relationship of smaller classes to student achievement for economically disadvantaged children. other studies have focused on smaller classes and student achievement as it pertains to children from middle or upper class families. several studies have examined the relationship of class size as it relates to the attitudes and teaching methodology of classroom instructors. although these are all important, the most perplexing issue continues to be the one that examines the general relationship between class size and student achievement regardless of the make-up of the student population. as a result of a two-year economic slump, a the impacts of budget reductions on indiana’s public schools 3 number of states find themselves financially challenged. state legislatures are re-examining and cutting educational budgets. school districts are reducing both teaching and non-teaching personnel as a response. in indiana, there has been a substantial decline in public school funding as the state wrestles with balancing its budget. the problem for indiana is becoming more than just financial. the uncertainty now emerging questions whether indiana’s financial problems will result in a severe long-term educational setback as well. as more teachers are laid off and class sizes begin to increase, the original, overriding class size question regarding the impact of larger classes on student achievement is finding its way back to the forefront. unfortunately for schools, the enactment of no child left behind leaves little room when it comes to meeting adequate yearly progress (ayp). the indiana department of education requires that its schools reach ayp. schools that repeatedly fail to meet their annual ayp goals will face state takeover. clearly, indiana’s schools are caught in the middle of a political-economiceducational battle. it is common knowledge that parents and instructional staff desire smaller class sizes. this is based on the belief that low class sizes are an important component in maintaining a quality educational program. however, research findings, especially earlier studies, have varied. while many studies have indicated that smaller classes do have a positive influence on student achievement, a few have indicated that larger classes may be more beneficial in certain instances. in addition, a number of studies have reported that class size made no difference in the achievement level of students. in order to understand and explore this issue, it is necessary to develop a working definition of class size. in their 1955 literature review, class size: the multi-million dollar question, ross and mckenna defined a class as “any group of students scheduled to meet regularly for all or a definite fraction of a school day with one particular teacher for the purpose of learning or being instructed in some specific part of the school’s curriculum” (1955, p. 24). other organizations, such as the national education association (1965), have described class size to mean the number of pupils for whom a teacher is responsible in a self-contained classroom. for the purpose of this study, a combination of these definitions is appropriate and the term “class size” will mean the number of students being taught by a single teacher, in a single classroom, for a specific period of time. looking back to 1971, the indiana department of education indicated that indiana’s class sizes, or pupilteacher ratios, were slightly higher than the national averages. in 1971, the ratios for indiana were 24.3 pupils per teacher for kindergarten classes, 24.8 per teacher for grades one through six, and 21.9 students per teacher in grades seven through twelve. by 1976, the figures showed a decided drop in ratios for the primary grades. indiana’s ratios for the 1976-1977 school year were reported as 24.6 students per teacher in kindergarten, 22.1 students per teacher in grades one to six, and 21.3 pupils per teacher in grades seven through twelve. the gap between the national combined average and the indiana combined average narrowed significantly through the 70’s and into the early 80’s. in the 1983-1984 school year, the combined u.s. average stood at 18.45 students per teacher, while the indiana combined average was reported as 19.90 (jarman, 1985). as mentioned earlier, class size research has produced mixed results. however, it is important to note that several reviewers have argued that many class size studies, especially early studies, failed to produce definitive answers because of flawed or oversimplified design techniques. in a comprehensive review of literature, murphy (1975) reported that faulty research design was a serious limiting factor in class size research studies conducted before 1975. the national education association indicated that in many studies that examined the question of class size and student achievement, the research had typically been one-dimensional and shortterm; therefore, early class size research was not nearly as comprehensive as necessary for such a complex issue (nea, 1965). for example, an early study in 1909 claimed a correlation between smaller classes and higher student achievement (ers, 1978). this research, however, was only based on one year of student promotion data. in this study, which involved third grade students in the 6th district of philadelphia, it was found that 88% of the students in classes below 40 students were promoted to the next grade level, 85% of students in classes with 40-49 students were promoted, whereas only 81% of the students in classes above 50 students were promoted. therefore, the researcher reported a relationship between increased student achievement and smaller class size because the students in the classes with less than 40 students showed a higher rate of promotion than any other group (ers, 1978). it was during the 1920s that increased interest in the issue of class size and student achievement emerged. a great deal of material was published during this time period for both the elementary and secondary levels. however, by 1930, interest had begun to level off and remained fairly consistent until the late 1970s. several researchers, including goodlad (1984) indicated that while most of the studies on class size conducted prior to 1930 were attempts to determine the relationship between class size and student achievement, typically, student grades, class standing, or promotion results measured student achievement in those studies. there was little, if any, attempt to control the various independent variables that occurred in these studies and reliable standardized testing instruments were still in the development phase (goodlad, 1984; nea, 1965). in 1954, blake conducted a summary of early class size research. blake analyzed the literature written on class current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 size prior to 1950. he located 267 studies and chose 85 of those that dealt with elementary and secondary students. from these studies, 35 indicated that small classes were better than larger ones, 18 reported that larger classes were better than smaller ones, and 32 indicated that the authors did not consider class size to be an important issue. in further analyzing these studies, blake established six criteria to test their scientific acceptability. only 22 of the original 85 studies met these requirements. of these 22, those favoring smaller classes numbered 16, those favoring larger classes numbered three, and the remaining three were inconclusive (p. 119). in 1964, menniti studied the effects of class size on reading and mathematics achievement in catholic elementary schools in harrisburg, pennsylvania, and evansville, indiana. for both locations, he concluded that large classes, those with 40 or more students, significantly favored achievement gains for average pupils in mathematics. only the harrisburg location found the same significance for reading scores. also, low iq groups exhibited positive gains for both subject areas when placed in larger classes, but high iq groups assigned to large classes did not (menniti, 1964). a study conducted by furno and collins, however, concluded that a class size of one to 25 was considerably better for non-white students in both reading and mathematics than classes above 25 (furno & collins, 1967). they also concluded that smaller classes showed significant gains in both areas for students in regular and special education curricula (p. 146). the metropolitan school district of madison, wisconsin, conducted a research study in 1976 to measure the effects of class size on the reading attainment of students in grades one through three. “small” classes contained less than 25 students for each of the three years studied. “large” classes were any classes above this number. results of the study showed that students consistently enrolled in small classes had lower reading scores than those enrolled in large classes. further examination, however, revealed that the majority of students enrolled in smaller classes had lower iq scores than those enrolled in the larger classes. at the end of the study, the district indicated, “it is impossible to know if placing students in small classes, grades one to three, would have any effect on their reading achievement scores…” (mmsd, 1976, p. 19). a 1977 study conducted by johnson at the south carolina department of education produced an interesting mix of results. this study found that smaller class sizes significantly increased reading achievement levels for first grade students, but had no noticeable effect on math scores. the study also concluded that when viewed as a standalone variable, teacher in-service training had no effect on pupil achievement in either reading or mathematics. however, when combined with class size, the results showed that students in small classes, whose teachers received in-service training, scored significantly higher in reading than students in large classes whose teachers had not participated in the training sessions. interestingly, this correlation did not hold up for math achievement (1977). in a review of class size research conducted in 1978, glass and smith proclaimed that through a metaanalysis of existing research data, they were able to make “bold generalizations” about the effects of class size on pupil achievement where previous research analysis could offer only “timid generalizations” (pp. 22-23). glass and smith reported that smaller class sizes could be expected to improve students’ academic achievement. unlike many earlier studies, the glass and smith study used class sizes ranging from one to one (tutorial instruction) up to forty to one (large group instruction). glass and smith claimed that earlier studies did not show a marked difference in achievement gains because their class sizes were normally above the 15 to one student mark. glass and smith concluded that class size could be increased from 20 students per class up to 40 students per class with only a five percent decrease in student achievement (p. 35). they postulated that decreasing from 20 students down to 10 students per class would result in an increase in student achievement of approximately ten percent, with the optimum achievement level being reached at the one to one, or tutorial level. the authors further stated that neither grade level, nor subject taught, nor ability of pupils altered the basic results. since glass and smith’s initial meta-analysis, there has been some rebuttal, notably from educational research service. in 1980, the educational research service contended that glass and smith had overgeneralized their findings and had not taken into account all of the contradictory studies that preceded them. the educational research service further contended that the glass and smith samples from which they based their findings were not of sufficient number to bear out the generalizations that were being made (pp. 239-241). however, other researchers, such as hedges and stock (1983) and cahen and filby (1979) supported the glass and smith findings. arguably, the most notable united states study on class size was the tennessee initiative known as project star (student teacher achievement ratio). this study officially ran from 1985-1989, although many student participants were followed for years afterwards. project star was a randomized $12 million experiment commissioned by the tennessee state legislature which developed into one of the most extensive class size research projects ever conducted. it was voluntary in nature and open to all tennessee public elementary schools. of the 180 schools that expressed an interest in participating, only about 100 schools had enough students in each grade to qualify. selected schools had to agree to four years of participation and to allow visitation from oversight teams who would verify class size, interview school personnel, and collect data. participating schools also had to allow for the impacts of budget reductions on indiana’s public schools 5 additional testing and for the random assignment of students and teachers to class types from kindergarten through grade three. tennessee paid for additional teachers and classroom aides and only class size conditions changed within the participating schools. curriculumbased test results were used as the student achievement indicator. the experiment randomly assigned kindergarten students into small classes (13-17 students), large classes (22-26 students), or large classes with a full-time classroom aide. teachers were also randomly assigned to classes of different types and the assignments of students and teachers to class type were maintained through the third grade. students who entered the study after kindergarten were randomly assigned to classes upon enrollment. the sound design of the star study prompted highly respected researchers and statisticians, such as the late frederick mosteller, then professor emeritus of mathematical statistics at harvard university, to declare very high confidence in the study’s data. in fact, in a review conducted by mosteller, light, and sachs, project star was called “one of the great experiments in education in u.s. history” (1996, p. 814). at the close of the star project, several researchers analyzed and then re-analyzed the data. repeatedly, the results indicated that students placed in the smaller classes showed higher gains in reading and in math in the primary grades. these gains were somewhat modest in the short-term, but were sustained over time. in addition, significant long-term gains were seen in terms of college attendance rates, especially for african-american students. in summary, finn and achilles (1990) reported that the results of the star project provided convincing evidence as to the benefits of reduced class sizes in the primary grades and what appeared to be a positive longitudinal effect, especially for minority students. other researchers have supported this analysis of the data. after a sophisticated analysis of the results, nye, hedges, and konstantopoulos also described higher long-term gains for students in smaller classes and additional benefits for minority students, saying, “the analysis reported here suggest class size effects that are large enough to be important for educational policy and that are quite consistent across schools. thus, small classes appear to benefit all kinds of students in all kinds of schools” (2000, p. 123). krueger and whitmore also conducted an in-depth analysis of project star data and reported a long-term benefit for african-american children. they went as far as to suggest that smaller class sizes might actually help lessen the black-white disparity in college attendance (2001). the star project continues to be viewed as critically important research in the ongoing discussion regarding the impact of class size and student achievement. in light of its findings, many states commenced statewide class size reduction efforts over the past 15 to 20 years. indiana’s initiative began in the mid 1980s, as did a review in texas during the same time period. nevada and oklahoma’s efforts started in 1989, while utah’s work began in 1990. wisconsin began a class size reduction effort in 1995 and california in 1996. many of these class size initiatives continue today; however, several others have been repealed due to economic factors. the question of whether increased student achievement is important for the broader good of society is not in dispute. educators, politicians, economists, and physicians acknowledge the importance of improved educational achievement as it relates to the health and prosperity of a nation. the tie between higher student achievement and a nation’s economic well-being is real and worldwide. in 2003, an english study published in the economic journal, and entitled “class size, education, and wages,” researchers dustmann, rajah, and van soest, stated, “we use micro data for england and wales to examine the effects of class size on the decision to stay on in full time schooling at 16 and on wages later in life. we find that class size has a sizeable and significant effect on the decision to stay on. this finding is very robust. wage equations show the effect of staying on is significantly positive for wages. combining this with the effect of class size on the staying on decision, reveals that class size significantly affects future wages” (p. f99). however, even if lower class sizes mean a better chance of students staying in school, not everyone agrees that reducing class size is worth the cost. in 2002, florida amended its constitution and adopted amendment 9. beginning with the school year 2003–2004, class sizes in florida were to be reduced by two students per year until the average number of students per class did not exceed the maximum set by the new law. per legislative action, the funding needed to meet this requirement was to be the responsibility of the state, not the local district. however, it was estimated that by 2012, the amendment would cost billions of state dollars, causing many groups, including the florida association of district school superintendents, to oppose the amendment. in 2006, normore and ilon of florida international university wrote an article addressing the cost-benefit analysis of class size. the authors explained that, “…the debate is whether the costs involved are the best ways to spend taxpayers’ monies...this article finds that reducing class size is the most expensive of state inputs that affect achievement scores. varying the mix of school personnel (administrators, teachers, and teacher aides) and investments in teacher quality (training and experience) are shown to produce the same results (raising test scores) at a lower cost than the reduction of class sizes” (p. 429). the conclusions drawn by normore and ilon appear to have lent credibility to those who later suggested that florida consider changing amendment 9 so that a district’s overall classroom averages could be used as opposed to individual classroom averages. therefore, while there is a mounting current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 6 body of research that supports the idea that lower class size increases student achievement, the question remains, “at what price?” indiana’s class size reduction initiative, called project prime time, began in 1985. this program, initiated as a categorical grant, provided school corporations with additional funds in order to reduce class size at the primary grade levels. under prime time, the target ratio was set at 18 students per teacher for kindergarten and first grade, and 20 students per teacher at grades two and three. as the program was being considered, a statewide study by jarman (1985), found that there was not enough classroom space in most indiana school districts to hire the number of teachers needed to fully implement prime time. consequently, the initiative that finally passed the indiana legislature allowed school districts to implement prime time with the option of hiring three instructional assistants in the place of hiring one new “prime time” teacher. however, the amount of money that indiana placed in this categorical grant did not allow school districts to fully recover the entire cost associated with the hiring of new prime time teachers and instructional assistants. the result was that school districts had to reduce their upper elementary personnel in grades four and above in order to fully implement the project. eventually, as it became apparent that the cost associated with prime time salaries and benefits would become too high, the indiana legislature folded the prime time grant monies in with a school district’s general fund revenues. the final result is that project prime time, as it was originally conceived, no longer exists in the state of indiana. recently, this type of action has become more the rule than the exception. a proposal to loosen elementary school class size requirements is now making its way through the texas legislature. for 27 years, texas has had a class size cap that limits kindergarten through third grade classes to no more than 22 students per class. this year, the texas comptroller is proposing to amend the law so that school districts could average 22 students across the district rather than using 22 as a hard cap for every classroom. however, teacher groups, parents and some local school officials are against that proposal. it has been estimated that allowing this amendment could save the state of texas as much as $558 million over a two-year period. according to sterling lloyd, a senior research associate at the editorial projects in education research center, 11 states relaxed classroom requirements in 2010, either through legislative action or administrative action (harrison, 2011). as indiana school districts receive less revenue, reductions in teaching positions will ultimately result in increased class sizes in school corporations across the state. this study examines these changes in class sizes and student achievement indicators for participating school corporation as a whole, and then, specifically, at the third and eight grade levels. given the results of previous research, it is this study’s hypothesis that over a three year time period, increased class sizes, as a result of budget cuts, will impact student achievement. method description the primary objectives of this research are to gather and examine data regarding budget cuts in indiana’s public schools and examine the possible impacts of those budget cuts on class size and student achievement. based on these objectives, a combination of public records research and survey methodology were deemed most appropriate. procedure and participants for the survey portion of this study, all questions were developed by the researchers and were reviewed by a panel experienced in the development and use of educational surveys including college professors and practicing school administrators. the demographic questions were identified as appropriate through a review of the literature. the survey and a cover letter were mailed to every public school superintendent (293 total) in the state of indiana in late july of 2010. by the end of august, a total of 103 superintendents had completed and returned the survey. a second round of surveys were sent out to non-respondents in early september, which resulted in an additional 29 completed surveys being returned. therefore, the total number of returned surveys for year one was 132, giving a return rate of 46%. of the 132 returned surveys, 127 were considered “valid” and usable. all survey were coded for confidentiality and results entered into a spreadsheet. simultaneously, a research and data collection of public records took place by accessing the indiana department of education’s master database of school corporation statistics and student achievement indicators. first, the student achievement indicators for each of the responding superintendents’ school corporations were obtained. the student achievement indicator being using for this study is the indiana statewide testing of educational progress plus (istep+), which is administered in the spring to students in grades three through eighth. the istep+ exam is based on indiana state academic standards. high levels of both reliability and validity are reported for this assessment (idoe, pp. 108-116). the researchers collected the istep+ percent passing results for each school corporation in math and language arts for third grade and eighth grade, and for each school corporation as a whole. then, the financial records and end of year performance reports for the respondents’ school corporations were examined and recorded in order to collect baseline general fund revenue and per pupil expenditure data. results in regards to the demographics of the 127 school corporations participating in this study, the data reported presents an accurate representation of the state of indiana in the impacts of budget reductions on indiana’s public schools 7 table 1 general fund budget information for participating school corporations mean high low 2009 general fund budget 2010 general fund budget amount cut 2009-10 per pupil expenditure 2010-11 per pupil expenditure $21,776,000. $21,067,000. $1,096,600. $10, 239. not yet reported $218,250,000. $217,157,000. $17,400,000. $13,000. $3,600,000. $3,400,000. $12,746. $8,300. terms of typical population distributions and characteristics. the communities of the participating school corporations are 65 percent rural, 17 percent suburban, 12 percent town, and six percent urban. of the participating corporations, 53 percent have 1000-3000 students, 19 percent have 1000 or less students, 16 percent have more than 5000 students, and 12 percent have 3001-5000 students. fifty percent of the participating schools have 30 to 50 percent of their students qualifying for free or reduced meals, 22 percent have 10 to 30 percent of their students on meal assistance, 21 percent have between 50 to 60 percent of their students on free or reduced meals, and 7 percent have over 60 percent of their students receiving meal assistance. with respect to the general fund budgets of the participating indiana school corporations, initial results also indicate a wide and expected representation as shown (see table 1). of significant interest were the numbers and types of teaching positions that have been eliminated in indiana’s public schools since 2009. the 127 participating school corporations reported a total of 1135 teaching positions cut. this includes all grade levels and represents a mean of 8.9 reduced positions per school corporation. of the eliminated teaching positions, 449 were elementary (k-5) positions and 497 were secondary (6-12) positions. the fine arts is an area that has been impacted as 89 positions were eliminated in elementary fine arts (music, art, physical education) while 59 eliminated positions were secondary related arts teachers. finally, of the eliminated teaching positions, 41 were in “other” areas, such as guidance counselors or media specialists. several superintendents made comments explaining that they had reduced positions by “encouraging” retirements and several commented that to minimize eliminating positions, they are now sharing more teachers among and between buildings. in addition to the teaching positions lost, instructional assistants’ positions have also been substantially cut since 2009 with the participating corporations reporting a total loss of 570 of these positions. this represents an average of 4.63 instructional assistant positions eliminated per corporation. for baseline class size information, superintendents from the participating corporations provided their average class sizes for the previous year. for the 2009-2010 school year, they reported secondary classes at 21.77 and elementary class sizes at 21.05. because this research focuses specifically on third and eighth grade, superintendents were also asked to project third and eighth grade class sizes for the 2010-2011 school year. superintendents reported these at 19.76 for the average third grade class size, and 21.09 for the average eighth grade class size. statewide standardized testing (istep+) data was also collected for the participating corporations for the entire corporation, third grade, and eighth grade in english/language arts and math. using 2009 as the baseline year, this data shows that the participating corporations had a mean english/language arts percent passing rate of 72.86. math passing percentages were at a mean of 75.24. the percent of students passing both areas of math and english/language arts for the participating corporations was a mean of 65.20. for the specific grades of interest, third and eighth, the third graders in the participating corporations had a mean passing percent of 77.95 for english/language arts and a mean passing percent of 76.04 for math. for both subjects, third graders in the participating corporations showed a mean passing percent score of 69.27. eighth grade scores for the participating corporations were somewhat lower than third grade scores with a mean passing percent of 67.36 for english/language arts and 70.65 for math. the mean passing percent was 59.89 for eighth graders for both academic areas tested. discussion in the state of indiana, a school corporation’s general fund is used, primarily, to pay for the salaries and benefits of personnel, as well as student programs and supplies. recent reductions in general fund revenue for indiana’s public schools are resulting in high levels of cuts in both personnel and programs. this study looks specifically at reductions in teaching positions and changes in class sizes, and it also monitors student achievement indicators over a three-year period. an examination of 2009-2010 data regarding budget cuts reveals important information. the 127 indiana school corporations participating in this study have already made substantial cuts in instructional personnel, including a total of 1135 teachers, which is a mean of 8.9 reduced teaching positions per corporation. participating schools have also eliminated 570 instructional assistants’ positions, a mean of 4.63 positions per corporation. using these means, it is estimated that overall, approximately 2,608 teachers and 1357 instructional assistants have been cut from indiana’s public schools this past year. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 8 with the recent announcement that funding will be held at a reduced level for another year, indiana’s public schools will continue to face cutbacks in both personnel and programs. it will be important to follow the participating school corporations for the next several years and examine what impacts, if any, these cuts have on class sizes and student achievement indicators. this study has significance in several ways. first, the data collected through this study will be of practical use to multiple individuals and agencies, including universities, state government and agencies, superintendents, and numerous other interested parties who are concerned about the status of reductions in indiana’s public school budgets. second, this study will advance our overall understanding of the relationship between budget constraints, class size, and student achievement. because this is an important topic, there have been many studies conducted over the years on class size and its relationship with student achievement. this study is an attempt to add to this body of knowledge. finally, for all schools facing budget cuts, continued reductions means “tightening their belts.” at the same time, schools are attempting to maintain their educational programs and improve their students’ achievement. difficult and often controversial choices will need to be made. in some school corporations, budget reductions mean the loss of valuable student programs, such as fine arts and school counseling programs, in order to keep core educational programming in place. in other corporations, extracurricular programs and class options may be severely limited. however, amidst the turmoil that these budget reductions create, there may be schools that are able to rise above these challenges. if through this research, there are school corporations identified that are able to maintain and even improve student achievement, these school corporations should be studied further. the methods corporations use to improve student achievement should be shared. ultimately, this study might provide clues as to ways school corporations can maintain or increase levels of student achievement, even during extremely difficult financial times. references balow, i. h. 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(2000). the effects of small classes on academic achievement: the results of the tennessee class size experiment. american educational research journal, 37(1). 123-151. doi:10.3102/00028312037001123 nye, b., hedges, l. v., & konstantopoulos, s. (2000). do the disadvantaged benefit more from small classes? evidence from the tennessee class size experiment. american journal of education, 109(1), 1-26. office of student assessment (2009). istep+ program manual. indianapolis, in: indiana department of education, 108-116. retrieved from http://www.doe.in.gov/assessment/ docs/programmanual.pdf porwoll, p. j. (1978). class size research: a summary of research. arlington, va: educational research services. national education association, research division (1965). class size in kindergartens and elementary schools. research report 1965-r11. washington, dc: author. ross, d. h., & mckenna, b. (1955). class size: the multimillion dollar question. institute of administrative research. teachers college: columbia university. toutkoushian, r. k., & michael, r. s. (2005). demystifying school funding in indiana. education policy brief, 3(2). indiana university, bloomington, in: center for evaluation and education policy. retrieved at http://www.eric.ed.gov:80/pdfs/ed488902.pdf current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 10 article citation jarman, d. w., & boyland, l.g. (2011). the impacts of budget reductions on indiana’s public schools: the impact of budget changes on student achievement, personnel, and class size for public school corporations in the state of indiana. current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/762 author notes del w. jarman ball state university teachers college 914 muncie, indiana 47306 dwjarman@bsu.edu del jarman is an assistant professor in the department of educational leadership at ball state university. jarman previously served as a public school administrator in indiana, kentucky, and nevada, as well as department chair and faculty member of educational leadership at kennesaw state and as a faculty member of educational leadership at the citadel. lori g. boyland ball state university teachers college 907 muncie, indiana 47306. lgboyland@bsu.edu lori boyland is an assistant professor in the department of educational leadership at ball state university. before joining the faculty at ball state in 2008, boyland served as a public school educator and administrator for 22 years in the state of indiana. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 11 volume 14, number 2 june 4, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors krista adams melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy angeles maldonado carol masser tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers perceptions of teaching volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x perceptions of teacher planning time: an epistemological challenge m.p. prytula, l.m. hellsten, and l.j. mcintyre university of saskatchewan citation m.p. prytula, l.m. hellsten, and l.j. mcintyre (2010). perceptions of teacher planning time: and epistemological challenge. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/437 abstract the concept of developing teacher collaboration teams continues to be a prevalent problem for teachers and schools. the results of a saskatchewan study of beginning teachers (hellsten et al., 2007) was the finding that first and second year teachers perceived planning and collaboration with other teachers, as well as professional development as the least important support or resource for their induction years. this bears heavy implications for teacher learning and learning improvement in today’s schools. this paper examines the perceptions that beginning teachers in saskatchewan have regarding preparation time and planning time, explores the epistemological basis for these findings and the impact of this basis, and discusses the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 significance of this finding and the potential problems and implications that this realization has for continued theory and practice for teacher education and collaboration in schools. keywords: teacher induction, preparation and planning time, collaboration, epistemology, professional development perceptions of teacher planning time 3 about the author(s) author: dr. laureen mcintyre affiliation: university of saskatchewan address: 28 campus drive saskatoon, sk s7n 0x1 email: laureen.mcintyre@usask.ca biographical information: dr. laureen mcintyre is an associate professor and director of the special education certificate program in the college of education at the university of saskatchewan. dr. mcintyre completed a b.ed. at the university of saskatchewan, a m.sc. in communication disorders at minot state university, and a ph.d. ineducational psychology (specifically special education) at the university of alberta. as an american and canadian certified speech-language pathologist, dr. mcintyre has worked in both community health and school settings. author: dr. michelle prytula affiliation: university of saskatchewan address: 28 campus dr., saskatoon, sk. s7n 0x1 email: michelle.prytula@usask.ca biographical information: michelle prytula is an assistant professor in the department of educational administration, college of education, at the university of saskatchewan. previous to academia, she held teacher, vice-principal and principal positions. her current faculty teaching areas include leadership, policy studies, organizational theory, and educational finance. her current research interests include teacher learning, action research, the professional learning community, teacher induction, and school leadership and improvement. her work recently earned her the mcdowell foundation award for research into teaching in 2010. author: dr. laurie hellsten affiliation: university of saskatchewan address: 28 campus dr., saskatoon, sk. s7n 0x1 email: laurie.hellsten@usask.ca current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 perceptions of teacher planning time: an epistemological challenge “teacher isolation is the enemy of improvement” (kanold, toncheff, & douglas, 2008, p. 23). teacher collaboration remains an integral component of successful teaching and learning. teachers can make significant improvements to student performance by abandoning the traditional culture of teacher isolation and opting to work in collaborative teams (leonard & leonard, 2003). after over a decade of theory and research pertaining to the potential benefits of teacher collaboration (dufour & eaker, 1998; mitchell & sackney, 2000; schmoker, 2005), one would not only expect to see this concept to have begun to take hold within the culture of teaching, but to have achieved a stronghold in the behaviours and practices of teacher education and teaching. however, this is not the case. the concept of developing teacher collaboration teams continues to be a prevalent problem for teachers and schools. so prevalent, in fact, that not only is the concept of collaboration not taking shape, but it remains “little more than an aspiration” (leonard & leonard, 2003, p. 9). developing teacher collaboration teams may be just an aspiration in saskatchewan. among the results of a saskatchewan study of beginning teachers (hellsten et al., 2007) was the finding that first and second year teachers perceived planning and collaboration with other teachers, as well as professional development as the least important support or resource for their induction years. this bears heavy implications for teacher learning and learning improvement in today’s schools. using the findings of the hellsten et al. (2007) study as the foundation, this paper will: (1) examine the perceptions that beginning teachers in saskatchewan have regarding preparation time and planning time; (2) explore the epistemological basis for these findings and the impact of this basis; and (3) discuss the significance of this finding and the potential problems and perceptions of teacher planning time 5 implications that this realization has for continued theory and practice for teacher education and collaboration in schools. background professional collaboration, collaborative planning, and school reform initiatives have been at the forefront of school improvement initiatives over the past twenty years. most commonly referred to as communities of practice (wenger, 1998), and professional learning communities (dufour & eaker, 1998), social learning and planning in collaborative teams of educators is a strategy used in many academic settings to improve student achievement (schmoker, 2005). to say that knowledge is constructive and co-created implies that mastering the skills of teaching requires working in community with other professionals, creating interactive learning environments, and sharing with and learning from one another. distinct from the epistemology that knowledge is accessible and exists beyond the individual, a constructivist epistemology implies that greater knowledge exists within a group of people, rather than in a single individual (mitchell & sackney, 2001). two main barriers to beneficial collaboration and planning in today’s schools have been identified as a lack of time and poor administrative support (henry, 2005; leonard & leonard, 2003). furthermore, professional development initiatives focused on collaboration have been criticized as one-shot, sporadic, and shallow (colantonio, 2005). cherubini (2007) found, from a research study conducted in ontario into beginning teachers’ perceptions of the effects of their induction, that beginning teachers do value those induction programs that included collaborative dialogue between colleagues that served to enhance their skills in improving student achievement, rather than those that provided a “surface approach to addressing generic needs” (p. 9). despite this, however, the concept of teacher collaboration has been slow to catch on. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 a study of the experiences of beginning teachers in saskatchewan (hellsten et al., 2007) has revealed a further barrier to the development of collaborative work teams, professional learning communities, or communities of practice. results showed that beginning teachers entered the profession perceiving collaborative planning and professional development as relatively unimportant as compared to isolated teacher preparation time. although the sample was restricted to only saskatchewan beginning teachers, and therefore is not generalizable to teachers in all provinces, this finding suggests that the barriers to collaboration may be situated internally, rather than externally. teachers’ relative perceptions of the value of supports indicate that a challenge to collaboration may exist within the epistemological beliefs of beginning teachers. individual epistemological beliefs influence “how individuals make meaning and how this (meaning) in turn affects learning” (hofer, 2000, p. 379). these beliefs play a role in how future and practicing teachers learn to teach and practice their teaching (fives & buehl, 2008, p. 135); therefore, if learning improvement is to be initiated through collaboration, these perceptions must be challenged. this is an epistemological issue, rather than a professional development issue, thus it must be approached as such. this epistemological issue will be discussed in detail following an overview of the becoming a teacher study. the becoming a teacher study becoming a teacher: a longitudinal study of saskatchewan teachers’ early career paths (“author”, 2007; “author”, 2008; “author”, “author”, in press) was designed to identify and examine key factors that affect saskatchewan beginning teachers’ early career paths, as well as their commitment to the profession. the context of this study is the province of saskatchewan where there are two teacher education institutions (university of saskatchewan and the perceptions of teacher planning time 7 university of regina). saskatchewan provides an interesting context in which to examine beginning teachers' transition experiences because of the province's diversity and distinctiveness (e.g., rural and urban dimensions1, a population comprised of a high proportion of aboriginal persons2), a recent structural renewal of the publicly funded k-12 system3, and a re-culturing of teaching and learning4. one of the six main purposes of the study was to describe and analyze the supports new teachers believe are required to assist their transition into the profession. the survey instrument was developed specifically for this study by the longitudinal research team (authors, 2007) based on relevant literature. the majority of the survey instrument was comprised of forced choice items many of which were single items (not subscales of items). although content validity evidence was collected using experts, no other validity or reliability evidence has been collected. surveys were composed of five sections including: demographics; background information regarding education and training; information about certification and employment; specific information about the teaching position; and reflections about teaching. this paper reports on the section of the survey that asked participants to reflect on their perceptions of the importance of a variety of supports. although there were minimal slight wording modifications between the 2006-2007 and 2007-2008 first year teacher surveys, essentially all first year teachers were surveyed using an identical instrument. the wording of the second year survey was modified to reflect the second year teaching status of the participants and additional questions only relevant to second year teachers were asked (e.g., perception of 1 the population of saskatchewan is approximately one million people, more people in live in rural settings than in any other province in canada (tymchak, 2001), and the population in rural schools is declining (assessment and evaluation unit, 2000). 2 the young aboriginal population is growing rapidly (tymchak, 2001); there is a need to ensure that an appropriate number of beginning teachers of aboriginal ancestry are successfully recruited/ retained to reflect this population. 3 such a restructuring process has been shown in other jurisdictions to negatively impact the classroom (dibbon, 2004). 4 all schools are expected not only to educate children and youth but to serve as centres at the community level for the delivery of appropriate social, health, recreation, culture, justice and other services for children and families. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 workload in second year as compared to first). however, the section of the survey that this paper focuses on was identical to the survey completed by first year teachers. in the first year of the study (2006-2007), beginning teachers from the university of saskatchewan were surveyed. in order to ensure that the sample was generalizable to beginning teachers throughout the province of saskatchewan rather than just beginning teachers from one particular institution, graduates from the university of regina were added to the sampling frame in the second year (2007-2008). in addition, as the first two years of teaching are commonly referred to as a time of survival (huberman, 1989) we felt comfortable expanding the sample to include second year teachers from both the university of regina and the university of saskatchewan in 2007-2008. in 2006-2007, all beginning first year teachers who graduated from the university of saskatchewan with valid alumni addresses were sent a paper and pencil survey. the process was repeated in 2007-2008 for all first and second year teachers from both the university of saskatchewan and the university of regina. in order to ensure confidentiality and anonymity, the respective alumni offices at both universities mailed out the survey packages on behalf of the research team. two hundred and seventy-five participants completed and returned the first year form of the survey (n2006-2007 = 125, n2007-2008 = 153), while 151 participants completed the second year form in 2007-2008. data were entered into spss 15.0, double verification was completed, and descriptive statistics were calculated. demographic data is presented in table 1. the beginning teachers were asked to rate their perception of the importance of a variety of supports using a scale ranging from one (not important) to four (very important). respondents were asked to rate each support independently and were not asked to rank order the supports perceptions of teacher planning time 9 listed. for the purposes of this article, only the scores from the very important column were included (see table 2). findings generally, all supports were considered important by all respondents in the study. across all three samples (i.e., 2006-2007 and 2007-2008 first year teachers, and 2007-2008 second year teachers), most beginning teachers identified preparation time during the school day and support from family/friends as very important supports during their first years of teaching. more specifically, preparation time was identified as very important for all survey sets, at 81.9%, 69.9% and 66.2% respectively. similarly, support of family and friends was perceived as very important by 81.6%, 62.1% and 62.3% of the respondents in those same three survey sets. table 1 demographic data of the participants 1st year teachers 2006-2007 1st year teachers 2007-2008 2nd year teachers 2007-2008 gender males 36 (28.8) 25 (16.4) 28 (39.7) females 88 (70.4) 115 (75.2) 118 (55.0) missing 1 (0.8) 13 (8.5) 5 (3.3) age group 22-24 50 (40.0) 72 (47.1) 42 (27.8) 25-34 54 (43.2) 59 (38.6) 88 (58.3) 35-44 15 (12.0) 18 (11.8) 14 (9.3) 45 + 5 (4.0) 2 (1.3) 5 (3.3) missing 1 (0.8) 2 (1.3) 2 (1.3) marital status single 58 (46.4) 87 (56.9) 60 (39.7) married/common law 61 (48.8) 61 (39.9) 83 (55.0) divorced/separated 5 (4.0) 2 (1.3) 6 (3.9) missing 1 (0.8) 3 (1.9) 2 (1.3) note. counts are presented first, with percentages in parentheses. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 table 2 numbers and percentages of respondents who selected each factor as a very important support in their first years of teaching factors ‘very important’ (1st year teachers, year 1) ‘very important’ (1st year teachers, year 2) ‘very important’ (2nd year teachers, year 2) new staff orientation n 56 69 54 percent 61.5 45.1 35.8 mentor n 53 61 56 percent 60.9 39.9 37.1 teacher colleagues n 61 95 81 percent 62.2 62.1 53.6 principal/vice principal n 57 83 87 percent 58.2 54.2 57.6 professional development opportunities n 45 44 48 percent 50 28.8 31.8 classroom/school resources n 69 93 86 percent 71.9 60.8 57.0 assistance for students with special needs n 62 88 90 percent 66 57.5 59.6 preparation time during the school day n 77 107 100 percent 81.9 69.9 66.2 planning time during the school day with teacher colleagues, staff n 39 65 53 percent 42.4 42.5 35.1 support of students’ parents/families n 60 72 87 percent 63.2 47.1 57.6 support of my family/friends n 80 95 94 percent 81.6 62.1 62.3 note. for the purposes of this article, only the scores from the very important column were included. low sample sizes per item reflect low numbers endorsing the item at the very important category. perceptions of teacher planning time 11 although even the items that were least likely to be endorsed received a good deal of support, there were relative differences in how many beginning teachers endorsed two of the survey items as being very important. both planning time during the school day and professional development opportunities were consistently identified as very important by the smallest number of beginning teachers. planning time during the school day was identified by only 42.4%, 42.5%, and 35.1% of the beginning teachers and professional development opportunities was identified by 50.0%, 28.8%, and 31.8% of the beginning teachers. in 20072008, planning time was identified as very important by the smallest number of beginning teachers, while professional development took this position for both forms of the surveys conducted in the 2007-2008. the lack of endorsement for planning time during the school day was recognized during an interim data analysis at the conclusion of the first year of the study. due to this surprising result, and in an effort to ensure that the wording was not responsible for the lack of endorsement, the research team modified the wording of the planning time item from planning time during the school day to planning time during the school day with teacher colleagues, staff. results from both forms of the 2007-2008 surveys (i.e., both first and second year teacher responses) showed that the frequency with which the planning time item was endorsed stayed relatively stable, with planning time being the second least frequent item endorsed as very important and professional development being the least frequently endorsed item. as the purpose of the question was to determine the supports new teachers believe are required to assist their transition into the profession, the discovery that some items were perceived as relatively unimportant was unintentional. however, now that we recognize that beginning teachers perceive isolated preparation time as relatively more important than either current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 professional development opportunities or planning time with teacher colleagues and staff, we must examine this finding in terms of its potential implications for theory, research and practice. discussion the remainder of this article is a discussion to further explore the findings from the question of perceived importance of supports. specifically, we intend to present the low perception of importance of collaboration and group planning in a context of recent educational movements toward professional development through collaboration and professional learning communities. we will also discuss the role of epistemology and the potential necessity to explicitly teach for epistemological change at the teacher training level, and how epistemology and our adherence to epistemological ideas impacts the approaches of instructional leadership at the school level. the development of the professional: research and practice professional development through communities of practice, professional learning communities, or collaborating and planning with teachers in the same school, department, or grade level have proven to be not only sound approaches to education, rather they have proven themselves as having the potential to transform education (dufour & eaker, 1998; fullan, 2005; schon, 1995). in schools where these approaches have taken hold, reports of success and higher student learning have followed (dufour & eaker, 1998; prytula, makahonuk, syrota, & pesenti, 2009; schmoker, 2005; vescio, ross, & adams, 2008). despite many articles, books, and studies on this effective phenomenon, the collaborative approach is very slow to be adopted in the majority of schools. historically blamed on teacher complacency, dufour (1998) recognized that approaches to professional development have been flawed through bringing in experts with little regard for the major determinant of professional development success. that is, what is perceptions of teacher planning time 13 flawed is the “context of the school in which it is presented… the beliefs, expectations, behaviours and norms that constitute the culture of a given school” (dufour, 1998, p. 24). what is of primary importance then, is not the content of the message, but the context in which it is being delivered. this context includes the epistemological beliefs and backgrounds of the professionals within the school. too often, schools are left with the substantial work of creating the change needed in teacher thinking and learning. being products of about a dozen years of elementary and high school education, and another few years of university certification, teachers tend to teach in the ways that they were taught (ball, 1990; lortie, 1975; vrasidas & mcisaac, 2001); therefore, it is a substantial challenge to develop collaborative teams, encourage teacher planning, and erode the traditional norms of working in isolation. schools, working within their own means, have only achieved marginal success with this type of reform to date. this is likely because this task of reform has less to do with explicit behaviours and habits of teachers (which can be modified through expectations and guidelines), and more to do with internal beliefs and understandings (which have been created through past experiences and knowledge). pockets of success have been found, however, in schools where professional learning communities have been established. vescio et al. (2008) found that in the schools they studied, the establishment of professional learning communities contributed to a “fundamental shift in the habits of mind that teachers bring to their daily work in the classroom” (p. 84), and that a change in professional culture had occurred. they noted, however, that these successes are not the result of a prescriptive model, but rather based on context, experience, and the creation of new knowledge. one major limitation to the widespread success of teacher collaboration and planning through structures such as the professional learning community is that they require leadership as current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 a catalyst. the problem is that unless a leader exhibits this initiative and has an understanding of this kind of teacher learning, school leaders, working within a continuum of eclecticism, have neither the time nor the training regarding the epistemological beliefs that underpin teachers’ understanding of their work. this understanding, then, must be rooted in the foundations of education. dufour (1998) implied that school reform must begin much earlier, and achieve a much deeper effect in order to erode the norms of teacher isolation in school systems, and bring about the effects of collaboration. the perspectives and understandings of the epistemological constructivist nature of learning must come to the surface through first the foundations of teacher training, and later, through the foundations of professional development. that means if we are to take on this reform, then we must first consider a modification to pre-service teacher education. the epistemological foundations of teaching in education, “continuing learning, both structured and self-directed, is critical to professional practice” (graham & phelps, 2003, p. 2). the epistemology of teaching and learning in education has traditionally been known as the process of transmitting knowledge from the teacher to the student (schon, 1995). tyack and cuban (1996) claimed that teaching has always been traditional. this traditional approach is how society expects teachers to teach, and this is how students have always learned. for the most part, teachers have learned this way, so it is almost expected that they teach this way. hatala and hatala (2004) indicated that teaching and learning in this way no longer suits today’s knowledge paradigm. what is required includes cooperation, collaboration, wisdom, and dialogue. this brings to the surface the idea that the traditional epistemology of teaching and learning may be incomplete or insufficient. perceptions of teacher planning time 15 schon (1995) identified two ways of conceptualizing teaching and learning. he termed the first conception as institutional epistemology of teaching, the traditional idea that students learn through the transmission of knowledge from the teacher to the student. students learn what they are told and do what they are shown, and knowledge is transmitted to students through curriculum and blocks of time. schon (1995) argued that there is a second and new epistemology of teaching and learning, termed scholarship epistemology, which highlights the potential of greater learning through thinking. scholarship epistemology includes reflection-in-action, reflection-on-knowing, and reflection-on-practice, whereby a teacher takes the opportunity to reflect deeply on what he does while he is doing it, what he knows, and what he has done after doing it (schon, 1995). contrasted with institutional epistemology, where knowledge is simply becoming familiar with a model or theory and using it in practice, scholarship epistemology involves a constructive approach through the discovery of knowledge. epistemologically, if a teacher wants to convey a certain knowing, he first has to understand what it is, and how it is that he knows something, and then re-create that learning opportunity for students. “if we want to teach about our ’doing’, then we need to observe ourselves in the doing, reflect on what we observe, describe it, and reflect on our description” (schon, 1995, p. 33). richardson (2002) emphasized that discourse in teacher planning results in meaningful, reflective practice. he said that,” (i)f practitioners engage with discourse thinking, and develop their critical awareness...played out in the day-to-day micro-level practices of planning, they are likely to gain some very useful perspectives and insights which will strengthen their reflexive practice” (p. 353). the practice of reflection and discourse, or dialogue, becomes a central activity which allows professionals to make sense of their actions and work. not limiting reflection to pure discourse, bolton (2006) recognized a similar approach for reflective practice current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 through writing and sharing with colleagues. she highlighted that reflective practice “critically recognizes and challenges the prevailing discourse and dominant paradigm, denying any innocence of those which structure and force us culturally” (p. 205) and that this dialogue and reflection helps to develop clarity, insight and understanding for the work that they themselves do. key to reflection and dialogue is that they employ internal critical thinking and external discourse to learn, evaluate ideas, share strategies, and create change in practice and outcomes. important to note at this point, is that reflection, done alone, is not enough to improve practice beyond the technical day-to-day aspects of the job. what is required to take reflection to a form of scholarship is bringing it into relationship with others, either through dialogue, discussion, and debate. taken this way, this elevates the teaching profession to, as kelchtermans (2009) described “a risky endeavor” (p. 270) (emphasis in original) as through these experiences, a teacher may be confronted with ideas, practices, approaches and experiences that differ from their own, and, true to the processes of collaborative planning and learning communities, experience discomfort and work at reducing the discomfort either by modifying their own practice or influencing others to change theirs. this discomfort, however, is necessary, for as kelchermans stated, “without deep reflection, one’s scholarship cannot be developed, nor the scholarship of teaching in general” (p. 270). done regularly, collaboration results in a new epistemic understanding of what it means to teach and learn, and results in a break from traditional paradigms. schon (1995) noted, however, that the majority of the time teachers do not do this, so ultimately, they may have a very shallow understanding of their own teaching. this illustrates a gap that exists between perceptions of teacher planning time 17 policy and practice. institutional epistemology can be achieved in isolation. scholarship epistemology cannot. teaching teachers much of the work in the development of teachers’ epistemological beliefs or understandings must begin to happen at the pre-service stage. it could be said that operating, as a knowledge society, universities and schools can no longer teach the way they have always taught in the hopes of developing teachers who can work and teach differently. “in order to achieve this, teacher education as well as in-service training need to provide spaces to engage in discomforting dialogues” (kelchtermans, 2009, p. 370) (emphasis in original). schon (2005) said that teaching cannot solely be bound by the application of knowledge, but must be entrenched in the generation of knowledge. bolton (2006) went further to state that this reflective practice is vital to teaching and learning, so much so that it must be considered a pedagogical approach infused throughout the curriculum. she implied that if teachers were taught this way through their own education programs, that they would be more inclined to teach this way. recent research has revealed strong positive connections between the deprivatization practices of teachers through collaboration and planning with not only enhanced teacher learning and student centered practices, but also with improvements in student achievement (vescio, et al., 2008). finding few studies that linked epistemological beliefs with conceptions of teaching and learning, wong, chan and lai (2009), believing that “epistemological beliefs could bring impacts and solutions to problems encountered in the educational arena” (p. 2), conducted an examination into the epistemological beliefs and conceptions of teaching of pre-service teachers. although conducted in hong kong, they found that students largely held a constructivist epistemological orientation over the traditional orientation, and that this was contrary to previous findings since schools of education had introduced more collaborative instructional strategies current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 and approaches. this exploration, however, was limited to the students’ epistemological understandings of teaching and learning in the classroom, and not specifically related to teacher learning beyond certification. through another study conducted by cheng, chan, tang and cheng (2009), it was discovered that about half of the beginning teachers had tendencies towards constructivist orientations to teaching and that “when the student-teachers get used to this way of believing and thinking in their learning, they are more likely to believe in a constructivist view in their classroom teaching” (p. 325). the other half had more naïve constructivist conceptions of teaching. they noted that this caused inconsistencies in practice, but explained this with the notion that these beginning teachers were still in a state of transition and that their epistemological beliefs were still developing due to inconsistencies between their pre-service experiences and new information to be learned as they began their careers. hashweh (1996) investigated science teachers’ epistemological beliefs in teaching. they tested two groups of teachers with different epistemological beliefs to determine the effects of these beliefs on their teaching. they found that teachers with constructivist orientations had a more diverse set of teaching strategies and accepted alternative responses from students. they also used effective strategies more frequently than their positivist colleagues. hashweh indicated that these results conformed to similar studies that he conducted, indicating that constructivist teachers are better able to help students arrive at new conceptions to problems and facilitate cognitive restructuring. these studies, although helpful in determining the teachers’ tendencies toward constructivism in their future or current teaching practice in the classroom, provide little perceptions of teacher planning time 19 information regarding their perspectives or orientations toward teacher professional learning. further work is needed in this area, which will be discussed at the conclusion of this paper. the role of instructional leaders at the pre-service stage there is a growing body of research on the types of instruction and leadership that create a change in epistemology (hofer, 2000; hofer & pintrich, 1997; valanides & charoula, 2005). as an instructor, knowing that students’ epistemological beliefs affect their learning and motivation, a teacher can orient student work so that students’ epistemological beliefs are challenged, so that students may discover the value of creating knowledge in a similar way. “if teacher educators can identify areas of teaching knowledge [that] teachers and pre-service [teachers] do not particularly value, they can more explicitly address issues related to the importance of that knowledge in class” (fives & buehl, 2008, p. 172). valanides and charoula (2005) demonstrated that by structuring education students’ work in ways that require them to make their beliefs about knowledge explicit, they become better educated. valanides and charoula added that, (c)ritical thinking instruction combined with a process where students are encouraged to reflect, debate, and evaluate their thinking based in explicitly stated principles, in the context of an ill-defined and controversial issue, can have a significant effect on learners’ epistemological beliefs. (p. 328) in turn, better-educated students are more epistemologically advanced, meaning that they are capable of reflection and rational inquiry, leading to an appreciation and desire for collaboration. “when applied to the teacher education context, student-teachers beliefs and hence their classroom practices is a concern in teacher education” (cheng et al., 2009, p. 320). cheng et al. suggested, from their study, that teacher educators must assist in developing education students’ epistemological beliefs from naïve to sophisticated current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 through modeling teaching/learning environments that are consistent with a constructivist orientation, and refrain from education through transmission. although increasingly complex, this recommendation includes working closely in partnership with placement schools in providing mentorship experiences that include similar orientations. this holds implications for what it is that instructors are asking pre-service teachers to do when they are in the field. sometimes, prescribing assignments for the sake of consistency between students robs them of the authentic learning experiences that they could encounter. for example, in their study on field experiences, whitehead and fitzgerald (2006) noted that prescribing teacher mentorship requirements through defined practices reduced teacher candidates’ abilities to develop their own knowledge and limited their ability to learn through collaboration with teachers in the field. this type of top-down approach served the university rather than the profession. from this, whitehead and fitzgerald suggested a more generative approach for teacher experiences that involved collaboration, allowed for “the formation and reformation of knowledge” (p. 40), and created the opportunity for a “new epistemological base for professional learning” (p. 37). this also has implications for how pre-service educators are taught. “if a student believes that knowledge is certain and simple, then he or she may have different preferences about desirable learning environments than the student who believes that knowledge is complex and interrelated” (hofer, 2001, pp. 361-362). opportunities for higher learning and epistemological development that could potentially transform education are created when instructors take advantage of situations where teacher candidates can be engaged in the real problems of education in the field, interrelated with theory, while still enrolled as students. the opportunity for students to internalize how learning takes place and how they cognitively perceptions of teacher planning time 21 experience a change in knowledge must also be integral to these experiences. it is through providing direct experiences with creating knowledge, and then having conversations about how this knowledge was created, that educational institutions can cultivate educators who will enter the professional with an already developed sense of what it means to work in a community of practice. here, knowledge transmission is replaced with knowledge creation (schon, 1995). if university educators want teachers to know how to work in collaborative learning communities where knowledge is created, then these students cannot be taught in environments where knowledge is transmitted. this just makes sense. the university of saskatchewan, like many other universities, has partnered with school divisions to create teacher cohorts that are deployed into schools to increase their opportunities to work with teachers and students. research into specific teacher cohort experiences has found that those cohorts in which teacher candidates are invited to engage in professional learning communities, collaboration, and discussion with teachers have proven to bring about increased professional learning for the teacher candidate (prytula, et al., 2009). engagement with professional learning communities also increases the likelihood that teacher candidates achieve the type of scholarship epistemology required for sustained collaboration in their careers. unfortunately, not all schools operate as professional learning communities; therefore, these experiences have so far been trial studies in the field, and the opportunities have not yet been provided for all students. through the creation of instruction that accesses pre-service teachers’ epistemological beliefs, it is possible to advance their own understandings of their epistemological assumptions and to make changes to those assumptions. “understanding future teachers’ beliefs as well as how their beliefs are related to teaching practices and motivation may allow teacher educators to plan instruction that will best support the development of teachers” (fives & buehl, 2008, p. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 22 172). having experienced an education where epistemological beliefs are accessed and challenged, beginning teachers have the opportunity to enter the profession prepared for the collaborative work that will be required of them. the role of instructional leaders at the in-service stage instructional leadership at the school level is also a key factor in the role of professional development and teacher learning. once beginning teachers enter the teaching profession, they face a further challenge to their epistemological development and appreciation for the necessity of collaboration. rogoff, goodman turkanis, and bartlett (2001) contended that current school organization is still a reflection of the early 1900s when considerable efforts were made to “treat school instruction as an efficient factory” (p. 6). deep thinking does not emerge in a factory model. instead, by its very nature, education itself is holistic and continuously evolving. therefore, a traditional system of education that presents the world in chopped, linear pieces does not fit. rogoff et al. (2001) suggested that a new approach is to take on a community perspective, where “teachers and students are connected rather than isolated” (p. 4). mitchell and sackney (2001) explained that successful professional learning communities can only be sustained when the leadership is skilled in approaching knowledge and learning in nontraditional ways: (s)aying that a learning community must be thus and so does not automatically make it so. the creation of a learning community is not an easy endeavor because it entails fundamentally different ways of thinking about teaching and learning and fundamentally different ways of being teachers and administrators. (p. 12) perceptions of teacher planning time 23 learning communities thrive within environments of learning, trust, and improvement (fullan, 2002; mitchell & sackney, 2001; sparks, 2005). colantonio (2005) stated that creating such environments requires not only expertise on teacher supervision, but expertise on the contexts for and the development of knowledge. the principal must be one who “facilitates growth of teachers’ knowledge and skill in a constructivist manner” (p. 31). not to be considered in a cursory manner, having an awareness of how knowledge is created, how it develops, and how its creation can be sustained is key to achieving the type of improvement needed in today’s schools. there is the implication that a school leader must understand what teacher collaboration and group planning means prior to embarking on a school improvement initiative through the process of instructional leadership. “often confused with departmental meetings…teacher collaboration is not discussions of student behaviour, purchasing of textbooks, and distributing supplies” (henry, 2005, p. 31). collaboration and planning for student success entails a pure focus on student learning, and in-depth scholarly and academic discussion and deliberation (sometimes heated, and sometimes not) on how to engage, improve, and enhance teaching and learning. dufour (1998) argued that even in the right context, flawed professional development initiatives can have a positive effect on teacher learning. inversely, in the wrong school context, “even well-conceived and delivered activities are likely to be ineffective” (p. 25). the context that is required is one with expectations of collaboration, team planning, and collective inquiry. wenger (1998) explained a similar understanding in his theory of communities of practice. it is the participation aspect of the communities that creates the learning, and that learning must be reshaped and redefined into three categories: individual, where individuals engage and contribute to practice; community, where learning is refined and sustained for future current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 members; and organizational, where learning is sustained and where knowing exists to transform the organization into one that is effective and valuable. instructional leaders must be able to adopt this new approach and become comfortable with knowledge creation that is no longer linear, but rather murky and dialogical, conflicting, and at times disordered. such a leader must also be able to tackle the issues of resistance to professional collaboration and planning, and not succumb to them, knowing that overcoming the barriers to change will be worth the effort. instructional leaders must be the proponents of the change, as they know their contexts the best. confirmed by dufour (1999), “(t)hose who look to consultants to solve the problems of a school that continues to operate under the traditional model of fragmentation and teacher isolation are almost certain to be disappointed in the results” (p. 26). creating the proper context for collaboration, as previously mentioned, is highly dependent on the context and mindsets of the people within the school. an effective school context will be much more laborious to create, if its creation is even possible. if educators enter the profession with the understanding that teaching is done in isolation, isolated preparation time will be highly important to them; while professional development and collaborative planning time will continue to be low in terms of importance to their success as teachers. conclusion from this study, there is evidence that beginning teachers in saskatchewan value isolated teacher preparation time more than they value collaborative teacher planning time and professional development, despite the fact that research and practice indicate that learning communities and communities of practice ultimately improve student learning. this knowledge suggests that the task of challenging these perceptions requires not only challenging teacher perceptions of teacher planning time 25 practices but also challenging teacher beliefs, which must be done at the pre-service and inservice stages. this issue must be addressed systemically from the time students enter the universities which will prepare them for their profession (or sooner), as well as through the professional development initiatives in which they are part of within their school divisions. research and practice has revealed that establishing effective collaborative school teams is necessary to generate improvements to student learning, whether these collaborative teams are termed professional learning communities or communities of practice. however, the incorporation of these teams has been slow despite the knowledge that collaborative teams positively affect student learning. previously identified barriers to establishing effective collaboration in schools include time constraints, as well as lack of instructional leadership (henry, 2005; leonard & leonard, 2003). this means that instructional leadership (both at the pre-service and in-service stages) requires an understanding of collaboration, as well as knowledge and the creation of knowledge, so that contexts appropriate to collaborative teams can be created. central to the barriers, however, are the epistemological beliefs of teachers and beginning teachers in the province. perhaps through directly experiencing instruction aimed at accessing epistemological beliefs, pre-service teachers would enter the teaching profession predisposed to valuing collaboration. this would reduce the school’s burden to not only attempt create a collaborative culture, but to first change the epistemological beliefs of teachers within the school in order to sustain such a culture. given that this finding is derived from a study aimed at understanding beginning teachers’ experiences as they transition from pre-service to professional employment, more research is needed to determine why there is a difference in the perceived importance between teacher preparation time and teacher planning time. more research must also be conducted as to the differences in epistemological beliefs of those teachers who have not experienced the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 26 learning community and collaboration construct with those that have had such an experience. as kincheloe (2004) stated, “(t)he ultimate justification for such reflective research activity is practitioner and student empowerment” (p. 64). perhaps through a deeper understanding of the epistemological foundations of beginning teachers, and how these foundations can be influenced, we can achieve such empowerment. this paper focused on the coming to know, which has implications for instructors and leaders of students in education. it is the role of both universities and school leadership to ensure that students of education have the opportunity to possess the epistemological viewpoint that knowledge is complex and interrelated. perceptions of teacher planning time 27 references american psychological association. 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(2009). revisiting the relationships of epistemological beliefs and conceptions about teaching and learning of pre-service teachers in hong kong. the asiapacific education researcher, 18(1), 1-19. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 30 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo cie template volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x confronting the other: understanding empathy h james garrett university of georgia kyle a. greenwalt michigan state university citation garret, h.j. & greenwalt, k. (2010). confronting the other: understanding empathy. current issues in education, 13(4). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the concept of empathy is strongly at play across the field of education. in analyzing literature from which this concept both emerges and presently appears, this review elaborates on what empathy affords the educational enterprise. drawing from theorists from diverse fields of inquiry, among them education research, phenomenology, and psychoanalysis, we focus on the limits of empathy while questioning what lies beyond. we find that deployments of empathy might actually create more distance between self and other rather than bring about more understanding across difference. further, in looking at the literature on empathy there is an insufficient attention to broader social considerations that impact understandings of the other. in light of what we find to be problematic about the idea and uses of empathy in education, the paper concludes with speculations about how practicing educators might adequately address the inherent problems within learning across difference. keywords: empathy, phenomenology, psychoanalysis current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 about the author(s) author: h. james garrett affiliation: michigan state university address: 624g aderhold hall, university of georgia. athens, ga. 30602 email: hjames@uga.edu biographical information: author: kyle a. greenwalt affiliation: michigan state university address: 328 erickson hall, michigan state university. east lansing, mi 48824 email: greenwlt@msu.edu biographical information: kyle greenwalt is an assistant professor in the department of teacher education at michigan state university. grounded in the tradition of progressive education, he is interested in the study of curriculum through the twin lenses of lived experience and identity. he has published his work in teaching and teacher education, the harvard educational review and education and culture. he is currently the secretary of the john dewey society. confronting the other 3 confronting the other: understanding empathy what we want from education it has not given us. we hope that students will become ethical actors in the world through learning about the people with whom they cohabitate, celebrate, and mourn, the systems that give rise to opportunity and that sustain violence, and the processes by which they form their common notions about how it works. of course we recognize that the world has wonderful people, and do not wish to convey an inappropriate or staggering pessimism. but the fact remains that gross injustices go ignored—often willfully. and so as educators, we seek to foster a sense of empathy in our students. that is, we ask individuals to consider another’s perspective before deciding on a course of action of their own. across several fields of educational research, we find the term empathy strongly at play. within the research literature in history education, the term empathy generally denotes the ability to cognitively reconstruct how historical actors experienced their world, thereby providing properly historicized explanations for past actions (ashby & lee, 1987; lee & ashby, 2001; portal, 1987; shemilt, 1984; yeager & foster, 2001). the term is also implicit in much of the literacy research on readers’ responses to literature, and becomes explicit in some research on students engagement with multicultural literature (louie, 2005). finally, empathy plays a small but crucial role in some of the work that theorizes the development of an anti-racist consciousness (derman-sparks & phillips, 1997; howard, 1999). looked at through this lens, it becomes apparent that empathy is crucial—both as a process we initiate and as an outcome we achieve—in working across cultural divides. indeed, as we shall see in the next section, debates about empathetic understanding have been present in western thinking since the romantics first started to celebrate human difference in the nineteenth century. hence, we see our own research as an important intervention not only in current current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 educational research, but also as an attempt to provide a more nuanced conceptualization of empathy, one that will allow educational researchers and practicing teachers to make better sense of the sensitivities needed for ethical living in a pluralistic world. as educators and researchers, then, we need to think about the complexity of the empathetic task: what it is that we put at risk, what do we gain, and what might we lose as we implore and explore empathy? insofar as empathic understanding is most commonly used in educational setting, it is perhaps ill suited to do that which we might wish. indeed, it all too often strengthens the divisions between self and other—that which we least want it to do. in the paper, we first seek to situate the emergence of the idea of empathy in its nineteenth-century context. we do this so as to provide historical perspective on current uses of the term, and so as to make explicit our own desire to tell a particular story about empathy—one that may have very different beginning and ending points for scholars with differing projects. i in the next section of the paper, we move to further define empathy by looking at its structure as it emerges from lived experience and ego formation. here, we show the dangers inherent in empathy, whereby it may affirm the self at the expense of the other. in the next section of the paper, we give attention to the way sociality is ignored in early attempts to write about empathy. we correct the omission of social factors by using psychoanalytic concepts such as the big other, the signifying chain, and the master’s discourse. finally, since the desire in education for students to consider others in ethical ways is by all means appropriate—indeed, of the utmost importance—we move to offer the idea of love as that towards which we should ultimately look when we speak of empathy. it is not that love can or should replace empathy in our talk in education, but more so the idea that empathy reaches a confronting the other 5 limit in its consideration of the other that love might help it to surpass. we conclude with a note on teaching. the problematic of empathy and its influence contemporary research discourses intellectual historians such as alain finkielkraut (1988) and isaiah berlin (1991) have pointed to the key role of one figure in the early theorization of cultural pluralism: johann gottfried herder. of his early nineteenth-century ―discovery of difference,‖ berlin (1991) writes: the conception that there are many different ends that men [sic] may seek and still be fully rational, fully men [sic], capable of understanding each other and sympathising and deriving light from each other, as we derive it from reading plato or the novels of medieval japan—worlds, outlooks, very remote from our own. (p. 11) sympathizing, or more correctly, empathizing (einfühlung) is that method of understanding which allows us to communicate across time and space, to understand the ―cultural other.‖ hence, from the moment where cultural diversity and pluralism become issues of importance, empathy becomes the tool of choice for both understanding and bridging it (bahr, durrant, evans, & maughan, 2008). herder’s use of an empathetic method for working across cultural divides is, for the story we wish to tell here, most importantly taken up by the early systematizers of the hermeneutic and human science tradition ii —and in particular, through the work of wilhelm dilthey (portal, 1983). however, in the mature work of dilthey (1900/1972), empathy as herder’s ―feeling one’s way‖ (sich einfühling) into other life contexts gives way to empathy as ―re-feeling‖ (nachfühling) and ―re-experiencing‖ (nacherleben) the lifeworlds iii which gave rise to the texts that come to us from the past. or as dilthey himself claimed (1900/1972): current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 much of our happiness as human beings derives from our re-experiencing [nachfühling] of alien states of mind; the entire science of philology and of history is based on the presupposition that such recomprehension [nachverstandnis] of individual existence can be raised to objective validity . . . so at the threshold of human studies we encounter a problem specific to them alone and quite distinct from anything involved in the apprehension of nature. (pp. 230-231) for dilthey, then, empathy (now conceptualized as ―re-feeling‖) is the basis upon which any individual act of understanding takes place—and in particular, those artful acts of understanding that stand as the foundation for the human sciences. as austin harrington (2001) has noted, though, dilthey’s views on the role of empathy in understanding have tended to be mischaracterized by contemporary human science theorists. in particular, both gadamer and habermas are thought to ―fail to distinguish properly between the specific problematic concept of einfühlung and a wider legitimate function of feeling and imagination in understanding‖ (p. 313). that is, confusion over two conflicting views runs throughout debates over the role of empathy in any human sciences methodology: 1) empathy as feelings another’s feelings; and 2) empathy as an imaginative reconstruction of another’s lifeworld. interestingly, the tendency to reduce empathy to ―just feelings‖ has tended to be reproduced in the field of contemporary history education, beginning when british history educators introduced empathy into the national reform curriculum of the 1970s and 1980s (lee & ashby, 2001). while the movement for an empathetic history curriculum was grounded firmly in the cognitive—―it is where we get to when we have successfully reconstructed other peoples’ beliefs, values, goals, and attendant feelings‖ (ashby & lee, 1987, p. 63)—subsequent criticism confronting the other 7 of the term’s use, both in the us and the uk, drove history educators to an even larger extreme, eventually reaching the point where affect and emotion were seen as potential defects in a student’s thinking. hence, karen riley (2001), in writing about holocaust education, could claim that ―the problem with working in the affective domain is that teachers often use history to inculcate compassion or other similar feelings within students rather than offer them a useful framework with which they can conduct individual inquiry‖ (p. 154). we find such separations—compassion from inquiry—problematic (garrison, 1997). barton and levstik (2004) have written quite movingly about this unfortunate turn of events. as they note, history without care, feeling, or emotion is ―a soulless enterprise, a constraint on motivation that warrants reconsideration of the subject’s place in the curriculum. we cannot interest students in the study of history . . . if we dismiss their feeling and emotions‖ (pp. 228-229). barton and levstik identify five different ways in which an affective empathy might matter for contemporary classrooms engaged in the study of human difference. in particular, we will note two of them now as a potential point from which our own work might be said to emerge: ―caring for‖ the other; and ―caring to‖ revise our own actions and beliefs in light of what we have learned. we will return to the connections between care, empathy and classroom life as we close the paper. stein and klein: empathy’s structure, and its role in the formation of the self what is missing from all of the above accounts, we feel, is a look at the lived structure of empathy, in and of itself. phenomenology allows us to do just that, by asking: what is the lived meaning of empathy? what role does it play in human experience? in particular, we will answer these questions by first turning to the writings of edith stein before then moving to discuss our own subsequent revisions of her work in light of melanie klein. in both cases, we pay particular current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 attention to the role empathy plays in the constitution of the self, in and through its relation to an other. that is, we will use these two thinkers to introduce the intersubjective dynamic that we feel needs to lie at the heart of any adequate explanation of empathy. edith stein was one of edmund husserl’s most important pupils, and indeed, much of her own work on the problem of empathy can be seen as growing out of the husserlian framework. in her doctoral dissertation (subsequently published as on the problem of empathy, 1917/1989), stein argues that empathy is the act by which we come to experience the experiences of others. unlike sympathy, which can be understood as a reproduction of the other’s feeling, in all of their primordiality, in one’s own self, empathy is a projective act, whereby we directly perceive the experience of others, but in a non-primordial way. the structure of this act is similar to other descriptions given by phenomenology: there is an immediate lived apprehension, such as when i see the blush of embarrassment on my friend’s face and intuit its meaning. then there is the fulfillment, when i use context to confirm that this blush is due, not to exertion or anger, but to an embarrassing slip of the tongue. my relationship to the embarrassment is non-primordial, because i do not implicate myself in the slip, and therefore do not experience it as my ―own.‖ stein therefore uses the concept of empathy to answer the question of how we are able to experience the experiences of others—and in particular, aspects of experience such as affect or feeling. for stein, foreign experiences are given to us because we perceive the other as inhabiting a living body (der leib)—that is, we immediately ―know‖ that this other body can feel, act, and sense just as we can. it is not a pure material body (der körper), a lifeless corpse or object, existing therefore without a lifeworld. in general, this experience of the vitality of the other is itself co-given with the experiences of the other; that is to say, it is apperceived along with the direct perception of the body itself. iv our contact with the experiences of others are confronting the other 9 therefore dependent neither upon the logical operation of deduction nor that of induction— rather, they are given to us in a lived reality that is felt to be both immediate and foreign. empathy is therefore an essential moment in the building of a coherent self—empathy divides self from other. without empathy, as stein’s work demonstrates, we would have no sense of our own self as an individual. our own ―zero-point‖ (stein’s term for the coordinating center of our lived body which helps us establish own from other) becomes balanced by a world where other zero-points exist. our ability to empathize is therefore ultimately determined by the degree of felt separation between co-existing zero-points. such a view also would imply that the early relationship between infant, caregiver and world are important precursors in learning how to empathize. melanie klein has made exactly this point. it should therefore be of primary notice that we all have practice with empathy in this sense of the term—indeed, in some ways, it is ―no big deal.‖ if we accept from klein (and psychoanalytic thinking more generally) that there is an unconscious component to our selves that structures our awareness and perception, then it is clear that empathy begins long before our parents or teachers ask us to ―think about the other guy.‖ in fact, the knowledge that there are others to whom we must attend begins with the infant recognizing itself as a subject during—according to lacan (2006)—the mirror stage. as the infant recognizes the self as an integrated whole and a unitary subject—where before she lived out ―her‖ experience of the self as a separated collection of drives—the infant begins to learn that there is a world of objects to which she relates, and which simultaneously relate to her. klein (1937/1994) describes this as a process of ―phantasy-building‖— the inauguration of imaginative thinking whereby the object (the caregiver) need not necessarily be physically current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 present in order to still exist for the infant. the infant can now imagine the object being there, and this imagination is incarnation enough to satisfy its desire. while klein did not label this object-relation an empathic one, it seems to build the capacity for such undertakings. it is this imaginative capacity to produce an other, to produce the presence of an object not physically present, upon which we would theorize empathy. of course, this imaginary relationship to the other is not in itself a full theory of empathy. but as we proceed through this early infant-caregiver relationship, we can see that the next task for the infant is to recognize that the world is not centered in her erogenous cravings. in oscillating between rage and love, between being given attention and having attention given elsewhere, the infant must negotiate the reality of the caregiver needing to attend to tasks other than the care of the infant’s own self, thereby shattering the infantile wish of being all there is. empathy is instrumental, then, for allowing the self to be de-centered from the world and to help the young ego allow for the existence of others and understand these others as also being constituted with desires, wants, and needs of their own. comparing the views of melanie klein with her near contemporary, edith stein, is therefore revealing. for klein, empathy de-centers, while for stein, it centers. for klein, empathy is a moment in granting the other her own separate existence, while for stein, such acknowledging reaffirms the self. rather than view these as conflicting accounts of the same empathetic phenomenon, we would instead suggest that they perfectly lay out the dilemma we face. that is, we need an account of empathy that does justice to both interdependence and independence, to both a bordering subjectivity and a breeching and interpenetrating intersubjectivity. we will take this point up in earnest in the final section of the paper. yet for now, we wish to stress the point that empathy has been both oversold and confronting the other 11 undersold in the educational literature. on the one hand, empathy is present with us from very early on in our lives, as we all have the capacity to recognize the lived feelings and experiences of others. on the other hand, the capacity to empathize, serving as it does as a bridge to the other, always implicates the way in which we think about ourselves. it is both ―a big deal‖ and ―no big deal.‖ for teachers and students, the implications are therefore clear: students and teachers have already rehearsed the performance of the empathic drama many times before they enter the classroom (todd, 2003). furthermore, since we are prone to replaying these early scripts, it is with certainty that empathy is a part of any educational transaction within a school setting— where students can never be the sole object of the teacher’s attention. the question therefore becomes not whether empathy is part of the educational experience—it is—but instead becomes what happens when there is a further pedagogical intent to have students perform empathy as either learning strategy or outcome. we turn to this question in the next section of our paper by exploring the way in which sociality impinges upon the empathic relationship. levinas and lacan: empathy and sociality a clear shortcoming in the work of edith stein is its lack of attention to sociality. the other is present in stein’s work—indeed, it absolutely necessary. but that other is not given sufficient attention in her own right. neither is it acknowledged that the other comes to us socially-coded, a product not of pure perception, but of culturally-constructed ways of seeing and perceiving. in short, the empathetic performances described by stein are an overly simplistic ithou relationship, one that does not acknowledge that the optical moment of engagement with another always take place before and within an audience (in the strictest sense of that term: the state or condition of hearing, or of being able to hear). v current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 this transition to sociality, from the optical to the auricular, is undertaken by emmanuel levinas’ in his totality and infinity (2002). while empathy is not a term that is prominent in the work itself, we feel that levinas’ own conceptualization of the relationship between self and other is crucial to our own project, as it begins to introduce ethical and social wrinkles into the fabric of empathy and empathic understandings. levinas argues that the other’s relationship to the self is one of complete alterity. our relationship is not as separate species joined by a common genus, but of two ―separate subjects,‖ each overflowing the status they are assigned by the aggressivity of the other’s gaze. this moment of overflowing (the other is not contained by my perception of her), levinas refers to as ―infinity,‖ and claims that its idea is produced in and through speech. hence, speech, or discourse, is what creates a relationship—a common humanity. vi discourse, for levinas, is not a simple exteriorization of an interior thought. as he rightly notes, ―modern investigations in the philosophy of language have made familiar the idea of underlying solidarity of thought with speech.‖ he goes on to note that ―thought consists in foraging in the system of signs, in the particular tongue of a people or civilization, and receiving signification from this very operation‖ (2002, p. 206). hence, our discourse with another, our commerce, is inherently social. indeed, while the dyadic relation of separate subjects is the plain upon which the ethical is carried out, it is always before an audience of still more: everything that takes place here ―between us‖ concerns everyone, the face that looks at it places itself in the full light of the public order . . . language as the presence of the face does not invite complicity with the preferred being, the self-sufficient ―i-thou‖ forgetful of the universe . . . the third party looks at me in the eyes of the other—language is justice. (2002, pp. 212-213) confronting the other 13 society calls us to account in our interactions with other subjects—once discourse breeches alterity, the obligation to respond is placed upon us in the full light of ―public order.‖ yet levinas remains uncomfortable with the notion of free-floating signification, of a symbolic chain that engulfs self and other in a series of shifting displacements. seeing in this pattern a denial of the ethical, levinas preserves in his thought a special foundation for discourse and the ethical relationship: the face (le visage). for levinas, the face is incapable of being signified. it is pure ―expression,‖ an ―epiphany:‖ to manifest oneself as a face is to impose oneself above and beyond the manifested and purely phenomenal form, to present oneself in a mode irreducible to manifestation, the very straightforwardness of the face to face, without the intermediary of any image, in one’s nudity, that is, in one’s destitution and hunger. (2002, p. 200) without discarding the importance of levinas’ work for our own—in his ability to conceive of a subject/object relationship outside of the dialectic (―separate subjects‖), in his acknowledgement of the social within the empathetic dyad, and in his relentless advocacy for the ethical as the foundation for knowledge—we nonetheless remain deeply skeptical of the ability of the face to function as levinas claims it does. we therefore turn to psychoanalytic frames in the remainder of this section, and in particular, to the work of jacques lacan. lacan’s notion of the unconscious—noting that, for him, it is ―the discourse of the other.‖ slavoj žižek (2008), himself a helpful decoder of lacan’s work, explains that this ―big other‖ represents: society’s unwritten constitution . . . the second nature of every speaking being: it is here, directing and controlling my acts; it is the sea i swim in, yet remains ultimately impenetrable—i can never put it in front of me and grasp it. it is as if we, subjects and current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 language, talk and interact like puppets, our speech and gestures dictated by some nameless all-pervasive agency. (p. 8) the big other, then, is the discourse that works on us. put somewhat differently, we do not speak a language, that language speaks us. we are, in effect, placed by discourse—in fluid rather than fixed ways—within a structure of symbols called the ―symbolic chain.‖ for lacan (2006), the other’s discourse is the unconscious, itself ―structured like language,‖ because of the workings of the symbolic field. the unconscious engages our desire, indeed, founds it: because the symbolic is elusive, because it is never ―here,‖ but always ―somewhere else,‖ we as speaking subjects tend to have our speaking acts pulled along the somewhat familiar tracks that constitute normative ways of speaking and acting in the world. that is, the unconscious orients us towards particular understandings of the world (and away from others), working almost like the everyday conceptualizations that pass for common sense. therefore, the way we understand the world and the objects that we find there depends upon the big other. considered in this way, in any empathic encounter, there is a necessity for considering not just the one-to-one relationship between a self and other, but also a consideration of the discursive practices that are implicated in and through the big other. in other words, the concept of the big other introduces a third term in the otherwise dyadic relationships of analyst/analysand and self/other that traditionally hold sway in both phenomenological and psychoanalytic thinking. it is this third field, socially constructed and evolving, towards which the big other orients us. lacan’s signifying chain refers to the constellation of signifiers that give meaning its illusion of stability and certainty, along which the subject slides as different positions are occupied, and through which we conceptualize self in relation to others. as with constellations of stars, for example, the signifying chain is significant not only in the ways that individual confronting the other 15 signifiers indicate and confer meaning, but instead on how meaning is indicated and produced based on the relationships between them. lacan (2006) illustrates the concept of the symbolic chain in his ―seminar on the purloined letter,‖ in which he reflects upon poe’s story of a stolen letter used in a blackmailing scheme. for lacan, the stolen letter exemplifies the signifier, circulating through the story from character to character. what lacan (2006) offers via this lecture is the idea that the signifier, in its displacement: determines subjects’ acts, destiny, refusals, blindnesses, success, and fate, regardless of their innate gifts and instruction, and regardless of their character or sex; and that everything pertaining to the psychological pregiven follows willy-nilly the signifiers train, like weapons and baggage. (p. 21) to exemplify this situation, we will share a brief story about a research encounter that one of us recently had. in undertaking a study about difficult knowledge, the first author arranged to meet several study participants at the holocaust memorial and museum in farmington hills, michigan. later, one of the participants asked the first author the following question about his drive to the memorial: why do i immediately feel the need to turn the music down or off? why, indeed. for who told the participant that this was the way to approach a holocaust memorial? there was not a sign on the freeway that asked all those going to visit the holocaust memorial to turn down their music, and there was not a passenger in the car who would have been able to report the kind of music he had been listening to. in essence, though, there was someone else in the car with the participant: the big other. this story underscores the functioning of the symbolic chain, in terms of the degree to which something beyond conscious awareness compels the actions of ourselves and our students. we are in so many ways compelled to action because of our location in these symbolic current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 coordinates, and because of an unconsciously interpolated message about what it is that we should or should not do. one could say our location within the symbolic chain trains us to think in certain ways and not others. when we enter into a conversation about cultural difference, for example, we enter an exchange already long in progress, complete with a history and certain ways of knowing and articulating experience. this is to say, then, that the existence of signifying chains determine individual understandings of the relationship between the self and another. it introduces a seemingly outside consideration to an otherwise one-to-one encounter, complicating our endeavor to consider the other ethically. the varieties of classroom experience, or, what’s love got to do with it? more often than not, the focus of an encouraged classroom empathy is to aid students in becoming attentive to the difference, pain, or misfortune of others. it is outwardly guided, moving on a one-way track from student to stranger. but the journey is always round-trip. the way and the manner of this ―return‖ lie at the very heart of the problem of classroom empathy. when a student attaches some meaning to a victim of genocide or natural disaster, that meaning is dependent upon her own individual psychic history. but the story of empathy neither begins nor ends in the class session, and these psychic histories, as we have discussed, are at least in part socially mitigated and determined. this gives rise to the need to consider a third term. and, even though we often go to the places furthest away for our empathetic performances—for, we would argue, it is all too often easier to empathize with the starving ethiopian child than the homeless person whom we pass on the street—this performance always takes place within the individually-situated psychic realities of those who are physical occupants of the classroom. it is to these types of classroom performances that we next turn. sharon todd (2003) outlines two common types of performances where the big other confronting the other 17 seemingly blocks the type of empathetic performance we as teachers seek. the first is as a defense of the ego. this manifestation of empathy can be exemplified in a student articulating a thought in two parts: first, their surprise at learning of the suffering of another, and then, secondly, their gratitude for the comforts in their own life. in this case, we are hoping to protect a construction of the world that feels safe—normal—but is put in jeopardy by the ―new‖ knowledge to which we are attending. in our position as teacher educators, we find this particular performance of empathy less than desirable, but acknowledge that it is what we often get. indeed, in recollecting our own early teaching experiences, we remember having students read accounts of the plight of sudanese children who were forced into military service, or diaries of lonely and homesick wives moving across the western frontier. our students’ protective performances helped them articulate pleasure at being ―here‖ rather than ―there.‖ although a common response, this does not seem completely ethical to us, and is, in fact, ethically congruent with pointing, laughing, and then exclaiming, ―sucks to be you.‖ this schadenfreude-approach to empathy is roundly denounced in the empathy literature of history education—but, we feel, for the wrong reasons. for we are not so interested in valorizing the cognitive over the affective performance of empathy (as has tended to happen there), but rather we concern ourselves with the ethical effects of any particular empathetic performance. ego-defensive performances of empathy deny the other—as a separate subject— their existence as such; the student only understands that the other is ―not me‖ (and thankfully so). todd’s (2003) second case is when the ego boundaries expand such that the other is incorporated as part of the self and, therefore, must necessarily be taken care of in ethical ways. in this experience of empathy, it is identification with the other that takes the place of a rejection. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 it is this identification with the other which most clearly aligns with the best of the historical empathy literature: barton and levstik’s (2004) call for history teacher to encourage ―care for‖ the victims of the past. for in this approach, empathetic classroom performances are understood as important ―tools‖ or ―resources‖ which afford ethical and democratic action in the present. we worry, however, that this identification again makes ―them‖ too much a part of ―us‖ (vansledright, 2001). it does not allow for the existence of the other as a constituted subject in his or her own right. it, in effect, assimilates that person in an affirmation that she is ―just like me.‖ of course, we want to encourage students to understand the commonalities that human’s share, but we do not wish to encourage people to equate the singularity of their own experiences with the ultimately unknowable singularity of an other’s. in opposition to these two cases, we conceptualize a third way to conceive of empathic performances. it is to ask how one might understand others not as part of our own selves—―just like us‖—but as an existing subject with desires and needs of its own. žižek (2008) explains an effort in iceland to do just this: where an other (another nationality, sexuality, etc.) is welcomed to the home of a ―normal‖ family–normal here meaning part of the dominant culture—to have a conversation, therefore making a ―subject‖ where there was once an ―other.‖ for the fundamental problem here is that when considering an other, we are considering an object as opposed to a subject. the difference between an object and a subject is, as exemplified here, that the subject is imbued with an expectation of having desires and wishes of their own. an object is imbued with the desires and wishes of the subject to whom the object is ―attached‖. an object, in other words, is less-than-human, denied the right to exist as an autonomous being within the world. the point of such žižekian encounters, we believe, is what levinas calls the ―face-to-face.‖ in welcoming the other into the very home of the self, of confronting the other 19 responding to the face of the other and the obligation for listening and dialogue which it imposes, the very notion of normality itself is called into question. yet, while such an approach may indeed be a point from which to conceive and practice empathy, it falls short for classroom practice—a site where the ―face-to-face‖ and the calling into the question of one’s ―home‖ is often not possible. feeling-sorry-for, feeling-the-pain-and-hunger-of, feeling-the whip-onthe-back and the-noose-around-the-neck: those feelings, those emotional attachments, they are the ways the symbolic interacts with the real—in short, the performance of empathy. for lacan, the real is that which is immediately and irrevocably unattainable in terms of understanding or enunciating, which is why ―the real can only be inscribed on the basis of an impasse of formalization‖—that is, where the normal paths of meaning-making consciously break down for the subject (1998, p. 93). therefore, the closer one gets to the real, the more fantasy and psychic defenses are forced into action; encounters with the real are literally traumatic, as the representation of these experiences is rendered impossible. it is a cause for great anxiety, then, that empathy asks a subject to ―walk in the shoes of another‖—since this is clearly not possible. consider those settings where empathetic performance is invited in the classroom. when a student is confronted with an image of the holocaust, they are empathizing within a particular symbolic chain. their position ―speaks‖ them. in other words, it holds fixed the person captured in suffering, or after suffering, as ―victim,‖ as ―object-deserving-of-my-attention.‖ the subject position of the student is one of giving—giving attention, giving affect—and is not necessarily positioned to receive, to be penetrated by, either by that image or by a reciprocal relationship with another separate subject. it is only by repositioning the student as not only giver, but receiver, that an ethico-erotic relationship can be maintained between the subject and that to which the subject attaches current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 knowledge. vii just as the detectives in ―the purloined letter‖—blinded by the power of the phallic position of power they hold—are certain that their method of criminal investigation will yield their wanted results, we as educators have too often been guilty of thinking that if students could only empathize with the other, we would have an ethical result. but as lacan (2006) reminds us in that ―seminar on the purloined letter,‖ it is the method of investigation that constitutes its object. so yes, we get something akin to empathy, but it is not empathy that we really want. as teachers, then, what we are really after is a consideration of an other as a separate subject, capable of his or her own thoughts, desires, and wishes, in dialogue with our own. and as such, the relationship of empathy needs to be founded upon something like love. for love is constituted of a reciprocity, of an acknowledgement and a tolerance of another being. when in love, according to young-bruehl (2003), ―we allow ourselves to be receptive . . . of love from another, who, as a real person, can give it‖ (p. 9). the return that seems missing from the symbolic structuring of empathy is precisely the idea of receptivity; where the energy of empathy is outward moving, love mandates some modicum of return. it is the vulnerability of being open to such care, which is rehearsed in the helplessness of infancy, that might work to structure our understandings of who we are in society in such as a way as to yield more humane notions of who we are as we face the separate subject about whom we happen to be learning. lacan, for whom love is defined by giving something that one does not have, provides that ―psychoanalysis alone recognizes the knot of imaginary servitude that love must always untie anew or sever‖ (2006, p. 80). an imaginary servitude to what or whom? while lacan does not specify, it is likely the case that love’s severing capability works in relation to the master’s discourse, the big other. the loving relationship within analysis works to re-order, rearrange, confronting the other 21 and re-understand the subject’s awarenesses in the world. to untie the knots of servitude that constitute the constructions of meanings that individuals live by, and through, is close both to the heart of the pedagogical endeavor as well as to the mutuality of love. indeed, lacan (1998) says that ―love is the sign that one is changing discourse‖ (p. 16). while changing discourse is not easy, nor without turmoil, it very well could be the turn that leads to the type of empathetic performances we as teachers are after. these issues arise often in our own teaching, as we ask students to question their dearly held assumptions about the world. often these conversations are difficult and emotional. but if we are to take lacan at his word, then this is a sign of a relationship of love, where subjects constituting a social space are being a/effected by ideas from an other. in thinking of classroom interactions where students are expected to learn from their encounter with an other, the landscape of what it means to learn, to express learning, and to articulate ―knowing‖ would be altered in tremendous ways, since an empathy founded upon love is sublime. a final word to those who teach: getting empathy to do what it might for us this paper has taken up the issue of encouraging empathy among our students. it has pointed out the crucial role of empathy in both centering and de-centering the self, and the importance of directing our best pedagogical efforts at artfully structuring ―the return‖—to ensuring that empathetic performances are not overtaken by the dominant social codes and master discourses that all too often objectify the other. we have argued that teachers and their students most definitely should consider the stranger, their plight, and the ways in which we are implicated in their lives and vice-versa. however, what calls for the most attention is the degree to which—and the ways in which—those occupants of the classroom allow that knowledge to current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 22 come home, and the challenges attendant upon the discursive breaks that will allow this to happen. as we noted in the above, the best discussions of empathy in the educational literature— such as those given by barton and levstik (2004)—borrow from the ideas of nel noddings and in particular, her the challenge to care in schools (1992). and indeed, our work mirrors noddings' own, in that empathy for us is (as care is for her) both an instrument of the profession and an achievement towards which all education—rightly understood—must aim. yet we would not want that a recurrent criticism of care theory be transferred on to our own. for, at times, care theory comes perilously close to forgetting the teacher—of reducing her to the stock image of the selfless maternal figure who is ever present and available to the child. jim garrison (1997) expresses this concern by reminding us that ―people who do not blaze with their own passions burn out‖ (p. 57). we take seriously this need for our own passions to burn. as teachers, empathy is at play as we shape our identities in relationship to those of our students. their own (in)capacities to care and empathize can move us to the heights of joy, and the very pit of despair. yet such a dynamic cannot sustain a robust self in the long term—for all fires require the consumption of fuel, and working with children for eight or more hours a day may not provide the fodder the flames most need. we therefore urge our colleagues who care about empathy to continue to find ways for their own selves to be breeched and penetrated; to be loved as well as give love; to seek encounters where established discourse fails and the face of the other opens up new heights upon which a self may be refashioned. at the present moment, such vulnerability in our teachers seems unwelcome, and therefore is perhaps too dangerous for teachers to undertake in confronting the other 23 relationship with their students. yet if empathy is to be taught, it would seem such experiences must in some other context be sought. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 confronting the other 25 references american psychological association. (2001). publication manual of the american psychological association (5th ed.). washington, dc: author ashby, r. & lee, p. (1987). children’s concepts of empathy and understanding in history. in c. portal (ed.), the history curriculum for teachers (pp. 62-88). london, uk: the falmer press. bahr, h.m., durrant, m.b., evans, m.t., & maughan, s.l. (2008). on diversity, empathy, and community: the relevance of johann gottfried herder. rural sociology, 73(4), 503-527. barton, k.c. & levstik, l.s. (2004). teaching history for the common good. mahwah, nj: lawrence erlbaum associates, inc., publishers. berlin, i. (1991). the crooked timber of humanity: chapters in the history of ideas. london: fontana press. bersani, l. (1987). is the rectum a grave? october, 43, 197-222. derman-sparks, l. & phillips, c.b. (1997). teaching/learning anti-racism. new york: teachers college press. dilthey, w. (1972). the rise of hermeneutics (f. jameson, trans.). new literary history, 3(2), 229-244. (original work published in 1900) finkielkraut, a. (1988). the undoing of thought (d. o’keeffe, trans.). london: the claridge press. garrison, j. (1997). dewey and eros: wisdom and desire in the art of teaching. new york: teachers college press. harrington, a. (2001). dilthey, empathy and verstehen: a contemporary reappraisal. european journal of social theory, 4(3), 311-329. howard, g.r. (1999). we can’t teach what we don’t know: white teachers, multiracial schools. new york: teachers college press. klein, m. (1994). love, guilt, and reparation and other works, 1921-1945. london: virago press. (original work published in 1937) lacan, j. (1998). on feminine sexuality: the limits of love and knowledge, 1972-1973 (b. fink, trans.). new york: w.w. norton & company. lacan, j. (2006). ecrits (b. fink, trans.). new york: w.w. norton & company. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 26 lee, p. & ashby, r. (2001). empathy, perspective taking, and rational understanding. in o.l. davis jr., e.a. yeager, & s.j. foster (eds.), historical empathy and perspective taking in the social studies (pp. 21-50). lanham, md: rowman & littlefield publishers, inc. levinas, e. (2002). totality and infinity: an essay on exteriority (a. lingis, trans.). pittsburgh, pa: duquesne university press. louie, b. (2005). development of empathetic responses with multicultural literature. journal of adolescent & adult literacy, 48(7), 566-578. noddings, n. (1992). the challenge to care in schools: an alternative approach to education. new york: teachers college press. palmer, r.e. (1969). hermeneutics: interpretation theory in schleiermacher, dilthey, heidegger, and gadamer. evanston, il: northwestern university press. portal, c. (1983). empathy as an aim for curriculum: lessons from history. journal of curriculum studies, 15(3), 303-310. portal, c. (1987). empathy as an objective for history teaching. in c. portal (ed.), the history curriculum for teachers (pp. 89-102). london, uk: the falmer press. riley, k.l. (2001). the holocaust and historical empathy: the politics of understanding. in o.l. davis jr., e.a. yeager, & s.j. foster (eds.), historical empathy and perspective taking in the social studies (pp. 139-166). lanham, md: rowman & littlefield publishers, inc. shemilt, d. (1984). beauty and the philosopher: empathy in history and classroom. in a.k. dickinson, p.j. lee, & p.j. rogers (eds.), learning history (pp. 39-84). london, uk: heinemann educational books. stein, e. (1989). on the problem of empathy (w. stein, trans.). washington, dc: ics publications. (based upon the dissertation published in 1917) todd, s. (2003). learning from the other: levinas, psychoanalysis, and ethical possibilities in education. albany: state university of new york press. van manen, m. (2001). researching lived experience. cobourg, ontario: transcontinental printing inc. vansledright, b.a. (2001). from empathic regard to self-understanding: im/positionality, empathy, and historical contextualization. in o.l. davis jr., e.a. yeager, & s.j. foster (eds.), historical empathy and perspective taking in the social studies (pp. 51-68). lanham, md: rowman & littlefield publishers, inc. yeager, e.a. & foster, s.j. (2001). the role of empathy in the development of historical understanding. in o.l. davis jr., e.a. yeager, & s.j. foster (eds.), historical empathy confronting the other 27 and perspective taking in the social studies (pp. 13-20). lanham, md: rowman & littlefield publishers, inc. young-bruehl, e. (2003). where do we fall when we fall in love? new york: other press. žižek, s. (2008). violence: six sideways reflections. new york: picador. current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 28 authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo endnotes i in this paper, we draw primarily from thinking in psychoanalysis and phenomenology. we realize that there are other disciplines which have done work on the topic of empathy, and which we do not discuss here. in particular, we wish to acknowledge the informed comments of an anonymous reviewer who not only helped us in our interpretation of lacan, but pointed us to work in experimental psychology on neuroimaging in primates and infants. we must acknowledge that such work is beyond the scope of both our expertise and interests. educational policy analysis archives vol. 18 no. x 29 ii whenever we speak of the ―human sciences‖ or the ―human sciences tradition,‖ we are referring to the line of thinking inaugurated by wilhelm dilthey, who popularized the distinction between naturwissenschaften (natural or ―hard‖ sciences) and geisteswissenschaften (cultural or human sciences). see palmer, 1969, pp. 98ff. iii ―lifeworld‖ and ―lived experience‖ are key terms in the lexicon of phenomenology. the lifeworld is ―the world as we immediately experience it pre-reflectively rather than as we conceptualize, categorize or reflect on it‖ (van manen, 2001, p. 9). likewise, lived experience ―involves our immediate, pre-reflective consciousness of life: a reflexive or self-given awareness which is, as awareness, unaware of itself‖ (van manen, 2001, p. 35). iv the notion of apperception is important in phenomenology. it refers to those aspects of experience that are ―given‖ in perception, even though they are not directly perceived. for example, the other sides of a cube are given to us in ordinary perception, even though we do not ―see‖ them directly as we do the face of the cube. v there is a long-running critique in postmodern thought of the role of sight and vision in the thought of modernity. critiques of the masculine gaze, surveillance, objectification of the other, will be familiar to many readers. the ability to listen and hear, by contrast, stands at the base of several postmodern projects engaged with ethics—in particular, within the thought of levinas. vi unlike so much of the existing literature of empathy, then, a common humanity is not a starting point for levinas, but an achievement, something that happens when two separate subjects are brought into a relationship by discourse. vii see also bersani (1987) for the importance of this ―penetration.‖ microsoft word enacting culture in gaminga video gamer’s literacy experiences and practices .docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x enacting culture in gaming: a video gamer’s literacy experiences and practices aaron a. toscano university of north carolina at charlotte citation toscano, a. a. (2011). enacting culture in gaming: a video gamer’s literacy experience and practice. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this article is a case study of a young adult video gamer and his literacy acquisition in relation to video game play. the author conducted an interview with the gamer and read texts the gamer produced—both creative and personal. the interview and textual analysis revealed evidence that the gamer’s literacy practices are influenced by his immersion in the virtual worlds of gaming environments. additionally, following scholars in new literacy studies and video game research, the author demonstrates how his interviewee enacts culture and absorbs literacy practices through socially mediated ways. this ethnographic study suggests ways in which other young adults may carry out literacy practices in our increasingly multimodal contexts inside and outside school. keywords: video games, gamers, new literacy studies, literacy acquisition, socio-cultural context, acculturation, young adults current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: aaron a. toscano, phd affiliation: university of north carolina at charlotte address: department of english, college of liberal arts and sciences, university of north carolina at charlotte, 9201 university city blvd, charlotte, nc 28223-0001 email: astoscano@uncc.edu biographical information: dr. aaron a. toscano is an assistant professor in the department of english in the college of liberal arts and sciences at the university of north carolina at charlotte. he teaches courses in technical communication, rhetoric/composition, new media studies, and women’s and gender studies. he received his ph.d. in rhetoric and composition from the university of louisville. although his main research interests are in technical communication, he also conducts research in the rhetoric of technology, science and technology studies (sts), and popular culture studies. acknowledgement: the author would like to thank brent for providing his interesting literacy narrative. the author is also grateful to dr. boyd davis, dr. jennifer munroe, and dr. mark west for their feedback on earlier drafts of this article. enacting culture in gaming 3 enacting culture in gaming: a video gamer’s literacy experiences and practices many groups inside and outside academia consider proficiency to be an important tenet of literacy. the dominant, most sought literacy related to education for the twenty-first century appears to be technological literacy. selfe (1999) argues that educators should not think of technological literacy as simply computer proficiency; instead, we ought to understand “technological literacy as a cultural phenomenon, one that includes cultural dimensions, incorporating what brian street (1995) identifies as both literacy ‘events’ and literacy ‘practices’” (p. 11). these events and practices are not experienced in a vacuum devoid of culture, history, or power. literacy—technological and traditional—is acquired by immersion in a social framework (cazden, 1988; heath, 1983; street, 1984, 1993, and 1995). likewise, gee (2003) mentions that “literacy and thinking, are, in reality…primarily social achievements” and not simply “mental achievements” (p. 1), and this article provides evidence of literacy practices and events enacting culture. in order to test gee’s argument in relation to video games, this article analyzes an interview of brent o’malley1 regarding his background in literacy acquisition and video gaming practices. the interview and analysis demonstrate how social influences contribute to a particular player’s literacy practices while engaged in the semiotic systems of video games. throughout the interview brent discussed the literacies he compiled from school, home, work, and his leisure activities. the notion that literacies “pile up” comes from brandt’s (1995) work on literacy studies (p. 652). brent’s interview uncovers his literacy practices mediated by culture, specifically, popular culture events and myths. in these settings, brent learns not only reading and writing skills, but he also absorbs cultural messages that are reinscribed in his own creative work. although this is an ethnographic study of a single gamer, brent’s literacy practices suggest current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 how others might compile literacies. that is, accumulate skills and critical faculties regarding those skills. he is, then, multimodal; an analysis of his practices as a gamer enables teachers to continue learning about the literacy practices of the growing multimodal twenty-first century citizen/student. cultural work of video games video games can serve as cultural repositories for a literacy analysis. brent does not acquire literacies in a vacuum; instead, brent acquires literacies as both a subject and agent immersed in culture. culture and the culture’s dominant ideologies mediate all forms of production: education and literacy acquisition are not outside of culture. video games, like films, are cultural products that enact culture and display values entwined with culture. therefore, video games do cultural work, and gamers acquire cultural literacy by absorbing video game narratives. societal characteristics are incorporated into video games much like ideology is carried out in all semiotic systems. for instance, most first-person shooter video games allow the gamer to take on entire armies, huge gangs, and even hordes of zombies by himself.2 such a situation is impossible in reality, but it reflects another male-dominated genre: the american action film, specifically, ones with a single male hero, such as the rambo films, many arnold schwarzenegger films, and the missing in action trilogy. these films appeal to male audiences and reflect the pervasive ideology of individualism that claims an individual is seemingly all powerful and can overcome enormous odds and be victorious. the individual hero is an american ideology, but it resonates with such archetypal characters from mythology as ulysses, hercules, and david. gamers embody their on-screen avatars and engross themselves in campaigns where they conquer the video game domain with unlimited ammunition and awesome fighting skills. such a description is not completely accurate enacting culture in gaming 5 for the entire history of video games, for instance, 1980s video games such as frogger (activision) and donkey kong (nintendo), but those games reflect the myth of the american dream that claims an individual can persevere regardless of the obstacles: in frogger it is traffic and a fast-moving river, and in donkey kong it is barrels (among other things) thrown by a huge gorilla that has captured the princess. whether one sees video games as frivolously passing time or as systems with complex grammars players must decode (gee, 2003; devoss et al., 2004), observers cannot deny that persistent, dedicated playing improves players’ gaming abilities. also, persistent playing (much like persistent consumption of media) allows gamers to absorb the cultural messages of games. this medium is quite popular and deserves scholarly attention. as cultural products, video games reflect hegemonic values. for instance, living in a capitalist society, we can expect games to reflect values related to acquiring wealth, perseverance, and free markets. some games have obvious markers of capitalism that encourage exploring the semiotic system of the game. sonic and the secret rings and the entire sonic the hedgehog series (sega) has gamers collect shiny gold rings which offer protection when injured (and make a cha-ching sound when picked up); mario in super mario brothers (nintendo) collects coins as he makes his way through his odd pipe world (on his way to save the princess); cj from grand theft auto: san andreas (rockstar), literally, starts with nothing but the shirt on his back, and, through a series of adventures, he acquires money with which he builds a small criminal empire and even owns a large stake in a casino by the end of the game. cj pulls himself up by his boot straps and lives the american dream. the other games in the grand theft auto series also follow this bootstrap narrative. in the hitman (edios) series of video games, players trade their labor—being an assassin—for money. this reflects a free market ideology because hitman claims he kills for money and not political agendas; he is completely for sale. as hitman current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 carries out assassinations, he acquires money that he can use to purchase body armor, weapons, and bribes. even illegal activity follows payment for services in this virtual world. even many massively multiplayer online role playing games (mmorpgs) have players refine their skills in order to acquire virtual wealth, thus rewarding hard work with virtual cash. mmorpgs are video games such as world of warcraft (blizzard entertainment), ultima online (origin systems), and everquest (sony online entertainment) where gamers interact with thousands of players wandering virtual worlds (often fantastic themed worlds) in order to complete tasks that build a character’s profile and skill capability. this skills building reflects advancement in capitalist societies. citizens are supposed to attend school and/or job training in order to market themselves and advance in a career. the mmorpgs reflect a skills-building type of career path where the employee enters knowing little about the job but, after years in the position, the employee is supposed to be able to work more efficiently and, perhaps, assume more responsibility in the organization. players’ characters in many virtual worlds can improve their abilities by performing actions and logging on time in these virtual environments. this time spent in the game helps players’ characters become stronger, faster, or just more powerful at various actions needed to succeed in the game. therefore, these video games enact culture by reinforcing the notion that hard work (or just work) allows individuals to succeed. video games are complex multimodal texts that both tell stories and invite audience interpretation. gamers enter virtual worlds with rules that mimic culture and provide entertainment for leisure activities. in literacy studies, prominent scholars see “figured worlds” as collective or intersubjective truths (holland et al., 1998; street, 2003). video games as figured worlds have not been theorized, but they are figured worlds in a broad sense. gamers enter the figured world of video games and allow their imaginations to position themselves within the enacting culture in gaming 7 video game structure. therefore, the gamer is lara croft or cj or mario working through the complex world the game designers created. although the software controls or, more accurately, enforces game rules that limit player action (salen & zimmerman, 2004, p. 122), the video game itself is a cultural product, one allowing gamers to immerse themselves into the narrative/activity of the video game. the lead characters in these video games, controlled by the gamer, have paths to choose and rules to follow, and these rules are accepted by the gamer. that acceptance is part of the gamer’s entertainment choice. with the exception of gamers who immediately go into “cheat mode,” most gamers want the challenge of obstacles. without obstacles, games would not be much fun. because video games embed gamers into the virtual digital world much as a film embeds viewers into the filmic narrative, they should be recognized as having a narrative feel. the video games tell stories, and the many cut scenes reinforce a narrative quality. gamers often must work through the narrative to advance in a game: successive levels unlock secrets or offer more information to the audience. furthermore, we can think of video game levels as “chapters.” video games also have characters, plots, settings, and other attributes (i.e., irony, action, and resolution) that mimic novels and stories. as gee (2003) notes, people who play, review, and discuss such games, as well as those who design and produce them, shape the external design grammar of the semiotic domain of first-person shooter games through their ongoing social interactions. it is their ongoing social interactions that determine the principles and patterns through which people in the domains can recognize and judge thinking, talking, reading, writing, acting, interacting, valuing, and believing characteristic of people who are in the affinity group associated with first person shooter games (p. 32). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 the group associated with these first-person shooters is a group enacting culture, specifically, a culture inundated with media narratives partially focused on terrorism, disasters, rampages, and combat. in turn, hollywood and the gaming industry keep recreating those violent narratives. video games reinscribe the violence enacted in society at large, violence that existed long before video games were invented. this observation complicates studies that claim video games lead to violence (c.f. anderson et al., 2003; bushman & anderson, 2001; fischer, kastenmüller, & greitemeyer, 2010; gentile et al., 2004), but other scholars in social science fields call into question the causation of violent video games leading to acts of violence in real life (c.f. block & crain, 2007; ferguson, 2007; kutner & olson, 2008; olson et al., 2007). an obvious example of video games reflecting an already violent culture is the number of video games with war themes. video games like several in the call of duty (activision) series are set during world war ii, thus, allowing gamers to enter the virtual worlds of the european and pacific theaters in the early 1940s. however, war is not the only reflection of violence in society: urban gangs, drug cartels, disgruntled spouses/family members, and rampaging shooters enact violence in society. video games reflect this violence, but they are not the genesis of violence. kutner and olson (2008) claim that suggesting video games lead to violence in real life has been “drawn from bad or irrelevant research, muddleheaded thinking and unfounded, simplistic news reports” (p. 8). news media representations of violence, which can hype situations, also provide viewers the infotainment of real life violence. consuming cultural products enacts culture, so the consumer is enmeshed in an ideological framework much greater than video games themselves. therefore, violent video game narratives are cultural reflections and not autochthonous creations of video game enacting culture in gaming 9 developers. but not all scholars agree that video games are narratives. because video games require gamers to interact with the “fixed” game environment, klevjer (2002) believes such an activity “signifies the general principle of having to work with the materiality of a text, the need to participate in the construction of its material structure” (p. 192, emphasis mine). according to klevjer, such an activity is different from “narrative discourse, where the user is invited only to engage in the semantics of the text….in narrative discourse the user is only a reader, not a coconstructor, not a player” (p. 192). several european gaming theorists see games as ludology (frasca, 1999; juul, 2000; juul, 2005), which views “games as something unique” (juul, 2005, p. 15). juul (2005) contends that “ludology has often been perceived as focused on distancing itself from narratology, and as trying to carve out video game studies as a separate academic field” (p.16). regardless of whether one believes games are narrative or not narrative, we do not need to have a purely narrative definition to define video games as texts. we may still “read” the semiotics of video games and, contrary to klevjer’s argument, readers will construct meaning based on their understanding of cultural motifs. video game spaces enact culture, and brent’s literacy activities, including his (re)presentation of ideology in his work, represent the sociality of literacy. brent is not just playing a game to pass the time or indulge in an entertaining activity. he is performing and, simultaneously, absorbing socially constructed ideologies. the video game environment is a cultural product that carries values, which, gamers, in turn, reproduce as brent shows in the following abridged literacy narrative. brent o’malley’s abridged literacy narrative at the time of his interview, brent, a male in his early 20s, lived in a medium-sized southern city. he was born and raised in a rural community south of the city. brent was the current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 computer support technician for the english department at granville university, a public university on an urban campus. he holds a bachelor’s degree in computer information systems. at the time of the interview, he was enrolled in graduate-level creative writing seminars at the university, and, since then, he has received an mfa in creative writing at a different university. throughout brent’s life his parents stressed the importance of education. the o’malley parents also brought brent to the library often when he was younger and got him a library card while he was in elementary school. brent’s parents encouraged him to read all kinds of texts— “magazines, books, comics, and encyclopedias.” brent’s early life was full of traditional literacy practices, and his parents were his main literacy role models. his mother and father were (and still are) avid readers. brent remembers seeing his parents reading more than watching tv when he was younger and he, too, is an avid fiction reader. brent also likes magazines that cover popular culture from a male’s perspective—gq, details, esquire, maxim, fhm, etc.—because they are not “serious.” even when they do deal with a serious issue (such as terrorism), they have a humorous slant to their coverage. he also claims that is why he enjoys humorous online satire (e.g., the onion). because of brent’s busy job and class schedule, he does not have as much time to read novels for pleasure, but he does read his classmates’ works in his creative writing seminars. brent explains that the majority of his reading is devoted to his job. he reads internet forums where computer professionals go to ask about complex software and hardware issues. in these forums experts look for advice on technological business solutions (e.g. should they implement a particular program for their organizations) and not for consumer solutions (e.g., what should i do if i get an error message?). additionally, brent reads online articles that review software and hardware; these articles are more technical than those in pc magazine or computer enacting culture in gaming 11 shopper magazine. brent says the forums and articles he reads “are not aiming for a mass distribution. they’re for tech junkies.” because of his interest in keeping current with computer technology, brent is well informed about the state of computers today, and he knows where to find information on all kinds of products available. his ability to read specifications and descriptions in a specialized field in order to make informed decisions for his employer is a crucial literacy practice for the twenty-first-century it professional. additionally, these sources help in brent’s own personal technology choices—brent builds his own computers. brent’s résumé demonstrates his computer skills for his employer. in addition to his extensive computer skills and duties in his previous jobs, brent lists many computer skills in the following “miscellaneous” section of his resume: • possess experience setting up windows 95, 98, nt, 2000, xp, unix/linux and netware 5/6 networks as well as installing, configuring and securing ftp servers. extensive exposure to the ads and nds trees, including creating groups and users within the tree. • served on [his undergraduate university]’s laptop committee to study the feasibility of moving to a “wireless university.” • actual microsoft visual basic, access and project experience. • designed web pages with html and frontpage. • working knowledge of norton’s ghost imaging software. • set up a five-computer network at home with internet connection sharing. • received expert certification from microsoft office training course. the above are just the miscellaneous technological literacies brent has, and they alone identify him as an expert in information technology. brent says that he had no formal computer current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 instruction before his first job as an entry-level technician and data entry specialist during college, but he managed to catch on quickly to the demands of his job and learned valuable skills upon which he would later build. brent describes his way of learning technology as a “hands on” approach: he is more comfortable diving into a technology and discovering how it works as opposed to being taught by a manual or by having directives given over his shoulder. brent got most of his instruction in computer technology (mostly in gaming) at home until entering college. brent was fortunate to have been exposed to computer technology at a young age. his rural school system made computers available to his elementary school in the late 1980s and early 1990s. in fact, brent remembers being on a computer as early as first grade. brent claims to have used every gaming system available in the united states since the original atari console came out: my family, my roommates, or i have owned one of the following: atari, colecovision, nintendo, sega, super nintendo, sega genesis, playstation, nintendo 64, playstation 2, the xbox, and the game cube. i might even be forgetting a few. i can’t remember all the handheld games like the nintendo gameboy i’ve played. brent’s introduction to the internet changed his gaming habits. whether brent was on his computer or on his roommates’ gaming consoles, he has preferences as to the genres he most enjoys playing—first-person shooters and adventure games. brent became a big fan of firstperson shooters his while in college. he describes how he and his friends bonded over the very popular game doom (activision): i met most of [my gaming friends] in college by walking down the hall and going into their rooms to check out the games they were playing. doom was huge at my college. you could hear people playing up and down the hall. we would play with and against enacting culture in gaming 13 each other over the net. sometimes we would play all night and then sleep through class the next day. brent rejects the myth that gamers are alienated adolescents and young adults who just hang out in their parents’ basements and play with themselves. he says that he and his friends were very social, and, even though they spent much time playing video games, they still went out to dinner, the movies, and parties together. brent and five or six other players would get online at the same time and play as a team on a mission. many of the games he and his friends played from the tom clancy genre (e.g. rainbow six [red storm entertainment] and splinter cell [ubisoft]) were about fighting terrorists and rescuing hostages—a common hollywood film theme. the james bond video game goldeneye 007 (rare)—based on the film goldeneye (1995)—also follows a similar plot line with james bond carrying out secret missions in order to rescue hostages, stop terrorists, and save the (virtual) world. in many of the team oriented first-person shooters, the team members can only carry a limited amount of equipment, so the mission’s success is enhanced if brent’s team divides up the tasks. during the game the team members have to communicate with one another. this requires multitasking skills as well as refined kinesthetic motions. brent and his friends first started shouting commands to each other down the hall: “go right…fall in…shoot…take the hill!” the players would make their characters move by using a joystick, mouse, keyboard, or a combination of the three. eventually, brent and his friends were able to type their commands instead of shouting them. because brent had to use the mouse, joystick, and keyboard simultaneously, he claims his reflexes improved greatly. although reflexes are a kinesthetic function and not a literacy skill, the multitasking done in the games is an activity or, more accurately, are a set of activities that reappear in other contexts. during the interview brent current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 answered questions, checked his e-mail, instant messaged his friends, and surfed the internet. the computer environment offered in windows or macintosh systems (brent uses pc platforms) allows users to multitask, and he routinely downloads files, types e-mail messages, and watches videos simultaneously. operating multiple programs is definitely a literacy most of our twentyfirst-century students possess. besides trying to understand brent’s gaming practices, the interview discovered why he played video games. brent gave me a few interesting reasons. his main reason was to have a break from reality. video games are a way for brent to escape the stress of the “real world” and indulge in the fantasies video games offer. brent says “i enjoy the cathartic experience of finishing an adventure game much like i do a novel. i really believe it is a similar feeling.” brent’s relating gaming to reading a novel shows he equates video gaming to story telling or, more simply, advancing through a narrative. this assumption regarding the narrative of video gaming uncovers a literacy practice parallel with reading in the semiotic system of language (specifically literature). for instance, from reading novels and stories all his life, brent knows that all stories have plots and take readers through dialogue, scenery, characters, and even sometimes history to get to the end. video games have many of the same elements. also, like novel reading, a reader is not just trying to get through to the end—he or she wants to learn something and have an enjoyable experience. many readers would probably claim that rushing to the end of a novel is a waste of time. brent feels that way about video games: strategy games like warcraft [blizzard entertainment] are not just about getting through. they’re about mastering the situation. you can get through a game and have nearly no life left and technically solve the puzzle without mastering the game, but that’s not as fun enacting culture in gaming 15 to me. i like to learn all the secrets and truly beat a game. of course, once i do that, i rarely return to the game. although he admits to returning to some games and re-reading certain novels that are his favorites, those occasions are rare (the harry potter series being an exception). playing video games is a literacy practice that is informed by our traditional print culture. brent and his friends are engaged in reading stories similarly to how they read novels, but they do have a different vantage point—they control the protagonists (avatars) in the gaming world. brent offers us a chance to see how technology influenced his life—his literacy practices—on a micro level and how certain cultural work gets done in video games—usually in the form of the need for psychological releases—on a macro level. brent, who is very well educated, astutely reads society into video games; he especially has an interesting view of video games as sites where popular culture is re-encoded for a unique, virtual interactive experience. as we can see from brent’s literacy history and his video game interests, the idea of a “traditional” text is called into question. a text is not simply a static narrative one reads from beginning to end. a video game is a text that follows genre conventions similar to literature and film. brent’s case study demonstrates an example of someone using traditional literacy/literary terms to describe the textuality or textual features of the video game medium. the next section discusses how to view video games as cultural products that can be “read” using street’s (2003) social theory categories for literacy analysis. social contexts of literacy brent’s gaming—his video game play and penchant for certain video game genres—is mediated by culture. while playing video games, which are dynamic semiotic systems that embody ideology, brent absorbs cultural messages as the game enacts culture. therefore, brent’s current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 literacy acquisition encompasses acculturation as well as skills learning or understanding the game’s structure, patterns, or secrets. although brent has a penchant for group games where he collaborates with others, many video games hold prototypical american values related to individualism: individual heroes, perseverance, and the myth of the american dream. brent shows us that video game politics fits within his literacy practices, which may also be further generalized as his entertainment preferences. there are two important aspects of brent’s gamer identity that make him more than a passive individual who consumes entertainment, a stereotype often projected upon video game fans: 1) brent’s popular culture references inform his creative writing, and 2) his video game activity somewhat mimics his occupational practices. the games themselves are cultural products produced to fulfill gamer demands. even though video games have similar print-based attributes, they require us to re-conceptualize the idea of textuality. video games as texts relate to genre theory (bakhtin, 1986; lukács, 1962) and the notion that texts do cultural work—they are products formed by individuals and groups mediated by cultural forces and ideologies. just as scholars claim that gamers read the “grammar” of a system (gee, 2003; devoss et al., 2004), gamers and critics can read the semiotics of these cultural products. this section discusses video game “texts” through the categories street (2003) defined in his call for further research into “how literacy relates to more general issues of social theory regarding textuality, figured worlds, identity, and power” (p. 8788). identity and power is analyzed in the next section alongside brent’s reinscription of dominant ideology into his own creative work. brent’s interview helps theorize the textuality of video games and enacting culture: his own texts—his creative work—are also mediated by socially constructed narratives. enacting culture in gaming 17 because video games are cultural products they adhere to certain conventions. most notably, for the adventure/strategy games and first-person shooters that brent enjoys, some american themes arise—the individual hero, colonization/conquest, patriotism, and militarization. brent’s penchant for first-person shooters suggests that he enjoys embodying the avatar’s persona: as the helicopter “gunner” in battlefield vietnam (electronic arts), brent is in an army attack chopper firing on the vietcong listening to creedance clearwater revival’s “fortunate son” and the rolling stones’ “satisfaction”—two popular songs from the vietnam era. brent was never in vietnam, but the music and his sense of attacking the vc from a software-engineered helicopter helps him better incorporate the soldier’s persona from representations he has seen in films such as platoon (1986) and full metal jacket (1987), popular war movies he watches. the video game is a synecdoche of experience and a simulacrum at best. unlike real war, brent’s only risk is temporary eye strain and not serious injury or death—he is engaged in a fictional world. juul (2005) points out that “games project fictional worlds through a variety of different means, but the fictional worlds are imagined by the player, and the player fills in any gaps in the fictional world” (p. 121). what makes the video game a figured world is that the world of the helicopter gunner is simulated via the video game’s programming and accepted by gamers who enter the “text” for this virtual experience. like brent’s situation above regarding what it feels like to be in vietnam, a gamer’s interpretations come from other sources—culture. video games (and gamers) are products of the culture(s) from which they come, and we can read the culture—its values, fears, and “history”—in video games. video games also represent the figured worlds holland et al. (1998) describes. as brent points out, the stereotypical 1980s “computer geek,” a male living in his parents’ basement with no friends, is not the typical gamer anymore. gamers are rather social. even at the author’s current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 university there is a student organization called gamer’s alliance that consists of gamers who get together to play video games at various times during the semester. gamer culture is quite prominent and fits the definition of holland et al.’s figured worlds: “under the rubric of culturally figured worlds or figured worlds we include all those cultural realms peopled by characters from collective imaginings: academia, the factory, crime, romance, environmentalism, [and] games of dungeons and dragons” (p. 51). the last figured worlds mentioned, “games of dungeons and dragons,” parallels the gaming societies that have sprung up around certain video games. for almost any video game, one can find information on game play strategies, hints, cheats, and discussions about the game. many of the group members never communicate face to face, but they are a culture with similar interests, linguistic nuances (e.g., emoticons and texting language), and similar experiences. these members are fans, and a simple online search reveals the ways in which they communicate about games. a study of fandom and fan sites is beyond the scope of this article, but the ease of finding online discussions about games suggests there is an audience wanting both to communicate about and find information on video games. for instance, natasha whiteman (2008) observes that fans of video games participate in “the creation of websites, petitions, campaigns, and tirades [that are] left on bulletin board forums and discussion groups” (p. 33). these fans are devoted to games and express their “enthusiasm and excitement surrounding new releases” in online environments with other fans (whiteman, 2008, p. 33). these fans follow conventions of electronically mediated textual spaces. whiteman’s focus is on fan nostalgia for the video game silent hill (konami), but she also reprints excerpts of fan posts that reveal their shared experiences and ways of communicating about the video game. one post she recounts is that of an upset fan who laments “i’m sorry, but sh is supposed to be in sh” enacting culture in gaming 19 (p. 41). the poster’s use of capitalization to evoke screaming and abbreviations for a commonly known topic abound in text-based online spaces. the poster, a member of the silent hill (sh) fan gaming subculture, participates through the discourse conventions of online environments. even though these fans might never meet each other face to face, they enter the virtual community, the online space, as members of a social unit. by incorporating literacy scholars’ theories for analyzing video gaming literacy, this article proposes an expansion of social from strictly interpersonal physical connections to include virtual societies as well. for instance, contemporary video games allow gamers to play with others they have never met as well as with friends and acquaintances playing on one system or many like a lan party (a lan party is when individuals bring their gaming systems and “hook up” via a router or other network connection in order to play with or against each other). the rules of the games are set, but the gamers interact through their avatars, thus, creating social space. gamers are not solitary individuals simply interacting with the game’s artificial intelligence (ai); instead, they communicate within a community devoted to a particular game. for instance, the community could be vast like the mmorpg world of warcraft (blizzard entertainment) or the immersive environment second life (linden research), where tens of thousands of players can potentially play at the same time; on the other hand, the community could be a group of a few acquaintances entering the world of smaller multiplayer games such as halo (bungie) or gears of war (epic). brent describes his experience as both solitary and social, but he very much enjoys playing with his friends and roommates. besides brent’s earlier remark about enjoying the commando-squad games that he and his friends from the dorm would play, brent feels firstperson shooters are bonding moments: current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 first-person-shooters can be very stress relieving. you just pick your weapons and go out and shoot other characters. i really like playing these with my friends. we go out and try to kill each other online, so there’s camaraderie of a sort in doing that. again, although the figured worlds of video games are manufactured by the game designers, gamers, who may be from any socio-economic status, interact with others (or the game’s artificial intelligence) through the medium of avatars—characters the gamers embody. holland et al. (1998) argue “figured worlds rest upon people’s abilities to form and be formed in collectively realized ‘as if’ realms” (p. 49). although holland et al. (1998) reference non-virtual social realms—social groupings based on profession and gender to name two—gamer culture centers around arbitrary, yet accepted systems of valor that certainly work as “as if” spaces. gamers “win” by getting the high score, saving the princess, or eliminating their competition. juul (2005) defines a component of gaming, “valorization of outcome,” as “the different potential outcomes of the game are assigned different values, some positive and some negative” (p. 36). compared to holland et al.’s (1998) further explanation of “figured worlds,” a game is just as legitimate a figured world as non-virtual cultures: “by ‘figured world,’ then, we mean a socially and culturally constructed realm of interpretation in which particular characters and actors are recognized, significance is assigned to certain acts, and particular outcomes are valued over others” (p. 52). whether it be the game of life (milton bradley) or the games of life, value is assigned based on cultural assumptions. members of a culture value certain items, ideas, and investments over others. these values need not be universal to be prevailing cultural assumptions. in capitalist society, members value money, success, and advancement in careers. although one could argue that money is valuable because, in a practical sense, people use money to buy goods enacting culture in gaming 21 of value, the assumption that society has to believe is that the system of purchasing goods with money is acceptable. additionally, items purchased as reflections of oneself (sports cars, diamonds, exotic animals, etc.) as opposed to items purchased for sustenance (food, clothing, shelter, etc.) embody culturally defined assumptions. just as the stock market rises and falls based on the perceived value of companies, members of a culture value items, such as diamonds, based on the perceived social status associated with jewelry. the point of displaying a diamond or driving a sports car is not purely functional or practical. luxury items convey value because they are perceived as being expensive; in capitalist society, one’s being able to afford luxury items points to one’s importance through the association of wealth. games, of course, have points—both numeric and goal-oriented reasons for playing—but, in the case of friends playing against each other, the game outcome may have positive or negative social ramifications (e.g., bragging rights). regardless of the valor ascribed or assumed in winning a game, the game is a figured world “people have the propensity to be drawn to, recruited for, and formed in these worlds, and to be active in and passionate about them” (holland et. al., 1998, p. 49). gamer culture is a serious one to study along with other identities. the figured world of gamer culture has webpages, magazines, blogs, and other media to advertise itself and facilitate dialog. gamer communication contributes to the culture’s maintenance just as holland et al.’s (1998) figured worlds idea indicates where “people’s identities and agency are formed dialectically and dialogically in these ‘as if’ worlds” (p. 49). the next section covers gamer identity by examining brent’s gamer literacy practices and demonstrating how ideology mediates his creative work. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 identity and dominant ideology a gamer’s identity is inextricably intertwined with his or her literacy practices. brent is a computer expert and gamer: his acquisition of literacy skills—both traditional and technological—has informed his everyday persona. although this section is limited in what can be generalized to a larger gaming culture, brent’s literacy practices are congruent to his creative self. as a writer and popular culture consumer, brent’s identity is carried out through his reading tastes and, ultimately, through his writing. unlike the more robust discussions of literacy and identity (street, 1984, 1993, and 1995; gee 2003; holland et. al., 1998), this article offers a site for analyzing one gamer’s inculcation of popular culture literacy as garnered through a sample of texts and the gamer’s own words. in a short story brent wrote, he describes a post-apocalyptic dystopia where citizens are so stressed out they relieve their anxieties through a government program that grants a select group of citizens (through a lottery) the chance to kill another citizen without repercussions. brent’s own gaming has this release feel when he says, “the impetus for me to play a game is to take a break from real life….many games offer the player a chance to become another persona.” brent goes on to point out that through video games “a player can try out the lifestyle of a swat team member, a race car driver, and a soldier. players want these types of real life games.” the ability to enact random violence in his short story is a common theme of first-person shooters. such a philosophy on gaming must, therefore, inform his short story. additionally, the post-apocalyptic theme is common in science fiction narratives as well and futuristic-themed video games: wasteland (electronic arts) and fallout (interplay) are two notable ones. brent’s creative vision, however, shows he is a product of his historical moment. alqaeda in brent’s fictional story’s future destroyed american cities, thus plunging the united enacting culture in gaming 23 states into chaos. brent’s use of this particular plot line goes along with what holland et al. (1998) believe is the social and historical construction of identity, cited at length below: “person” and “society” are alike as sites, or moments, of the production and reproduction of social practices. but there is a substantiality to both sites. we object to antiessentialism that rotely rejects any sense of durability or predisposition in social life. forms of personhood and forms of society are historical products, intimate and public, that situate the interactivity of social practices. it is in this doubly historical landscape that we place human identities. we take identity to be a central means by which selves, and the sets of actions they organize, form and re-form over personal lifetimes and in the histories of social collective. (p. 270) also, brent’s post apocalyptic incorporation characterizes street’s (2003) “ideological model of literacy,” which claims “literacy is a social practice…identity, and being” (p. 77-78). both holland et al. and street identify the social construction of one’s literacy as a sociohistorical (re)production internalized by an individual. brent’s moment in history is carried out through his creative activities, and his entertainment choices (video games being one choice) reinforce his understanding of his historical context. our interview in april 2004 was only one year after the united states’ invasion of iraq and a little over two and a half years since 9/11. the analysis here departs from ideas of power and literacy of literacy/language scholars who note that literacy and opportunity are often related to access and one’s social position (brandt, 2001). for instance, street (2003) comments on teacher-student relationships as nonneutral hierarchies because “the ways in which teachers or facilitators and their students interact is already a social practice that affects the nature of the literacy being learned and the ideas about literacy held by the participants” (p. 78). historically, literacy—meaning the dominant culture’s current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 definition of literacy—has been assumed to be a necessary component of success and various socio-economic groups have varying access to literacy. we need only look to the historical case of frederick douglass (1845/1995) to see how his contemporary agents of social control—his owners—denied literacy instruction to him and fellow slaves. brandt (2001) argues that literacy should be “addressed in a civil rights context” (p. 206). in fact, at a luncheon in early 2003 honoring deborah brandt winning the very prestigious grawemeyer award for her book literacy in american lives, an elected official from the kentucky state legislature pressed her on the issue of literacy as a civil right. he felt it was a bold proposition, which demonstrates that such a concept is quite radical in the public sphere.3 the power differences and relationships regarding literacy and literacy acquisition have been addressed by scholars such as street and brandt. this article’s focus on literacy and power is not about brent’s socio-economic status and his assumed privileged position in the larger culture; instead, it uncovers some interesting examples where brent enacts culture, specifically, popular culture. the evidence above suggests that he absorbed dominant ideology and narratives, for instance, media headlines about terrorism, and his literacy acquisition follows a socially constructed model. culture mediates brent’s literacy activities. conclusion literacy is not just language but the politics of the language/skills that society uses. video games are literacy sites that need to be understood beyond problem solving and strategies. what cultural messages might arise and what might they mean for gamers’ other, more traditional literacy practices? brent’s literacy practices offer readers a way to understand video games as a semiotic system that exists as a mirror to the larger society. because literacy is tied to the socio-historical moment in which an individual interacts, we can think of cultural literacy as enacting culture in gaming 25 a component of literacy practices or activities. the ability to read the video game environment— a skill video gamers possess—requires the same amount of attention to details as reading other texts to locate the cultural work being done. although video gamers may transfer other skills from the semiotic system of the video game to another semiotic system, as brent shows in his creative writing, gamers’ entertainment preferences are supported by an adherence to many cultural myths that pervade popular culture. brent reminds us that our students will come to us having absorbed culture and ideology across a variety of media and modalities. we ought to be ready to help our students “read” cultural assumptions in media in order to prepare them for literacy in the twenty-first century and to foster critical thinking about cultural myths. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 references anderson, c. a., berkowitz, l., donnerstein, e., huesmann, l. r., johnson, j. d., linz, d., malamuth, n. m., & wartella, e. (2003). the influence of media violence on youth. psychological science in the public interest, 4(3), 81-110. bakhtin, m. m. (1986). speech genres and other late essays. (v. w. mcgee, trans.). (c. emerson & m. holquist, eds.). austin: university of texas press. brandt, d. (1995). accumulating literacy: writing and learning to write in the twentieth century. college english, 57(6), 649-68. block, jerald j. & crain, bradford r. (2007). omissions and errors in media violence and the american public. american psychologist, 62(3): 252-253. brandt, d. (2001). literacy in american lives. cambridge: cambridge university press. bushman, b. j. and anderson, c. a. (2001) “media violence and the american public: scientific facts versus media misinformation.” american psychologist, 56(6-7), 477-489. cazden, c. (1988). classroom discourse: the language of teaching and learning. portsmouth, nh: heinemann. devoss, d., hawisher, g. e., jackson c., johansen j., moraski, b., & selfe, c. (2004). the future of literacy. in c. l. selfe & g. e. hawisher (eds.), literate lives in the information age: narratives of literacy from the united states (pp. 183-210). mahwah, nj: lawrence erlbaum. douglass, f. (1995). narrative of the life of frederick douglass. new york: dover publications. (original work published 1845). ferguson, christopher. j. (2007). evidence for publication bias in video game violence effects literature: a meta-analytic review. aggression and violent behaviour, 12(4): 470–482. enacting culture in gaming 27 fischer, peter, kastenmüller, andreas, & greitemeyer, tobias. (2010). media violence and the self: the impact of personalized gaming characters in aggressive video games on aggressive behavior.” journal of experimental social psychology, 46(1): 192–195. frasca, g. (1999). ludology meets narratology: similitude and differences between (video) games and narrative. retrieved 17 december 2007 at http://www.ludology.org/articles/ludology.htm. gee, j. p. 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(1999). technology and literacy in the twenty-first century: the importance of paying attention. carbondale, il: southern illinois university press. selfe, c. & hawisher, g. (eds.). (2004). literate lives in the information age: narratives of literacy from the united states. mahwah, nj: lawrence erlbaum. selfe, c. & hawisher, g. (eds.). (2007). gaming lives in the twenty-first century: literate connections. new york: palgrave macmillan. street, b. (1984). literacy in theory and practice. cambridge: cambridge university press. street, b. (ed.). (1993). cross-cultural approaches to literacy. (pp. 1-21). cambridge: cambridge university press. street, b. (ed.). (1995). social literacies. london: longman. street, b. (2003). what’s ‘new’ in new literacy studies? critical approaches to literacy in enacting culture in gaming 29 theory and practice. current issues in comparative education, 5(2), 77-91. whiteman, natasha. (2008). homesick for silent hill: modalities of nostalgia in fan responses to silent hill 4: the room. in z. whalen, zach & l. n. taylor (eds.), playing the past: history and nostalgia in video games (pp. 32-50). nashville, tn: vanderbilt university press. endnotes 1 the interviewee’s name and university are pseudonyms. all information about brent’s background and brent’s actual words come from a recorded personal interview on 1 april 2004. 2 the male pronoun is used to reinforce that this study is based on a male gamer. 3the author attended this luncheon. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 30 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt cie template volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x valuing children‘s voices mary alice barksdale virginia tech cheri f. triplett radford university citation barksdale, m.a. & triplett, c.f (2010). valuing children‘s voices. current issues in education, 13(4). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this paper explores the voices of elementary children in public schools. three databases were used including (a) interviews with 25 elementary students, (b) drawings and writings created by 225 third through sixth-grade students about their high stakes testing experiences, and (c) observations in two first-grade classrooms. the data demonstrate that elementary children have much to say about their overall school experiences, including their worries at school, their feelings of disconnect with their teachers, the lack of meaningful learning experiences, and their desire to be heard as unique individuals. these findings challenge educators to make changes in our american classrooms in order to best meet the needs of young children. keywords: elementary children‘s perceptions, elementary children‘s voices, child-centered practices current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 about the author(s) author: mary alice barksdale affiliation: virginia tech address: 307 war memorial hall, mc 0313, blacksburg, va 24061 email: mbarksda@vt.edu biographical information: mary alice barksdale is the program area leader for elementary education at virginia tech and her research interests include: children's perceptions, cultures, and voices; literacy teacher education; literacy teaching in developing countries, and children who struggle in literacy acquisition. author: cheri f. triplett affiliation: radford university email: cftriplet@radford.edu biographical information: cheri f. triplett is an associate professor of reading education at radford university. cheri teaches both undergraduate and graduate courses in reading and language arts. she also works with student teachers as they tutor struggling readers in three local partnership schools. her research interests include motivational and emotional issues for struggling readers, motivational and emotional issues for elementary students and literacy teacher education. valuing children ’s voices 3 valuing children‘s voices historically, the design of schooling in the united states has been based on the premise that educators are the experts in determining what children need to learn, how learning should be taught, and how learning should be assessed. children are called upon to respond to teachers‘ questions, but rarely to contribute to the overall management and decision making of classrooms and schools. while the notion of identifying and meeting the needs of children as unique learners has proliferated over the past quarter century, the assumption has been that educators must identify children‘s strengths and weaknesses, determine appropriate learning goals, and create instructional plans for moving toward those goals. although educators and researchers have focused on individual children, individual student voice rarely influences the educational process and there is little evidence that teachers are listening to student voices as a means of meeting student needs (cook-sather, 2002, 2003; scherff, 2005). many educators have suggested that attending to student voice and creating educational environments that support student agency and empowerment within teaching/learning processes is necessary in meeting the needs of children (cook-sather, 2002, 2003; cook-sather & schultz, 2001a, 2001 b; kozol, 1991; mitra, 2003; oldfather, 1995a, 1995b). there is little evidence that student perspectives are given consideration in educational decision-making. in studying middle and high school student perspectives on schools and school violence, haselswertz and lenhardt (2003) found that students had an ―us-them‖ attitude about the adults in their schools. they did not feel respected by their teachers, and the only reported meaningful/respectful relationships students encountered in school were with peers. the students viewed programs and policies directed at increasing school safety as top-down in nature. they lacked trust and connection with teachers-certainly not a condition that would lead students to current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 feel that they were safe and cared for within the school context (haselswertz & lenhardt, 2003). similarly, scherff (2005) found that students held the perspective that, for the most part, teachers did not care about students as individuals. educators who did include student voices in school reform efforts discovered they were able to create more positive and trusting school learning environments. mitra (2003) found that when student voices were given a ―place‖ in high school reform, it was possible for students and teachers to develop trust and decrease divisiveness. in this study, there were teacher-focused activities that made it possible for students to understand teacher views, and student-focused activities that allowed teachers to understand student perspectives. mitra (2003, 2004) reported that by including student voices in school reform, students gained a sense of position and agency in schools, which in turn reduced the level of student alienation from schooling. similarly, bacon & bloom (2000) asserted that student voice leads to high levels of responsibility in addressing school problems and designing solutions. further, rudduck and demetriou (2003) suggested that including student voices in the school, as a learning community, could increase student engagement in learning. oldfather (1995b) found that when high school students were actively involved as educational co-researchers, they developed clear understandings of their own abilities, they developed solid understandings of themselves as learners and their own motivations for learning, and they gained perspective on their own capacities to help themselves and others. similarly, cook-sather (2003) discovered that high school students had in-depth insights and sound impressions of their own learning and of learner differences. these student insights were used to assist teachers in making decisions about appropriate instructional support. valuing children ’s voices 5 most previous research on student voice and the potential impact of student voice on teaching, learning, and schooling has been conducted with middle and high school students. what about elementary students? could the voices of elementary children be of value in improving their perceptions of school and schooling? could the voices of elementary children provide information that could be useful in the teaching/learning process? as a starting point in listening to the voices of elementary children, we revisited our own data, which was collected over the past 7 years. our research often includes the voices of children and we wondered if there were common themes across studies. we revisited three of our own previous studies with the purpose of asking a new question,‖what do elementary children have to say about their school experiences?‖ methods data sources and participants three data sources were revisited for this exploration. they will be identified as the interview study, the drawing/writing study, and the observation study. the interview study involved interviews with 25 third and fourth graders. the drawing/writing study used illustrations and texts created by 225 third through sixth graders. the observation study utilized field notes and teacher interview data related to observations of first-grade reading lessons in two different urban classrooms. interview study for this study, data were drawn from a study in which 33 students were interviewed about their perceptions about school (triplett & barksdale, 2003). in the original study, interviews were conducted with third through eighth grade students. for the current review, only the interviews with elementary learners (grades 3-4) were used, representing 25 children. the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 children were from two different states and represented from a small city school, an urban school, and a rural school. three interviews were conducted with each student over five months, with interviews lasting from 15-35 minutes each. the interview protocol included questions on: (a) current perceptions about school, (b) what students were learning, (c) what happened in school that helped students learn, (d) areas in which students were successful, (e) areas of in which students were less successful, (f) aspects of school that were stressful or worries about school, and, (g) aspects of school that help students deal with stresses and worries. drawing/writing study as a second data source, we analyzed the drawings created by 225 third through sixth grade students, as well as the written explanations these students produced to explain their drawings (triplett & barksdale, 2005). the children were from two different states, and represented both rural and urban contexts. on the day following completion of state-mandated high stakes tests, the students were asked to, ―draw a picture about your recent testing experience.‖ next, the students were asked to write in response to the prompt, ―tell me about your picture.‖ this method of data collection allowed for students' free responses without the possible biases of the researchers (which could have been revealed in interview or survey questions) influencing the responses (wheelock, bebell, and haney, 2000). observation study the third data source included observational field notes about the interactions between elementary students and their first-grade teachers, as well as interviews with the teachers after the lessons. two lessons were selected for inclusion in this paper. student voices were identified as statements made and other verbal and nonverbal messages during the lessons. the observations were of a reading group with six students and a writing group with four students. valuing children ’s voices 7 after observations of the lessons, an unstructured interview format was used to discuss the lessons with the teachers. one interview question was used to start the conversation: ―tell me what you thought about the lesson.‖ as a member check, the vignettes written based on the field notes and the interview transcriptions were shared with the teachers. the teachers were asked to identify any inaccuracies in the vignettes or transcripts and invited to recommend needed changes. both teachers found the vignettes and interviews to be accurate and neither suggested changes. data analysis all of the data collected were qualitative in nature. for the interview study, audio-taped interviews were transcribed then segmented into units of meaning, with attention given to the preservation of context (hycner, 1985). after segmenting the interviews, the units of meaning were grouped into categories sharing common characteristics. after organizing these data into categories, each category given a themed name that was representative of commonalties within the grouping (bogdan & biklen, 1998). a constant comparative approach was used in the analysis of the data for the drawing/writing study. this inductive method was selected as appropriate for the analysis of student drawings, which represent a qualitatively different type of data from interviews (strauss & corbin, 1990). the researchers examined the drawings to identify obvious recurring themes, noting the objects/people that were included. next, we transcribed the statements made by the students and met to identify emerging themes from the transcripts. finally, examinations were conducted to identify intersections between the themes identified in the drawings and the themes identified in student writings. many of the children used the acronyms for the high stakes tests current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 given in their state in their statements. for confidentiality purposes, the acronym ―hst‖ (for high stakes test) was used in the paper rather than the actual test acronyms. in the observation study, for the purpose of exploring the voices of elementary children during lessons, field notes and interviews based upon observations of two literacy lessons were selected. the teacher interview was transcribed. the field notes were written as vignettes and matched with related teacher comments. what are elementary students saying about their school experiences? the themes from each data source are presented separately, first the interview study, second the drawing/writing study, and then the observation study. interview study the recurrent themes from interviewing 25 elementary students included: (a) current learning, (b) who helps with current learning, (c) areas of success, (d) areas of struggle, (e) connections between academic struggles and life away from school, (f) stresses and worries in school (other than testing), (g) stresses, worries, and thoughts about testing, (h) methods of dealing with stress and worries, (i) concerns about fairness in school, (j) concerns about teachers and instruction, (k) liking school. current learning the children identified themes within specific subject areas they were learning in mathematics, science, and social studies, (for example, fractions, rocks and minerals, and the civil war). none of the students interviewed were able to identify what they were learning in reading, writing, or spelling. they discussed reading, writing, and spelling as subjects in which they ―worked‖ and ―practiced.‖ valuing children ’s voices 9 the participants provided many opinions about the subject areas such as, ―i can‘t stand reading and writing, and that is what we do for almost the entire day, and it is just, well, i get so tired of it and you have to sit and do these stupid stories almost everyday and all these pages about where you have to answer all these questions about nothing. and we write every day and i don‘t like writing at all because it is just the same kind of stuff to write about and the same sentences and sentences, and i just wish we could do something interesting.‖ the children made very few statements were indicating that they liked or enjoyed particular subjects. several children indicated that they liked reading, but when asked about their enjoyment of reading instruction, they had comments such as, ―i mean, i like to read, like read books at home, but i don‘t like reading in school.‖ one student liked ―some of the stories‖ that she had read in school, and several children liked for their teachers to read to them. one said that math was his favorite subject, and another liked social studies. who helps with current learning when these children were asked in interviews, ―who helps you with learning,‖ in most cases, they named family members. this was an unexpected response, as the next intended interview question was to be, ―tell me about how your teacher helps you with learning.‖ we expected that if students identified individuals other than teachers as helping them with learning, we would ask how these others helped. in 22 of the cases (66 interviews), teachers were not mentioned, so we did not ask the follow-up question about how teachers helped. instead, we asked the students about how the identified individuals helped with learning. typically, the students provided responses like, ―she helps me do my homework every night,‖ ―we read stories and magazines together almost all days,‖ and ―momma helps me study for every test, and we work and work until i know almost everything.‖ a few students made comments such as, ―my current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 dad is the best teacher because he helps me learn about how to do everything that you really need, hammering nails, climbing on ladders, and being safe and that; and we going fishing and he teaches me everything about all of the fish and how to catch them, and he helps me do everything that‘s hard. a handful of children mentioned coaches and sunday school teachers as helping them learn. only three of the 25 children mentioned teachers as helping them learn. the same three children mentioned teachers in multiple interviews. in these three cases, the students named family members first and teachers later in the discussion. one of the children‘s comments was revealing in that it may provide insight into the rarity of the identification of teachers as helping students learn. this child said, ―my teacher has too much, too many children and we have to do too many things to learn everyday so she doesn‘t really have time to help me very much, because, she does if she has time and i have something i didn‘t understand, if she has time she can tell me and explain and i can understand usually after that, and she‘s really nice, she‘s not mean if you don‘t understand and some teachers are, but she just helps me on sometimes.‖ this statement demonstrates that this child clearly perceived the time constraints faced in day-to-day interactions with her teacher. areas of success when students named areas of success such as reading, writing, math, and science, it was evident that most understood success as being reflected in grades. for instance, a fourth grader said, ―i know i‘m good at science because i always get an a, every nine weeks, but i‘m not so good at anything else.‖ the children felt that their success in different subject areas came naturally, as in, ―i just think it‘s easy,‖ and ―i‘ve always been good at writing.‖ there were few indications that the children viewed successes as related to their efforts. valuing children ’s voices 11 areas of struggle nineteen of the twenty-five students identified mathematics as the most troublesome subject area. a fourth-grade male found math to be much more challenging than it had been in the earlier years. he said, ―i was good at math in first and second grade and i really got it and good grades, too, you know? but now i can‘t remember it all and i‘m always getting something wrong even when i thought i knew it, so i think it is really hard this year and i keep getting a c.‖ several students noted difficulties in reading and writing; none indicated that they struggled with science or social studies. in several cases, the children indicated confusions about their success between home and school. another fourth-grader said, “i like reading at home and i read to my mom and we talk about it all, what it was about, and i don‘t have no problems understanding or saying the words, so my mom thinks i can read good, but i‘m no good at it in school and i always get a c, no matter how hard i try, so i guess you could say that it isn‘t a very good subject for me, and i don‘t like it in school either.‖ connections between academic struggles and life away from school there were many instances in which children made connections between their struggles in school and their lives away from school. in a rather impassioned and detailed manner, a fourth grader stated, ―i don‘t think the teachers understand what life is like for kids. i‘m slow, i just can‘t do things quickly and i have to read every word and think about every question and if i rush, i get it wrong and i don‘t like that … we get up, and get dressed and eat breakfast, and that takes a long time if there‘s a few kids, and wait for the school bus, and then ride, and we are busy at school all day, and then we have to go to the baby sitter after the bus, and there‘s a whole bunch of different kids there. you can‘t do homework with all that going on, and then momma current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 comes and gets us and while she fixes the dinner, we have to do the chores, and then we eat dinner and everybody has to take a bath, and before or after your bath, you can have a few minutes for homework, but i‘m always tired and then it‘s time to go to bed, and a new day. i almost never finish the homework, and i get bad grades and get in trouble, and i tell ms. (teacher) i don‘t have time, but she doesn‘t understand, doesn‘t believe me, or something. she just gives too much of homework to do, like she thinks everyone gets home at four o‘clock and has nothing to do but homework until they go to bed, and i really wish she could understand, but my momma tells her, and it still, we still get so much homework. i want to do it, and i want to get good grades, but she doesn‘t understand i‘m trying as hard as i can and doing all that i can with the time. i can‘t watch tv at all in the week, and i haven‘t really been able to watch it in about two years, except in the summer since the first of third grade because of my grades and there isn‘t any way to just make more time for yourself, you know?‖ stresses and worries in school (other than testing) topics for worries in school included: tornadoes and hurricanes, school violence, having to repeat a grade, competitions in school, bullies, report cards, and terrorism. most children mentioned numerous worries. for instance, in a representative statement, a fourth grader said, ―i worry about a lot of stuff, like guns and shooting, like kids who bring guns to school and might shoot some other kids, and i‘m afraid that could happen to us, and stuff like kids who are mean to me and say mean things to me and hit, sometimes, and i‘m scared they would bring guns to school. and it sort of scares me sometimes about my report card and what i‘m going to get, and whether i would pass or not, because if you don‘t pass, you have to do the whole year all over again and everybody knows about it. i worry about a whole lot of stuff.‖ stresses, worries, and thoughts about testing valuing children ’s voices 13 twenty-one of the 25 participants brought up worries about testing, and nineteen of these students discussed this topic in all three interviews. the focus of student worries about testing centered on whether or not they would pass, and what would happen if they did not pass. a third grader stated, ―the hst test, that is the worst thing that happens in school. it is awful and i worried and worried and my mom and dad, they worried a lot and we talked about it every day and i knew, i could tell ms. (teacher) was worried ‗cause everything we did, every single day, she would be saying something about remembering it for the hst test. i thought i would probably throw up in the middle of the test, it just seemed like it made me sick and now i‘m scared to know if i passed or not, ‗cause if i‘m not, then everyone will think i‘m so dumb.‖ similarly, another child said, ―if you don‘t pass the hst, you have to fail, fail the whole grade and be in third grade again next year, and i know that this is for, even if you have passing grades, they just don‘t matter, so i worry every day and every night, all the time, even in the summer, about if i can pass the hst.‖ methods of dealing with stress and worries very few children were able to identify strategies they could use to help themselves deal with or address their worries. their ideas for dealing with worries included reading books, and breathing and counting. most of the children felt that nothing could be done to alleviate worries. concerns about fairness in school many students found aspects of schooling to be unfair, and they expressed frustrations about the unfairness of school. there were discussions of unfairness such as whole classes being punished for the misbehavior of a few children, having too much homework, silent lunches, not having chances to socialize with other children, and grading methods. there were also several comments about the unfair nature of school in general. for current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 instance, a third grade student said, “i wish i didn‘t have school. i mean, you get to see your friends, but it is just so miserable all day, just sitting there, doing this and writing that and reading this and talking about this. i really don‘t think it‘s fair, what they make us do; i know, i understand that all of the kids have to learn, but we don‘t really learn very much, we just do work and write pages and give answers all day, and we aren‘t learning anything. i like learning and i wouldn‘t complain this if, about school, if i was learning new things every day, but i don‘t learn anything new most days and i really don‘t think it is fair that we have to spend so long sitting there just doing things when we aren‘t learning nothing.‖ concern about teachers over half of the children felt that their teachers did not understand their struggles as learners. again, grades were featured as being very important. a third grader reported, ―i don‘t think it is fair, because if you do all the work and try hard, and i try to know everything she tells us, and do the homework and follow the rules, why can‘t i just get good grades?‖ liking school although most of the themes in these interview data from thirdand fourth-graders had negative connotations about children‘s experiences in school, the students overwhelmingly stated that they liked school. every child stated in at least one interview (some in all three interviews) that they liked school. in a number of cases, this comment was added at the end of a negative comment about school. for instance, ―i really hate all of that worrying about the hst‘s, but i still like school,‖ ―my teacher doesn‘t seem very, like, she doesn‘t really understand, and she doesn‘t want to hear what i think about stuff mostly, but i still like her and i know she loves us and i like school,‖ i can‘t hardly stand reading time every day and it is so boring and has too many skills, but i know i would, it‘s supposed to help me and everybody grown has to, you valuing children ’s voices 15 know, read, so it‘s like okay; i mean, i hate reading, but school is okay; i like school.‖ some of the children made comments indicating that they had developed their own perspectives on liking school. one fourth-grader said, ―for kids, school is the same as your work and you have to go to school to get sort, into a way so that you‘re used to, you have to go there every day and staying for a long time like at work and some might‘ve not liked their job, not everything about their job, but you‘ve got to find something to like so you just won‘t hate everything and hate it all the time. so we go to school just like that, and you have to find some things that you like at school, something you can like about it, or if you don‘t, you‘ll be mad and mean all the time, and i do that; i find things that i can like about school, and so i can like it, like the kids and the teachers, they‘re good to be around most of the time. it‘s okay.‖ another said, ―i know it is all of my own good, and if i don‘t like stuff we do in school, my dad says it‘s too bad but i have to do it so i‘ll grow up knowing what i‘m supposed to know, and i don‘t want to be one of those stupid people who have to work at the wal-mart, so i better just learn and do whatever they tell me and try to like it.‖ drawing/writing study the themes that emerged during the drawing/writing study included: (a) emotions, (b) the culture of testing, (c) the role of the teacher, (d) adult language, (e) student metaphors, (f) isolation, (g) fire, (h) power/politics, and (i) passing or failing. emotions the expression of emotions was common in this study. in their writing, children used words like “mad,” “confused,” “frustrated,” “tired,” “bored,” “sweating,” “sleepy,” and “happy.” the most repeated word was “nervous.” although many of the children did not know how to spell “nervous,” they wanted to get the concept across. spellings for nervous included, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 “nervios,” “nurves,” “nurvse,” “nerves,” “nirvis,” “nervise,” “nerves,” “nervos,” “nervour,” “nervious,” and “nervous.” in the drawings, there were many question marks over heads and cartoon balloons containing terms like “help!” we noted that the children had drawn the mouths of the children in their pictures with great care, and across the 225 drawings, there were no standard cup-like mouths. the children had intentionally drawn unhappy and angry mouth shapes. figure 1: drawing of unhappy 4 th grade test taker. although these were not representative, a couple of the drawings depicted depression, and in one case, a student wrote that he wanted to “kill self.” valuing children ’s voices 17 figure 2: drawing of depressed 3 rd grade test taker. figure 3: drawing of 3 rd grade test taker with suicidal thoughts. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 the terms ―happy‖ or ―glad‖ occurred in 18 of the 225 pictures/writings. students indicated that they were happy when the tests were over, happy about ice cream parties after the tests, and happy about being able to chew gum and take off their shoes during the tests. culture of testing student drawings demonstrated that these students were well versed in the culture of testing. many drawings featured desks upon which bubble sheets, test booklets, and pencils were placed. figure 4: drawing of 5 th grader depicting the implements of the testing experience. valuing children ’s voices 19 teacher role although teachers were in the classrooms in which students took their high stakes tests, teachers were surprisingly absent from the drawings. only 16 children included teachers in their drawings or writings. when teachers were discussed in student writings, there was little substantive information about teachers. for instance, a sixth grader wrote, ―the work was hard & you had to think. the book was very hard to read. some words i didn‘t understand. the sun was beating on my head. very bored and tired. mr. [teacher] had wrote work on the broad after hst. i felt very spiced up. very mad. and sad.‖ in the drawings, there were teachers in both supportive and non-supportive roles. figure 5: less supportive teacher during testing. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 figure 6: more supportive teacher provides student with bubble gum during testing. adult language valuing children ’s voices 21 in some cases, children used terms in their drawings and writings adult language rather than children‘s language. for instance, one student drew a picture of a stick figure holding a large sign that said ―fuck hst.‖ several students wrote that, ―hst‘s suck.‖ there were also cases in which the adult language used did not express opinions. statements were made such as, ―the picture is about me finding the proof and circling the key words and rereading the story.‖ these terms were non-typical of the language used by students in the study, and had the marks of language repeated from teachers or parents. student metaphors several students created metaphors for their high stakes testing experience. for instance, a third-grade child said that taking the hst was like a ―war between the question marks and the light bulbs‖ in his mind. his picture was a detailed depicture of this metaphor. figure 7: drawing of a ―war between the question marks and the light bulbs.‖ current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 22 isolation the most recurrent pattern in the analysis of drawings was a picture of an individual child sitting at a desk on which testing materials were drawn, surrounded by white space. this was the case in 125 (55%) of the drawings. in the most cases, the children and desks were very small and in the center of the paper. no children used the words ―alone‖ or ―isolation‖ in their writings, yet, the number of drawings of this kind implied that the children felt isolated or alone during their testing experiences. figure 8: sample 1 of student isolation during testing. figure 9: sample 2 of student isolation during testing. valuing children ’s voices 23 fire fifteen students drew and wrote about fire or burning. this occurred at all grade levels and in both states. in most cases, these drawings included test booklets on fire with people standing by cheering. students made statements about their drawings such as, ―i hate test and i am sitting near a fire with a lot of tests in it burning.‖ figure 10: sixth-grader‘s depiction of burning high stakes tests. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 power/politics several student writings about their drawings had political implications, or in some way reflected the notion that testing has a political function. for example, one student wrote, ―what expressed on the back of this is nothing but pure hatred for the hst because i really don‘t need no dumb test telling if i get to go to another grade. because when you are nervous you crazy things. and if i flunk, who fault is that. not mine. it‘s george bush‘s. ps i would this war blows up all the hst tests.‖ there were also statements that reflected children‘s understandings of the fact that their test scores could eventually have an impact on their lives as adults. a fourth grader said, ―that is me before the hst testing. i was very nevios because if you don‘t pass you can‘t go to a good collage. so you could be the guy at the burger king drive through.‖ pass/fail many students expressed concern about whether they would pass or fail their hst. a fifth grader wrote, ―my picture is about me and my tests. well i am very nerveous about my valuing children ’s voices 25 hst testing. i don‘t think i can pass my test. when i read in the passages when it asks you some questions i sweat all the time when important test are on the line. well i think the hst testing was hard.‖ observation study the following vignettes were written based on field notes from observations in two different first-grade classrooms. in each case, observations were followed by an interview with the teacher about the observation. in the first vignette, the teacher was working with a group of six students in a reading group. in the second vignette, another teacher was working with a writing group of four students. vignette 1: classroom observation teacher: ―now, give me your vowel cards. we are going to work on skills today.‖ several shoulders lower. children hand cards to teacher. teacher: ―get your workbooks out.‖ students: [loud groan; seems to come from all 6. two boys stretch out over the table, laying their heads down.] teacher: ―now sit up and pay attention. you need to open your workbook to page 95.‖ male student: lifts head and says: ―can‘t we read that bear story again?‖ another student: ―yeah, we liked that one. it was the best.‖ teacher: ―you have to take the test on this book soon and you need to be able to do the skills. now, find page 95.‖ current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 26 the children slowly begin looking through the workbook for page 95. one child leaves to go to the restroom, then another. the others whisper as they wait for the return of the two classmates. five minutes later, the group begins to work in the workbooks. segment of interview with the teacher teacher: ―every time we do it [the workbook], it‘s like all i have to say is the word ‗workbook‘ and they just deflate, like i stick pins in all of them at once.‖ interviewer: ―what do you think about that?‖ teacher: ―i hate it, of course, because it is their reading group and i want them all to be excited about reading, and it seems to me that if they learn to hate what happens in the reading group, they are going to learn to hate reading, and i can‘t stand that, but i don‘t feel that there is any choice because we have all of these books, three hardcover books, all of these [she points to a shelf at the three different books], and they have to take a test at the end of every book. if they don‘t pass the tests, which are mostly skills, then i haven‘t done my job and they are considered not ready for second grade. and i have to start getting them ready for hst testing, even though this is only first grade.‖ vignette 2 classroom observation teacher: ―all right. today we are going to work on your mother‘s day letters.‖ teacher hands out folders and gives each child a sheet of blank lined paper. ―i‘ve gone through your letters and made some corrections, so today, i want you to copy your letters over again, very neatly and use the correct spellings. these are the letters you will take to your mothers, and after you finish copying yours, you can draw a picture to go with it.‖ valuing children ’s voices 27 child 1: ―do i have to copy mine? i only got one thing wrong.‖ teacher: ―don‘t you want it to be nice for your mother?‖ child 1: ―my mom don‘t care if there‘s only one thing wrong, an‘ i hate copying. can‘t i just draw a picture?‖ child 2: ―my mom don‘t care either, she likes it the way it is.‖ none of the children have started copying. they are all waiting and watching the teacher. teacher: ―this is special, for your mothers for mother‘s day, and just this once, let‘s make these letters as beautiful and perfect as we can make them.‖ child 1: ―my hand hurts, cause we been sitting and writing all morning. i don‘t want to copy.‖ child 3: ―if you want it perfect, why don‘t you do it on the computer?‖ teacher: “we don‘t have time for all of you to do your letters on the computer. now stop arguing with me, and get to work.‖ the children all slowly pick up their pencils and start writing. teacher: “that‘s good, but remember to leave a nice space between words.‖ child 3 has written a couple of words and begins erasing something. her paper tears. child 3: ―i messed up. i need another paper.‖ teacher: ―okay, here‘s another sheet of paper, but go slow and pay attention to your work. we need to get this finished.‖ hands child 3 another sheet of paper. child 4: ―i got mine wrong, too. see, i wrote a different word.‖ teacher: voice louder, in strict tone: ―what is wrong with you all today? this is just copying, and you can do it if you will pay attention. child 1: ―but we hate copying.‖ current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 28 teacher: still using loud voice: ―i don‘t care if you hate copying. i really want you to be able to show your mothers what a good job you can doing on your writing. you have all improved so much, and you have written sweet letters. let‘s show your mother‘s how well you can do. at this point, the children all start writing again. the teacher watches over them, making suggestions as they write. the children are silent and “on task.” the copying activity itself takes 15 minutes. teacher: ―you‘ve all done a very good job and i‘m proud of you. now you can go to your seats and draw a picture to go with your letters. put your new letters back in the folders, and we can throw away the old ones. the children follow the instructions, putting the new letters in the folders and handing the folders to the teacher. child 1 picks up his draft letter and starts shredding it, then balls up the shreds. children 2, 3, and 4 start shredding their drafts. teacher: ―what are you all doing? i just told you to throw your old letters away. we don‘t need all of this tearing and carrying on. child 1: ―i hate these stupid letters.‖ all four children take their shredded, balled up letters to the garbage can and drop them, then go to their seats and sit down. segment of interview with the teacher teacher: ―this group is just so active and so social, and i knew that if i gave them the letters to copy at their seats, they either wouldn‘t do it, or they wouldn‘t do it right. this is my lowest group, and they are very uncooperative all the time, but i didn‘t think they would do it in front of you. no matter what i ask them to do in reading or writing, they have some argument about it, and they know how it‘s going to end; they know they will end up doing what i told them to do to valuing children ’s voices 29 begin with, but they just have to argue. if they had things their way, first grade would be nothing but watching videos, socializing, and eating.‖ interviewer: ―it was obviously important to you that these children copied their letters correctly. tell me about that.‖ teacher: ―all of the other kids have already done theirs. i already had 14 folders with nice looking, correct letters in them, and just these four with lots of mistakes, and very messy letters. i know they don‘t like to copy, and i know they don‘t learn anything from copying. and it‘s not like we copy things everyday, but on friday, i wanted everyone to be able to take home a nice mother‘s day letter with a picture, and i don‘t like the idea of having most of the class bring home really pretty letters, and these four take home messy, incorrect ones. i mean, what they said is right. some of their mothers wouldn‘t care one way or the other, and some of their mothers probably won‘t pay one bit of attention to these letters, but i think the children need to learn; i know that some of these mothers don‘t deserve a lot of appreciation because they don‘t even take good care of their kids and send them to school clean, and that‘s why i have to provide snack for so many of them every morning, because they haven‘t had breakfast, and they get too hungry. but still, i know they love their mothers, and have appreciation for them no matter what the circumstances, so i thought they would be okay with this. you just don‘t know, it‘s really hard to know what to do sometimes, because most of the other kids were actually motivated by this. they wrote gorgeous letters, with lots of sentiment, surprising really for first grade, and they copied them beautifully, with not a complaint, and they‘re excited about taking them home and giving them to their mothers on sunday. but these other four, they are just a mess. i don‘t know what to do with them.‖ interviewer: ―so, were you pleased with the letters they wrote today?‖ current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 30 teacher: ―they‘re okay. these children just don‘t care about things like this, and they still have some mistakes, but this is as good as it‘s going to get with these kids.‖ the two first-grade vignettes demonstrate that the children had a great deal to say about their learning experiences, both verbally and nonverbally. in both cases, the children objected to what they had been asked to do by their teachers, and they assured that their objections were made clear for their teachers. these particular vignettes were selected for this analysis in part because the voices of the children were so articulate; in other lessons in which students did not object to teacher requests, there was little ―voice‖ of this kind and the children simply performed tasks identified by the teachers. it was also clear that both teachers heard the objections of the children and decided to follow through with their own plans and require that the children completed the assigned tasks. discussion at the onset, we asked the question, ―what are elementary students saying about their school experiences?‖ across these data, there is evidence that elementary students have much to say about their school experiences. through interviews, drawings, writings, and classroom interactions, elementary children made some very strong statements. children worry at school these studies, conducted across the past decade, reveal that children worry a lot at school. most children reported worrying about grades, the consequences of failing, or failing their end-of-grade tests. most of the children reported worrying before, during, and after their end-of –grade tests. specifically, they worried about state-mandated high stakes tests. in the drawing/writing study, students‘ perceptions were the most detailed. the students reported worry, anger, nervousness, boredom and even suicidal thoughts. the most prevalent theme about valuing children ’s voices 31 testing was that of isolation, with more than half the students creating depictions of themselves sitting alone at desks surrounded by white space—all alone. from a psychological perspective, we know that in order to feel safe and allow for maximum learning, children need to have their belonging needs fulfilled and stress should be minimal (bradburn, 1969; ellis, 2004; grant, compas, stuhlmacher, thurm, mcmahon, & halbert, 2003; sherman, 2004). these data reflect high levels of stress and worry in elementary children, a condition that might be lessened if children knew that their voices were heard and valued. sherman states, ― . . . through responsiveness to every student, teachers can nurture the unique personal qualities students possess and help move them toward deeper understandings of both the world around them and the universe within them‖ (2004, 24). unfortunately, many children we interviewed also worried that their teachers did not really understand them and their life situations. children feel disconnected from their teachers in these studies, children did not report experiencing responsiveness from their teachers. instead, the elementary students reported feeling disconnected from their teachers. much like the middle school and high school students reported in previous studies (haselswertz & lenhardt, 2003; scherff, 2005), the elementary students in this study reported feeling alienated from their teachers. the students did not think that teachers understood their lives away from school, and over half of the children indicated that their teachers did not understand their struggles as learners. several students indicated that they had high levels of success when working at home with parents, but this success did not follow them into the classroom. most students identified family members as helping them with learning – not teachers. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 32 the elementary students in this study reported that their teachers were too busy and too worried about high-stakes tests to consider their needs as individual children. even a child who thought her teacher was really nice also noticed, ―my teacher has too much, too many children, too many things to do everyday so she doesn‘t really have time to help me very much…‖ even during testing, when teachers could possibly play a positive role in alleviating anxiety, most children portrayed themselves as all alone, with no teacher present. learning opportunities are not meaningful as a fourth grader so poignantly commented, ―i understand that all of the kids have to learn, but we really don‘t learn very much, we just do the work and write pages and answers all day, and we aren‘t learning anything new most days…‖ children across the elementary grades reported that most of their school activities do not seem meaningful. children reported that they would like to learn, read, and write if they were allowed to pursue something interesting. even the teachers in the observation study wrestled with the lack of meaningfulness in their worksheets and writing practice. likewise, children in the interview study reported boring review activities for many months before the end-of-grade tests and experiencing ―wasted time‖ during the tests. these elementary students seemed to understand that a testing focus can lead to drill and skill practice, instead of momentous learning opportunities. children want an opportunity to be listened to these studies not only demonstrated that elementary children have a great deal to say; there was evidence that they welcome opportunities to say it. while collecting data for the interview study, an unexpected phenomenon was that the children began to jump up and run to the researchers as they entered classrooms, saying, ―are you going to take me today? please, take me.‖ and at the time of the final interview, children expressed sorrow, making statements valuing children ’s voices 33 like, ―i wish you would keep coming here and talking to me ‗cause you‘re the only person who‘s ever really, really like talked to me at school, and i think, i probably need somebody to talk to me and listen, really listen, like you.‖ it was difficult to end data collection when the young participants were begging for more. these children truly wanted someone to hear and value their voices in their school. likewise, in the drawing/writing study, many children were very reflective and unyielding in openly sharing their angst about high-stakes testing. they chose to use strong words and strong images to relay their thoughts and feelings—some even erasing holes in their paper until they chose the perfect word to describe their thoughts or the perfect mouth to portray their feelings. there are numerous calls in the literature for the inclusion of student voices in the classroom and in schools as a whole (cook-sather, 2002, 2003; cool-sather & schultz, 2001a, 2001 b; kozol, 1991; mitra, 2003; oldfather, 1995a, 1995b; rudduck & demetriou, 2003). previous studies have shown that when student voice is valued and used to develop respect and rapport between teachers and students, it can lead to significant school improvements; however, these studies were conducted with middle and high school students (bacon & bloom, 2000; cook-sather, 2003; haselswertz & lenhardt, 2003; mitra, 2003; oldfather, 1995b). this current look at elementary students naturally leads to questions about the viability of valuing elementary children‘s voices in the day-to-day instructional life of the schools. to what degree do elementary students understand what is best for them? when the children in the observation study asked their teacher to allow them to reread a story rather than completing workbook pages, did they know what was best for themselves? did the interviewed children who felt that their teachers did not understand their struggles as learners have accurate perceptions? what is the meaning of the fact that nearly all of the 225 drawings looked sad or current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 34 angry? could it be possible to test children in such a way as to result in drawings of happy faces? if we are to value children‘s voices in elementary classrooms, how do we know what to value, and what to hear but perhaps not value? we must assume that there are limits on what elementary children know about what is best for them and what would best meet their needs. how could elementary schools best provide ―places‖ for students to voice their thoughts and for teachers to respond to these voices? can the positive findings involving valuing student voices in middle schools and high schools be replicated in elementary schools? we are left with many questions to ponder and many children yet to listen to. valuing children ’s voices 35 references american psychological association. 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(2000). what can drawings tell us about high-stakes testing in massachusetts. teachers college record. http://www.tcrecord.org/content.asp?contentid=10634, retrieved april 10, 2008. http://www.tcrecord.org/content.asp?contentid=10634 valuing children ’s voices 37 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word 558-2782-2-le.docx 1 volume 14, number 2 may 18, 2011 issn 1099-839x educational faculty perceptions of the learning climate in a juvenile justice residential facility carolyn c. cox joseph d. visker ashley hartman truman state university the majority of educational faculty from a juvenile justice residential detention facility in rural northeast missouri who participated in a learning climate survey of their school seemed to agree that the environment for staff and students was generally physically safe and emotionally supportive; key factors for a positive learning climate. by describing perceptions of their school’s learning climate; facility educational faculty can identify strengths and improve upon weaknesses. enhancing a school’s physical and psychosocial surroundings leads to a healthier school environment for all. keywords: residential juvenile justice facility, learning climate, academics theoretical framework: school learning climate a healthy school learning climate, including the attitudes, feelings, and values of students and school personnel (marx, frelick-wooley, & northrop, 1998), provides everyone with a sound physical and psychosocial environment in which to work and learn. the school’s learning climate is multi-dimensional and includes the subjective school experiences of: relationships, sense of school community, commitment to school, and school safety. a positive learning climate has been linked to effective teaching and learning, therefore, leading to more healthful student behaviors, higher school achievement levels, better behavioral risk prevention, and improved student performance (tubbs & garner, 2008; national school climate center, 2010). the policies and practices of a healthful and safe learning climate affect all individuals and areas within schools. for school students and school personnel, learning climate reflects the quality of the overall school experience (national school climate center, 2010). in order to positively impact the socio-emotional health of students as well as their academic achievement, the school learning climate must provide a setting in which students, educational faculty, and school staff can feel that they will succeed and reach their optimal potential (tubbs & garner, 2008; marx et al., 1998). learning climate is one of the essential supports needed for school improvement (sebring, allensworth, byrk, easton, & luppescu, 2006). as part of state and district-wide initiatives, schools are now assessing school learning climate to measure support for learning as well as to enhance those climate factors that contribute to overall school and life success (cohen, pickeral, & mcclosky, 2009). it is now recommended that all schools conduct periodic learning climate assessments to supplement other forms of assessment, create learning climate standards, and direct resources to improving school learning climate (cohen, fege, & pickeral, 2009). after conducting climate assessments, leadership in the analysis of the data, planning for change, and monitoring progress should be the next steps taken to develop more positive climates (tubbs & garner, 2008). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 school learning climate and the juvenile justice setting juvenile justice facilities are also social environments that are important in the development of a youth’s skills needed to navigate life outside of detention. the facility’s learning climate is an important factor in affecting positive social growth that may diminish recidivism (scott & steinberg, 2008). appropriate educational and mental health services are to be provided to youth under the jurisdiction of the juvenile justice system. many barriers to providing quality education to confined students as reported by those teaching and working in the juvenile detention setting are related to school learning climate, including: perceived lack of administrative support, lack of security services, inappropriate student conduct, and lack of faculty and student input into decision-making (houchins, puckett-patterson, crosby, shippen, & jolivette, 2009). learning climate is especially important in the educational setting for confined youth, such as those in a residential juvenile justice facility. usually administered by a regional juvenile or family court, youth who have been abused or neglected are assigned to these residential facilities and receive academic instruction as well as clinical and non-clinical interventions (brooks & histed, 2002). education programs in this setting add muchneeded structure to the lives of the confined students. a structured environment in addition to improved academic skills is related to the reduction of risky behaviors in these students after the confinement experience has ended (national center for juvenile justice, 2006). the effects of interventions to improve anti-social behaviors, emotional problems, alcohol use, and poor academic achievement have been linked to successful changes in the school learning climate (mcevoy, 2000) as modification of school learning climate may enhance overall student health and well-being (kasen, johnson, & cohen, 1990). recent system-wide juvenile justice reform initiatives are being targeted toward improvements in specific areas including using evidence-based approaches to decrease delinquent behaviors and reduce juvenile justice recidivism rates. for example, overcrowding creates not only safety issues but also issues surrounding access to educational and therapeutic services for youth in detention. for some youth, their substandard environmental and confinement conditions may border on abuse or neglect. facilities are encouraged to use model intervention programs supported by a research base, such as alternative placement programs for low-risk youth, to assist with successful behavior change (mendel, 2007; models for change, n.d.). improving school learning climate, therefore, is an evidence-based initiative that can address these reform issues. promoting a sustained, positive climate has been demonstrated to enhance educational outcomes and support a healthy, safe school environment (cohen et al., 2009). importance of a positive learning climate for educational faculty a supportive and safe learning climate for educational faculty has been demonstrated to improve their work performance (freiberg, 1998). learning climate can impact educational faculty behaviors that can then influence student achievement levels (tubbs & garner, 2008). successful and effective schools possess positive leaning climates that include safe environments, active leadership, collegiality, and appropriate student conduct (mcdill, rigsby, & meyers, 1969). school safety/discipline. school safety and discipline are key factors in providing a safe work environment for educational faculty. as student perception of positive learning climate decreases, their levels of behavior problems increase (wang, selman, dishion, & stormshak, 2010) leading to more difficult classroom management for faculty. the specific learning climate factors of structure and support in school discipline were most associated with improved school safety in traditional schools (gregory et al., 2009). school policies should prohibit discrimination, address the safety needs of educational faculty, and build faculty capacity and leadership skills to ensure such positive learning climates. supportive polices such as these increase discipline and safety, leading to more constructive learning climates (council for exceptional children, 2008). school leadership/collegiality. educational leadership and leader’s style are also important factors in creating a positive learning climate for educational faculty (kelley, 2005; shaw, 2009). administrators’ leadership behaviors were found to be correlated with teacher perceptions of learning climate (whitaker, 2009), and school leader behaviors and teacher opinions of learning climate also seem to be related to student achievement in traditional schools (nichols, 2007; kelley, 2005). it seems that shared leadership and professional community tend to improve some faculty instructional behaviors (seashore & wahlstrom, 2011), and the most effective schools appear to possess strong educational leadership leading to a positive learning climate (kelley, 2005). trust is built when administration is supportive and reasonable and when all faculty act with respect and cooperation. when educational faculty enjoy their colleagues and have supportive administration, they set appropriately high expectations for student achievement. (hoy, smith, & sweetland, 2003). student conduct/motivation. faculty ratings of learning climate are also associated with student behavior and adjustment (brand, feiner, seitsinger, burns, & bolton, 2008). high-quality traditional school learning climates are likely to mediate student relationships and behavioral problems (loukas, suzuki, & horton, 2006). for example, learning climate is associated with and predictive of student conduct, especially violent behaviors (cohen, mccabe, michelli, & pickeral, 2009). in schools with positive, supportive learning climates, students were more likely to educational faculty perceptions of the learning climate 3 seek help in the prevention of bullying and school violence (eliot, cornell, gregory, & fan, 2010). many school improvement programs focus on learning climate factors as faculty perception of positive climate is associated with lower levels of student disruptive behaviors and discipline problems (mitchell, bradshaw, & leaf, 2010). in schools where students perceived a learning climate in decline, their behavioral and psychological health were affected (way, reddy, & rhodes, 2007). teacher efficacy/professional development. in traditional schools, provision of professional development and learning communities for educational faculty can positively affect school learning climate (tubbs & garner, 2008). also, effective professional development programs that focus on strategies to improve relationships and interactions between faculty and students was perceived as potentially leading to a more positive school learning climate (price, 2008). learning climate was also viewed as predictive of faculty self-efficacy in traditional schools (tobin, muller, & turner, 2006). a more positive learning climate and high sense of self-efficacy seemed to predict lower stress levels of those adults staffing juvenile corrections facilities, too (wells, minor, angel, matz, & amato, 2008). in addition, most juvenile justice faculty in one study believed that they made a difference in their students, and that they possessed the educational background, teaching skills, and experience to impact student achievement. those with more years of experience seemed to report these higher levels of selfefficacy. (houchins, shippen, & cattret, 2004). purpose a positive learning and work climate for educational faculty appears crucial for academic success and faculty performance (search institute, 2008) in traditional school settings. positive learning and work climates would also be just as important in the success of educational and behavioral interventions of faculty teaching in juvenile justice residential facilities. learning climate assessments are recommended as evidence-based initiatives that can address juvenile justice reform issues, and a positive learning climate may also improve educational faculty effectiveness. therefore, the purpose of this study is to assess facility learning climate and support for learning in a residential juvenile justice facility from the perspective of the educational faculty. methods sample after irb approval of the study, all 22 juvenile center educational faculty from a residential detention facility in rural northeast missouri were asked by the researchers during one of the center’s faculty meetings in may 2009 to participate in the learning climate survey. all (100%) elected to participate and completed and returned a written informed consent document to the researchers at that time. the consent form described the purpose of the study, the possible benefits and harm that may results from participation, and that they could withdraw from the study at any time. the participants were educational faculty at a detention facility that serves a three-county area of northeast missouri. the participants, all state-certified teachers, taught core subject areas following the curriculum assigned to the youth in detention by their home school districts as well as counseled, facilitated group discussions, and mentored the youth during the school day. the center contains a secure detention and a secure residential treatment unit, and it also provides safe care and education services to adjudicated youth through both clinical and non-clinical interventions. services meet the needs of youth and family in crisis and include: emergency shelter, inpatient therapeutic treatment and psychiatric services, individual and family counseling, and transition support and supervision. in addition, youth who have alleged to have committed law violations are involved in educational, recreational, and social programs using counseling and correctional skills for behavior management. a chaplaincy and a character education program are also utilized when necessary (second judicial circuit juvenile division, 2009). the survey was administered june 2009 during the regularly-scheduled all-center faculty meeting. toward the end of the meeting, researchers reviewed consent and survey instructions with participants, secretarial staff distributed surveys, collected surveys, and placed surveys into a sealed envelope for the researchers to transport. instrument the survey tool “creating a great place to learn (cgpl): a survey of your school’s learning climate – staff survey” was used to assess juvenile center educational faculty perceptions of learning climate in three focus areas: relationships, organizational attributes, and personal development (available from search institute). the survey was based on the developmental assets framework created by the search institute (search institute, 2008). the survey used an asset-based foundation to assess faculty perceptions of their work climate. emphasizing the role of the 40 developmental assets, those positive, healthy experiences and influences that protect youth from risky behaviors and allow them to be resilient and thrive, this survey assessed the facility’s psycho-social environment experienced by the educational faculty. the instrument, developed over four years and tested with demographically diverse school faculty, includes both learning climate and developmental outcome measures. after analysis of the results, school improvements and reforms can then be implemented using “asset-based” strategies (search institute, 2006). the variables examined in the survey were aligned with the 40 developmental assets categories (search institute, 2008) and were viewed as critical factors in a positive, supportive learning climate. efficacy, the ability and confidence of the faculty to modify teaching techniques and be able to work together as an educational team, and collegiality, faculty learning from each other in a current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 collaborative way, leads to positive conditions that enhance learning. leadership and shared decision-making can help address school problems in a productive manner. such a collaborative culture increases the chances of success in school reform and school improvement programs. since educational faculty need to constantly improve their skills and knowledge, an environment that supports professional development and continuing education encourages faculty professionalism. safety, discipline, and appropriate student conduct are all important to support faculty authority and provide a safe work environment (search institute, 2006). the staff survey consisted of 86 questions in three sections (demographics, facility’s learning climate, and support for learning) that took about 25 minutes to complete. after completing the demographics section, respondents were asked to indicate how much they agreed or disagreed with the list of statements describing the facility’s learning climate and support for learning on a five-point scale: 1=strongly disagreed, 2=disagreed, 3=neither agreed nor disagreed/neutral, 4=agreed, or 5=strongly agreed. the use of such a five-point scale has been supported in the literature as there seems to be little improvement in reliability with more than 5 scale points (lissitz & green, 1975). most items were worded in a positive direction, however, four items in the facility’s learning climate section and two items in the support for learning section were worded in a negative direction. reverse directions attempt to prevent response sets in order to decrease response bias. sample items from this measure include: “this school provides a caring and supportive environment for me” (positive direction) and “instructional equipment is inadequate” (negative direction). the reading level of the instrument was approximately sixth grade. internal consistency for the cgpl averaged .60 or higher and 7 of 11 had alphas that were .70 or higher. the testretest reliability averaged .74 for the total asset categories and context areas (search institute, 2008), and samplespecific reliability was .892. procedure all juvenile center educational faculty in this cross-sectional study voluntarily completed all three parts of the survey instrument at their faculty meeting during the first week of june 2009. in order to maintain confidentiality, surveys were collected at the end of the meeting by a secretarial staff member and placed into a large clasp envelope, sealed, and returned to the researchers. analysis descriptive statistics (percentages and mean scores) were computed for the frequency that each of the statements applied to the respondents. based on pilot testing, final revision, and field testing over four years, a 5point likert scale was chosen by search institute to illustrate the proportion of respondents who indicated how much they agreed or disagreed with the list of statements describing the facility’s learning climate and support for learning. the responses were scored: 1=strongly disagreed, 2=disagreed, 3=neither agreed nor disagreed/neutral, 4=agreed, or 5=strongly agreed (search institute, 2006). the scores for each question were added and then divided by the number of scores to obtain the mean or balance point in the distribution. the following facility’s learning climate questions were reverse-scored when computing mean scores for all of the statements: “students do not care about learning”, “there is a lot of being mean among students”, “i don’t have as much enthusiasm as i used to”, and “most students do as little as they have to”. the following support for learning questions were reversescored when computing mean scores for all of the statements: “extracurricular programs are inadequate”, and “instructional equipment is inadequate”. categories were collapsed and recoded into either ‘strongly agree/agree’ or ‘neither strongly agree nor agree’ with ‘neutrals’ considered as ‘neither strongly agree nor agree’. the chi square statistic was then used to determine differences in the proportion of respondents who indicated how much they ‘agreed’ or ‘disagreed’ with the list of statements by demographic category; examining the relationship between the two variables. to determine if those who reported low scores in one of the statements with the lowest means also reported low scores in the others, and if those who reported high scores in one of the statements with the highest means also reported high scores in the others; a pearson correlation coefficient with a bonferonni correction was also computed. the pearson product-moment correlation coefficient evaluated the extent of the linear relationship between two or more variables since the quantitative variables were normally distributed and the scores for one case were independent from the scores for other cases. results demographics all respondents reported their race as white (23/23, 100%), almost all respondents reported they were non-administrative educational faculty (22/23, 96%), one noted they were administrative educational faculty (1/23, 4.3%) and most described themselves as female (17/23, 74%), under 40 years of age (14/23, 61%), working in this career role for less than five years (13/23, 57%), and working at this facility for less than five years (14/23, 61%). perceptions of facility’s learning climate: positive perceptions school safety/discipline. respondent perceptions of facility learning climate including relationships, organizational attributes, and personal development are illustrated in table 1. the majority of respondents reported ‘agree’ or ‘strongly agree’ that “they felt safe in the school building (21/23, 91%) and on school grounds” (22/23. 96%), “students were rarely bullied at this school” (18/23, 78%), “staff would stop bullying if they did see it” (19/23, 83%), and that “the school provided a caring and supportive 5 table 1 perceptions of learning climate (n= 23) safety/discipline question sd d n a sa nr n% n% n% n% n% n% feel safe in school building 0/0.0 1/4.3 1/4.3 10/43.5 11/47.8 0/0.0 feel safe on school grounds 0/0.0 0/0.0 1/4.3 13/56.5 9/39.1 0/0.0 staff stop it if they see student 0/0.0 1/4.3 1/4.3 11/47.8 8/34.8 2/8.7 being bullied rarely students get picked on or bullied 0/0.0 1/4.3 3/13.0 11/47.8 7/30.4 1/4.3 school provides caring and supportive environment 0/0.0 1/4.3 3/13.0 12/52.2 7/30.4 0/0.0 rules enforced fairly at school 0/0.0 0/0.0 2/8.7 17/73.9 3/13.0 1/4.3 admin. enforces discipline fairly 0/0.0 2/8.7 2/8.7 14/60.9 4/17.4 1/4.3 if students break a rule, they are disciplined 0/0.0 0/0.0 1/4.3 16/69.6 6/26.1 0/0.0 ______________________________________________________________________________ leadership/collegiality question sd d n a sa nr n% n% n% n% n% n% atmosphere of collegiality 0/0.0 1/4.3 7/30.4 8/34.8 7/30.4 0/0.0 staff care about students 0/0.0 0/0.0 2/8.7 12/52.2 9/39.1 0/0.0 staff work together to improve instruction 0/0.0 0/0.0 3/13.0 14/60.9 6/26.1 0/0.0 adm. treats collaborative work as priority 0/0.0 2/8.7 5/21.7 11/47.8 4/17.4 1/4.3 school staff take academics 0/0.0 2/8.7 1/4.3 16/69.6 4/17.4 0/0.0 seriously co-workers pleasure to work with 0/0.0 0/0.0 0/0.0 16/69.6 7/30.4 0/0.0 principal trusts judgment of staff 0/0.0 0/0.0 5/21.7 12/52.2 6/26.1 0/0.0 admin. and staff work to make school function 0/0.0 2/8.7 2/8.7 10/43.5 8/34.8 1/4.3 i feel accepted and respected as a colleague 0/0.0 0/0.0 2/8.7 17/73.9 3/13.0 1/4.3 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 6 my work has positive effect on my life 0/0.0 0/0.0 3/13.0 11/47.8 8/34.8 1/4.3 my work gives me a feeling of accomplishment 0/0.0 1/4.3 1/4.3 14/60.9 6/26.1 1/4.3 this school inspires my best job performance 0/0.0 1/4.3 5/21.7 16/69.6 1/4.3 0/0.0 _________________________________________________________________________________ student conduct/motivation question sd d n a sa nr n% n% n% n% n% n% students treat each other with respect 0/0.0 4/17.4 5/21.7 13/56.5 0/0.0 1/4.3 students can work without being distracted 0/0.0 6/26.1 7/30.4 9/39.1 0/0.0 1/4.3 students are helpful and cooperative 0/0.0 3/13.0 5/23.7 13/56.5 1/4.3 1/4.3 most students try hard to get best grades 0/0.0 8/34.8 8/34.8 6/26.1 0/0.0 1/4.3 teachers are rarely interrupted by students 0/0.0 5/21.7 8/34.8 10/43.5 0/0.0 0/0.0 most students are eager to learn as much as they can 0/0.0 7/30.4 11/47.8 5/21.7 0/0.0 0/0.0 most students put forth good effort in school work 0/0.0 4/17.4 9/39.1 10/43.5 0/0.0 0/0.0 _________________________________________________________________________________ teacher efficacy/professional development question sd d n a sa nr n% n% n% n% n% n% staff help make decisions affecting school 0/0.0 2/8.7 9/39.1 9/39.1 3/13.0 0/0.0 students help set school policies 6/26.1 4/17.4 11/47.8 2/8.7 0/0.0 0/0.0 students asked their opinions before decisions made 1/4.3 7/30.4 13/56.5 1/4.3 0/0.0 1/4.3 students are free to make suggestions to admin. 0/0.0 1/4.3 9/39.1 10/43.5 3/13.0 0/0.0 most parents take an active part in child’s learning 3/13.0 9/39.1 9/39.1 2/8.7 0/0.0 0/0.0 most parents are a genuine partner in child’s learning 2/8.7 9/39.1 9/39.1 3/13.0 0/0.0 0/0.0 ___________________________________________________________________________________ 7 environment” (19/23, 83%). with regard to rules and discipline, the majority of respondents reported ‘agree’ or ‘strongly agree’ that “rules were enforced fairly” (20/23, 87%), “disciplinary procedures were fair” (20/23, 87%), and “if students broke a rule, they were disciplined” (22/23, 96%). school leadership/collegiality. the majority of respondents also reported ‘agree’ or ‘strongly agree’ that staff worked well together to improve instruction” (20/23, 87%), “staff took academics seriously” (20/23, 87%), and “co-workers were a pleasure to work with” (23/23, 100%). most (15/23, 65%) reported ‘agree’ or ‘strongly agree’ that “the administration treated collaborative work as a priority”, that “the principal trusted staff judgment” (18/23, 78%), and that “the administration and staff worked together to make the school function” (18/23, 78%). the majority of respondents reported ‘agree’ or ‘strongly agree’ that “staff really cared about the students” (21/23, 91%), “they felt accepted and respected as a colleague” (20/23, 87%), “their work had a positive effect on their lives” (19/23, 83%), “their work gave them a feeling of accomplishment” (20/23, 87%), and “they looked forward to work on most days” (23/23, 100%). most reported ‘agree’ or ‘strongly agree’ that “there was an atmosphere of collegiality at the school” (15/23, 65%), and most (16/23, 70%) reported ‘agree’ to the statement that “this school inspired their best job performance”. perceptions of facility learning climate: negative perceptions student conduct/motivation. only a little over half (13/23, 57%), however, reported ‘agree’ to the statement that “students treated each other with respect”, only about 40% (9/23) reported ‘agree’ to the statement that “students could work without being distracted”, and a little over 40% (10/23) reported ‘agree’ to the statement that “teachers were rarely interrupted by students”. female respondents were significantly more likely than male respondents to report ‘neither strongly agree nor agree’’ to the statements that “most students were helpful and cooperative with the staff” (x 2 =6.688, df=2, p<.05) and that “teachers were rarely interrupted by the students” (x 2 =5.247, df=2, p<.05). only 22% (5/23) reported ‘agree’ that “most students were eager to learn as much as they could”, only 26% (6/23) reported ‘agree’ that “most students tried hard to get the best grades”, and only 44% (10/23) reported ‘agree’ that “most students put forth good effort in school work”. female respondents were significantly (x 2 =6.330, df=2, p<.05) more likely than male respondents to report ‘strongly agree/agree’ that “most students were helpful and cooperative with the staff”. shared decision-making. about 40% (9/23) reported ‘agree’, and about 40% reported ‘neither agree nor disagree’, however, to the statement that “staff helped make decisions affecting the facility”. only 9% (2/23) reported ‘agree’ to the statement that “students helped set school priorities”, only 4% (1/23) reported ‘agree’ that “students were asked their opinions before key school decisions were made”, and a little less than half (10/23, 44%) reported ‘agree’ that “students were free to make suggestions to the administrators”. in addition, only 9% (2/23) and 13% (3/23), respectively, reported ‘agree’ that “most parents took an active part in their child’s learning” and that “most parents were genuine partners in their child’s learning”. facility learning climate: correlations among statements with the highest means correlation coefficients were computed among the statements with the highest mean scores in the learning climate section: “on most days, i looked forward to work” (m=4.43, sd=.507), followed by “there were adults at this school whom students can trust (m=4.43, sd=.590), “most of my co-workers were a pleasure to work with” (m=4.30, sd=.470), “staff really cared about students” (m=4.30, sd=.635), “i felt safe on the school grounds (m=4.35, sd=.573), and “i felt safe inside the school building” (m=4.35, sd=.775). using the bonferonni approach to control for type i error across the correlations, a p value of less than .05 was specified for significance. the results presented in table 2 indicate that five of the correlations were statistically significant. in general, those respondents reporting high scores for the statement that “staff really cared about students at this school” would also tend to report high scores for “felt safe in the school building”, “co-workers were a pleasure to work with”, and that “there were adults at the school that students could trust”. those who reported high scores for “felt safe in the school building” also tended to report high scores for “felt safe on school grounds”, and those who reported high scores for “co-workers were a pleasure to work with” also tended to report high scores for “ i look forward to my work on most days”. perceptions of support for learning: positive perceptions teacher efficacy. only those who identified themselves as full-time educational faculty were asked to indicate how much they agreed or disagreed with the next set of statements concerning support for learning. respondent perceptions are illustrated in table 3. the majority of respondents reported ‘agree’ or ‘strongly agree’ that they “believed they could make a difference in student achievement” (18/21, 86%), that “they made a positive difference in students’ lives” (16/21, 76%), and that “they could change their teaching approach” (16/21, 76%) or “change their teaching methods (16/21, 76%) for those not doing well in their class”. in addition, the majority reported ‘agree’ or ‘strongly agree’ that “staff played a key role in in-services” (16/21, 76%) and that “in-services meet staff needs” (15/21, 71%); as well as reported “adequate resources” (16/21, 76%) such as “adequate copying services” (17/21, 81%), “adequate computers” (17/21, 81%), and “adequate classroom supplies” (16/21, 76%). 8 table 2 correlations among the statements with the highest mean scores: learning climate (n=23) ________________________________________________________________________ staff care feel safe co-workers feel safe adults like work students building pleasure grounds kids trust most days ______________________________________________________________________________________ staff care students .42* .48* .32 .48* .28 feel safe building .07 .74* .05 .06 co-workers pleasure .09 -.007 .76** feel safe grounds -.06 .08 adults kids trust .09 like work most days . ______________________________________________________________________________________ *p<.05 **p<.01 educational faculty perceptions of the learning climate 9 table 3 perceptions of support for learning (n= 21) question sd d n a sa nr n% n% n% n% n% n% inadequate extracurricular programs at school 4/19.0 11/52.4 2/9.5 1/4.8 2/9.5 1/4.8 school or dept. library includes adequate 0/0.0 5/23.8 7/33.3 7/33.3 1/4.8 1/4.8 selection of books and periodicals i believe i can make a difference 0/0.0 0/0.0 2/9.5 12/57.1 6/28.6 1/4.8 staff play a key role in determining content 0/0.0 1/4.8 3/14.3 13/61.9 3/14.3 1/4.8 of in-service programs adequate copying equipment and services are 0/0.0 0/0.0 3/14.3 11/52.4 6/28.6 1/4.8 available to staff most of the in-service programs deal with issues 0/0.0 0/0.0 5/23.8 10/47.6 5/23.8 1/4.8 specific to the needs of school’s students/staff instructional equipment is not adequate for my 3/14.3 10/47.6 5/23.8 1/4.8 1/4.8 1/4.8 purposes staff encouraged to be innovative 0/0.0 2/9.5 5/23.8 10/47.6 3/14.3 1/4.8 counseling program is a strength 0/0.0 1/4.8 4/19.0 8/38.1 7/33.3 1/4.8 making a positive difference in the lives of 0/0.0 0/0.0 4/19.0 12/57.1 4/19.0 1/4.8 students adequate opportunities to work with faculty 1/4.8 0/0.0 6/28.6 9/42.9 4/19.0 1/4.8 members of other depts./grade levels resources are adequate for my purposes 0/0.0 1/4.8 3/14.3 13/61.9 3/14.3 1/4.8 staff development programs permit me to 0/0.0 1/4.8 7/33.3 7/33.3 5/23.8 1/4.8 acquire important knowledge and skills availability of computers is adequate 0/0.0 2/9.5 1/4.8 11/52.4 6/28.6 1/4.8 when a student has trouble learning, 0/0.0 0/0.0 4/19.0 13/61.9 3/14.3 1/4.8 i try a new strategy classroom supplies are adequate 0/0.0 0/0.0 4/19.0 14/66.7 2/9.5 1/4.8 in school, encouraged to experiment with 0/0.0 0/0.0 6/28.6 13/61.9 1/4.8 1/4.8 teaching methods if some students in class are not doing well, 0/0.0 0/0.0 4/19.0 12/57.1 4/19.0 1/4.8 i believe i should change teaching approach by trying a different teaching method, can 0/0.0 0/0.0 4/19.0 12/57.1 4/19.0 1/4.8 significantly affect a student’s achievement __________________________________________________________________________________________ current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 10 perceptions of support for learning: negative perceptions professional development. less than half, though, reported ‘agree’ to the statements that “staff were encouraged to be innovative” (10/21, 48%) and that “there were adequate opportunities for working with faculty from other departments/grades in the school” (9/21, 43%). onethird (7/21) of respondents reported ‘agree’ and one-third (7/21) reported ‘neither agree nor disagree’, however, that “in-services permitted them to acquire important skills”. support for learning: correlations among statements with the highest means correlation coefficients were computed among the statements with the highest means: “i believe i can make a difference in student achievement” (m=4.20, sd=.616), followed by “adequate copying services” (m=4.15, sd=.671), “the counseling program is strong” (m=4.05, sd=.887), “adequate availability of computers” (m=4.05, sd=.887), “if some students in my class are not doing well, i believe i should change my teaching approach” (m=4.00, sd=.649), and “by trying a different teaching method, i can significantly affect student achievement” (m=4.00, sd=.649). using the bonferonni approach to control for type i error across the correlations, a p value of less than .05 was specified for significance. the results presented in table 4 indicate that eight of the correlations were statistically significant. in general, those respondents reporting high scores for “believe i make a difference in student achievement” also tend to report high scores in “the counseling program is strong”, and “by changing my teaching methods, i can affect student achievement”. those who reported high scores in “adequate copying services” also tended to report high scores for “adequate in-services”. in addition, those who reported high scores for “the counseling program is strong” and “adequate computers” also tended to report high scores for “if some students in my class are not doing well, i believe i should change my teaching approach” and “by trying a different teaching method, i can significantly affect student achievement”. lastly, those who reported high scores in “if some students in my class are not doing well, i believe i should change my teaching approach” also tended to report high scores for “by trying a different teaching method, i can significantly affect student achievement”. correlation coefficients were also computed among the statements with the lowest means (table 5): “the instructional equipment was not adequate” (m=2.35, sd= .988), “extracurricular programs were inadequate to met student needs” (m=2.30, sd=1.174), “library selection is adequate” (m=3.20, sd=.894), “staff were encouraged to be innovative” (m=3.70, sd=.865), “adequate opportunities to work with other faculty” (m=3.75, sd=.967), and ‘i’m encouraged to experiment with my teaching methods” (m=3.75, sd=.550). those who reported low scores on “staff were encouraged to be innovative” also tended to report low scores on “adequate opportunities to work with faculty from other departments/grades”, and those who reported low scores on “adequate opportunities to work with faculty from other departments/grades” also tended to report low scores on “encouraged to experiment with my teaching methods”. table 4 correlations among the statements with the highest mean scores: support for learning (n=21) ________________________________________________________________________ make diff adq adq cns adq change change copy in-serv strong comp approach methods _____________________________________________________________________________________ make diff -.08 .26 .66** -.17 .40 .53* adq copy .65* .25 .25 .36 .12 adq in-service .33 .25 .34 .22 cns strong .07 .55* .55* adq computers .46* .55* change teaching approach .75* change teaching methods ____________________________________________________________________________________ *p<.05 educational faculty perceptions of the learning climate 11 table 5 correlations among the statements with the lowest mean scores: support for learning (n=21) ________________________________________________________________________ inadq adq inadq encourage work w/other experiment ex-cur library equip innovate diff depts. teach methods _____________________________________________________________________________________ inadq extra-curr -.01 .22 -.06 -.02 .04 adq library .39 .15 .06 .32 inadq instruct equip -.18 -.07 .17 encouraged innovative .54* .28 work w/others .47* experiment methods ______________________________________________________________________________________ *p<.05 discussion learning climate reflects the quality of the school experience (national school climate center, 2010). in this case, the climate reflected the overall work environment for the educational faculty in a juvenile justice setting. those working in the juvenile justice setting have viewed many school learning climate variables as barriers to quality education, especially poor administrative leadership, lack of safety and discipline, poor student conduct, and lack of shared decision-making (houchins et al., 2009). most respondents in this study, however, reported generally positive perceptions of safety and discipline (generally feel safe, perceive rules are fair, and view environment as supportive), leadership and collegiality (feel they work as teams, administration and faculty collaborate), and efficacy (feel confident in their teaching ability). on the other hand, most respondents reported negative perceptions of their professional development (in-service) opportunities, student conduct and motivation (disrespectful students, low effort from students), as well as shared decision-making (involvement in school-wide decisions). educational faculty perceptions related to a positive facility learning climate school safety/discipline. school safety and discipline were perceived to be associated with a positive school learning climate by the respondents. the majority of respondents from a detention facility in rural northeast missouri who participated in a learning climate survey seemed to agree that the learning climate for staff and students was generally physically safe and emotionally supportive, and that rules were adequately enforced. policies that are consistently enforced improve discipline and safety at a school (council for exceptional children, 2008). a caring, supportive school environment, therefore, was illustrated by the high mean scores reported school safety and discipline. school leadership/collegiality. school leadership and staff collegiality were also perceived to be associated with a positive school learning climate by the respondents. most respondents seemed to agree that relationships between faculty and administration were generally collegial. school leadership, teacher attitudes, and collegiality have all been associated in the literature with improved faculty work performance (search 2006) and student academic success (kelly, thornton, & daugherty, 2005). those respondents who reported high scores on school safety also reported high scores on staff collegiality as they may have felt safe enough to move beyond their content area to collaborate across disciplines with other faculty. those who perceived low levels of school leadership, however, also seemed to perceive low levels of collegiality. possibly, lack of strong safety and discipline policies or discipline policies not supported by school leadership would dissuade faculty from working as teaching teams. leadership and administrative-faculty collaboration are key factors in a sound physical and psycho-social environment that leads to a positive learning climate at a school (marx et al., 1998). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 12 educational faculty perceptions related to barriers to a positive facility learning climate student conduct/motivation. poor student conduct and motivation were perceived as barriers to a positive school learning climate by the respondents, similar to attitudes of others working in the detention setting (houchins et al., 2009). there was less agreement that students were respectful of each other; and it seemed that disruptions and interruptions were perceived to affect the learning climate, especially by female respondents. many respondents also did not agree that students put much effort into their class work or really cared about learning. although academics are important, because students in this type of school setting are placed there because of family problems and other problems; academics may not really be their first priority. shared decision-making. most respondents did not perceive a level of involvement and partnership by students or their parents. this agrees with previous studies citing lack of shared decision-making as a barrier to quality education in this setting (houchins et al., 2009). the lowest mean scores were reported as student involvement in setting rules, student behavior when unsupervised, and parents as active partners. additionally, most did not agree that students were involved in school decisions that affected them nor were parents involved as partners in their child’s learning. a positive learning climate requires involvement and cooperation of all parties (marx et al., 1998), even students and their parents. although involvement in all aspects of the school by faculty, students, parents, and community members is optimal, both students and parents in this type of school setting may have other problems that need their primary attention. if it becomes possible, though; it is recommended that faculty afford the students some say in class rules to encourage more ‘ownership’ and bonding with the school. if some rules are perceived as ‘theirs’, students may use positive peer pressure on each other for improved behavior and adherence to rules when not supervised by adults. parents need to be brought into the established school partnership to become more involved in their child’s learning. faculty’s use of any and all means of communication, such as telephone, parent-teacher meetings, and electronic communication could lay the foundation for such a partnership. implications for educational faculty in the juvenile justice setting since supportive policies from the administration improve discipline and safety (council for exceptional children, 2008), strong school administrative leadership truly shapes the learning climate in the facility (kelly et al., 2005). administrators in the juvenile justice setting should create and consistently enforce administrative policies that minimize unsafe circumstances, interruptions, and distractions in order for faculty to work at their optimum level. a structured and disciplined environment leads to reductions in students’ risky behaviors (national center for juvenile justice, 2006) that may lead to improved classroom management by the faculty member. administrators in the juvenile justice setting should also support their faculty and encourage activities that promote collegiality between faculty members if they wish to increase faculty expectations for their students (hoy et al., 2003). those who perceive strong collegiality between faculty members seemed to exhibit higher confidence levels and higher job satisfaction levels (hoy & woolfolk, 1993), both linked to higher student achievement (taylor & tashakkori, 1995). on the other hand, since poor student behaviors and lack of parental involvement are job stressors for juvenile justice staff (houchins et al., 2004) as well as barriers to providing quality instruction to the students (houchins et al., 2009), faculty and administration need to continue to enforce policies fairly and find ways to involve parents as partners. a parents’ group or parent support group could possibly be formed to work more directly with each juvenile justice facility. educational faculty perceptions related to positive support for learning teacher efficacy. teacher efficacy was perceived to be associated with positive support for learning. the majority of respondents seemed to agree that their work was relevant, that they made a positive difference, and that they looked forward to coming to work on most days. the majority of respondents also seemed to agree that they knew that they could use and even modify their teaching strategies and methods to make a positive difference in student achievement and in their students’ lives. the highest mean scores were reported in staff perception of their teaching skills and adequate instructional resources. those who reported this high selfefficacy also tended to agree that they possessed enough instructional resources to meet student needs. those with high self-efficacy, however, may also have viewed any level of instructional resources as adequate as they believe they could successfully teach no matter the amount or type of resources available. the physical learning conditions, such as adequate educational supplies and services, enhance the learning climate (marx et al., 1998). educational faculty perceptions related to barriers to support for learning professional development. lack of professional development opportunities was perceived as a barrier to support for learning. some respondents did not seem to perceive adequate support for innovative teaching or to work across disciplines or departments. the lowest mean score was reported for opportunities to work with faculty from other grades/departments. since the teachers seemed confident in their teaching skills, reported good relationships with their colleagues, and seemed quite satisfied with the physical resources available; more administrative support could be given to cross-discipline work such as thematic units, team-teaching, or newer educational faculty perceptions of the learning climate 13 techniques that allow teachers to learn from each other. inservices can be focused on learning the skills to implement the latest strategies in this area. implications for educational faculty in the juvenile justice setting in this study and in previous research in the juvenile justice setting (houchins et al., 2004), teaching faculty reported high self-efficacy and high job satisfaction. a healthy school learning climate positively impacts teaching efficacy (hoy & woolfolk, 1993) and is also an important predictor of teacher job satisfaction (taylor & tashakkori, 1995). if a teacher perceives high job satisfaction and high self-efficacy, they feel more confident that they can impact student achievement (houchins et al., 2004). faculty, though, need access to professional development activities, instructional in-services, and skillbuilding conferences to increase confidence in using the most appropriate teaching strategies. learning and applying the latest innovations in such techniques as crossdisciplinary teaching will possibly improve teachers’ selfefficacy. professional development activities that focus on improving interactions and relationships between teachers and academic disciplines have been demonstrated to improve school learning climate (price, 2008 ). in addition, learning climate assessments have been recommended for traditional schools as a supplement to other types of assessments in order to improve the quality of education (cohen et al., 2009). since juvenile justice reform initiatives also call for evidence-based programs to address concerns (mendel, 2007; models for change, n.d.), a learning climate assessment based on the 40 developmental assets would allow for program interventions based on “asset-building” strategies that have demonstrated effectiveness (search institute 2006; search institute, 2008). once the assessments have been concluded, schools would plan and implement change strategies and then evaluate those interventions (tubbs & garner, 2008). innovative interventions based on the results a learning climate assessment should thrive in an environment where faculty members feel they can succeed and make a difference. although the current study did include all members of the educational faculty population of this school facility, the small number of respondents in a specific facility makes it difficult to generalize results to other juvenile justice residential facilities. this study suggests, though, that by describing perceptions of their school’s learning climate; school staff and administration can identify strengths and work to improve upon weaknesses. since it is recommended that staff and students work cooperatively to improve learning climate, an avenue for further research is to survey the students’ perceptions of the learning climate at the school; noting if their identified strengths and weaknesses were similar to the staff’s descriptions. all in all, enhancing the school’s physical and psychosocial surroundings leads to a healthier school environment for staff and students. references brand, s., felner, r., seitsinger, a., burns, a., & bolton, n. 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(1998). health is academic: a guide to coordinated school health programs. new york, ny: teachers college press. mcevoy, a. (2000). antisocial behavior, academic failure, and school climate. journal of emotional and behavioral disorders, 8(3), 130-140. meeks, l., heit, p., & page, r. (2003). comprehensive school health education. new york, ny: mcgraw hill. national center for juvenile justice. (2006). state juvenile justice profiles. retrieved april 10, 2008 from: http://www.ncjj.org/stateprofiles/profiles/mo06.as p price, b. (2008). teacher perceptions of the impact of professional development and teacher-student relationships on school climate. dissertation abstracts international section a: humanities and social sciences, 69(6-a), 2078. search institute. (2008). survey information cgpl. retrieved april 10, 2008 from: http://www.searchinstitute.org/content/creating-great-place-learn search institute. (2006).search institute’s creating a great place to learn survey: a survey of school climate technical manual. retrieved october 1, 2010 from: http://www.searchinstitute.org/system/files/school+climate-tech+manual.pdf seashore l., & wahlstrom, k. (2011). principals as cultural leaders. phi delta kappan, 92(5), 52-56. taylor, d., & tashakkori, a. (1995). decision participation and school climate as predictors of job satisfaction and teachers’ sense of efficacy. journal of experimental education, 63(3), 217230. way, n., reddy, r., & rhodes, j. (2007). students’ perceptions of school climate during the middle school years: associations with trajectories of psychological and behavioral adjustment. american journal of community psychology, 40(3/4), 194-213. article title goes here 15 article citation cox, c.c., visker, j.d., & hartman, a. (2011). educational faculty perceptions of the learning climate in a juvenile justice residential facility. current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/558 author notes carolyn c. cox, phd, mches truman state university 2108 pershing building, kirksville, mo 63501 ccox@truman.edu carolyn c. cox is a professor of health science at truman state university in kirksville, mo. she teaches courses in community and school health education. her research interests focus on community-based participatory research in the areas of school and worksite health promotion. joseph d. visker, phd, ches truman state university 2108 pershing building, kirksville, mo 63501 jvisker@truman.edu joseph d. visker is an assistant professor of health science at truman state university in kirksville, mo. he teaches courses in research methods and environmental health. his research interests are in human sexuality and youth sexual health. ashley hartman truman state university 2108 pershing building, kirksville, mo 63501 abh1764@truman.edu ashley hartman is an undergraduate student in health science at truman state university, and her research interests include school health, youth health, and health of special populations. current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 16 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 2 may 18, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors krista adams melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss ayfer gokalp younsu kim seong hee kim angeles maldonado carol masser john michael tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers latino and whit_final volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x latino and white students’ perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring: do gender and ethnicity matter? rubén garza, phd texas state university – san marcos martha n. ovando, phd university of texas at austin claire e. seymour texas state university – san marcos citation garza, r., ovando, m.n., & seymour, c.e. (2010). latino and white students’ perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring: do gender and ethnicity matter? current issues in education, 13(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: rubén garza, phd affiliation: texas state university – san marcos address: 601 university drive, san marcos, tx, 78666 email: rubengarza@txstate.edu biographical information: rubén garza is an assistant professor of curriculum & instruction and secondary undergraduate coordinator at texas state university – san marcos. his research efforts focus on latino education, culturally responsive teaching, mentoring beginning teachers and adolescents, and feedback to improve teachers’ performance. author: martha n. ovando, phd affiliation: university of texas at austin email: movando@mail.utexas.edu biographical information: martha n. ovando is professor and graduate advisor at the university of texas at austin. her research interests focus on teacher leadership, instructional leadership, constructive feedback to improve teachers’ instructional performance, and teacher evaluation and development. author: claire e. seymour affiliation: texas state university – san marcos email: claireseymour@txstate.edu biographical information: claire e. seymour is a graduate student in the curriculum studies and special education program at texas state university – san marcos. her research efforts focus on the integration of arts education curriculum and communication design for special education, at-risk, and minority students. latino and white students’ perceptions 3 although caring has been identified as an important attribute of quality teaching (rodriguez, 2008; burrell & ovando, 2008), student perceptions of teachers’ behaviors that convey a caring attitude tend to vary, according to students’ experiences and expectations. for instance, a study of teaching practices in segregated and desegregated schools (burrell & ovando, 2008) found that teachers exhibited caring regardless of the context, but their actual display of caring varied. the study revealed that when teachers moved from one context to the other, “they needed to change how they demonstrated caring but not their philosophy of care itself” (2008, p. 279). as the context may require that teachers modify their approach to caring, students’ perceptions may also vary depending on their own needs, values, and expectations. when there is a difference between teachers’ own personal lens or practice and their students’ perspectives, classroom interactions may result in un-intended consequences for the students. thus, it is imperative to closely examine students’ perceptions of caring. previous research on caring suggests that students tend to value teacher behaviors that demonstrate caring. for instance, some (alder, 2002; garza, 2007; hayes, ryan, & zseller, 1994; nelson & bauch, 1997; nelson, lott, & glenn, 1997; wentzel, 1997) have suggested that empathic listening is a form of caring. students also agree that a caring teacher is one who provides encouragement and cultivates a climate of trust by treating students with respect (garza, 2009; nelsen, lott, & glenn, 1997). further, “it is critical to remember that when you treat students with respect, they tend to appreciate and like you” (boynton & boynton, 2005, p. 6). as ridnouer (2006) suggests, “putting your care for your student first creates a learning community that inspires them to be their best selves, both in school and out in the world” (p. 3).therefore, conveying a positive tone through teacher disposition is an approach to convey caring for current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 4 students, but more importantly, to preserve student dignity (alder, 2002; garza, 2009; nelsen, lott, & glenn, 1997; valverde, 2006). on the other hand, behaviors that may impede meaningful relationships (pang, 2005; pizarro, 2005) may be counterproductive to student success. furthermore, negative incidents can result in instructional disengagement because “students know who they can and can’t learn from” (ridnouer, 2006, p. 4). compounding the issue of unsuccessful teacher-student interactions, students who lack self-esteem generally struggle academically and lack appropriate social skills in the school environment. in addition, factors such as “academic deficits, limited intellectual ability, an unhealthy home environment, language processing, perceptual abilities, or social status” (pierangelo & giuliani, 2000, p. 2-9) may also exacerbate struggling students’ educational experiences. therefore, knowing how to improve educational experiences and classroom interactions between teacher and student through the construct of caring, may be one way to provide better learning experiences for students, especially those who are often marginalized, disenfranchised, and disconnected from the learning environment. this paper reports on the findings from a study conducted to measure latino and white high school students’ perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring and the influence of students’ gender and ethnicity on those perceptions. perspectives on caring while researchers (blustein, 1991; mayeroff, 1971; noddings, 1984; noddings, 2005) agree that the ethic of caring involves a relationship between someone who cares for another, not all agree on a single definition of caring. according to noddings (1984; 2005), caring is reciprocal. the person cared for must acknowledge the act of being cared for in order to form a relationship. unlike noddings (2005) who believes caring must be reciprocal in nature, mayeroff latino and white students’ perceptions 5 (1971) asserts that caring is not always a mutual act. similarly, bluestein (1991) recognizes that a relationship consists of certain roles that may not include reciprocal behaviors. for instance, a teacher-student relationship can be described in terms of a role where the teacher is expected to care for students as part of his or her professional job responsibility. still, deiro (2003) contends that “caring in and of itself, implies a relationship, but appropriate caring in teacher-student relationships is demonstrated differently from caring in other types of relationships” (p. 60). a caring ethic “requires commitment and the continual expression of caring behaviors develops the trusting relationships in which growth can occur” (chaskin & rauner, 1995, p. 674). what makes this endeavor challenging is the interpretation of caring. caring is viewed as a reciprocal interaction (noddings, 1984), behavior that is influenced by context and perspective (bluestein, 1991); a synergetic relationship between someone who cares for another but context dictates whether or not caring is reciprocal (mayeroff, 1971). whereas the construct of caring has been delineated, studies have identified behaviors that demonstrate caring. for example, nelson and bauch (1997) interviewed 88 africanamerican high school seniors and reported that teachers, who set high expectations, gave verbal encouragement, orchestrated demanding learning tasks, provided assistance, and built relationships with students, were perceived as teacher behaviors that convey caring. a study (garrett, barr, & forsbach-rothman, 2007) conducted in a large diverse urban setting, asked 24 african-american, 13 white, and 23 latino sixth grade students, and 22 african-american, 27 white, and 46 latino ninth grade students to comment on how teachers demonstrated care. their findings suggested that latino and african american students perceived providing academic support as critical in demonstrating care, more so than white students. even though teacher personality and taking a personal interest in students were identified as other aspects of current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 6 demonstrating care, white students mentioned them more often than latino and africanamerican students did. in summary, their findings suggested ethnicity did not significantly influence student’s perceptions of caring behaviors. previous research has focused on student perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring (garrett, barr, & forsbach-rothman, 2007; garza, 2007; garza, 2009), student perceptions of the learning environment (byrne, hattie, & fraser, 1986), the link between caring and motivation (wentzel, 1997), teacher conceptions of caring (weinstein, 1998), school climate (slaughter-defoe & carlson, 1996), sense of belonging (goodenow, 1993), and teacher-student relationships (osterman & freese, 2000), to name a few. “in caring classrooms where all children are represented,” (antón-oldenburg, 2000, p. 46) students are more apt to be actively engaged in their education, “especially for culturally diverse students who may be at risk of failing or who may be disengaged from schooling” (perez, 2000). gender and ethnicity as influential factors while administrators, school personnel, and classroom educators cope with mounting pressures to meet district, state and national standards, the uniqueness of diverse classrooms cannot be ignored, especially gender as an influential factor in the educational environment. “while there have been a large number of explanations of the origins of gender differences in educational achievement, few studies have examined the extent to which these differences are mediated by biological, sociocultural or school factors” (gibb, fergusson, & horwood, 2008, p. 65). according to patchen (2006), “gender studies, although varied, tend to swing from the acutely personal (how one perceives of oneself) to the obtusely general (how the force of a masculine or feminine nature determines one’s identity or role)” (p. 2056.) however, past research in education has examined gender differences with regard to achievement (clark, lee, latino and white students’ perceptions 7 goodman, & yacco, 2008; gibb, fergusson, & horwood, 2008; mulholland, hansen, & kaminski, 2004; robinson & gillibrand, 2004). some studies have examined the influence of gender on the interpersonal behavior between teacher and student (fisher, fraser, & rickards, 1997; levy, den brock, wubbels, & breckelmans, 2003), classroom participation (patchen, 2006), teacher-student relationships (koepke & harkins, 2008), course-taking (crosnoe, riegelcrumb, & muller, 2007; kloosterman, tassell, ponniah, & essex, 2008; riegle-crumb, farkas, & muller, 2006), school-related attitudes (van de gaer, pustjens, van damme, & de munter, 2006) and motivation and achievement (marsh, martin, & cheng, 2008; sokal & katz, 2008). still, other studies have examined students’ perceptions with regards to teachers’ instructional communication behaviors (mottet et al., 2008), teachers’ interpersonal behavior (den brock, brekelmans, wubbels, 2004), power relationships in the classroom (cothron & ennis, 1997), use of computers (johnson, 2006), and school experiences (pomeroy, 1999). in addition to gender, other studies have documented how ethnicity and gender may influence high school students’ perceptions of teacher caring. garza (2007) examined 49 latino and 44 white high school students’ perceptions of teacher caring. the students were asked to identify ways teachers cared for them. the results suggested five dominant themes that included the following: (a) provide scaffolding during a teaching episode, (b) reflect a kind disposition through actions, (c) are always available to the student, (d) show a personal interest in the student’s well being inside and outside the classroom, (e) and provide affective academic support in the classroom setting. both ethnic groups valued the same five themes but ranking in order of importance for each of the specific behaviors was different. ding and hall (2007) used a survey (health behavior of school-aged children) to examine more than 14,000 middle and high school students’ perceptions of teacher caring. the demographic groups included white (70%), african current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 8 american (19%), latino (10%), asian (.05%), native american (.03%), and other (2%). the findings suggested grade, gender, and ethnicity influenced student perceptions of teacher caring. “african american male and female students from all grades reported a high degree of negative school environment and male students of all grades, races, and ethnicities tended to report lower degrees of teacher caring than females” (p. 168). similarly, akos & galassi (2004) examined race and gender as factors that influence student perceptions of “difficulty of transition and connectedness to school” (p. 102). participants included 173 sixth-grade students with 57% white, 20% african american, 9% asian american, 8% latino, 4% multiracial and unspecified 2%. the demographics of the 320 freshman high school students included 76% white, 10% african american, 6% asian american, 3% latino, 2% multiracial, and 2% unspecified. the results suggested that race and gender were factors that influenced student perceptions. while middle school girls felt more connected to school than middle school boys did, this perspective was the opposite in high school. although race was not a significant factor in school connectedness, there was significance in the person who was most helpful in their transition to high school. latino high school students reported the counselors as more helpful during their transition than white students. whereas previous research suggests that students’ perceptions may vary according to their ethnicity and gender, it is also evident that teachers care about their students in both tangible and intangible ways, but the way they actually demonstrate care might vary according to the school context, and student composition (burrell & ovando, 2008). as a result, students may have different perceptions of teacher caring behaviors that align with their personal philosophy. given that “past learning environment studies have shown the importance of perceptions of interpersonal behavior in determining student learning outcomes” (fisher, fraser, & rickards, latino and white students’ perceptions 9 1997. p. 12) we were motivated to explore gender and ethnicity as factors that influence high school adolescents’ perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring. in addition, “as educators, we all care for our students, but the potential of caring is influenced by our own experiences and espoused pedagogical beliefs. while we may perceive our actions and dispositions as caring” (garza, 2006, p.15) student perspectives may be incongruent with teaching and schooling practices considered the norm. therefore, the purpose of this study was to measure high school students’ perceptions of caring reflected through teacher behavior and the influence of students’ gender and ethnicity on those perceptions. this research is instrumental to those in the educational field who want to improve classroom environments and foster positive learning and social outcomes of all students. methodological considerations while previous studies (byrne, hattie, & fraser, 1986; slaughter-defoe & carlson, 1996; weinstein, 1998; wentzel, 1997) have examined student conceptions of caring, our study further advances research by illuminating high school students’ voices that seem to be limited in the literature. research also suggests that additional studies that focus on diverse students’ perceptions may add information to the understanding of caring as an important component of quality teaching (rodriguez, 2008). in addition, we consider students’ gender and ethnicity as an influential factor that may shape their conceptions of teachers’ caring in a classroom environment. this study advanced the following hypotheses: h1. high school students’ ethnicity influences their perceptions of teacher caring behaviors. h2. high school students’ gender influences their perceptions of teacher caring behaviors. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 10 participants participants included 799 high school students, majority representing lowto-middleincome socioeconomic status, from a large suburban high school in the southern part of the united states. this one high school was selected because it was conducive to obtaining a rich, diverse, and substantive amount of information about the context of study. since the first author is a field-based instructor at the high school where the study was conducted, access to the study site was uncomplicated. although the research site was limited to one school district, the study focused on the adolescents’ perspectives about teacher behaviors that convey caring. in addition, the familiarity with the school faculty and administrators helped to establish credibility for the investigation. this convenience coupled with the high school principal’s suggestion to survey all students, helped to facilitate the study. purposeful and convenience sampling (creswell, 2003; creswell, 2007; gall, borg, & gall, 1996) were used to identify the participants. this means that the inquirer “purposefully selects individual participants that will best help the researcher understand the problem and research question” (creswell, 2003, p. 185). although the total number of students surveyed included various ethnic groups, representing various ethnic backgrounds, grade levels, and ages, we focus only on latino (349) and white (450) high school students in this study. this investigation was part of a larger study. procedures in order to collect the robust data efficiently, we decided to ask students to complete a survey scan form during their english class. this meant that the english teachers would be trained in data collection procedures for our study. the author and trained research assistants (high school english teachers) administered the 36 item likert survey instrument to high school students during their english classes. the participants were given a packet that included a scan latino and white students’ perceptions 11 form and the scale with directions that explained the study’s purpose, provided an example of how to respond to each item, and provided the labels for the likert scale. the research assistants adhered to a written script to explain the instructions to the students. after reading the directions aloud and explaining how to fill in the scan form, used to collect demographic information and item responses, the participants were asked to complete the scale. students were expected to rate the statements about caring using a 4 point likert scale with 1=not important and 4=very important. the perceptions of teacher caring (ptc) took about 10-15 minutes to complete and the students were thanked for participating. upon completion of the scale, the scan forms were collected and scanned. the resulting raw data file was converted to spss and sas data files. measures the ptc was developed by the author and reported in a previous paper (garza, ryser, & lee, submitted manuscript). the scale was developed in two primary phases. the first phase involved qualitatively identifying teacher behaviors that were thematically categorized. an instrument consisting of 42 items was then developed during the second phase. to reduce the number of items on the ptc and to assure the instrument had internal consistency, we conducted an item analysis. based on the results of the item analysis and a subsequent content analysis, the scale was reduced from 42 items to 36 items. all but one of the discrimination coefficients of the remaining items were moderate to high ranging from .27 to .73. the exception had a discrimination coefficient of .27. while this is low, the item was important qualitatively and was retained in the scale. cronbach’s alpha coefficient was used to determine the internal consistency of the scale and was .94 for all students, .92 for the latino students, and .94 for the white students. an exploratory factor analysis using principal axis factoring was also conducted to provide evidence of the instrument’s validity. we extracted factors based on two considerations. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 12 first, we identified how many factors had eigenvalues greater than one. second, we examined the scree plot, which is plot of successive eigenvalues. using this method one determines how many eigenvalues lie above the elbow of the plot. in our case, we found that three factors were optimal. these results, coupled with the ptc scores’ high internal consistency and strong factor loadings, supported using the ptc with a large sample of high school students. data analysis and results the purpose of our study was to measure latino and white high school students’ perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring and whether students’ ethnicity and gender influenced their perceptions.  first, we generated a new random variable using a bernoulli distribution to select approximately 50 percent of the sample to use in an oblique (i.e., correlated factors) exploratory factor analysis using maximum likelihood estimation. we used the results of the exploratory factor analysis and the first author’s previous qualitative analyses to ascertain which items loaded on each latent construct. results of the factor analysis revealed that the three factor model best fit the data. based on the factor loadings we eliminated eight additional items that were not correlated with any of the three factors. the resulting 28 items (appendix a) loaded as follows: factor 1 (validating student worth) consisted of 15 items, factor 2 (individualizing academic success) consisted of 6 items, and factor 3 (fostering positive engagement) consisted of 7 items. an examination of the items by factor suggested that the ptc was comprised of the following three subscales: validating student worth, individualizing academic success, and fostering positive engagement. the factor pattern loadings for factor 1 ranged from .330 to .765, factor 2 ranged from .365 to .871, and factor 3 ranged from .334 to .810.   latino and white students’ perceptions 13 ethnicity influence we created a summative total using the 28 items and compared the latino and white students’ mean total scores using an f-test for all three scales, table 1. table 1 one-way anova – ethnicity subscale and source df ss ms f validating student worth between groups within groups 1 990 .233 56374.00 .233 56.944 .040 individualizing academic success between groups within groups 1 1018 .210 14422.036 .210 14.167 .015 fostering positive engagement between groups within groups 1 1027 1.989 11763.249 1.989 11.454 .174 h1. ethnicity influences high school students’ perceptions of teacher caring behaviors, was not supported. in this study, ethnicity was not an overall significant factor which further supports results by garrett, barr, and forsbach-rothman (2007), who suggested that ethnicity is not an influential factor. while, hayes, ryan, and zseller (1994) indicate gender and ethnicity as factors that influence student perceptions at the item level, our findings do not support other studies (akos & galassi, 2004; ding & hall, 2006) that suggest ethnicity as a significant variable in shaping students’ perceptions. gender influence we next compared the mean total scores for males and females using an f-test for all three subscales. the results were statistically significant and are reported in table 2. the survey current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 14 items describe ways teacher can demonstrate caring for students. females were more likely than males to perceive the survey items as more important in each subscale. since the subscales differed for males and females, this finding is in concert with previous work (akos & galassi, 2004; ding & hall, 2007). in contrast, hayes, ryan and zseller, (1994) reported no statistical significance at the item level. we examined differences in response patterns between them by constructing cross tabulation tables and computing a chi-square statistic for each item. because multiple tests were run on the same data, we used the bonferroni procedure to adjust for type i error and set p<.001 to determine statistical significance. table 2 one-way anova – gender subscale and source df ss ms f validating student worth between groups within groups 1 980 1013.77 54676.00 1013.77 55.79 18.71*** individualizing academic success between groups within groups 1 1009 121.438 14202.065 121.438 14.075 8.63** fostering positive engagement between groups within groups 1 1017 214.764 11382.793 214.764 11.193 19.19*** **p < .01. ***p < .001. statistically significant differences were found among gender groups at the item level for 17 of the 28 items. table 3 shows the percentage of students by gender who rated the item as important or very important. latino and white students’ perceptions 15 table 3 frequency item analysis of perceived caring behaviors by gender survey items male n % female n % 1 encourages me in class. ** 327 66 376 70 2 gives me examples on how to improve. 393 80 434 82 3 is available whenever i need help on something. ** 401 82 465 88 4 prepares me for tests. *** 421 85 497 93 5 responds with a positive tone when i ask for help. *** 399 81 478 89 6 is very nice to me. 350 71 393 74 7 suggests i come to tutorials whenever i fail something. ** 288 58 355 67 8 gives additional time to turn in any kind of work. 334 68 340 64 9 talks to me whenever my grades are poor. ** 362 73 422 79 10 believes in me. *** 332 67 406 76 11 tells me i can achieve my goals. ** 276 56 342 64 12 will stay before or after school to tutor me. *** 338 68 427 80 13 makes learning fun. 415 84 453 86 14 answers my questions with respect. *** 413 84 476 89 15 allows any effort i give. ** 310 63 372 70 16 offers to help whenever convenient for me. 345 70 381 72 17 shows an attitude that makes me feel comfortable in class. *** 381 77 452 85 18 calls me by my name. *** 367 75 438 83 19 listens to me whenever i talk. *** 401 82 479 90 20 talks to me in class. 268 54 318 60 21 works with me on an individual basis. 294 60 292 55 22 jokes with me. ** 299 61 280 53 23 likes helping me when i do not understand something. *** 392 80 442 84 24 returns my papers on time. 321 65 354 67 25 reminds me about important things more than once. 388 79 424 80 26 is willing to help me when i need it. ** 414 84 463 87 27 asks for my opinions. 307 62 333 63 28 pays attention to my opinions. 338 73 367 76   **p < .01. ***p < .001. n= 799 male students were more likely to perceive jokes with me as more important than female students. female students were more likely to perceive encourages me in class, is available whenever i need help on something, prepares me for tests, responds with a positive tone when i ask for help, suggests i come in for tutorials when i fail something, talks to me whenever my grades are poor, believes in me, tells me i can achieve my goals, will stay before or after school to tutor me, answers my questions with respect, allows any effort i give, shows an attitude that current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 16 makes me comfortable in class, calls me by my name, listens to me whenever i talk, likes helping me when i do not understand something, and is willing to help me when i need it, as more important than male students. discussion the purpose of our study was to measure high school students’ perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring. specifically, the ptc measured latino and white high school students’ perceptions and whether ethnicity and gender influenced perceptions of caring. although ethnicity was not a significant factor in influencing adolescents’ perceptions of teacher caring behaviors, the significance at the item level merits further research and may provide some important insights about caring. this section begins with an overview of the three subscales (see appendix a), as reported in a previous manuscript, followed by the descriptive statistics at the item level with regards to gender, since ethnicity was not a statistical factor. the ptc included 28 items grouped into three subscales: validating student worth, individualizing academic success, and fostering positive engagement. validating student worth validating student worth, the first subscale of the instrument, refers to actions or behaviors, verbal and non-verbal, which demonstrate respectful interactions and communicate a sincere level of regard for students as individuals and interest for the student’s welfare. consistent with previous studies (coburn & nelson, 1989; coley, 1995; geary, 1988; hansen & toso, 2007; kitano & lewis, 2005; knesting, 2008), similar behaviors regarded as most important by the participants in this study (see appendix a) are linked to this subscale, suggesting the critical nature of caring and regard for students. the language and actions convey a perception of students as human beings rather than physical bodies in the classroom (valverde, latino and white students’ perceptions 17 2006). the manner in which a teacher responds or interacts with students is self-regulated, therefore, instrumental in the manner with which the verbal or non-verbal interaction is interpreted by a student. these behaviors engender a sense of belonging and respect for students that may increase student interest and motivation which drive learning. as kottler and zehm (2000) state “a sense of humor and playfulness are among the most powerful tools available to teachers to help accomplish this mission (p. 15). when students feel valued (kitano & lewis, 2008) and encounter positive experiences (mcmillan & reed, 1994) coupled with a teacher’s pleasant manner, a sense of belonging (coley, 1995; hansen & toso, 2007) may occur, instrumental in maintaining students’ interest in school. when teacher behavior reflects an attitude that is inviting, rather than discouraging, students are more apt to attend class and participate in the learning process because they want to be there. it is interesting to note that 9 of 15 items in this subscale were significant at the item level. the following table shows the statistical significance at the item level by gender. table 4 individualizing academic success influence on perceived caring behaviors by gender survey items suggests i come to tutorials whenever i fail something. ** is available whenever i need help on something. ** shows an attitude that makes me feel comfortable in class. *** jokes with me. ** is willing to help me when i need it. ** believes in me. *** listens to me whenever i talk. *** calls me by my name. *** responds with a positive tone when i ask for help. *** **p < .01. ***p < .001. n= 799 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 18 the next subscale, individualizing academic success, refers to student perceptions of a teacher’s responsiveness or scaffolding that provides both cognitive and affective instructional support and assistance to students (garza, 2006). these actions help to engender successful and positive classroom experiences for all students. while scaffolding may be viewed as the process of providing the cognitive input to support new learning (monzó & rueda, 2001), scaffolding in this study was reflected also by concrete actions that supported academic gains (ferreira & bosworth, 2001; nelson & bauch, 1997). these responsive actions are motivated by teacher ethic, context, and moral obligation (bluestein, 1991; noddings, 2005). when students encounter positive experiences in the classroom (epstein, 1992; hansen & toso, 2007; haynes, 1996) and caring teachers (mcmillan & reed, 1994; reis, colbert, & hébert, 2005) they are more likely to remain in school. in this subscale, all items were significant at the item level. the following table shows the statistical significance at the item level by gender. table 5 individualizing academic success influence on perceived caring behaviors by gender survey items prepares me for tests. *** talks to me whenever my grades are poor. ** likes helping me when i do not understand something. *** allows any effort i give. ** returns my papers on time. ** pays attention to my opinions. **   **p < .01. ***p < .001. n= 79 latino and white students’ perceptions 19 fostering positive engagement fostering positive engagement, the third subscale, describes behaviors that encourage self-esteem in students to promote active participation in the classroom. when this occurs, students feel cared for (hansen & toso, 2007). mendes (2003) agrees that “positive responses create an emotional bank account that can absorb relational difficulties that occur along the way” (p. 59). these behaviors reflect how the teacher invests the time necessary to create positive experiences for students rather than discounting them or labeling them as unmotivated whenever challenges occur for the learner. in other words, students believe the teacher cares about their learning and success or in irvine’s (2003) words, “effective teachers love and care about the students whom they teach, and they also love and are excited about the subject that they teach” (p. 47). additionally, brown (2007) affirms “a positive or negative response could affect the self-esteem and academic success of students” (p. 57). if students perceive the teacher to be unresponsive to their needs, disengagement may occur, which in turn may lead to underachievement or dropping out of school (kitano & lewis, 2005). valverde (2006) emphasizes that students’ “interest in learning will continue if they find success” (p. 37). this subscale included 6 of 7 items significant at the item level. ethnicity was an influential factor for two of these items; gender was an influential variable for four of the items; and both ethnicity and gender were influential factors on two of the items. the following table shows the statistical significance at the item level by gender and ethnicity. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 20 table 6 fostering positive engagement influence on perceived caring behaviors by gender survey items encourages me in class. ** tells me i can achieve my goals. ** answers my questions with respect. *** will stay before or after school to tutor me. *** **p < .01. ***p < .001. n= 799 implications students are key players in the teaching and learning process and consequently have direct knowledge of what takes place in the classroom (stronge & ostrander, 2006). students, therefore, are in the best position to provide an authentic account about student-teacher interactions in the classroom, and their perceptions about teacher behaviors that convey caring can add an important perspective to caring. obtaining their feedback is a viable means for improving educational practices that may unconsciously be ineffective and impede student success. understanding secondary students’ conceptions of caring behaviors may be influential in breaking down unresponsive institutional and systemic barriers that prevent students from learning, staying in school, or having positive experiences. we need to examine further students’ perspectives to learn how to care for them in a manner that is culturally responsive to better address their needs. as garza (2009) explains, “once students step into the context of the classroom, educators may perceive their unique assets as problems, complex challenges, or differences that are misinterpreted. as a result, educators often label students as unmotivated, withdrawn, or academically incapable” (p. 1). while some educators may ignore struggling or latino and white students’ perceptions 21 reluctant students and some continue to invest their time to scaffold and encourage them to succeed, a further examination of the dynamics of caring is important. additionally, the findings may be used as a springboard to examine teacher practice to determine the extent of culturally responsive caring (garrett, barr &, forsbach-rothman, 2007). classroom demographics have changed; in some areas, the latino population is the majority. therefore, school administrators could use the ptc survey in their respective schools to identify teacher caring behaviors congruent with their students’ conceptions. consequently, educators might benefit from knowing how to best care for their students, since their disposition and interaction with students may not be congruent with student perceptions (den brok, brekelmans, wubbels, 2004; rickards & fisher, 1999; thompson, 2007). the results of our study may assist teachers who wish to convey a more responsive caring approach in teaching a diverse population. similarly to what garza (2009) suggests, our findings “are especially helpful for teachers who are ethnically unique to their students and whose background and experiences may obstruct caring in ways appropriate for their students” (p. 22). having knowledge about gender differences in student perceptions about caring behaviors might serve as a means for educators to improve relationships with students, specifically with male students. researchers (ding & hall, 2007) have suggested that male students, in all grade levels and ethnicity groups, are more likely to perceive teachers as uncaring. the culture for learning has to be perceived as non-threatening and teachers must be perceived as caring adults if students are to reach their potential. for example, male students were more likely to perceive jokes with me as more important than female students, suggesting males need to perceive teachers as having a sense of humor. perceiving a teacher to have a sense of humor as a form of caring has been linked to student success in school (rodriguez, 2008; current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 22 geary, 1988). previous research supports this notion (van de gaer, pustgens, & van damme, & de munter, 2006) indicating males are more likely to achieve less when attitudes toward school or the teacher-student relationship are negative. some have suggested that student perceptions are influenced by teacher gender. for example, levy, den brock, wubbels, and brekelmans (2003), reported “male students thought their male teachers were more helpful, friendly, and understanding than their female teachers” (p. 27). future research might examine student’s perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring with regard to teacher gender since teachers’ conceptions of caring may not be the students’ reality (thompson, 2007). furthermore, based on this knowledge, teachers could assess their own actions and disposition towards students to improve educational experiences for all students. equal opportunity for learning in the least restrictive environment is essential for learning to occur. “when students’ needs, values, and interests are excluded from the curriculum, perhaps it is only logical that they in turn, exclude themselves from engaging in knowledge for which they see little value or recognition of their personal worth” (cothron & ennis, 1997, p. 553). methodological limitations the main focus of this study was on high school students’ perceptions with gender and ethnicity as influential factors. this study is limited by the gathering of data at one large high school. students in other content areas might have different expectations and needs associated with the subject matter and as a result, their perceptions might be different from those reported here. therefore, analysis and comparisons by subject matter or teachers were beyond the scope of this study. further research should be conducted to examine students’ perceptions in different parts of the country. the selection of participants is also a contextual limitation. examining a more geographically and ethnically diverse sample of participants might provide different latino and white students’ perceptions 23 results, especially since this study was limited to latino and white students. in addition, inquiring about teachers’ ethnicity and gender as influential factors on student perceptions is a possible research initiative. furthermore, other researchers might label the three subscales differently based on the findings of this research investigation. caution should be taken when generalizing the conclusions from this study to similar demographic groups in diverse high school settings in other parts of the united states. additional research is needed to further test ethnicity as an influential factor in student perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring. final remarks the results of our study suggest that gender significantly influences student perceptions of teacher behaviors that convey caring. although ethnicity was not statistically significant, we must not ignore the fact that there was some significance at the item level. these findings further expand on previous studies (ding & hall, 2007; garrett, barr, & forsbach-rothman, 2007; garza, 2009; hayes, ryan, & zseller, 1994) and support the need to research ethnicity as an influential variable on secondary students’ perceptions about caring in the school environment. our study also adds to the current research on student perceptions by illuminating high school student voices that seem limited in the literature. in addition, the results of this study were obtained through an instrument developed solely to measure students’ perceptions about teacher behaviors that convey caring. whereas a significant body of work supports the importance of a caring teacher in the classroom (bruce & stellern, 2005; collinson, killeavy, & stephenson, 1998; garza, 2009; gay, 2000; letts, 1997; noddings, 2005; pang, rivera, mora, 1999; slaughter-defoe & carlson, 1996), undoubtedly, a teacher’s ability to demonstrate genuine caring is linked to student success. collinson, et al. (1998) acknowledge that only “…cursory attention (is given) to the role current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 24 of an ethic of care in effective teaching” (p.22). this implies that caring teachers must purposefully know their students well and establish relationships with them because without establishing caring, school reforms “are not likely to strengthen teaching or improve student learning significantly as long as the focus on teacher competence overshadows the role of an ethic of care in exemplary teaching” (collinson, et al., 1998, p.23). this is especially critical for students of color (burrell & ovando, 2008). although caring is instrumental in motivating and academically engaging students (capps, 2004; osterman & freese, 2000; patchen, 2006), engendering relationships (garza, 2007; letts, 1997; stanton-salazar, vasquez, & mehan, 2000), establishing a sense of belonging (goodenow, 1993), creating a productive culture for learning (weinstein, 1998), and establishing a cooperative learning community (battistich, solomon, watson, & schaps,1997), high school students’ perspectives about how to best care for them are limited in the extant research. validating student worth, individualizing academic success, and fostering positive engagement were important notions to the high school students in this study. therefore, knowing what students think is an avenue administrators, counselors, and educators can embrace to improve schooling experiences for all students. references akos, p., & galassi, j. p. 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(1997). student motivation in middle school: the role of perceived pedagogical caring. journal of educational psychology, 89(3), 411-419. latino and white students’ perceptions 31 appendix a perceptions of teacher caring validating student worth 1. suggests i come to tutorials whenever i fail something. 2. works with me on an individual basis. 3. offers to help whenever convenient for me. 4. is available whenever i need help on something. 5. reminds me about important things more than once. 6. is very nice to me. 7. shows an attitude that makes me feel comfortable in class. 8. talks to me in class. 9. jokes with me. 10. is willing to help me when i need it. 11. believes in me. 12. asks for my opinions. 13. listens to me whenever i talk. 14. calls me by my name. 15. responds with a positive tone when i ask for help. individualizing academic success 1. prepares me for tests. 2. talks to me whenever my grades are poor. 3. likes helping me when i do not understand something. 4. allows any effort i give. 5. returns my papers on time. 6. pays attention to my opinions. fostering positive engagement 1. encourages me in class. 2. gives me examples on how to improve. 3. gives additional time to turn in any kind of work. 4. makes learning fun. 5. tells me i can achieve my goals. 6. answers my questions with respect. 7. will stay before or after school to tutor me. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 32 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word teacher collaborationimplications for new mathematics teachers.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x teacher collaboration: implications for new mathematics teachers laura m. gellert the city college of the city university of new york lidia gonzalez york college of the city university of new york citation gellert, l. & gonzalez, l. (2011). teacher collaboration: implications for new mathematics teachers. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/ abstract one increasingly popular way of supporting new teachers is through the use of mentoring. new teachers are often paired with mentors as one of a number of supports meant to aid new teachers as they begin their career. the various types of mentoring range from school based mentors assigned by the school to specialty mentors, such as math coaches. examples of other types of supports that are thought of as separate from formal mentoring are lesson studies, professional development schools, professional development workshops supported by local universities, teacher networks and sponsored professional development. given the popularity of policies promoting support for new teachers, we explore specific supports for new teachers in addition to characteristics of these supports by focusing on two new alternatively certified mathematics current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 teachers in new york city. through observations and both formal and informal interviews that span a year, we gained insight into the various influences on these two teachers’ practice in mathematics and considered how these might inform future practices aimed at supporting new teachers. keywords: : mathematics education, mentoring, teacher collaboration, alternative certification teacher collboration: implications 3 about the authors author: laura m. gellert affiliation: the city college of the city university of new york address: department of teaching, learning, and culture, school of education, the city college of the city university of new york, 160 convent avenue, new york, ny 10031 email: lgellert@ccny.cuny.edu biographical information: dr. laura m. gellert is currently an assistant professor in the department of teaching, learning, and culture in the school of education at the city college of the city university of new york. she teaches mathematics education courses. she received her ph.d. in urban education from the graduate center of the city university of new york. her main research interests are new elementary school teacher induction and the connections to the teaching of mathematics. author: lidia gonzalez affiliation: york college of the city university of new york address: 94-20 guy r. brewer blvd. jamaica, ny 11451 email: lgonzalez@york.cuny.edu biographical information: dr. lidia gonzalez is currently an assistant professor in the department of mathematics and computer science at york college of the city university of new york. she received her ph.d. in urban education from the graduate center of the city university of new york. while her primary research interest is in the teaching of mathematics current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 for social justice, she is interested, more broadly, in efforts at improving the educational experiences of urban youth. acknowledgement: this article is based upon work partially supported by the national science foundation (nsf) under grant no. esi-0333753. any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the nsf. teacher collboration: implications 5 teacher collaboration: implications for new mathematics teachers current federal and state policies advocate that new teachers not be left to their own devices in a solitary classroom. the sink or swim model described by lortie (1975) is being replaced with a “rapid growth in mentoring and induction programs in recent decades” (2006, american association of state colleges and universities, p. 1) such that over 80 percent of new teachers now participate in such programs. one increasingly popular way of supporting new teachers is through the use of mentoring. new teachers are often paired with mentors as one of a number of supports meant to aid new teachers as they begin their career. many states, among them new jersey, california, michigan, virginia and new york, have mandated support programs for new teachers that include mentoring. mentoring and other supports are abundant in new york city public schools. the various types of mentoring range from school based mentors assigned by the school to specialty mentors appointed by the department of education of new york city (nycdoe). examples of other types of supports that are thought of as separate from formal mentoring are lesson studies, professional development schools, professional development workshops supported by local universities, teacher networks and doe sponsored professional development. specifically for new teachers in new york city with less than one year of teaching experience, a teacher mentoring program was adopted in 2004. this mentoring program consisted of four components: a) a rigorous mentor selection process, b) mentors whose full‐time job was mentoring, c) intensive mentor professional development, and d) regional rather than school‐based assignments. (new teacher project@ucsc, 2006) current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 given the popularity of policies promoting support for new teachers, we explore specific supports for new teachers in addition to characteristics of these supports by focusing on two new alternatively certified mathematics teachers in new york city. we consider the supports in place for these two teachers as well as the influence of these upon their mathematics teaching practices. some of these supports may include mentoring, collaboration with peers, professional development, and coursework. these teachers are part of a larger study focused on mathematics teachers certified through the new york city teaching fellows program, an alternative certification program that provides over 60% of new mathematics teachers in new york city. through observations and both formal and informal interviews that span a year, we gained insight into the various influences on these two teachers’ practice in mathematics. theoretical framework this paper is framed by the research around learning in social settings as well as on new teacher induction especially that on both mentoring and teacher collaboration. historically, teachers were expected to “sink or swim” (lortie, 1975). this was often coupled with new teachers entering the profession as outsiders with a general concept of what to do but little experience in actually doing it. with this model, many teachers reverted to a teaching method that was familiar to them and did not deviate from, reflect on, or change this method (feimannemser, 2001) drawing on their first opportunity for learning how to teach, one’s own practice as a learner (bransford, brown, and cocking,1999). in recent years, teachers have had more opportunities to learn from their peers as well as from the school culture and the benefits of these opportunities have been studied. darlinghammond (1998) notes that, “teachers learn best by studying, doing and reflecting, by collaborating with other teachers, by looking closely at students and their work and by sharing teacher collboration: implications 7 what they see” (p. 1). teachers who are aware of and involved in a practice where participants can talk, work, generate ideas, build on others’ ideas, reason, explore, and discover together can create reflective learning environments that may have the ability to experience what franke, carpenter, fennema, ansell, and behrend (1998) call “self-sustaining generative change” in their own learning. this process incorporates not only reflection on the practice of teaching but also continual engagement in a collaborative practice that is supported institutionally. working in learning communities may not alone lead to change and growth as there needs to be a connection to practice (rufo-tepper, 2009). rather than functioning in isolation, this view of teacher development and learning puts the teachers’ social environment at the center of teacher learning. that teachers learn from the social environments in which they participate has its roots in social learning theories that describe how people learn in practice. the work of both vygotsky (1978) and dewey (1997) is seminal in this area and adds to our understanding of how new teachers learn by stressing that what people do in practice influences what they learn.(vygotsky, 1978; dewey, 1997). if the practice is designed to further our learning, then it involves “overcoming the inertia that inclines us to accept suggestions at their face value” (dewey, 1997, p. 13). to be put in a situation of uncertainty or reflective thought leads to further inquiry and change. vygotsky writes about how social interactions are central to how we learn, reflect, and change. more recently the work of wenger (1998) takes the idea of learning in social settings even further by claiming that learning is inevitable in social situations and furthermore that learning itself is participation. teacher collaboration (peer-learning) taylor (2004) describes teacher collaboration as an interaction “in which teachers engage voluntarily with the intention of improving their practice” (p. 220). building on taylor’s current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 definition and adding to it the perception by teachers of being supported, we take teacher collaboration to mean the collegial interaction between peers, either voluntary or mandated, in which the participants feel supported and we use this definition throughout this paper. schools where new teachers are not isolated from their peers but instead work collaboratively with them tend to be most successful in terms of both meeting students’ needs and retaining teachers (johnson, 2004). as a result, providing opportunities for teachers to work together allows new teachers to be supported in their professional growth through activities such as lesson planning. kardos (2004b) explains that new teachers are more likely to stay in teaching when they “feel supported and are buoyed by a professional culture that encourages professional interaction” despite the persistence of the ‘sink or swim’ paradigm in schools (pp. 139-140). similarly, many studies support the use of teacher collaboration in the form of learning communities for the retention of teachers (smith and ingersoll, 2004; national commission on teaching and america's future [nctaf], 2005; new teacher project@ucsc, 2006). teacher collaboration affords teachers the opportunity to focus on practical ways of improving their teaching that they can use almost immediately. the focus is on their immediate situation and how best to improve it. taylor (2004) notes that, “teachers, like students, learn best when they are solving problems that they have identified and that are in the context of their daily lives” (p. 221). working with colleagues allows teachers to focus on classroom issues and make practical and specific changes in pedagogy that they are unlikely to be able to do with less frequent, pre-structured, non-school based supports (branford, et.al., 1999). outside mentors who are rarely a daily presence in teachers’ lives are often not relied on for ideas and feedback on immediate issues teachers face daily (foote, brantlinger, haydar, smith and gonzalez, 2011). teacher collboration: implications 9 school based mentors while a more consistent presence in teachers’ lives may not be valued by these as highly as peer collaboration. the job of administrators and university mentors includes evaluating teachers, which may place them in a situation of power with respect to these teachers. this is unlike working with peers who may be more equal in power and position to one another. administrators often conduct observations to determine how well the teacher is fulfilling her/ his duties as an educator. while administrators may provide feedback on how to improve instruction, the evaluative nature of their work impacts the support they may be able to offer in ways that should not be dismissed. university mentors, although they are to provide feedback that improves instruction, are also using observations as evaluations of the teacher’s progress in relation to their graduate coursework. for this reason, kardos (2004b) explains that much more helpful to teachers are observations by peers that end not in evaluation or a letter in one’s file but instead in a debriefing session where the teachers learn about each others’ practice as well as reflecting on their own. while it certainly may be the case that power issues exist between colleagues especially between newer and more veteran teachers, for example, such power issues are not as pronounced as when working with a supervisor of some kind. such issues did not arise in the case of either of the two teachers we focus on. this may be due to the relatively young age of the teachers and the colleagues they chose to work with or perhaps is a result of these teachers seeking out such colleagues themselves. it is reasonable to expect that in choosing someone to work with, these teachers would select individuals who they admire but also with whom they do not feel powerless. in fact, it has been noted that when working with peers, as opposed to supervisors, new teachers may feel that they give to the interaction as well as take from it in the spirit of true collaboration, in part, because issues of power are diminished allowing for a more effective current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 means to develop teachers professionally (bransford, et.al., 1999). formal collaborations that are supported by the school are beneficial to the teachers’ overall feeling of support and guidance. johnson (2004) stresses that new teachers who are encouraged to observe and learn from veteran teachers and whose school structure supports this work, for example, through accommodations made in scheduling, tend to remain in their schools and be more successful in their work. mentoring mentoring has been shown, in many cases, to be a positive practice in the induction of new teachers. although many models exist, mentoring is often defined as a strategy for inducting new teachers into the profession where, “beginning teachers are paired with a more experienced teacher or, in some cases, with a team of experienced teachers, for guidance and support” (northwest regional educational laboratory, 2001, p. 14). in theory, mentors should be “available to answer questions, observe classes, problem solve, and talk confidentially to new teachers about problems they may be facing in the classroom” with two main goals which are to “support the new teacher” and “maximize his or her effectiveness in the classroom” (northwest regional educational laboratory, 2001, pp. 14-15). mentoring, when implemented properly, is considered a valuable way to enhance the development of new teachers (the new teacher center, 2007). some characteristics of successful mentoring include the use of peer mentors, a reliance on school-specific mentoring models and a structured approach to mentoring. kardos (2004a) also touts school-based support structures that orient new teachers to their buildings, school administration, colleagues, policies, procedures and so forth explaining that, teacher collboration: implications 11 school based induction begins with the assumption that each school is unique and intricate and that, in order to succeed, a new teacher must understand her school’s particular mission, values, norms, traditions, curriculum, policies, and practices. becoming a good teacher necessarily means becoming a good teacher in the context of a particular school and its community (p. 195). furthermore she describes exemplary programs as those that rely on experienced teachers to induct new teachers, introduce new teachers to their schools, designate time and space for the mentoring to occur, and involve reflective teaching, observations and regular feedback for new teachers (kardos, 2004a). the use of a multi-year mentoring program and pairing new teachers and mentors in similar subject areas and grade levels and the ongoing training of mentors, has also been found to be successful (smith and ingersoll, 2004; the new teacher center, 2007). reasons why mentoring may not be successful in some cases include the relationship of the mentor and mentee, time committed to mentoring, whether mentoring is content specific and consistent across multiple mentors and supports/influences. the new teacher center (2007) recommends the rigorous screening and selection of mentors and for pairing with new teachers to be done in a purposeful manner to avoid issues of a bad fit. a lack of good fit between mentor and mentee may lead to a lack of success in their work. further, many programs have mentoring that occurs infrequently. however, frequent and prolonged interaction between the mentors and those being mentored seems most successful (gellert, 2008; smith and ingersoll, 2004). the number of mentors an individual has may cause difficulties. although being able to reflect on one’s teaching with the guidance of mentors can be a positive step towards improving one’s practice, if there are a large number of individuals offering support, this might make it difficult to coordinate the feedback and advice being given. as a result, teachers receive current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 different messages from each of these individuals, some of which may conflict and thus confuse the teacher leaving her/him unable to decide whose advice he/she should follow and becoming more of an obstacle than a support (foote, et. al., 2011; the new teacher center, 2007). overall, one thing that comes across from all of these studies is similar to what ingersoll & kralik (2004) stated in their research review on mentoring, “collectively the studies do provide empirical support for the claim that assistance for new teachers and, in particular, mentoring programs have a positive impact on teachers and their retention.” therefore, while mentoring clearly has the appearance of enhancing the success of beginning teachers, it exists in a variety of forms with differing degrees of success. methodology we report on a qualitative case study of two nyc teaching fellows with the goals of examining the formal and informal influences on their teaching practices and considering how these might inform future practices aimed at supporting new teachers. we focus on two research questions. 1. what are the influences/supports on the teaching practices of two nyc mathematics teaching fellows? 2. what are the characteristics of the influences and supports that the teachers find most beneficial to their teaching practices? data collection included two in-depth, semi-structured interviews of each participant. the participants, whom we will refer to by the pseudonyms kate and ellen, were in their first and second year of teaching respectively. as such, kate’s interviews took place prior to and after her first year of teaching while ellen’s took place at the start and end of her second year of teaching. the interviews lasted over an hour each. during the interviews teachers were asked teacher collboration: implications 13 about their teacher preparation program, the supports in place to help them as they enter the teaching profession, their beliefs about teaching, mathematics and mathematics teaching as well as their teaching practices. these interviews varied significantly from post-observation interviews. post-observation interviews were more informal and conducted after a researcher observed the teacher teaching a lesson. the questions focused more on the lesson observed. they may include questions about why teachers chose a particular pedagogical approach, impressions of the teacher on the learning of students during the lesson, or clarification for the researcher about observed practices. the teachers were observed regularly over the course of two years. after each observation, the teachers wrote a reflection. these reflections varied in length and scope from teacher to teacher and reflection to reflection. more than anything, reflections gave teachers the opportunities to reflect on a particular lesson and make note of the impressions, ideas, feelings and beliefs that emerge as they considered the lesson. these were unstructured reflections so teachers could choose to write about whatever they felt was important to them. field-notes from the observations, the written reflections of the observed class and the follow-up interviews form part of the data upon which we rely for this paper. analysis was undertaken by coding the data. codes were created for each category of supports/influences that the teachers referred to in their interviews and reflections. the categories that were coded for included mentors, peers, administrators, school structure, and university coursework. we divided the supports/influences categories into two subcategories, formal and informal. formal supports/influences codes included mentors both from the university partners and the department of education, school-based math specialists, university coursework, curriculum, scheduling, and school administrators. informal supports/influences current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 codes included prior experiences as a learner, prior work experiences and collaborations with peers. coded statements were analyzed to connect the influences to teacher’s practice based upon how the teachers talked about these supports/influences. finally, comparisons were drawn between the teachers. we noted the similarities and differences in the ways they were supported and in additional supports/influences they may have sought out. before moving onto findings, we present a short introduction to each of the teacher participants. participants we were in the classroom of the two teachers participants twice a month for a full academic year with subsequent visits in the following academic year, and as a result quite familiar with these teachers and their practice. as data analysis unfolded in the larger study we noticed that there were patterns of similarity between these two particular teachers with respect to the supports/influences upon their teaching practices. this was particularly interesting to us given the fact that there were many differences between them in relation to the size of school (big school vs. small school), type of curriculum used (standardized curriculum vs. reform curriculum), grade level taught (middle school vs. high school), and the supports in place at their schools (many formal supports vs. few formal supports). as a result, we conducted a focused analysis of the data respective to each of these teachers so as to shed light on the similarities and differences in how supports /influences shape their teaching practices in mathematics. ellen. at the time of the study, ellen was entering her second year as a nyctf. prior to becoming a teaching fellow, ellen, with a degree in business management/finance was working in finance. she had taken some math courses during her undergraduate studies but was required teacher collboration: implications 15 to participate in the math immersion program offered at the beginning of the program because her math background was not deemed strong enough by her university. ellen stated that she found the math immersion program to be a reinforcement of essential math topics (1st interview, september 2006). ellen became a teacher at a large new york city public high school with over 3,000 students. this school was similar to many of the large public high schools in that the population was largely minority students of middle to low socioeconomic status who did not come from the neighboring communities exclusively. some students were part of special small academies that the school set up in recent years. one major difference of this school as compared to other nyc public schools was that its administration successfully fought to adopt a reform mathematics curriculum about eight years ago and so did not rely on the mandated new york city department of education curriculum entitled math a and math b (prentice hall publication). the reform curriculum is project centered and focuses on problem solving. the chair of the mathematics department was a strong believer in this curriculum and made sure that all of the new teachers participated in an intensive two-week professional development on how to teach the reform curriculum before they began teaching at the school. at the time of this study, ellen taught both the first and second year of the reform curriculum that had students working cooperatively to discover properties of mathematics. in one observed lesson, a ninth grade class used protractors to measure the interior angles of triangles and quadrilaterals to figure out the sum of the angles of the given polygons and then the students worked collaboratively to find the formula for the sum of the angles of any polygon and determine and/or justify why the formula works (observation, october 2006). although, the school had aligned the reform curriculum with the new york state math a and math b current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 curriculum, ellen still found that she needed to find and provide additional resources to supplement the students’ learning and readiness for the state exams. these supplements consisted of traditional texts that were very procedurally focused (1st interview, september 2006). ellen had a university mentor and a department of education mentor her first year. in her second year neither of these supports was available, according to her (2nd interview, august 2007). the internal school support provided by the chair of the mathematics department with respect to the learning and teaching of the reform curriculum may have made the other mentors less of a presence in ellen’s practice. kate. at the start of the study, kate was entering her first year as a new york city teaching fellow. she had studied international relations as an undergraduate student and had worked several jobs prior to entering the nyctf program. kate was placed in the degree program for high school math teachers (grades 7-12), however, she asked to be placed in the middle school mathematics program (grades 5-9) because she felt her mathematics background was not strong enough to warrant her teaching at the high school level. she had taken calculus i as an undergraduate and later took linear algebra on her own prior to beginning the teaching fellows initial summer program which, for her as with ellen, included the math immersion program. kate enjoyed the math immersion program noting that it was a good review of the mathematics that she had gone many years without using (1st interview, september 2006). kate became a mathematics teacher at a small middle school with only a few hundred students. at the time of the study she was one of two 7th grade math teachers at the school. the school was housed on one floor of a much larger building, the other floors of which were used by teacher collboration: implications 17 a large, comprehensive high school. the student population in kate’s school came from the surrounding neighborhood and could be described as working to middle class. there were various ethnicities, religions and primary languages represented. the school differed from others in that it integrated school fieldtrips with a focus on math and science into the curriculum. each subject teacher created a project that addressed a topic in that subject area while incorporating the trip in some way. to support the teachers, the school administration scheduled common planning time. at the start of the study, the school used the nycdoe standardized curricula, impact mathematics (mcgraw-hill, glencoe companies) and connected math (pearson/prentice hall). impact mathematics is “a complete mathematics program developed by the education development center, inc. it aligns with the everyday mathematics elementary program and supports the integration of conceptual understanding and the teaching of basic skills” (new york city department of education, n.d.). connected math is a complete middle school level mathematics curriculum that “helps students and teachers develop understanding of important mathematical concepts, skills, procedures, and ways of thinking and reasoning, in number, geometry, measurement, algebra, probability and statistics” (the connected math project, n.d.). kate’s first year of teaching can be described as teacher centered, i.e. half the time devoted to teacher talk, lecture, and little student group work (goodlad, 1983). however, she was somewhat open to new ideas, leading her to introduce more group work and exploratory lessons in her classroom as time went on (observation, january 2007). kate had a math coach based at the school, a university mentor and a department of education mentor. the administration at her school consisted of the principal and one assistant principal. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 findings the findings address the specific formal and informal ways the teachers’ practices were supported as well as the teachers’ perceptions about the supports/influences upon their practice. the formal supports/influences that emerged from the data are the mentors/ coaches/ administration, curriculum, and school structure. the informal supports/influences that emerged from the data were peer collaboration and how the individual teachers were taught mathematics themselves. we now consider these supports/influences. mentor/coaches/administration both kate and ellen noted that their experiences with mentors/coaches/administration were at times positive. for example, the school administration at kate’s school insisted that teachers sit students at tables in groups. she explained that although she was initially opposed to the idea, she did follow the school policy. the seating thing really bothered me [...] i understand that it’s important to have kids sitting in groups, but i don’t think that many 12-year-olds can handle facing away from the front of the room and out the window and be able to turn and focus when they need to. and i don’t think that the need to sit in groups is more important than the need to help them focus. so i wanted to have the tables in kind of a u, in rows shaped like a u so that they could still turn and work in fours really easily but everyone was facing the front, and i was told i wasn’t allowed to do that” (2nd interview, summer 2007). the prescribed seating structure facilitated conversations between students about the material. with time, kate began to see the value of these math-focused interactions. another example of the influence of kate’s administration was observed midway through her first year of teacher collboration: implications 19 teaching. a student was up at the board explaining some problems, taking the role of the teacher. others called him by his last name and kate consistently deferred to him when questions arose. kate noted, “that was the first time i sent a student to the board. i was observed a few weeks before and [the assistant principal] suggested i do that so that i can get to the back of the room while i'm teaching” (post-observation interview, december 2006). at ellen’s school the administration also believed in group-work and to support this approach to learning the school had tables for students to work at as opposed to individual desks (observation, september 2006). furthermore, the administration stressed the need for projectcentered student work to be displayed in the classroom (post-observation interview, february 2007). the math specialist at each school offered suggestions and advice on how to teach a topic or some other specific practice. ellen and kate followed this advice at times while continuing to make adjustments and seeking further support. kate expressed frustration at the role of the math coach in her school saying, i mean she’d say things like, ‘you really need to work on your questioning’ or ‘you need to plan out your assessments in the beginning of the unit.’ i mean what are you supposed to do with those kinds of suggestions? smile and nod, ‘oh, thank you. i wouldn’t have thought of that’ (2nd interview, summer 2007). despite this, the math coach did suggest strategies that kate could use to involve students in the lesson to a greater degree. one was to have students explain their answers at the board. kate noted that she was trying to use this strategy more often. “i’ve started having kids share their answers in different ways. the math coach suggested it” (post-observation interview, current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 march 2007). this approach was dramatically different from her earlier lessons and highlights the influence of the coach on her practice. despite recalling positive experiences with their administration/mentors/coaches, neither teacher felt as if they were receiving all that they could from these individuals. for example, kate had a university mentor with whom she met very infrequently. she described, “i don’t remember how many times we were required to meet [this year], i think it may have been like four or five or something.” she highlighted the inefficient nature of her work with this mentor as follows. so every couple of weeks she would come in at a really inconvenient time and we would sit down and she would ask me if i needed any help or advice and i would explain to her how well everything was going and how i didn’t really need any help at all in any way. and i was always really trying to be really nice and tell her how fantastic everything was and then she would leave (2nd interview, summer 2007). in general, kate’s concern with such individuals was the infrequent nature of their meetings. on the other hand, ellen found the help offered by the math specialist (the chair) at her school helpful but fleeting. after a lesson involving probability, ellen stated that she received some pointers from her math specialist stating: when i spoke to [her], i mentioned that we did not get into detail in the training session, and i was not sure how i taught the lessons last year. she showed me the point strategy using a tree diagram, but it was rushed because it was just a few minutes before 2nd period was starting (post-observation interview, january 2007). teacher collboration: implications 21 ellen expressed concern about this passing support throughout her first year as well. though, other mentors where non-existent in ellen’s 2nd year of teaching, she occasionally referred back to them. for example, in discussing an activity she used in class, she stated, “my liaison from [the university] introduced a similar concept to me last year” (post-observation interview, march 2007). school structure: curriculum working in a school with strong involvement from the head of the mathematics department in relation to the required reform curriculum, ellen was exposed immediately to this reform curriculum and a specific way of teaching mathematics. before beginning in september, the chair of the mathematics department of ellen’s school required all new teachers to participate in a two-week intensive professional development on how to use the reform curriculum. furthermore, the teachers were supplied additional materials on how best to incorporate the curriculum into the math a and math b requirements of the state of new york. throughout her second year of teaching, ellen regularly referred to her notes/lesson plans from the professional development as well as her notes/lesson plans from her first year of teaching. she found the professional development for the reform curriculum to be helpful but still felt that she needed to spend time figuring out ways to supplement the curriculum to align it with the new york state requirements. ellen stated after a unit on sequences that she “wished the curriculum helped me understand this topic better, they didn’t do enough preparation last year” (post-observation interview, october 2006). some issues that arose while ellen worked with the reform curriculum were a need for more non-traditional approaches to teaching, a need for supplementation, and a need for more professional development. as a result, ellen was teaching her class in a non-traditional manner current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 with lots of group work and open-ended questioning. the idea that mathematics is problem based and integrated made it necessary for students to solve mathematics problems by pulling from a variety of different subtopics in mathematics. however, ellen taught in a new york city public high school where students were required to take the math a and math b regents exams. therefore, ellen spent time in her class on regents review, which followed a very traditional format using test preparation texts. ellen found the curriculum to be influential in her thinking and teaching about mathematics. i think the thing that affected me the most was the curriculum and what was expected in the curriculum. i know that [the reform curriculum] is demanding, not so demanding on the teachers, but demanding on the students so that is what helped me the most in teaching mathematics last year (1st interview, september 2006). she stated this in the pre-interview before her second year of teaching. in her second year, she began to adjust her lesson plans according to changes in the scheduling of her math classes. in her first year, ellen taught in a double period class but in her second year, she needed to teach the same material in a single period. because of the time constraints, many of her reflections referred to adjusting the curriculum, having the students become familiar with the curriculum, and not spending too much time on certain activities, the time constraints make it difficult to complete one entire assignment in the time allotted, but once the students are more familiar with the language of [the reform curriculum] they will be able to finish and present [in the] same period (reflection, september, 2006). teacher collboration: implications 23 unlike ellen’s school, kate’s school used the prescribed city curriculum for middle schools, impact mathematics. the math coach at the school provided teachers with the mathematical topics to be covered and a sequence for doing so. “the math coach tells us what to do in what order and i assume she has an idea of how much we have to cover by when to get through everything in time for the test in march” (post-observation interview, september, 2006). how the topics were taught was left up to the individual teachers who created their own lessons. where ellen’s school had no common planning time during the school year, kate’s school supported collaboration among teachers by allotting time for it in teacher’s schedules. this structure allowed kate to work with the other 7th grade teacher regularly. more specifically, this time was helpful for the teachers in using both the standardized curriculum and incorporating the philosophy of the school into their teaching. as part of the school’s curriculum and focus on exploratory learning, students participated in numerous field trips. teachers were expected to create lessons, projects and activities that linked the trips with their subject area and the topics the students were studying at the time. kate noted that connecting the trips to mathematics can be more challenging than connecting them to other subjects and expressed a great deal of frustration in her second year regarding this aspect of her teaching. “they put a strain on teachers and are time consuming but also push them to use exploratory and discovery activities and to be a bit more creative with the material.” she adds that while she “had more prep periods than a lot of teachers do [i] always felt like i had so much to do every day because i was doing so much planning for offsite and regular stuff” (2nd interview, summer 2007). these above school structures that were driven by the curriculums of the schools encouraged the participants to seek out their colleagues for support. specifically, this support current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 helped to alleviate the perceived gaps in the curriculum. ellen regularly met with other mathematics teachers in her school to plan for the coming week, to supplement the curriculum with additional material, and to “lighten the load so that we are not both creating worksheets for the same lesson,” (post – observation interview, september 2006). kate felt a need for additional support and discussion due to the disconnect between content and pedagogy. she found this support in collaboration with a more experienced colleague at the school who taught the same grade. kate explains, “i think, mostly because of working with [the other 7th grade math teacher] i felt like very supported and like i was part of a team” (post-observation interview, june 2007). in both cases presented, the teachers benefited from meeting with other more senior teachers whether during common planning time or through professional development opportunities offered to them in order to best address teaching of the curriculum. thus collaborations between veteran teachers and newer teachers fostered by the school administration resulted in a support structure that enhanced new teachers’ pedagogy. peer collaboration in both kate and ellen’s schools, the administration incorporated common planning time into teachers’ schedules, although kate’s was several times a week during the school year while ellen’s was prior to the start of the school year. this feature of the teachers’ schedules facilitated kate and ellen’s work with their peers. at kate’s school common planning time was scheduled so that teachers who taught the same subject and grade levels could meet to work with one another. this structure allowed kate to work with her colleague, the other 7th grade teacher at the school, who we will refer to by the pseudonym kelly. the two were about equal in age teacher collboration: implications 25 although kelly, also a nyctf, had taught for several years prior. the two were not only supportive colleagues but also became friends. kate valued the common time built into her schedule though she and kelly found that they needed more than just the two designated periods a week to collaborate noting “[we] would use our preps and stuff to do it, so pretty much every day we would work on planning” and additionally that “if [planning together] didn’t happen during the week then we would get together on the weekend and plan lessons” (2nd interview, summer 2007). together, kate and kelly supported one another by planning lessons together, sharing curriculum materials with one another and developing exams, quizzes and projects together. despite all of the formal influences, kate quickly points to kelly a source of invaluable support as well as the primary influence upon her teaching. [who most affected my development] as an urban math teacher? okay. [kelly]. i mean i just, i worked with her all the time and more than any other person, like relied on her to give me advice and just help in every way. i mean there wasn’t – i didn’t really rely on anybody else at my school in the same way, and certainly i wouldn’t expect the fellows program to help me deal with problems that i encounter on a day-to-day basis (2nd interview, summer 2007). that kelly was such a strong influence upon kate in her initial two years of teaching partly due to the fact that kelly was a consistent presence in kate’s work life, unlike many of the formal supports. additionally, kate valued that kelly understood the material and what it means to be a math teacher at this school; that is, they had a shared practice upon which to draw. kate also valued the non-evaluative nature of their work together and felt that they were each contributing to the interaction. “last year i was the beneficiary of like an unprecedented level of current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 support from a colleague, kelly. but i think i also like gave her a ton of help too, and she would certainly admit that, especially by the end of the year,” (kate, 2nd interview, summer 2007). in ellen’s case, the highly top-down school structure made it necessary for some of the teachers to meet regularly. ellen refers to the top-down structure of the school in several instances noting that the school’s administration only cared about improving attendance, the special academies, and “the few older teachers” (post-observation interview, january 2007). with the school being attentive to the areas just mentioned, the administration did not put an emphasis on the day to day planning for teaching and learning. the collaboration that ellen and her fellow teachers conducted was not a result of common time set up by the school as in kate’s case. instead, the teachers involved found time in the mornings to meet. last year we – those kind of, in the morning we would have many talks for living, if you want to call it that, just to see where everybody was and how we should teach this, although you know, you may have planned it yourself, you may want to give it to … or i always wanted to show somebody else to see if that how they would do it and if not, what would they do differently. (1st interview, september 2006). during her second year, ellen and two of her fellow teachers set aside time on sundays to plan for the week. that is, to “plan in the sense of pacing or how the topics will be presented in class” (post-observation interview, may 2007). this planning enabled the teachers to share resources, ask mathematical and pedagogical questions of each other and develop a common theme in teaching and evaluation, “the sheet is based on an exam that i put together with like three other teachers. so i think the sheet is gonna be good for them for tomorrow.” (postobservation interview, march 2007) teacher collboration: implications 27 further information provided by the case studies continues to maintain the importance of collaboration with peers to the teacher’s practice in mathematics. with all of the formal supports provided to ellen, she jumped at the chance to change schools in her third year of teaching. this new school had the draw of structured collaboration with peers. kate, too, continued to express value in peer collaboration. prior to entering her second year she learned that kelly would be moved to another grade level. when asked, “what’s the biggest challenge you think you’ll face in your second year?” she quickly replied, “not working with [kelly]” (2nd interview, august 2007). although both kate and ellen have different school situations (middle or high, large or small), supports/influences, texts, and experiences; they both highlight in their reflections and interviews that they see working with their peers as most influential upon their teaching practices. this is consistent with prior research on teacher collaboration and mentorship. one of the most well known ideas expressed for decades about new teachers was that they would either “sink or swim.” the teachers who are able to swim, to continue teaching have undoubtedly used many means possible to do this. with respect to our case studies, both have found ways to swim by relying on partnerships built with their peers and facilitated by their school structures. these partnerships, we argue, are evidence of these teachers’ belief in continuous learning. that is, they actively seek out ways to learn more about their subject, their curriculum, and their teaching. ellen, along with the curriculum, the math specialist and collaboration with her colleagues, was continuously learning about teaching mathematics. when some topic was not clear to her in the curriculum, she would seek out help from others, “i had to ask several people in the department for assistance and what i found was that most of them could not explain clear current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 28 enough for me to understand and then i found the right teacher and i had an epiphany” (reflection, january 2007). sometimes, ellen would search for other resources to help her with the topic, as she stated at the beginning of the year that she found an old math textbook to help her. kate routinely used strategies in her classroom that she learned from other teachers, whether those in her school or those in her graduate courses. though she initially needed a push to do so, she observed the teaching of others and used what she learned to modify her own practice. as a result of reflecting upon her first year of teaching, kate explained that she looked forward to a new approach to teaching mathematics. “last year we kind of were like, ‘now we’re doing geometry. now we’re doing probability.’ and this [coming] year i’ve … actually like planned out the whole year to kind of talk about each of the topics … with like a focus on algebra and how like finding the unknown [in every problem] makes a difference” (2nd interview, summer 2007). thus, both kate and ellen have found ways to supplement their learning and become more effective educators in ways that continue their learning as teachers of mathematics. discussion these two case studies inform us about the influences and supports that teachers are both receiving and seeking out as well as the supports/influences that may be making a difference. we found specifically that even with multiple formal supports in place, these teachers actively sought out colleagues with whom to collaborate though this collaboration was, in kate’s case, facilitated by the schedule at her school. furthermore, we found that these teachers spoke positively about their work with colleagues leading us to believe that they greatly value and appreciate such work. that the teachers sought out and valued collaborations with their peers teacher collboration: implications 29 more so than working with other individuals such as mentors, math specialists and administrators leads us to believe that support models should find ways to facilitate such collaborative work. that teachers value such work can be attributed, in part, to the fact that these collaborations are voluntarily sought out, focus on specific day to day teaching strategies and lack the power issues that may arise when one is working with a supervisor or mentor. this is consistent with prior research (johnson, 2004; kardos, 2004a; taylor, 2004). focusing on why the teachers felt they needed to supplement the formal supports provides educators and policy makers with information about how best to strengthen such formal supports. an example of this involves the frequency with which teachers met with their mentors as opposed to with their peers. peer collaborations were happening much more frequently allowing peers to be a consistent, daily presence in one’s work life. increasing the frequency and length of visits might strengthen mentor models. interactions focused on content and teachers’ immediate concerns were greatly valued by teachers. this again has implications for how professional development models can be conceived and organized so as to be well received by teachers and, therefore, more likely to be both valued and acted upon. the collaborations these teachers sought out and engaged in also support prior research on learning as a social, active process furthered by interactions with others (dewey, 1997; franke, 1998; lave and wenger, 2003; vygotsky, 1978). lave and wenger (2003) argue that learning occurs in social settings and propose a framework for understanding this learning based on communities of practice of which we are all a part. in such communities those with more experience are at the center of the practice being developed and those with less experience work their way, through social engagement towards the center. applying this to our own work, we notice that the teachers in this study actively sought out and established their own communities current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 30 of practice, learning in social situations with their peers. they worked collaboratively with other teachers learning from them in order to move towards the center with respect to teaching. a similar and congruous idea is put forth by vygotsky (1978) who speaks of scaffolding, a process where those with more experience serve to pull others up to their level of understanding. the research presented in this paper supports these theories of learning giving us yet another example of the creation of human knowledge through social interaction. the research presented here in addition to prior research (gellert, 2008; gonzalez, 2008) on learning through social interaction supports the need to foster collaborations between new teachers and their peers. doing so would support school-specific and consistent interactions, in keeping with best induction practices as advocated by kardos (2004b) and would seem a valuable way to support new teachers. furthermore, it seems that the teachers were most influenced by those supports within their school. our work, though it doesn’t speak to the effectiveness of school-specific supports per se, does support the idea that school-specific supports are valuable to teachers and should be considered as part of any support system for new teachers. additionally teachers who are supported both within and outside of their school tend to stay longer in the profession and better their teaching practices in ways that those who only receive outside supports/influences cannot (kardos, 2004a). although the nyctf mentorship model involves numerous individuals to assist the beginning teacher, these mostly come from outside of the individual’s school. there are, in some cases formal school-based support people such as math coaches. though there is no definitive work on the success of math coaches, from the larger study upon which we draw (foote, m., et. al, 2009; smith & guingne, 2009) these teacher collboration: implications 31 seem to be a hit or miss situation. for example, kate mentioned the infrequent nature of her interaction with both mentors and coach if you came in every tuesday or if you came in every three days and said, ‘how is this going and how is this going?’ it’s fine, but if it’s that irregular i’m just going to lie to you and say everything’s fine, because you’re not going to be able to offer me anything that i don’t already get (2nd interview, summer 2007). at some schools the math coach is very involved in the teachers’ lives and a presence in their classrooms while in other schools the math coach may not even be licensed in mathematics. this indicates that though math coaches can be seen as school-based supports, they are not necessarily supports of the type advocated by the literature. one individual at the school offering support is far from the coordinated sustained effort that kardos (2004a) recommends. finally, one needs to consider the issue of local supports. there exists a need to infuse new ideas and strategies into schools so as to press teachers and others to reconsider their practices as part of active reflection. an over-reliance on school-based collaboration if not tempered with outside supports may lead to maintenance of the status quo. without some outside influences, patterns of inefficiency present in some schools may continue to persist. this is a particularly dangerous reality if what exists is not meeting the needs of students. while awareness of this concern is necessary, it may be remedied by the involvement of outside professional developers in addition to school-based supports that include peer collaboration. the new teacher project (2007), for example, suggested that mentors be trained extensively. in doing so, mentors are able to infuse outside information into the culture of the school as needed. most importantly, the benefits of mentoring that take the form of collaboration among teachers is current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 32 a valuable asset for in-service teachers, especially new teachers, and should be used to help them transition into the profession. this transition, as studies have shown, is likely to have positive impacts on retaining teachers in the profession (ingersoll and smith, 2004; nctaf, 2005). implications, limitations, and unanswered questions the work presented has implications for teacher development and support models, especially those aimed at supporting new teachers. examining the characteristics of peer collaboration provides us with some guidance as to the support models that the teachers value. this can then inform how such models are designed in the future. the characteristics of value described in the findings section may serve to justify changing mentoring and supports for inservice teaching to include peer collaboration perhaps through the use of communities of practice. the role of communities of practice for continuous learning is clear and has implications for teacher development and support models (gellert, 2008; gonzalez, 2008). furthermore, this work has implications for issues of educational equity as well. specifically, the nyc teaching fellows program was initiated as a way of meeting the need for teachers in high need schools. the students at high need schools are disproportionately taught by teachers who like those in this study, have a limited amount of educational training before becoming a teacher of record. it becomes imperative for support structures to be put in place so that these teachers and the students that they serve can be successful. given these implications it is important to make note of the limitations of this study. the two participants in this study, although part of a larger study, were observed using ethnographic methods to develop case studies. the generalizability of case study results is a limitation even in the context of specifics such as alternative certification, mathematics teaching, and the new york city public schools. furthermore, recognizing that the researchers did not set out to teacher collboration: implications 33 compare and contrast the participants, similar patterns from the data developed regardless of setting and situation, in the face of comparisons and contrasts. as with any research study, our work presented has left us with many unanswered questions that may be considered for future work in this area. we note that teachers value collaborations with peers and suggest this be included in models of professional development and support prompting us to question how best to structure these collaborations. such questions include but are not limited to:  how do we best set up peer collaborations? should these be teacher-initiated?  how can structural realities of time and content be addressed in the collaborations?  who should pair peers and on what should these pairings be based? additionally, we noted the issues that arise when multiple providers of support have inconsistent messages that they pass onto the new teachers leading us to ask:  how do we coordinate support across multiple providers? finally, no strategy can be put forth without considering how it fits with the current realities in schools. that is:  how can peer collaboration be incorporated into current practices, if possible? do new ways of conceiving school and teacher practices need to be developed to support peer collaboration? the questions presented here are only a handful of those that our research has spurred and which may drive future work, including our own, in the field of teacher preparation and support. with respect to our work presented here, we feel ellen herself said it best when in a postobservation interview (march 2007) she remarked that, “colleagues are the most supportive.” current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 34 research about how we use this information to support new teachers in the future seems a valuable endeavor for educators and policy makers to pursue. teacher collboration: implications 35 references american association of state colleges and universities. (2006). teacher induction programs: trends and opportunities, 3 (10). retrieved from congressweb.com/aascu/docfiles/teacherinduction.pdf branford, j.d., brown, a.l. & cocking, r.r. (1999). how people learn: brain, mind, experience and school. washington d.c.: national academy press. darling-hammond, l. (1998). teacher learning that supports student learning. educational leadership, 55, 6-11. dewey, j. (1997/1933). how we think. mineola, ny: dover publications inc. feiman-nemser, s. (2001). from preparation to practice: designing a continuum to strengthen and sustain teaching. teachers college record, 103(6), 1013-1055. foote, m., brantlinger, a., haydar, h., smith, b., & author2 (forthcoming). are we supporting teacher success: insights from an alternative route mathematics teacher certification program for urban public schools. school and society, 20(10), 1-30. franke, m. l., carpenter, t., fennema, e., ansell, e., & behrend, j. (1998). understanding teachers' self-sustaining generative change in the context of professional development. teaching and teacher education, 14(1), 67-80. gellert, l. m. (2008). new elementary school teachers and mathematics: an investigation through participation in a community of practice (unpublished doctoral dissertation). graduate center of the city university of new york, ny. goodlad, j. i. (1983). a study of schooling: some findings and hypotheses. phi delta kappan 64(7), 465-470. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 36 gonzalez, l. (2008). mathematics teachers as agents of change: exploring teacher identity of social justice through a community of practice (unpublished doctoral dissertation) graduate center of the city university of new york, ny. ingersoll, r. m., & kralik, j. m. (2004, february). the impact of mentoring on teacher retention: what the research says. education commission of the states review. johnson, s. m. (2004). schools that support new teachers. in s. m. johnson, finders and keepers: helping new teachers survive and thrive in our schools, (pp 91-118). san francisco: john wiley & sons. kardos, s. m. (2004a). supporting new teachers through school based induction. in s. m. johnson, finders and keepers: helping new teachers survive and thrive in our schools, (pp 193-224). san francisco: john wiley & sons. kardos, s. m. (2004b) professional culture and the promise of colleagues. in s. m. johnson, finders and keepers: helping new teachers survive and thrive in our schools, (pp 139 166). san francisco: john wiley & sons. lave, j., & wenger, e. (2003). situated learning: legitimate peripheral participation. cambridge, uk: cambridge university press. lortie, d. c. (1975). schoolteacher: a sociological study. chicago, il: university of chicago press. national commission on teaching and america’s future. (2005, august). induction into learning communities. washington, dc: author. retrieved from http://www.nctaf.org/documents/nctaf_induction_paper_2005.pdf. new york city teaching fellows website (n.d.), retrieved from http://www.nyctf.org/the_fellowship/prgm_overview.html. teacher collboration: implications 37 new york city department of education (n.d.). overview of core curriculum. retrieved, from: http://schools.nyc.gov/academics/mathematics/educatorresources/corecurriculum.htm northwest regional education laboratory (2001). supporting beginning teachers: how administrators, teachers and policy makers can help new teachers succeed. retrieved from: http://www.nwrel.org/request/may01/mentoring.html. rufo-tepper (2009). playing on two courts: factors that facilitate and constrain teacher learning in a lesson study group (unpublished doctoral dissertation). graduate center of the city university of new york, ny. smith, b. & guingne, s. (2009). the new york city coaching model. manuscript submitted for publication. smith, t. & ingersoll, r. (2004). what are the effects of induction and mentoring on beginning teacher turnover? american educational research journal, 41(3), 681-710. taylor, p. m. (2004). encouraging professional growth and mathematics reform through collegial interaction. in r. n. rubenstein, & g. w. bright. (eds), perspectives on the teaching of mathematics (66th yearbook), (pp 219-228). reston, va: the national council of teachers of mathematics. the connected math project, (n.d.) retrieved from connectedmath.msu.edu/ the new teacher center at the university of california, santa cruz. (2007). ntc policy brief: new teacher support pays off: a return on investment for educators. retrieved from http://www.newteachercenter.org/policy_reports.php vygotsky, l. s. (1978). mind in society: the development of higher psychological processes. cambridge, ma: harvard university press. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 38 wenger, e. (1998). communities of practice: learning, meaning and identity. cambridge, uk: cambridge university press. teacher collboration: implications 39 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt microsoft word speaking ourselves.docx current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 30 volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x speaking ourselves: the intersections of women educators’ personal and professional lives leigh m. o’brien state university of new york at geneseo citation o’brien, l. (2010). speaking ourselves: the intersections of women educators’ personal and professional lives. current issues in education, 13(4). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this paper presents findings from interviews conducted with 33 women educators working at varying levels of education and in diverse fields, and who varied in terms of age, ethnicity, race, family structure, geographic location, and sexual orientation1. semi-structured interviews, building on variants of this question, does who you are as person influence what you do as an educator and are there ways being an educator influences your life outside of work?, were conducted, tape recorded, and inductively analyzed. the themes uncovered suggest that women educators function as whole persons, aware of multiple intersections between their personal and professional lives. in a time of “teacher-proof,” scripted curricula, standardization, and other so called reforms in the field of education, these findings remind us that teaching cannot be reduced to curricular guidelines and generic texts mandated from above. rather, the diversity that teachers bring to the profession argues against a one-size-fits-all model and for a contextualized pedagogy that cannot be limited to mere content dissemination. keywords: women educators, pedagogy, qualitative research current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 about the author(s) author: leigh o’brien affiliation: state university of new york at geneseo address: suny geneseo, geneseo, ny 14454 email: obrienl@geneseo.edu biographical information: leigh o’brien is a professor of education who teaches and conducts scholarship in the areas of early childhood education, inclusive education, and social foundations of education. she is especially interested in women’s issues, diversity, and democracy in education. educators’ personal and professional lives 3 speaking ourselves: the intersections of women educators’ personal and professional lives the title of the paper comes from an unwillingness to separate mind and body, affect and intellect; hence, speaking "my self" – or in this case, our selves – rather than speaking "my mind" or "from my heart/gut," and is indicative of my rejection of western, cartesian dualities (e.g., mind/body, logic/emotion, reason/passion).1 the holistic approach, focusing on a rejection of certainty and universalisms, is a reflection of a feminist orientation that guides my thinking and will frame the paper. consistent with holism, it is becoming increasingly accepted that who you are influences what you are (or, more accurately, what you do). noddings contends that "who we are, to whom we are related, how we are situated all matter in what we learn, what we value, and how we approach intellectual and moral life" (1992, p. xiii). in education, there is much evidence that what teachers know about teaching derives from the links between personal life history and professional career (e.g., brown & gilligan, 1992; o’brien & schillaci, 2002). palmer, a long-time proponent of foregrounding the personal in teaching, maintains that “teaching is always done at the dangerous intersection of personal and public life” (1998, p. 17; italics added), and he exhorts us to acknowledge the forces at play within ourselves. doing so, he says, helps us to know ourselves better and thus be better teachers. 1 see, for example, hooks (1994) and johnson (2006) current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 harout (cited in göncü, 1995) describes this kind of knowing as an integration of his different “me”s. what i learned as a teacher helped me understand things that troubled me personally. my knowledge of developmental theory and my experience in the classroom met and made each other more meaningful… now, in my professional life, i no longer seek to exclude either my personal intuitions and style or the experience of teaching from my research. (p. 120). the research reported here, based on interviews with 33 female teachers, arose out of my own life history and experiences as a woman educator (glesne & peshkin, 1992). i have long been interested in thinking about how women who teach can identify and resist policies and practices that keep them from living an “undivided life” (palmer, 1998). while voiced directly by few of the women with whom a graduate assistant and i spoke, i believe this struggle is an overarching theme in the women’s responses. many of the teachers comfortably accepted this integration of their personal and professional lives, whereas others struggled with how to make it work – or wondered if it was even desirable. i believe the women in this study described a unitary, fairly stable self, which, however, might look, act, and even feel different depending on the situation. building on both palmer’s idea of leading an undivided life by seeing teaching as integrally linked to the teacher’s identity and integrity and bateson’s notion of women “composing a life” (1989), i will use the women’s stories to address the travails and rewards of teaching in a way that attempts to mesh the personal and professional. i will also provide examples of oppressions experienced as well as opportunities for/examples of agency in the teachers’ lives. educators’ personal and professional lives 5 literature review john dewey, who has done much to draw our attention to the fundamental unity of child and curriculum (1902), experience and education (1959), and the school and society (1915), provides insights on the necessarily overlapping lives we live. he posits that experience is central to our construction of understandings, and that our lived lives are always the starting points for our growth. as göncü writes, [w]e are often encouraged to consider our professional and personal lives as isolated from each other. we are tempted to engage in a struggle to maintain this isolation…nevertheless, both we, as teachers, and our students stand to gain from an emphasis on the whole person. for us as teachers, that means exploring the unique self underlying our personal and professional lives as well as celebrating, elaborating, and developing this self. (1995, p. 121) jipson, munro, victor, jones, and freed-rowland (1995) argue that the totality, the complexity, and the multiplicity of women’s lives have been muted by the institutionalized subordination of women to men (p. 229). similarly, reporting on her research with female elementary school teachers, biklen (1986) argues that the traditional notions of what it means to be a paid career worker are unduly restrictive for many women. thus, the neat separation of work and family, school and home, teacher and mother that we often try to make can cloud the complex processes of identification and differentiation that make up women's realities. these polarized positions may also limit women's visions of their potential in life. "it seems that women [often] feel forced to make decisions based on a male-modeled career pattern which ultimately denies them the full range of choices in life,” write leonard and malina (1994, p. 34). gutek and larwood (1987) contend that women’s career development is both different from and more complex than men’s because of role expectations about both current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 paid work and family life. and hall (1987a) compares the traditional view of careers as linear and predictable with new values such a concern for balancing paid work and family life. despite recent and ongoing societal changes, this still appears to be more a women’s issue than a men’s. building on the foregoing, i believe we cannot leave personal experiences out of our work lives; that our personal lives do, and must, overlap with our professional lives. many educators have come to see learning and teaching (i.e., pedagogy) as the being the essence of everyday relations. we learn and teach in multiple contexts across our life spans, and all of us are involved with, whether consciously or not, a life-long pedagogical project of reconstructing our positions on the basis of new learnings. these reconceptualizations, or new knowings, lead to a "rewriting" of life stories. life-history research is a way to access life stories. it not only provides material about individual lives, but also offers the opportunity to explore how individual lives are shaped by society. thus, life-history research offers critical insights into larger societal processes by connecting the lives of individuals to society (foster, 1997, p. xxi). such “little narratives” of local knowledge (dahlberg, moss, & pence, 1999), told in public forums, can become a powerful form of protest (gitlin & myers, 1993). this kind of storytelling can be a means of testifying, or “bearing witness” (burdell & swadener, 1999) to injustices perceived and experienced. more specifically, the life-history approach, with life-story interviewing being one form, has been used by scholars interested in documenting and interpreting women’s perspectives and experiences (biklen & shakeshaft, 1985). i chose to use (brief) oral histories2 as they capture more 2  although  the  interviews  we  did  were  too  brief  to  qualify  as  full  life-­‐history  interviews,  the  respondents  often   described  historical  moments  and  paths  that  influenced  where  they  currently  were.   educators’ personal and professional lives 7 closely the essence of the differences between men and women, and “help [us] to describe and understand better the webs in which …women … weave their lives” (perry, 1989, p. 3). oral histories allow women to tell, in their own words, portions of their life stories. for researchers, oral histories offer the advantages of gaining insight into subjects’ experiences and being able to expand into areas not thought of prior to the interview and so dig more deeply into relevant issues; in short, to achieve the qualitative researcher’s goal: “thick” description. oral history interviews are unique in that the interaction of researcher and subject creates the possibility of going beyond the conventional stories of women's lives to reveal experience in a less culturally edited form (anderson & jack, 1991). in fact, weiler argues, "women must create a new language based on women's actual lived experiences." and since the everyday world is an integral part of the social world, "...focusing on the everyday life of women should...reveal that connection between public and private..." (1988, p. 61). analyzing that connection was my intention, as feminist research emphasizes the worth of lived experience, and draws on intuition, emotion, and feelings. it also questions the possibility of finding one “right” answer and, like other interpretive research methodologies, tends to generate a variety of answers (and questions) leading to further exploration and discussion. telling our stories, then, can be viewed as contributing to the exercise of freedom – understood in a freirian sense as potentially liberatory and in a foucauldian sense as being able to think critically, in a way that opposes docility. we take control of our lives through questioning the ways we view the world and increasing our ability to shape our own subjectivity, make our own meanings (dahlberg et al., 1999). settled, transcendent meanings, what some call current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 meta-narratives, have not served women well. because of this, what “feminist movement”3 has been about, first and foremost, is meaning making. nothing is more radical than meaning making; it is what we women educators are about here. methodology the author and a former graduate assistant conducted and tape-recorded interviews with 334 women educators working at varying levels of education and in diverse fields, and who varied in terms of age, ethnicity, race, family structure, geographic location, and sexual orientation. all of the women were known to either my graduate assistant or me personally or were “friends of friends”5; obviously, this was not a random sampling, and i do not pretend it or wish it to be. in fact, the methodology is grounded in relationship: it was natural to ask other women educators to talk about their lives. knowing the women and doing face-to-face interviews also meant geographical proximity; hence, the majority of the women lived in western new york at the time of the interview, although a number grew up elsewhere. after obtaining informed consent from each woman and scheduling a meeting, the interviewers used an in-depth, semi-structured interview procedure to ask each woman about what she saw as the personal-professional intersections in her life, if any. the interviews typically took about one hour and were built on variants of this open-ended question: “does who you are as a person influence what you do as an educator and are there ways being an educator influences your life outside of work?” (see appendix a for the interview protocol.) all 3 bell hooks’ term (2000) 4 glaser and strauss (1967) suggest that the researcher is “asking questions of the data” and maintain that we cannot stop until we’ve answered the questions. i stopped after doing 33 interviews, because i felt i was able to make sense of what i was hearing, able to pull out repeating themes across women’s ‘lived’ experiences as educators. further, warren (2002) notes that a minimum number of non-ethnographic interviews is 20-30; this is considered a small but theoretically significant number. 5 this is also known as “snowball sampling” (warren, 2002). educators’ personal and professional lives 9 respondents were encouraged to focus on specific areas of personal-professional overlap, but we also strove to allow each woman's own experiences and perceptions to emerge. qualitative research seeks to describe and understand, consistent with my focus. "getting inside the lives of others is the object of the qualitative researcher, who cannot understand the acts of others except from the perspectives of the actors" (campbell, 1988, p. 72). additionally, we attempted, where relevant, to share our own experiences as educators in order to reduce the power imbalance between researcher and researched, and because i was aware that, ultimately, the interviews and interpretations would fuse our perspectives and theirs. as my graduate assistant and i were educators, we had experienced some of the tensions and pleasures participants described, often allowing us to empathize with interviewees’ stories and bringing us as close to the “inside” of the experiences as possible. although the interviews were designed to elicit respondents’ stories, they were also conducted to test my theories about personal-professional intersections in women’s lives. therefore, it was important for us to be clear about our perspectives and our agenda; i believe the informedconsent process and form the interviewees completed, as well as the dialogic nature of the interviews, contributed to clarity in terms of our positioning. after the interviews were transcribed (by the author and previous student assistants), they were coded by the author and a current student assistant. we did initial, line-by-line coding, using active terms to capture implied and explicit meanings, then used focused coding to sort, synthesize, and conceptualize. the categories that emerged from the focused coding were further developed and, in some cases, integrated, then used to construct a theoretical framework. during the data analysis process, we both did memo writing and met regularly to discuss our ideas for categories and possible links across categories. these will be discussed in the findings section. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 an interview is a useful way to get large amounts of data quickly, and when there is more than one informant, the interview process allows for a wide variety of information and a large number of subjects (marshall & rossman, 1989). for this reason, perhaps, the interview has become the most common qualitative tool used by researchers in education (warren, 2002). in-depth interviews, which we used, can be described as conversations with a purpose, and involve an interaction between the interviewer and interviewee, the purpose of which is to gather valid and reliable information. further, the interviewer’s purpose is to try to understand the meaning of respondents’ experiences and life worlds by deriving interpretations from their statements. it must be noted that the interviewer and interviewee always speak to each other from their situated perspectives (e.g., based on their race, class, and gender). these varied perspectives shape the flow of the interview and have to be taken into account by the interviewer in understanding the meaning-making process (charmaz, 2002). researchers often choose to use interviews when their concern is establishing common patterns or themes between particular types of respondents, as was the case here. qualitative interviewing provides an “open-ended, in-depth exploration of an aspect of life about which the interviewee has substantial experience, often combined with considerable insight” (charmaz, 2002, p. 676). the basic question driving such a study is, what is happening here? as a grounded theory researcher (glaser & strauss, 1967) using an inductive approach, i started with areas of interest to me and constructed interview questions to open up those areas. i used, then, a symbolic-interactionist theoretical perspective with constructivist methods. with this approach, the following assumptions adhere: (1) multiple realities exist; (2) data reflect the researchers’ and educators’ personal and professional lives 11 participants’ mutual constructions; and (3) the researcher, however incompletely, enters and is affected by participants’ worlds (charmaz). conducting the interviews in a way consistent with feminist research was also important to me, and consistent with the foregoing. whereas traditionally social researchers have been encouraged to interact with their subjects in a "neutral, value-free" way, mies (cited in leonard, 1994) argues that feminist researchers must become involved with the people they study. "feminist methodology places great value on woman-to-woman research, based on personal identification with the subjects' experiences, as a mechanism to produce more meaningful and insightful research" (leonard, 1994, p. 166). part of this strategy involves self-disclosure on the part of the interviewer so that empathy, trust, and mutual interaction are enhanced. the interviews would not have been the same had my graduate assistant and i not been women educators, as the feminist researcher “makes her direct experience the ground of her knowledge” (smith, cited in middleton, 1993). in banks’ (1998) terms, we were “indigenousinsiders,” endorsing the values, perspectives, behaviors, beliefs, and knowledge of the community and, presumably, perceived by people within the community as legitimate. because feminist researchers never claim or aspire to objectivity or detachment, subjectivity, then, is a given of feminist research. in feminist research, “truth” is found in an accurate and adequate reconstruction of the experiences of the researcher and the researched (goldstein, 1997). additionally, i had to acknowledge the likelihood of data analysis being an “unmanageable, messy, and arbitrary process” (kleinman & copp, 1993, p. 24). it is important, therefore, that the story told have internal congruence and be deemed “trustworthy.” in addition, feminist research has an explicit political agenda and argues against “value-free” knowledge. thus, the point of research is not solely to describe or even understand the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 world, but to seek to change it through enhanced understanding. this is what hollingsworth calls feminist praxis: "a willingness to risk and examine personal experiences as women and to be changed by the research process itself" (1992, p. 373). the questions underlying feminist research and its designation of experiences as the ground for social transformation ideally lead to the creation of knowledge that can be put into practice to produce changes beneficial both to women and to the larger society (goldstein, 1997; hollingsworth, 1992; lewis, 1993). in this way, we can see teacher narratives as “treasonous texts, for they offer the possibility of an alternative set of stories about teaching and the education system” (thomas, 1995, pp. 15-16). the primary aim of the investigation, then, was to derive interpretations and try to understanding the meaning of the respondents’ experiences and life worlds (warren, 2002). as denzin (1994) so aptly puts it, “in the social sciences, there is only interpretation” (p. 500). rather than asking if my interpretations are right or true, a bakhtinian perspective suggests that it is more helpful to ask if they are reasonable and appropriate replies to my informants’ statements. for bakhtin (1990), the highest ethical responsibility, not just of researchers but also of human beings, is to answer the utterances of others. to answer, we must first interpret what the other person is saying to us. our answers can never be perfect because our interpretations can never be completely true; there is, necessarily, “slippage” of meaning. however, this slippage need not and should not keep us from trying to make sense of and connect with others. we listen to each other, try to understand, and answer the best we can. inevitably, we project our own perspectives and preoccupations onto the words of others, and yet generally, we manage to understand each other well enough that our conversations make sense (tobin, 2000). unfortunately, because the interviews took place educators’ personal and professional lives 13 some time ago, it was not possible to check back with our informants. thus, it is up to the reader to decide if i have listened, heard, and understood reasonably well and appropriately. the strength of grounded theory, such as that used here, is that provides a theoretical narrative with explanatory and predictive power (charmaz, 2002). a grounded theory interview can be viewed as an unfolding story. this story arises as the interviewer and the study participants together explore the topic and put a human face on it. with this kind of research, the storyteller is considered both the expert and authority on her life. the concept of persuasion, then, applies here: does the study/story strike a resonant chord with the reader? is the story deemed “trust-worthy?” findings through multiple readings, reflections, codings, and discussions, my student assistant and i came up with 10 repeating themes that comprised the women’s responses, their collective story, as it were. the categories that emerged from the coding were further developed and, in some cases, integrated, then used to construct a theoretical framework. in the following, i present the seven extant categories with supporting data and literature. for the sake of brevity, only a few quotes will be used to support each category, although the reader will “hear from” all but three of the women interviewed as i present their compressed life stories.6 as i had suspected might be the case, based on my own life experiences, virtually all the women educators in our study functioned as whole persons, aware of multiple intersections between their personal and professional lives. the first, overarching category, then, is this: teaching is more than just a job; it’s more “who i am than what i do.” for instance, edna7 said, “i guess i can start by saying that everything 6 for the full data set, please contact the author. 7 all names are pseudonyms. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 that i am, and i think this is true of all people, directly influences your profession.” with specific reference to education, trish told us, “when i tell people what i do, i say, ‘i'm a teacher,’ but it's more of who i am rather than what i do.” in fact, all but one of the women interviewed could not separate who they were from what they did as educators, although they differed in terms of degree and kinds of integration. andrea noted that, “anywhere i go something gives me an idea. you know: the kids would really like that or i could do that with the kids, or just managing things at home. it all kind of rubs off both ways.” maureen addressed this more directly, saying, “i don't think we can separate who we are, although at times i find i [have to] bite my tongue.” cherie summed this category up well: “i can’t separate the professional part. i can’t separate the cultural part. and i definitely can’t separate that personal component of it…because it’s all a part of me.” many of the women cited liking working with people/children or wanting to help others as a major reason for going into education. this is clearly who they are. biklen, in her study of elementary school teachers, notes that the women she studied maintained consistent “internal conceptions of themselves as teachers” even when they were not employed in the field (cited in young, 1992, p. 157).8 sarah, reflecting this idea of internal conception, told us: “who i am as a person is that i've always enjoyed being around people...forming relationships with people.” trish described how she came to be a tesol9 teacher: “i went to do an observation of a tesol classroom and i fell in love with the students; i fell in love with their desire to learn the language and their desire to be assimilated into this culture.” crystal adds, i really enjoy being with children. i enjoy working with younger children and i’ve found over the years that that’s not something a lot of people like to do. it floors me [when they ask], ‘how can 8 or, as the lead character in alexander mccall smith’s friends, lovers, chocolate puts it, “you carry your profession with you.” 9 teaching english to speakers of other languages educators’ personal and professional lives 15 you work with little kids?’ how can i not? i think it’s been a part of me all along, something that i’ve always enjoyed… the one woman whose thoughts about personal and professional intersections in education clearly did not align with the foregoing was, at the time of the interview, in the process of deciding to leave the field. of note is that darlene was leaving education for the same reason the others were staying in it. she put it this way: i think one of the reasons i know that i want to be done teaching is that i can’t keep fragmenting and segmenting, and that’s why i’m moving toward something that is integral, that will have carryover. i’m a little worn out with going to off to war every day. thus, a response that might appear to challenge my theory may instead be further confirmation of the importance of women educators being able to live undivided lives. directly related to the foregoing is our second finding: women educators build on their life experiences to create who they are as teachers. karen said, “as a daughter, there are many strong connections because of my dad being an educator. i've always held my conversations with him around being an educator very highly, and i think those conversations ...have helped develop who i am.” larice, a mohawk special educator, notes that she mainly brings in a native american perspective: “when it’s addressed…when we’re talking about early american history…i would give a different perspective [than non-native teachers] on thanksgiving [for example]…” prada, born and raised in india, adds this: “i encourage the female students to [be assertive] because i have seen how much success that has brought me…being from a completely different country and being short (laughs), that was something to battle against.” many of the women built on their experiences with children out of the classroom, especially those who were parents. for example, briana noted: “the mother instinct is there… i current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 think that is almost something you can’t avoid when you have children of your own.” and maureen said, i think you can’t be a parent, without going to open house, parent conferences…you can’t go into those roles as a parent and leave behind your own philosophy of how you think schools [should be]. one of the things i learned early on [because of an experience with her son] was to help students become self-advocates; helping them understand that they have the right to ask questions and to be a participant [in the decisions made about their schooling]. third, teaching is seen as complex, multifaceted, and challenging; as being about much more than just content dissemination. in addition, as experience is gained, teachers feel that they can bring more of themselves to the job. briana, who was coming to teaching after an earlier career as a scientist, sums up the complexity and challenges of teaching nicely, “i have always been good at multi-tasking. i can keep a lot of things going on at the same time. [but] teaching is taxing my full-time multi-tasking ability.” caitlin, previously a girls’ gymnastics coach, put it like this: to me, in many respects it [learning in school and sports] corresponds. because i see sports in many respects as very cerebral: problem-solving, anticipation of what your opponent’s going to do. so i like to think about how that comes into the arena of education. and i bring a lot of that in there. bette addressed how she and her colleagues viewed their students holistically when she told us, in our early years of teaching we [she and a colleague] were everything to these kids. whether it was housing, or food, or the 16-year-old boy who slept in the same bed as his mother for want of another bed, we intimately entered into every part of our students’ lives. educators’ personal and professional lives 17 maureen, a college professor and department chair, saw her job as a college teacher as having both a formal academic component and an informal, more personal one: i think as teachers we have two roles. and the first one is the assumed one. we have a scheduled class meeting time, course syllabi, and we teach a specific body of knowledge. [but] i think the best teaching is what one does one on one. and …i'm going to say that the [students] i think i've impacted most have been women that have come [to her] for career life changes. and toward the end of our conversation edna, the director of an art therapy program who had indicated earlier in the interview that now that she was over 40 she did not really care what others thought, spoke specifically to the integration of her personal and professional selves in her teaching: it used to be when i was a less-evolved human being that i could take off my clinical hat and leave it at work. it doesn’t work that way any more and i guess it’s better, but i was taught that you were supposed to separate, so what i teach my students now is that it’s a myth…to think that neutrality and objectivity can exist in the workplace. …what you’re going to be left with, whether you’re in a therapeutic or educational setting [is that] some of that personal stuff is still going to eke in and some of it’s good because it’s experiences we bring to the classroom…and it’s what makes us what we are. so i don’t think it’s so terrible anymore…what i try to do as a professional and an educator…is i really try and take only the personal stuff that is really going to make a difference, make an impact, and share it. the fourth theme was not surprising given the expansive view of teaching most respondents had: many saw themselves as being in relationship with students; hence, they share themselves and support their students as people. flo put it succinctly: “you treat [students] like people, they will give you what you need. it’s just like parenting.” similarly, lainie said, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 “we’re all human beings, children and adults. they need to know me, warts and all.” caitlin once more drew on her coaching background to respond: one more thing that i carry over: i was lucky enough to work with girls going through adolescence who had a lot of self-confidence. then you go into the classroom and see girls this same age who are so wrapped up in how they look, how socially acceptable can they be. … i kind of felt, if a girl had a lot of self-confidence, when they hit that stage, they’re not going to turn to acceptance by their peers, especially boys, to prove their self-worth. they’re not going to decide they can’t be smart any more because boys don’t like smart girls, so i try with this age group to work a lot on getting these girls to be very independent and feeling that they have a lot of self-worth. related to the foregoing, our fifth theme was that being a role model for students was an integral part of teaching for many of the teachers with whom we talked. within this theme, we also noticed that european-american teachers tended to focus more on the gender piece, whereas teachers of color focused more on race and ethnicity. as terry, a white elementary school teacher, put it, well, i think i [bring in my belief system] through modeling. i ask them who they are and share that about myself as well. i model a healthy lifestyle and taking risks like canoeing, or outdoor things that i do, or writing and traveling. when i asked mona, who self-identifies as “caucasian, arab, and indic,” if she shared pieces of her personal life with the children with whom she worked, she responded with animation: oh yeah. like when i talk about riding my bike. they say, ‘you ride a bike?!’ so i show them a picture and talk about it…sometimes it’s an overt manipulation of a student; other times, it’s to model social behavior that is personal or appropriate. educators’ personal and professional lives 19 jasmine, an administrator of a city high school said, “i am african american and i hope i’m a positive role model. i hope that parents, staff, and students have gained from me because i’m african american.” yolanda also spoke of teaching in inner-city schools and the importance to her students of her of being african american: one kid came up to me and said, ‘you’re the same color, you know.’ i said, ‘yes, i am.’ and they’re like, ‘good.’ and i asked, ‘why is that good?’ and they tell me, ‘you remind me of my auntie,’ so they make a personal connection…and even with the hispanic kids, they want me to be hispanic (laughs). cherie, born and raised in barbados, had a complex take on this. [subbing] was challenging for me because even though i’m black, i tend to stay very close to home. so it was different in terms of the children and the way they behaved. and the expectations: i’m used to having this high value for education and here i am sitting in front of 30 kids who don’t want to be there. nella, who self-identifies as creole and catholic but who says she is probably seen primarily as black, talked a lot about the role of race and gender in education. at the time of the interview the director of multicultural affairs at a small college, she explained how she viewed the inevitable integration of the self into teaching, in this case, her spirituality: one does not have to teach in the classroom to be an educator…i think that with educators you don’t have to espouse a christian belief to look at people and stories of models, and for me, that’s the greatest model and that has to do with my spirituality, and i don’t think i can separate that out. sixth, virtually all the women noted serendipity/life circumstances and, for many, especially those who were middle-age or older, gendered expectations, in terms of ending up an educator. where they currently were in terms of their jobs was very rarely a specifically current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 planned career choice although almost all said they liked their jobs. according to keohane (cited in hall, 1987c), this kind of “flexible” success is characterized by interruptions in paid work, by part-time paid work, and by slower achievement. this was certainly true of many, though not all of the women in this study. when i asked hattie, my grandmother, how she ended up being a teacher, she told me: i can tell you why, [although] i’m embarrassed to tell you – i didn’t really know i was going to get a degree in the science of education. i thought i was taking courses in journalism. my plan was to be a great writer, but it didn’t turn out that way (laughs)…girls weren’t accepted in college at penn [the university of pennsylvania]…but you were allowed to take courses…[in education, fine arts, and nursing]. maureen, a middle-aged woman, also felt the effects of gendered roles on her decision to become an educator: at the time, it was tradition that there was a token female in the [medical school] class, and if you were female and applying, the perception was you were taking the place of a male student. so it became apparent to me that i was probably not going to be successful getting into medical school, and … i met my future husband in my senior year, got married, and transferred to rutgers. liza, born in cuba and much younger than both hattie and maureen, had a similar tale to tell about the life circumstances which led to her becoming a teacher: i was very interested in teaching but then in high school i won a poetry context and i was very much into writing and so i thought i might want to do journalism…and then my first year in college i took a writing course and was very discouraged. my love for it [writing] kind of went into hobby mode…and then in my second year i did a field experience in an elementary school educators’ personal and professional lives 21 and the children loved it, and i thought, this is for me; there is no question: i am going into education. miranda, a new teacher, had very similar, serendipitous experiences. she said, in high school i wanted to be a social worker…but then i talked with a friend’s mother and decided it wouldn’t be good for me…i went to college, loved psychology, and decided to teach young kids. i got involved with montessori [education] and thought it was fun…and wound up in education. in a story echoed by many, jeanette summed up this theme when she said, “well, a friend of mine was in deaf education and it just kind of happened.” and, although serendipity and life circumstances may have led these women into education, once they found their home in the profession, the majority of them were happy to be there. last, but certainly not least, role strain was heard in almost every interview. balancing their lives was a constant challenge for most of these women, especially those with children. young (1992) calls this dual commitment to paid and family work, the combining of multiple roles, “competing urgencies.” she argues that women generally take primary responsibility for “family work” and so regard successful juggling of their simultaneous responsibilities as a considerable accomplishment (pp. 150-151). this is what hochschild (1989) famously called “working the second shift” and may align with what griffith and smith (1991) call the “mothering discourse,” the expectation that mothers will love, care, and sacrifice the self. like good mothers, good teachers find their work is never done (acker, 1995). a feminist analysis would add that teaching, like mothering, has the expectations of “altruism, self-abnegation, and repetitive labor” (grumet, 1988, p. 87). because of this, teachers are often exhausted (mcpherson, 1972; steedman, 1987). this is the consequence of the social expectations that current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 22 women’s caring work should blur the distinction between labor and love (acker). reflecting this tension, yolanda told me, i’m almost finished with my course work [for her master’s in education], [and] i find myself always [feeling guilty]. that guilt: i should be doing more with them [her own children], and i hope they know i still love them, but sometimes i have to say, “i have to do this, i can’t do that”... and you know what’s so funny? my husband can bring something home from work and he says, “you can’t bother me,” and they don’t. but they still ask me, you know, “mom, can you sew this button on?” janet explained how she tried to balance her work and home lives, in part by letting go of expectations that she do all the work and that things needed to be “just so” at home: there’s no question there’s a [misperception] that education doesn’t require [a lot of] time because it takes an enormous amount of time. i guess i worry less about certain things. i like my house picked up but the big stuff on the floor, that doesn’t upset me. i don’t do my husband’s shirts; that’s his responsibility... [and] the children do help…. mindy, who began her career in education as a part-time preschool teacher and worked her way up into school administration, addressed her struggles to maintain friendships given the time demands of her position and other work-related challenges. her “solution” was rather ingenious, though probably not consciously planned: in administration, the work is so consuming that my friendship circle is shrinking. there is just not a lot of time to maintain those relationships... i have a “cell-phone friendship” with a woman who does very similar work. …we have a lot of the same issues we’re dealing with and for years we’d talk to each other every day on the way to work…i didn’t have time to play volleyball anymore which was a major recreation for me that we had done together, so we had to find a way educators’ personal and professional lives 23 to be friends and so we sat on the phone. but part of that friendship was coaching each other on our work. discussion and conclusions so what does this mean? how are the pieces related to the whole? what story are these women telling? i think i can reasonably argue, based on the evidence, that these women educators see themselves as living – or, more accurately, trying to live – undivided lives. each one is an individual who brings her personality, life experiences, cultural and ethnic background, current life situation, and so forth to her work as an educator. in fact, for most, there was simply no way they could separate who they were as people from who they were as teachers. further, most saw no reason to try to separate their “two lives.” kyra, a college professor, directly addresses the complexities of this situation. i struggle with that [how much of herself to bring into the classroom] all the time. there are some courses and some semesters in which it all seems to come together quite nicely, and other semesters where it’s all at odds. and of course i was educated in graduate school that one should be objective and value-free. and so i still carry some of that with me and i think that’s a piece of my struggle around bringing the personal into the professional arena – although it’s obviously always there. these findings have implications for practice, knowledge, and policy. first, teachers are full, immeasurably complex humans working with other full, complex human beings – their students. if teaching were reducible to filling identical vessels with the same, pre-packed materials, anyone could do it…but it wouldn’t be education, then; rather, just filling pails on an assembly line. if, instead, education means, as the word’s latin origins suggest, the drawing out of knowledge, teachers and students must come to know and address each other as the unique current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 individuals they are. obviously, this then affects how we conceive of learning and teaching. this study’s findings argue for ever-varying, never-identical pedagogical processes that cannot be reduced or simplified to mere content dissemination. this, in turn, has implications for policy. briefly, if it is true that teachers, and students, are not interchangeable automatons, then public policy must acknowledge the diversity that teachers bring to the profession by not trying to make one size fit all. this, i believe, is the key finding of this study, making these stories, perhaps, the treasonous texts mentioned earlier. this research shows how women educators’ personal lives are inextricably linked with their work lives. i believe it also challenges technical-rational models of teaching (see, e.g., steinberg, kincheloe, & hinchey, 1999), and makes a case for understanding teachers as individuals who construct meaning through social mediation and as agents who are embedded, embodied, localized, constituted, fragmented, and subject to systems of power and exploitation (dillabough, 1990). in this study, teachers do not present as passive, disembodied “professionals”; rather their identities are shaped by their own narratives as well as social and structural relations both within and outside education (dillabough). teachers, then, are embedded in social and political contexts where multiple selves meet within a dialectical frame (dillabough, 1990). thus, experience and self are key constructs and research should include an examination of these. as women’s voices are increasingly heard in education (smith, 1997), this study’s findings suggest that we must acknowledge a perspective on teaching and learning that incorporates the personal, the contextual, the lived lives of teachers (and students) at all levels. greene urges women to become truly present to themselves by reconsidering their own lived experiences, using what she calls their personal biographies (1973). and she argues “… for an educators’ personal and professional lives 25 intensified awareness of women’s own realities, the shape of their own lived worlds” (1978, p. 219). i hope that this research will help women educators who may feel marginalized or not quite “whole” realize the efficacy and importance of their own personal/professional approaches to pedagogy, the feminist praxis, and the importance of living an undivided life. ultimately, only an understanding of the daily realities of teaching will lead us to social and political changes. in a time of standardization, “teacher-proof,” scripted curriculum, and other so-called reforms in the field of education, this alternative set of stories about teaching and the education system reminds us that teaching cannot be reduced to curricular guidelines and generic texts mandated from above. however, the no child left behind act and other moves toward what is seen as “accountability” in education have promoted and rewarded an image of teaching and teachers as generic and readily replicable. and so, as always, there is always more work to be done. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 30 references acker, s. 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(1987). prisonhouses. in m. lawn & g. grace (eds.), teachers: the culture and politics of work (pp. 117-129). london: falmer press. educators’ personal and professional lives 29 steinberg, s.r., kincheloe, j.l., & hinchey, p.h. (eds.). (1999). the post-formal reader: cognition and education. new york: routledge. thomas, d. (ed.). (1995). teachers’ stories. buckingham, england: open university press. tobin, j. (2000). “good guys don’t wear hats”: children’s talk about the media. new york: teachers college press. warren, c.a.b. (2002). qualitative interviewing. in j.f. gubrium & j.a. holstein (eds.), handbook of interview research: context and method (pp. 83-102). thousand oaks, ca: sage publications. weiler, k. (1988). women teaching for change: gender, class and power. south hadley, ma: bergin & garvey. young, b. (1992). on careers: themes from the lives of four western canadian women educators. canadian journal of education, 17 (2), 148-159. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 30 appendix a interview protocol we need to gather some background information first; would you tell me a little about yourself…for example, your: name (although we knew these and didn’t really have to ask, these were recorded) age or age range race/ethnicity and socio-economic status (ses) marital/family status current teaching situation (where, doing what, etc.) the focus of this study is on if/how women educators perceive connections between their professional and personal lives. do you see your personal and professional lives as intersecting? if so, how? if not, please explain. possible areas to consider/ask about: power physicality/voice flexibility/balance relationships intuition/emotion/spirituality/creatively demographic influences (e.g., age, race, and so forth) etc. (whatever comes up in conversation and seems relevant) are there any other areas you perceive as connections that we haven’t addressed? other comments or discussion... appendix b the women educators pseudonym age ethnicity/race marital/family status teaching situation regional affiliation madge 47 white/european (“mutt”) single, no children chair, college nursing dept. new york state sarah 39 white married, no children special education, elementary level grew up in savannah, ga, lived in ny state. now in seattle, wa educators’ personal and professional lives 31 karen 38 caucasian married, 2 children ass’t prof education ny state maureen 57 white/both parents born in scotland married, 3 children chair, college education dept. ny state edna 45 caucasian/whit e/jewish “very single mother of two kids” associate professor & director of art therapy ny state trish 35 “eclectic” (european american) married, 3 children tesol classroom teacher & adjunct faculty for tesol ny state marla 35+ mostly grew up in france, now ny state married, 1 son assistant professors, religious studies all over! darlene 53 white married, 3 children associate professor of education pa and ny state andrea 27 white married, no children child care center teacher and assistant director fl and ny state prada 40 native of india single, no kids assistant professor of education india, iowa, ny state hattie 91 european american/was p widowed, 3 children and many grand-children & great grandchildren retired secondary english teacher pa all of her life kyra 49 white/ “mutt” married, no children sociology professor ny state current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 32 dena 53 european american married, 2 children english teacher, continuing education program ny state mindy european american married, with children public school administrator ny state janet mid 40’s european american married, 3 children 5th-grade science teacher ny state priscilla 50’s european american divorced, 2 grown children 1st-grade teacher suburbs ny state jasmine 40’s african american/cher okee married, 2 daughters school administrator – city school grew up in texas college in oh and ga; at living in ny caitlin 42 white (angloirish) married, 3 sons special educator – 5th grade grew up in ontario, canada. now in ny state pseudonym age ethnicity marital/family status teaching situation regional affiliation cherie 35-40 “black…irish, indian, & african descent” single, 1 daughter in teacher prep program & subbing, city schools born and raised in barbados. currently lives in ny state. yolanda 36 african american married, 2 children in teacher prep program & subbing, city schools grew up in the south. attended college, atlanta, ga. lives in ny educators’ personal and professional lives 33 state. crystal 36 italian american married, 2 kids part-time preschool teacher and director ny state nella 49 creole (black/french) married, 3 kids former catholic. school principal / current director of multicultural affairs @ a college born and raised in new orleans. now living in ny state. jeanette 52 “and proud of it” white/caucasian, irish/german/a little french married, 3 kids teacher of deaf children ny state lainie 42 “human being” (african american) “i want for nothing” – 3 kids, single mom teacher, city schools raised in the south, now living in ny state. briana 42 white/czechamerican married, 2 kids student teacher ny state flo 39 african american & jewish married, 3 kids 6th grade inclusion, city schools grew up in north caroline, now ny state. ciera 36 “white” married, one son teacher of children with visual impairments grew up all over the u.s. now ny state terry 41 white married, no children elementary-level special educator pa current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 34 liza 38 cuban-american second marriage. 2 kids, one stepdaughter tesol teacher born in cuba. lived in u.s. & abroad. now ny state miranda 28 “caucasian” married, one child 2nd grade teacher ny state bette 56 “white generic” married, one daughter tesol teacher ny state mona 43 “caucasian, arab, indic” has been with her partner for 18 years/no kids, “two dogs” tesol teacher raised in u.s. & iran; now in ny state larice 49 native american: mohawk divorced; one son special education teacher ny state educators’ personal and professional lives 35 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo visible or invisible_final volume 13, number 2 issn 1099-839x visible or invisible? korean high school students’ current schooling experiences in the united states bogum yoon texas woman’s university claudia haag texas woman’s university citation yoon, b. & haag, c. (2010). visible or invisible? korean high school students’ current schooling experiences in the united states. current issues in education, 13(2). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this qualitative study examined the current schooling experiences of eight korean high school students in the united states. by comparing and contrasting recent immigrant adolescents and 1.5/2nd generation students, the purpose of this study was to explore how their identities as koreans or korean americans were formed and shifted while they engaged with american teachers and peers in mainstream contexts. the findings suggest that even in the same ethnic group, differences were conspicuous. the newcomer group desperately wished to assimilate to mainstream culture by associating with american classmates. on the other hand, the 1.5/2nd generation group lived bi-culturally with dual identities as korean and american and shifted their identities according to their convenience. despite these differences, both of the groups suffered a similar experience by receiving unwelcome gestures from their mainstream teachers and peers: the newcomers as invisible outsiders and the 1.5/2nd generation as visible and marked outsiders. keywords: qualitative study, schooling experiences, korean students, and shifting identities. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 2 about the author(s) author: bogum yoon, ph. d affiliation: texas woman’s university address: p. o. box 425769, denton, tx 76204-5769 email: byoon@mail.twu.edu biographical information: bogum yoon, ph. d. is an associate professor in the department of reading at texas woman’s university. she has worked in the field of literacy as a teacher educator both in south korea and the united states. her research interests include teacher education on adolescent english language learners, critical literacy, cultural and social identity, and multicultural education. author: claudia haag, ph.d affiliation: texas woman’s university address: p. o. box 425769, denton, tx 76204-5769 email: chaag@mail.twu.edu biographical information: claudia haag, ph.d. is an assistant professor in the department of reading at texas woman’s university. her research interests include culturally responsive teaching practices in working with english language learners, esl and mainstream teacher collaboration, and her newest collaborative research with dr. yoon focusing on the analysis of current multicultural literature using a multicultural education framework. visible or invisible? 3 koreans began to emigrate to the united states at the turn of the 20th century, but the majority of modern-day korean americans arrived after the passage of the immigrant reform act of 1965 (chan, 1991). in 1990, the u.s. census registered about 800,000 korean americans, but current population estimates suggest that approximately 1.08 million koreans reside in the united states (u.s. bureau of the census, 2001). the older-generation koreans were greatly diverse and they were from all segments of korean society. but most of recent korean immigrants have highly educated, urban, christian, and middle-class backgrounds (min, 1993). currently, the immigration pattern is changing. more and more korean adolescents are coming to the united states by themselves to study or coming with only one parent, leaving the other parent at home, who usually acts in a financially supportive role (kim & greene, 2003). it is predictable that these students will have tremendous difficulties in adjusting to american educational systems and curricula that are different from those of south korea (yoon, 2009). along with language barriers, the high school korean students, who construct and reconstruct their identities in the mainstream culture, may also experience racial discrimination and intergroup conflicts and tensions (chiu & ring, 1998; goodwin, 2003). not only newcomer students, second-generation korean students may also have difficulties living in the u.s. although they may not have language difficulties like newcomer adolescents, they may struggle with dual identities as korean and american. living up to the standards of a model minority as koreans and living as americans at the same time, korean american students may be highly conscious about their dual identities. their identities as korean or korean americans will form and shift through their experiences while they interact with american teachers and classmates. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 4 in spite of the different educational backgrounds and experiences between newly arrived korean students and second-generation korean students, there has been very little research examining the identity issues of these students through their voices. simple emphasis on similarities within the korean group of students has often led teachers to overlook these students’ complicated lives in the mainstream culture and increased stereotypical beliefs about the students. it is essential to analyze the complex dimensions of the korean groups’ differences by looking at their schooling experiences and their own interpretations of identity as they navigate the u.s. school systems. the central purpose of this article is to report the difficulties and dilemmas that eight korean adolescents experienced when they engaged with american teachers and peers in the mainstream culture. one overarching research question guided this study: how do high school students of korean backgrounds who have different lengths of stay in the united states articulate their engagement with school, experiences in courses, as well as their experiences with peers, teachers, and other school personnel? by comparing and contrasting the schooling experiences of the recent adolescent immigrants and second-generation students, this study explored how their identities as koreans or korean americans were formed and altered. theoritcal perspectives this study which focuses on the identities of the newly arrived korean students and second-generation korean students draws on davidson’s (1996) identity concept: “presentation of self in a matrix of social relationships – a pattern of social assertion that significant others recognize and come to expect” (p.2). this concept includes that identity is formed and shifts in accordance with the relationships among people in a changing society. visible or invisible? 5 davidson’ identity notion, which emphasizes social relationships, is better understood when we look at positioning theory. positioning theory (harré & langenhove, 1999) is defined as “the study of local moral orders as ever-shifting patterns of mutual and contestable rights and obligations of speaking and acting” (p. 1). by paying attention to how people speak and act, this theory focuses on people’s discourse and intentional acts. “positioning” is a metaphorical term that was originally introduced to analyze interpersonal encounters from a discursive viewpoint (hollway, 1984, cited in tan & moghddam, 1999). it has a specific meaning in the analysis of interactions between people. in the technical sense, a position has an effect on the possibilities of interpersonal and intergroup action. positioning is relational and reciprocal. when people interact with each other, assignments such as rights, duties and obligations are involved. in other words, positioning happens. for instance, if a person is positioned as powerful, this person is given a legitimate right to command and demand obligation. however, if a person is positioned as powerless, the person is not given a legitimate right to do so. thus, there is always positioning between people. positioning has the characteristics of a power relation. tan and moghaddam (1999) discuss the positioning process of power by using the example of the boys who participated in sherif et. al.’s study (1961) that focused on intergroup conflict and cooperation. an informative incident happened among the boys. a boy took a knife to cut a watermelon for his group, but some of the members stopped him from doing it. another boy, who was highly regarded by the group, took the knife and cut the watermelon and said, “you guys who yell the loudest get yours last.” in this example, the second boy was positioning himself as one claiming the right to cut the watermelon. he was positioning himself as having the authority to select his own criterion by which the watermelon pieces were to be distributed. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 6 in positioning himself as the one with the power to be group leader, he was positioning the other members as followers. however, the second boy’s positioning as the group leader was put to an end by another boy, who said, “you’re not the boss.” the example above indicates that positioning is reciprocal. initial positioning can be challenged, and the speakers thereby repositioned (harré & langenhove, 1993). the boys negotiated positions and repositioning was formed. if nobody in the group had challenged the second boy’s claims to be the leader, they would have allowed him to take a privileged position and accordingly, would have allowed him more rights to exercise his power over the other members. the incident illustrates that there is a person to be positioned as powerful as long as there is a person to be positioned as powerless. as shown in the example, positioning is an active and discursive practice rather than a stable one. people position others and the others position them back. while positioning and repositioning each other, power relation is always embedded in action. as harré and langenhove (1999) argued, positioning theory is a theory which allows people to reflect on many different aspects of social life in relation to people’s interactions. they emphasize that it should not be treated as a “general theory” which calls for a deterministic application to several subject matters. it can be applicable to research and theories regarding reflection on human relations. because of positioning theory’s reflective and applicable characteristics, it is often used when people understand the relationship between identity and learning. miller (2000) conducted studies of several asian immigrant students who recently arrived in an australian high school. the study illustrated how the students were positioned by the dominant anglo-australian teachers and peers. some students mentioned that they did not like to speak because of their visible or invisible? 7 different accents which were not recognized as legitimate under the mainstream power. the australian classmates simply did not talk to the asian students. failing to be accepted by the mainstream members, the students remained silent without challenging them. repositioning did not occur in this context. this example illustrates how learning, identity, and power are related. it implies how the dominant power affects students’ learning and identity. literature review a vast amount of literature discusses minority groups in terms of ethnicity, race, culture, and education in the united states (banks, 2004; brown 1994; sleeter & grant, 1988). however, the voices of asian americans including koreans are almost absent in the discourse of race because the discussion of race is generally framed in terms of black and white (asher, 2001; s. j. lee, 1996). although there are several reasons why asian voices are excluded from the discourse of race, such as their relatively small population when compared to african american and hispanic people, the most conspicuous reason is that asians have been viewed as “model minorities” in the united states (sleeter, 1993). only successes by asian students have been depicted and praised in american societies. lee (1996) argues that this minority stereotype has been used as a hegemonic device which makes it possible to maintain the dominance of whites in the racial hierarchy by diverting attention away from racial inequality and by setting standards for how minorities should behave. the stereotype has been used in order to silence the charges of racial injustice made by african americans and other minorities. several studies (fu, 1995; s. j. lee, 1996; li, 2002; nozaki, 2000), which have attempted to debunk the stereotype of model minority asian students, discuss the differences among the minority groups and between individuals in the same group. for example, s. j. lee’s current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 8 (1996) study suggests that only korean immigrant students identified themselves as koreans, compared to other asian youth who identified themselves as asian or asian american. korean students thought of themselves as being different from all other asian americans in order to distance themselves from southeast asians who they believe received special financial aids from the government. a notable point in such a discussion is that, in spite of korean students’ efforts to distance themselves from southeast asian students, non-asian students and teachers did not recognize any differences. they saw asians as one homogeneous group and lumped koreans together with all other asians. the study suggests that no matter how hard asian groups attempt to differentiate themselves, the dominant group does not acknowledge the distinctness. yeh and inose’s study (2002) also suggests differences between asian students by exploring east-asian immigrant students’ cultural adjustment. the study suggests that, compared to their chinese and japanese counterparts, korean immigrant students have greater cultural adjustment difficulties. one important finding shows that korean immigrants tend to utilize religious practices as a coping strategy more than chinese and japanese students do. attending church allows not only for worship but also for a place to socialize and network with one another. the studies illustrated above explain some of ways korean students differ from other asian students. the participants in the studies were mostly second generation, or 1.5 generation those who came to the u.s. when they were elementary or middle school (kim, 1993). therefore, it is not known, through these studies, whether newly arrived korean students have similar characteristics as earlier generations of korean students do in terms of their identity formation and adjustment in the united states. visible or invisible? 9 although there are lack of studies focusing on korean high school students’ identity issues, several scholars’ (e.g., goodwin, 2003; kibria, 2002; mehra, 2003; palmer, 2001; g. park, 2001; vyas, 2001) post-modernistic approach to examine minority groups’ identity are important here. for instance, gilbert park (2001) examines korean american college students’ ethnic sense of selves. his findings suggest that the students’ ethnic identities do not simply equal their national ancestry or origin. the students identify themselves by using different labels in different situations. it shows that the students’ ethnic sense of selves is multidimensional and situational. identity appears to change according to different contexts. palmer’s (2001) study about korean adopted young women also suggests the complexity of identity. the students were seen to struggle with their dual identities as korean and american under the dominant group’s power. as seen in the review of literature above, the korean americans’ complex identities were discussed more in general contexts rather than centering in on specific contexts such as schools and classrooms. discussions on identity issues in contexts such as schools or classrooms in which korean adolescents engage directly with teachers and peers are missing. a focus on identity issues in these contexts is needed to help american teachers better understand korean adolescents’ complicated identity development and their different needs. method participants and contexts i, the first author, used a qualitative approach following creswell’s (1998) perspectives that emphasize the nature of research questions focusing on how or what, a detailed view of the topic, and studying individuals. among research traditions in qualitative study, i selected the method of case study (stake, 1995; merriam, 1998). the case study fits the characteristics of my current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 10 study of eight korean students, which involves in-depth, detailed description. i divided the students into two groups according to their length of stay in the united states: “the newcomer group” and “1.5/2nd generation group.” i define the newcomers as those who arrived in the united states less than two years ago and the 1.5/2nd generation group as those who were born here or have been here for more than ten years. i wanted to study whether there were any similarities or differences in the high school experiences and identity issues of the two groups. the selection criterion of participants was the length of stay in the united states. i used two different channels to recruit participants. i contacted my own children’s middle school esl teacher who was also teaching at a public high school. she helped me contact one high school student who arrived eight months ago. i also contacted several korean families who attended the same church that i attended, to find if any had high school children or knew of other korean families with high school children. along with the first student recommended by the esl teacher, the other seven students (three newly arrived students and the four second-generation students) who met the selection criteria were all contacted by me and were willing to participate in my study. the newcomer group the newcomer group’s situations are unique and different in terms of their motives for coming to the united states. specific backgrounds of the four participants are presented below, followed by some educational contexts of south korea to help readers better understand the students’ backgrounds. all of the participants’ names are pseudonyms kyung is a ninth grader in a catholic school in western new york. she came to the u.s. for the purpose of studying, and her parents stayed in south korea to run their small motel. since middle school, kyung has desperately pursued her desire to study in the u.s. by searching for visible or invisible? 11 schools on the internet. she kept asking her parents to allow her to study abroad and finally obtained their permission. it was kyung, and not her parents, who initiated her study decisions. she is currently staying in mr. kim’s home, who is a korean immigrant. he is beginning to recruit korean students who want to study in the united states. eun, who is also in the ninth grade, is attending the same school and taking the same courses as kyung. eun is staying with her sister, a college student, who came to the united states by herself when she was in the seventh grade. eun’s father is a businessman who manufactures pesticides in south korea. her mother is a housewife. eun mentioned that her father sends almost all the money that he earns for her and her sister’s educational expenses. wook is in the tenth grade. he is also attending the same school as kyung and eun. wook is staying with his mother who came to the u.s. for graduate study at a university. after completion of her master’s program, she is planning to go back to south korea, where her husband and daughter live. wook, however, is going to stay in the u.s to continue his study at college. the three students above mentioned that they wanted to attend a public school. however, the american embassy in south korea refused to issue them visas to the united states unless they obtained private school admissions in the united states. all three students stated that they chose their current catholic school because their parents thought the school cost less (about $6,000 per year) than most of other private schools in the u.s. the fourth student in the newcomer group, bon, is a ninth grader. he is attending a public school in a suburban area in western new york. he came to the united states following his father who is a visiting scholar (art professor) at a university. bon is the only student among the newcomer group who is living with all of his family members, including his father, his current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 12 mother, and his two other siblings. he is going to stay with his two other siblings and mother even after his father returns to south korea to teach at a university there. except for wook, who lived in one of the most affluent areas in seoul, korea, the other three lived in other provinces which are not recognized as “good educational” provinces. there is a general saying among korean people that states, “if you want to educate your children, you should send them to seoul.” there is a huge educational gap between seoul and most of the other areas in south korea. even among seoul school districts, the gap is huge. for example, a student who ranks first in his/her class in a district area outside of seoul might be ranked as below average in a school in seoul. most renowned colleges in south korea are situated in seoul, and korean parents desperately wish to send their children there. if their children cannot enter one of the colleges in seoul, it is a matter of embarrassment to many parents. the decision on whether their children can enter a good college is usually made before they enter high school. it depends on what school district students attend, but mostly, only one or two top students in a class can enter a prestigious college in south korea. therefore, the desire for professional jobs, such as that of a medical doctor or a lawyer, is a difficult dream to realize for most “average” korean adolescents. 1.5/2nd generation group compared to newcomer students, all of the 1.5/2nd generation students live with their parents in homes that range in price from about $400,000 to $500,000. their parents all immigrated to the united states twenty years ago. more specific students’ profiles are as follows. visible or invisible? 13 two participants were siblings. eugin is in eleventh grade and his sister, eunji, is in ninth grade. eugin and eunji’s father is a businessman and their mother is a minister. both eugin and eunji were born in the u.s. daewon is in the ninth grade. he came to the u.s when he was two months old. his parents own a clothing store. daewon attends a public school in an affluent district, where eugin and eunji attend. bokeun was born in the u.s. she is in the twelfth grade and attends a public school in one of the most affluent districts in western new york. her father is a radiologist and her mother is a housewife. data collection as a qualitative researcher, i functioned as the primary instrument in data collection (creswell, 1998). my identity as a middle-class korean, as a former english teacher for middle and high school students, as a teacher educator in korea, and as a mother of two esl (english as a second language) children was my lens for processing, collecting, analyzing, and interpreting data. my second author, a european american colleague, was invited to provide an outsider lens as she reviewed, questioned, and helped me clarify my findings. in this study, the primary form of data consisted of in-depth interviews with the participants (see appendix for interview questions). their personal narratives were my main data. the interviews were conducted for about ninety minutes to two hours at the participants’ convenience at their homes or at my office. i interviewed the 1.5/2nd generation group at their houses. i interviewed using the korean language with the newcomer group who expressed that their english is limited and wanted to speak in korean. however, i interviewed the 1.5/2nd current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 14 generation group in english. all of the 1.5/2nd generation members said that they could hardly speak in korean. limitations the limitations of this study are two-fold. the major data depended on the students’ narratives through the method of interview. if i could have opportunities to observe the students in their classroom, i could triangulate my data and provide a fuller picture of their interaction with their teachers and peers. the other limitation is related to the selection of participants. although i did not intend to choose the students from the same school, it happened that the three students in each group attended the same school. diverse settings in different school districts might have provided different insights of the korean students’ current school experiences and their identity formations and shifts. data analysis data sources include interview transcripts, interview memos in which i wrote down the participants’ “illocutionary force,” such as their gestures and tone, and research journal logs in which i wrote down my reflections as soon as i returned from the interviews. all of the formal interviews were audio taped, transcribed, and coded. first of all, i transcribed the tapes with the newcomer group in korean and then translated the data into english. while i was translating, i attempted to find equivalent words and nuances to match with english words since there is no exact relationship between english language and korean language (brown, 1987; chu, 1999). therefore, all interview data for the newcomer interviews shared in the following findings section has been translated into english. for data analysis, i used merriam’s (1998) case study analysis – within-case analysis and cross-case analysis and spradley’s (1980) taxonomic analysis. for within-case analysis, i first visible or invisible? 15 treated each student’s case individually within each group. then, i tried to find common themes within the group. finally, i compared the newcomer group with the 1.5/2nd generation group and found similarities and differences between them. the codes that emerged from newcomer groups were: “invisible outsiders,” “impact of content knowledge,” “assimilation desire,” & “american dreams.” the codes from 1.5/2nd generation groups were: “realistic dreams,” “blaming teachers & school systems,” & “dual identities.” in categorizing my data, spradley’s seven steps of taxonomic analysis were helpful: 1) select a domain for taxonomic analysis, 2) look for similarities based on the same semantic relationship, 3) look for additional included terms, 4) search for larger, more inclusive domains, 5) construct a tentative taxonomy, 6) make focused observations to check out my analysis, and 7) construct a completed taxonomy. more specifically, i first found more general themes such as difficulties and identity shifts related to my research questions. then, i looked for similar patterns such as teachers’ and peers’ mistreatments. finally, i closely looked for specific examples to support my arguments. findings and discussion the newcomer group as stated earlier, four codes emerged while analyzing my data on the newcomer group: invisible/silent outsiders, being recognized through content knowledge, the desire to assimilate to the dominant culture, and living with the american dream. invisible/silent outsiders the newcomer students, who expressed their difficulties in speaking in english, often received unwelcome gestures from their mainstream teachers and classmates. for instance, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 16 kyung’s statements below illustrated how mainstream teachers and classmates positioned her and her korean friend, eun, as invisible outsiders. kyung: a teacher in global class always calls on me and eun “ladies,” instead of calling our names individually although we changed our korean names to english names, (kelly and jenny, respectively). the first time, i thought he could not distinguish eun and me because asian people might look the same to him. but it has been a few months, and he still doesn’t call on us by our english names, kelly and jenny. he remembers and calls the other students’ [american classmates] names in an accurate way. researcher: how did you feel when you were called “ladies?” kyung: i didn’t feel good, of course. i wanted him to call me kelly. researcher: then did you ask him to call you kelly, not “ladies?” kyung: no, i didn’t. researcher: why not? kyung: ‘cause (long pause)… i don’t know. my english is not good enough. the teacher in global class treated kyung and her friend eun as a categorized asian group and not as individual agents. by treating the two korean students differently from the other american students, he marginalized and positioned kyung and eun as outsiders. even though kyung knew that it was not appropriate to be addressed as “ladies” when all the other students were called on by their individual names, she did not reposition herself as a legitimate member of the community by challenging the teacher. not only were kyung and eun treated as outsiders by teachers, but also by peers in their classes. for instance, kyung and eun were in the same group in science class. at that time, one boy in the same group looked at the korean girls and said to the boy in another group, “our team visible or invisible? 17 is bad,” enunciating that kyung and eun were not good enough to contribute to his group. this case illustrated the boy treating the korean girls as invisible persons, as if they were not present as he made this comment. another example also provides evidence that the girls encountered discrimination from their american peers. kyung and eun mentioned in an interview that some american classmates also talked about them behind their backs. although kyung and eun did not clearly understand what was being said, they could sense that their american classmates talked about them. one day, when the two korean students turned around, a boy who was talking behind them said to his friend, “that’s okay—they do not understand, anyway.” this incident indicates that although the korean students were a part of this classroom, the american classmate positioned kyung and eun as outsiders who would not be able to understand due to language differences making it all right to talk behind their backs. with these unwelcome gestures from mainstream teachers and classmates, the striking point is that kyung and eun did not blame their teachers and classmates who treated them as outsiders. the korean girls attributed themselves to be at fault for not being able to speak english well. the girls took it for granted that it was acceptable to be treated like that. both kyung and eun mentioned that if they could speak english well, “it would be all right.” this illustrates that they only blame their poor english rather than the american teachers’ and peers’ discriminatory attitudes towards them. wook’s remarks also demonstrated that he blamed his english pronunciation and accent, not his peers, for this treatment. he talked about his experience with one of his classmates: wook: when i asked anne next to me, “what time is it?” she did not respond at all. researcher: maybe she did not hear you? current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 18 wook: no way. she was just next to me and when i called her name to ask her the time, she looked at me. researcher: then why do you think she did not respond to you? wook: maybe because of my poor pronunciation. maybe she did not like my heavy accent. instead of noting his peer’s mistreatment of him, wook blamed his pronunciation of “what time is it?” which was stated clearly to me during this interview session. the examples above illustrate how newcomer students experienced unwelcome gestures from their mainstream teachers and classmates. the korean students appeared to view that the mainstream teachers’ and classmates’ ignorance and mistreatment toward them being related to their own lack of english skills, rather than american teachers and classmates themselves. being recognized through content knowledge despite such ignorance and mistreatment by their teachers and classmates, the newcomer students are nevertheless “happy” and “satisfied” with their new school life. it appears to be contradictory in arguing that the students were being discriminated against, but they were happy at the same time. a plausible answer is that, as time goes by, compared to the first semester, the students began to have confidence by displaying their content knowledge, such as in math or science. by proving that they were not deficient, the korean newcomer students began to be recognized as acceptable persons by the mainstream teachers and peers. three of the students who i interviewed individually were excited to be talking about their experiences with their american peers: visible or invisible? 19 kyung: in biology class, a girl did not know even where a lung was. i showed her. since that time, she has treated me differently. i mean, since then, she has greeted me first and acted very kindly. _ _ _ wook: i am taking an english language skills class with two other american.one is a junior and the other is a senior. they did not even know what the spelling of “grammar” was. one boy answered the english teacher’s question, by saying, “grammer.” i was speechless at that time, thinking american people may not know how to spell words correctly. we (wook, kyung and eun) are all strong at spelling, and the american boys sometimes ask me how to spell some words, such as “cemetery.” _ _ _ eun: in math class, i drew four graphs correctly and neatly by using a pencil. after the math teacher saw my clean drawings, she praised me highly. since then, some american peers who never paid attention to me asked me whether they could borrow a pencil or angles. i was happy about the fact that they asked to borrow my stuffs. the korean students were all excited talking about how they proved to american teachers and classmates that they are knowledgeable. the students want to be accepted and recognized by the mainstream teachers and peers. eun’s excitement that some students asked her to borrow a pencil indicates how greatly she wants to gain acceptance and be recognized by mainstream american people in class. she said, “i am grateful that they ask me something.” it appears that the newcomers’ content knowledge played a limited role in making them recognized as capable rather than deficient. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 20 desire to assimilate to dominant culture most of the newcomer students were eager to make american friends to fit into a new culture. bon’s narration illustrates how he attempts to make friends despite the mainstream classmates’ disinterest in him: bon: when i was passing by, i said, “hi” to a boy who is in my class. but he simply ignored me without saying, “hi” back. researcher: how did you feel at that time? bon: i felt he was very rude. but i decided to make him as my friend. since then, i approached him and joked around even with my poor english. and now he has become my friend. although all of the newcomer students attempted hard to associate with american friends, the results were not successful. to them, getting associated with american friends was a difficult task in a mainstream context, which only accepts standard american english and its norms. however, it was interesting that only bon seems to accomplish the “goal”: making american friends. his attempt to fit into mainstream culture by joining sports clubs and joking around appeared to make it possible for him to do so. kyung, eun, and wook also showed their eagerness to associate with americans. although the three students have lunch together at a cafeteria with a senior korean student in the school, they mentioned, in individual interviews, that they wanted to have lunch with their american peers. eun’s remarks illustrate how greatly she wishes to be in the mainstream group: eun: i really want to get closer to american peers. if i can speak english well later, i will act and play like american peers do, not thinking of myself as asian who cannot speak english well…. even though i want to be with american friends for lunch, i can’t visible or invisible? 21 move to them because we [korean group] already formed a lunch group. also i am hesitant to do that because i am concerned that i might feel stupid when sitting with american friends and keeping silent while they are talking [because of my lack of understanding english]. eun’s consciousness of the other korean students’ opinions and her lack of english inhibit her willingness to join in her american peers’ lunch tables. however, her eagerness to act like and play like the americans indicate that she wishes to assimilate to mainstream culture. living with american dreams interestingly, kyung, eun, wook, and bon all mentioned that they ranked about 20th out of 40 students in a class in south korea. from a korean academic standard, they all ranked below average and it would have been hard for them to enter a prestigious college that is closely related to their future job in a korean context. however, all of the newcomer members mentioned they wanted to be medical doctors in interviews. they all recognized that they might not be able to be doctors in their native country because their grades did not guarantee it at all. however, the students were sure that their goals could come true in the u.s. once they overcame their language difficulties. the newcomer group did not seem to show any doubt about accomplishing their dreams. to the students who have experienced the competitive and rigid schooling in korea that only focuses on tests for entering college (seth, 2002), the united states seems to be viewed as a land of opportunity. to those who have not been recognized as top students in south korea, the united states is a dreamland in which they can pursue their goals. all the newcomer students shared that they like their american schools. everything seems to be new and great to them. when i asked the students about the reason why they liked american schools so much better than korean schools, all of the newcomer students kept current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 22 mentioning that “no teacher gives corporal punishments to students.” “facilities are good.” bon said even moving to other classrooms and having his own locker was new to him. he did not have the same facilities in south korea, where he did not have to move from class to class because teachers move and students stay and have their own desks in their classrooms. all the newcomer students were excited to share their american school experiences with their korean friends through chatting on the internet. this is one way that they release their tension in a new culture. the interesting point is that the korean students only share exciting experiences with their peers in korea, not their struggles. kyung’s remarks illustrate how as she chatted with her korean friends, she made them long for american high school life: kyung: i only tell them the good and funny things because i do not want them to feel sorry for me by telling them about my difficulties. and, i know they want to hear something new, i mean, something different. so i told them that i saw many students here kiss and hug each other in the hall way and it was quite natural. then they say, “really? i wish i could go there [u.s].” researcher: to see them? kyung: no, to do that [kissing and hugging] researcher and kyung: [laugh]. the newcomer group students appear to be still in a euphoric stage. despite their language obstacles and mistreatment as outsiders by the mainstream group, they are still in high spirits and are satisfied with living in the u.s. society. their strong belief that they can accomplish their dreams in the unites states, once they overcome language difficulties, does not seem to be hindered even in light of their struggles and dilemmas as a marginalized group in class. visible or invisible? 23 the 1.5/2nd generation group as noted earlier, except for daewon, who was born in korea and moved to america when he was two months old, the other three students were born and raised in the united states. compared to the newcomer group students, adolescents in the 1.5/2nd generation group show very different perspectives and attitudes towards their school experiences. three main codes emerged: realistic dreams, blaming their teachers, and living with dual identities. realistic dreams first of all, the 1.5/2nd generation students’ dreams appeared to be realistic. the students were not sure about their future. even though most of the students’ parents wanted them to be medical doctors or lawyers, they did not believe that they could be and often considered different dreams. although they all took it for granted that they would go to college, they were not sure what they wanted to be after graduating from college: researcher: what do you want to be after graduating from college? eugin: my dad wants me to be a lawyer. i don’t know. i might be an english teacher. or involved in technology. i don’t know. _ _ _ eunji: my dad wants me to get a good job to make good money. my mom doesn’t care. she wants me to do what i like. maybe something with the church. i don’t know what i want to be. _ _ _ daewon: my parents want me to be a doctor. i don’t know. probably. i don’t know. _ _ _ current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 24 bokeun: they [my parents] want me to be a doctor. but i haven’t decided what i want to be. all the remarks above illustrate that they are not sure what career path they want to take in life. even though their parents wish them to be doctors, the 1.5/2nd generation group students show doubts about their future, unlike newcomer students who appeared to have confidence about their future jobs. all of the immigrant group students made their dreams realistic in accordance with their academic achievement. in particular, eugin’s narration indicates how he views himself and adjusts his dream to his academic achievement: eugin: i am an average student. researcher: what do you mean? eugin: like, my grades are average. sometimes 90s, sometimes 80s, and 70s, i usually go down there. my parents keep telling me i should go higher in order to get into a good college. i will go to an average college, like x university, they still accept average students, so i think i am good. i don’t want to be a doctor or lawyer—what my parents want me to be. my goals are very reasonable. i should do what i can do. i might be an english teacher. as shown in eugin’s remarks, he might get pressure from his parents who keep telling him to get higher grades. as most of korean parents, eugin’s parents seem to have high aspirations for their son. they believe that his grades are not adequate enough to gain admission to a good college and to be a doctor or a lawyer. they think that eugin is not doing as well as he could be. considering that he cannot meet his parents’ expectations, eugin adjusts his dream to go to an “average” college and to be a teacher rather than being a doctor or a lawyer. visible or invisible? 25 the other students, daewon (ninth grade) and bokeun (twelfth grade), also reveal that they do not dream about what they feel is hard to accomplish: daewon: my dad wants me to go to an ivy league school. but i don’t think so. it’s really hard to get into. i get average 90s. i don’t think it is enough. _ _ _ bokeun: i know a lot of competition to go to a good college such as columbia. i got sat 1470 [current 2190]. i got average mid-90s in most ap level college classes. but it is not enough to go there. researcher: isn’t sat 1470 enough? bokeun: no, it’s not. i should get at least over [sat] 1500. many students need to get over 1500 to go to a good college. going to a good college is very competitive. daewon’s and bokeun’s grades are excellent from american standard points of view. however, daewon and bokeun seemed to believe that their grades were not sufficient to accomplish their goals. blaming their teachers another notable point in the 1.5/2nd generation’ attitudes about school is that most of them, except for bokeun, who is involved in many activities such as being vice president of a student council and editor of school newspaper at her school, have negative perceptions towards their school and teachers. they responded to my question about their school and teachers: “school is school.” “i have no school spirit.” “why should i have to have school spirit?” “teachers are boring.” “so boring.” “typical teachers.” by having negative perceptions towards their teachers, the 1.5/2nd generation group students blame their teachers when they get rather “low” scores, which was quite a different current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 26 perspective when compared to the newcomer group students who blame themselves. eugin, eunji, and daewon talk about their teachers and their impact on their grades: eugin: if i am motivated, i can get high grades. real high grades. my teachers keep telling me i am a potential straight-a student. but they are not interesting. all our teachers are very dull. they don’t motivate me. researcher: don’t you think you can motivate yourself? eugin: no, they should be encouraging me. _ _ _ eunji: if teachers teach better, then my grades will be higher. some teachers don’t really push you to do something. some are really bad at teaching. they just write on the board and do not explain. especially, my french teacher, i don’t think she knows what she is doing. _ _ _ daewon: they (teachers) affect my grades, like, if i don’t like the way they teach, i can’t really do well—as well as i can. these students’ remarks imply that schools have to provide engaging instruction. they view barriers to their academic achievement as social, which is a different perspective from the newcomer group students who view the barriers as personal rather than social. if the teachers taught better, their academic achievement would improve. to the students, it is the teachers’ responsibility to serve students, and the students deserve the best educational service. motivating them is the teacher’s job—not their job. instead of blaming themselves, they blame the teachers’ lack of encouragement, which fails to motivate them. the 1.5/2nd generation students’ criticism towards their teachers, which is related to institutions, is quite conspicuous and in contrast to the visible or invisible? 27 newcomer group students. the newcomer group students never viewed their unequal treatment— making them marginalized outsiders—as the fault of the teachers or school systems. living in the two cultures/two identities the 1.5/2nd generation adolescents live in two cultures with dual identities. their relationship to their american teachers and peers affects the students’ dual identities as korean and american. the dominant group’s stereotype of the model minority in regard to koreans influences the students’ identities: eugin: my blood is korean. but, since i was born in america, i am more like american. i speak like an american, act like an american. researcher: act like an american? eugin: like say, accent, i really don’t have much accent. also study habits. i have heard that koreans are very smart. study hard, work hard. me? i am just, i am just like an american. i don’t try hard. i am an average student [laugh]. eugin’s remarks about his identity as american because of his study habits illustrate that he is unable to live up to standards of the model minority. to him, the model minority stereotype affects his identity formation. his narration implies that if he thinks that he is a model minority student, his identity as an american might shift to that of being a korean. it should be noted, however, that eugin did not dichotomize his identity as, “i am korean,” or “i am american.” rather, he talks about his dual identity in an indirect way such as, “my blood is korean,” and “i am more like an american.” he is in dilemma between two identities. succinctly speaking, he lives in his dual identities as korean and american and uses his identities differently according to his convenience as a living strategy in american society (palmer, 2001; g. park, 2001). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 28 eugin is not the only student who feels the asian concept of model minority is a burden which impacts individual identities. eunji narrates how american peers view her: they (american peers) think all asian people are smart. they ask me, “what classes are you taking?” i said, “i am just taking a freshman class.” and they say, “really?” because i am asian, they think i should take higher classes. i don’t feel good. i want them to treat me as american at those times…in global class, we talked about north korea, nuclear weapons, attacks—stuff like that. the teacher looked at me because i am korean. i just felt it’s not me. eunji’s descriptions imply that she wanted to be considered as an american, not as a korean, in the context of when she is not in a favorable situation. when the asian model minority stereotype did not apply to her, she wanted to remain as an american. in addition, when she was perceived as korean by the teacher in global class, she resisted her identity as korean in that unfavorable context. she wanted to remain as american. however, her american identity shifts to korean in a different context: eunji: my american friends think i am korean. when they saw a taekwondo (korean martial arts) demonstration, they shouted to me, “eunji, eunji, taekwondo, taekwondo. they think koreans are really cool. in terms of fashion, computer games, korean students know more. they (american friends) find out later about what we already know. eunji used the word “we,” which means koreans, to represent her identity. during the interview, she was exuberant to talk about how her american peers view her as korean. although the first example above indicated she was not pleased about her teacher’s and peers’ perception toward her as korean, her narration indicates that she senses her american peers’ positive perceptions towards koreans in terms of fashion and technology. eunji does not show any resistance to be visible or invisible? 29 perceived as korean when the situation does not hurt her korean identity. in sum, the 1.5/2nd generation examples show that their identity shifts are influenced by the dominant groups’ recognition. conclusion this study examined the current schooling experiences of eight korean high school students in the united states. the findings suggest that even in the same ethnic group, differences were enlightening. how the korean students portrayed themselves in the mainstream context was related to how american teachers and peers recognized them. it was interesting that the way that the newcomer korean students presented themselves in a social matrix was different from that of the 1.5/2nd generation group. both groups’ different experiences might have affected their view of themselves as koreans or korean americans. the korean adolescents’ different experiences in a mainstream context show the complex features of their identity formation and shift as follows. first, the newcomer group experienced serious language difficulties along with discrimination from the dominant group and was often treated as invisible outsiders. the 1.5/2nd generation group did not experience the same type of discrimination as invisible outsiders, but they experienced how the dominant group positioned them as visible and marked outsiders. the newcomer students’ sense of themselves as outsiders was more evident when they worked with american teachers and peers by communicating in english. this study suggests that english language was used as a tool that disempowered the korean students. as shown in the data of kyung, eun, and bon, the students felt powerless and acted passively when their american teachers and classmates exercised their power through english language. the korean students, however, did not reposition themselves as legitimate and active members in the class by current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 30 challenging the mainstream power. as positioning theorists (harré & langanhove, 1999; tan & moghdam, 1999) argue about power relation, without challenging the dominant group, the korean students allowed the group to take a privileged position, and accordingly, allowed it more rights to exercise its power over them. second, in spite of their mistreatment from their mainstream teachers and classmates, a notable point is that the newcomer students did not take the discrimination issue seriously. the students believe that when they have a good command of english, the mainstream people would treat them well. as ogbu (1992) claimed, barriers are mostly overcome by concentrating on future goals. the korean students seemed to focus on possibility, not obstacles, for their future dreams. to them, the american dream meant that individuals had an equal opportunity if they worked hard. to the newcomer students, “barriers to success are mainly personal rather than social” (macleod, 1987, p. 1). clearly, the way that the 1.5/2nd generation viewed obstacles was different from that of the newcomers. to the 1.5/2nd generation, barriers to academic success were social rather than personal. they tended to blame the school system because it did not provide effective teachers who motivated them and provided them with the best services for their learning. the 1.5/2nd generation group adolescents were very realistic about their future goals. the way that they set goals was related to their academic achievement at school. as shown in the data from the 1.5/2nd generation, their parents’ pressure on their grades is apparent. the students who did not meet their parents’ high expectations tended to adjust their dreams as realistic. these 1.5/2nd generation group students’ attitudes towards their dreams contrasts sharply to the newcomer group adolescents who believe that they can accomplish their goals once they overcome a language barrier. visible or invisible? 31 finally, the way that the newcomer students associate with american peers was different from that of the 1.5/2nd generation students. the newcomer group desperately wished to assimilate to mainstream culture by associating with american classmates. they wanted to be like americans and to be treated as americans. to the newcomer students, assimilation was seen as a way of integrating into the mainstream context (kibria, 2002) and was viewed as an essential process in becoming legitimate members of the society. on the other hand, the 1.5/2nd generation adolescents lived in two cultures and they were often in a dilemma in regard to their dual identities. they lived bi-culturally with dual identities as korean and american, according to their convenience. norton (2000) argues that the question “who am i?” can be understood from the question “what am i allowed to do?” however, this case study suggested that the answer about “who am i?” can be influenced by the question “how do you perceive me?” the 1.5/2nd generation group’s identity formation and shifting were affected by how american people viewed and positioned them. in sum, the findings of this study support most of identity researchers’ findings that identities are situational and socially constructed (palmer, 2001; g. park, 2001; vyas, 2001). however, findings also suggest that the second-generation students’ identity shift depended on whether they perceived the situations as favorable or unfavorable to them. my data support several researchers’ (kim, 1993; s. j. lee, 1996; palmer, 2001) perspectives on identity, that it is flexible and fluid, not rigid and unchanging over time. the students shift their identities from korean to american or vice versa. however, the shift of identity is always based upon the students’ recognition and consciousness of the dominant group. their identities shift according to how the dominant group positions them. creating, forming, and shifting identities are all related to the dominant group’s power. the students become current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 32 korean, korean american, or american as they develop their images on the “map” of american society (olsen, 1997). by being positioned and repositioned by the mainstream culture, students from both groups continually have to define and redine their identities and place in u.s. school contexts. in sum, the findings of this study suggest that whether they arrived recently, had lived for over a decade, or were born in the u.s, the korean adolescents carried with them the legacy of outsiders in the mainstream context. the implication of this study is that the complexities and differences within the same ethnic group need to be focused on and studied more in educational contexts. in particular, american teachers might reflect on how to focus on students’ individuality and develop diverse teaching approaches that address their needs. the perceptions that teachers hold about a certain ethnic group guide their practices and how they interact with them (olneck, 2004). when teachers hold perceptions that all asian students are strong at math or science, they may not attempt to pursue different pedagogies for the students who are not as strong in these content areas and may label them as “deficient” or “at-risk” students. taking students into consideration as individual entities, as is needed for all students, is the way that teachers can avoid the stereotyping of ethnic minority students. in addition, helping students develop a positive sense of themselves is significant since it affects their learning. when students perceive hostility, indifference, and discrimination from american teachers and peers, they are deterred from learning and their sense of marginality is accentuated (trueba, jacobs, & kirton, 1990). even initially resilient immigrant students as shown in this study may have their optimism and confidence eroded and their engagement decreased when they continuously encounter denigration and neglect by teachers and classmates (davidson, 1997). teaching that fosters culturally relevant pedagogy (ladson-billings, 1995), visible or invisible? 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(1990). cultural conflict and adaptation: the case of hmong children in american society. new york: falmer press. u.s. bureau of the census (2001). profiles of general demographic characteristics: 2000 census of population and housing [online]. available: http://www.census.gov vyas, s. (2001). am i indian, american, or indian american?: studying the home and school experiences of indian bicultural adolescents. in c. c. park, a. l. goodwin, & s. j. lee (eds.), research on the education of asian and pacific americans (pp. 129-154). greenwich, ct: information age publishing. yeh, c. j & inose, m. (2002). difficulties and coping strategies of chinese, japanese, and korean immigrant students. adolescence, 37, 69-82. yoon, b. (2009). education fever and exam hell: the current educational systems and issues in south korea. in s.b. mertens, v.a. anfara, & k. roney (eds.), handbook of research in middle level education: an international look at educating young adolescents (pp. 115134). information age publishing, charlotte: north carolina. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 38 appendix semistructured interview questions: 1. introduce about yourself. how old are you? what grade are you in? 2. what made you come to the united states? 3. how would you describe yourself? what would you call yourself? is there a label that best describes who you are? 4. how would your teachers/peers describe you? 5. how long have you attended this school? how would you describe your school? 6. do you have any difficulties/successes in school? 7. tell me about your level of participation in class. 8. what type of academic program are you in? 9. what do you think it takes to be successful in your school? 10. describe a class/subject that is important to you. what makes the course important to you? what courses are not so important, if any? why? 11. do students in your school separate themselves into groups? what groups does your school have? do the members of different groups interact? which groups are you a part of? can anyone become part of any group? 12. how do you feel about your teachers? 13. are there any teachers at your school who you feel have had a particularly positive or negative impact on you? who are they? what did they do? 14. how would your teachers describe you as a student? is this description an accurate one? 15. how do you feel about your peers? 16. how do your peers interact with each other? visible or invisible? 39 17. what do you think your peers would say about you? 18. how would you describe your parents’ involvement in the daily aspects of your school life? 19. what do you hope to do after you leave high school? 20. do your parents approve of your success in high school thus far? 21. what do your parents want you to do after you graduate from high school? 22. what is the occupation of your mother/father? do your parents expect that you will follow in their footsteps? 23. tell me about your daily life. 24. is there anything that you think i have missed or that you think i should have asked you? is there anything else you would like to tell me? current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 40 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 2 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word #748-final document with process dates.docx 1 volume 14, number 3 september 28, 2011 issn 1099-839x making success in education: what black parents believe about participation in their children’s education linwood h. cousins western michigan university roslyn a. mickelson university of north carolina at charlotte this article examines the role of parent involvement—its meaning and effects—among a determined group of african american parents. we focus on some of the characteristics of involvement of a subset of african american parents in a larger program designed to enhance the math and science course selection of middle and high school students. as one of several factors related to school success, our findings confirm the centrality of parent participation and its implications among members of a historically marginalized group. keywords: african american, parent involvement, educational equity the academic performance of african american1 students in k-12 schooling has rightly received broad attention in both the research community and public policy circles because of the tremendous negative effects low educational achievement has on the scope and quality of future opportunities. we enter this broad discussion through a narrow examination of the role of parent involvement—its meaning and effects.2 more important, we describe the agency of a set of african american parents who defy mainstream stereotypes of passivity and inactiveness. we argue that the actions of such parents provide a more complete picture of the range of parent involvement of minorities, and that education and social policy and practice are the better for considering such outcomes. even if our evidence and arguments are tempered by the limited sample size in this study, these parents are not anomalies. in fact, the assertive agency of these parents is consistent with research and policy debates regarding the level and quality of african american parent participation in education. our findings reflect the need to rethink how african american parents experience and manage barriers that they will certainly face due to racial and social class status, and perhaps consider the legacy of the relatively weaker connections historically between african american parents and the educational system. education focused research shows that parent participation is one of several factors that contribute to the academic success of african american public school students (epstein, 1995, 2001; gutman & mcloyd, 2000). other factors include school dynamics, family and community structures, social class, gender, race and ethnicity (barbarin, mccandies, coleman, & hill, 2005; diamond & gomez, 2004; epstein, 2001; mickelson, 2003b; ogbu, 2008). as such, our focus on parent involvement is not intended to imply that it is the most important factor in african american children’s success in school. however, our findings confirm the centrality of parent participation among members of a historically marginalized group (barton, drake, gustavo, st. louis, & magnia, 2004; kim, 2002; jeynes, 2005; waggoner & griffith, 1998). this article focuses on some of the characteristics of involvement of a subset of african american parents in a program designed to enhance the math and science course current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 2 selection of middle and high school students. called the math/science equity program (msep), we developed and implemented a university-community partnership that offered knowledgeand skills-based workshops to african american parents of students in the charlotte-mecklenburg schools (mickelson, cousins, velasco, & williams, 2011). msep’s specific purpose was to empower greater parental involvement in children’s education through enhancing and supplementing the knowledge, skills, and strategies parents can employ to more successfully manage children’s educational careers in public schools. the subset of parents from which we draw our data were part of a “follow-up” component for msep graduates. drawing upon qualitative data we collected, in this article we describe several dynamic characteristics of involvement that were common across parents of middle and high school children in select schools in charlotte, nc. these data focus on beliefs about parent involvement, how parents act on their beliefs, the barriers they face or perceive regarding involvement in their children’s education, and how they manage these barriers in order to promote their children’s education. although our small sample limits how far we may generalize our results, our findings reinforce the current body of knowledge concerning parent involvement. in sum, we found that these parents “make success” in their children’s schooling by asserting themselves in persistent, constructive, and creative ways to ensure educational success no matter the obstacles. findings from our study are consistent with prior research on african american parental involvement. we find that middle class african american parents are as engaged in their child’s schooling as comparable white parents when they have access to school officials, information about their child’s curriculum, and when they feel invited to engage in their child’s school and capable of doing so. access, curriculum information, and comfort in school relations were three of several dimensions the project we describe in this article focused on in its workshops for african american parents. additional findings undergird the central findings above and include the following: african american parents perceive a need to be actively involved in their child’s schooling; they anticipate barriers, but try, nonetheless, to be involved and work to overcome them; and the barriers they do perceive are in terms of relations with schools in which they do not feel invited or heard, and in terms of their own limited resources such as time available to assist their child and support from spouses/ partners. our findings also support previous research on “ecologies of parental engagement” which describes how parents “engage in a very personal way in their children’s education by authoring personal spaces” (barton et al., 2004, p. 11). our findings are consistent with a growing body of evidence that challenges accepted stereotypes of african american parents as disinterested and uninvolved in their children’s education. finally, our findings identify characteristics that social and educational programs need to nurture and cultivate in parents who are not adequately involved in their child’s education. the article proceeds by framing this study within the parent involvement literature. this will be followed by a description of the msep; a description of the methodology for the component of the msep study from which data for this article were drawn beginning with a brief description of the historical and contemporary context of education in charlotte, nc.; and by presenting findings from 14 completed follow-up interviews. the final section will discuss the implications of our findings and directions for future research. parent involvement the necessity and importance of parent involvement in the educational outcomes of children has been debated in both historical and contemporary terms (anguiano, 2004; heystek, 2003; hiatt-michael, 2001; jeynes, 2003). yet, there is little doubt about the positive influence of parent involvement on children’s educational outcomes and the overall effectiveness of schools (huang & mason, 2008; o’bryan et al., 2006; redding, langdon, myer & sheley, 2004). however, just how parents should be involved or what in particular parents should do to influence their children’s education are central issues in the debates (barbarin et al., 2005; barton et al., 2004; yap & enoki, 2001). specifically, what remains unclear is how parents’ perceptions and beliefs about education and their own human agency or station in life influence their participation in their children’s education at home or in school. previous research has identified key aspects of parent participation in schooling, including beliefs and perceptions that are pertinent to our study. parents tend to get involved more when they feel welcomed and their traditions and contributions are respected (brandon, 2007; mapp, 2003; mckay, atkins, hawkins, brown, & lynn, 2003), but they are discouraged from involvement when they feel inadequate or feel they do not understand how schools work (brandon, 2007; johnson, 2001; lawson, 2003). institutional responses count, as well. for example, school personnel’s responses to parents’ attempt to become involve may encourage or discourage them. lareau and horvat (1999) refer to this phenomenon as moments of inclusion and moments of exclusion. various demographic factors predict parental involvement. parents are more involved if their children are girls as compared to boys; with fathers generally less involved than mothers (nord, brimhall & west, 1997; suichi & willms, 1996). mothers in single parent households are slightly more involved in their children’s education than fathers (nord, brimhall, & west 1997; sui-chi & willms, 1996; suizzo, robinson, & pahlke, 2008). parents’ socioeconomic status and racial and ethnic identity— separately or combined—influence their magnitude and making success in education: what black parents believe about participation in their children’s education 3 type of involvement (diamond & gomez, 2004; gutman & mcloyd, 2000; hanafin & lynch, 2002; kim, 2002). magnitude of involvement is influenced by parents’ ability to form beneficial partnerships with teachers and other school officials (epstein, 2001; lawson, 2003; waggoner & griffith, 1998). however, the ability to form such partnerships is shaped by parents’ social and cultural capital, which are in turn influenced by their social class status (barton et al., 2004; lareau & horvat, 1999; lareau, 2003), and the overall health of parent-schoolcommunity relations in a given school (epstein, 2001; trumbull, rothstein-fisch, & hernandez, 2003). african american parents often face barriers to involvement because of overt racism among school staff, prior negative contact with school staff, isolation, and the lack of activity networks (barton et al., 2004; brandon, 2007; mckay et al., 2003). generally, there is little disagreement about the importance of parent involvement in a child’s education, but there is disagreement over the level and quality of african american parent involvement compared to the involvement of non-african american parents—largely white parents (brandon, 2007; huang & mason, 2008; jeynes, 2005; mckay et al., 2003; o’bryan, braddock, & dawkins, 2006). the research is not clear as to whether african american parents are less involved or if their involvement is merely different from the white, middleclass norms. one key factor that may contribute to the lack of clarity in this body of research is the weaker connections between african american parents and the educational system. not unlike white parents, some african american parent involvement tends be influenced by affiliation or relationships with school staff, a sense of power to influence their children’s learning, and by the belief that educational success can provide opportunities and personal success for their children (huang & mason, 2008; tyler, boykin, miller & hurley, 2006). indeed, connections for african american parents are compromised when they encounter “personal, cultural, and structural barriers that may cause them to be isolated or alienated from the school system” (brandon, 2007, p. 116; see also huang & mason, 2008). finally, educators who do not respect parenting styles that differ significantly from those practiced by middle-class white parents may communicate their disapproval and alienate parents (ferguson, 2001; lareau, 1987, 2003; lareau & horvat, 1999; thompson, 2003; tyler et al., 2006). in sum, for both african american and nonafrican american parents, involvement in education is never straightforward —especially with respect to the thorny issues of race. we agree with barton et al. (2004) that the important hows and whys should be added to the question of what parents do to engage in their children’s education. understanding how and why african american and other parents are involved, and examining what they do during their involvement, especially in the face of barriers to their participation, can dramatically improve our understanding of parent involvement and increase the effectiveness of schools and educational programs. the math science equity program msep project background between 2002 and 2005, a university-community partnership called the math/science equity program (msep) was implemented to increase african american parental involvement in high school math and science course selections in the charlotte-mecklenburg schools (cousins et al., 2008; mickelson et al., 2011). based at the university of north carolina at charlotte and funded by a grant from the national science foundation, msep’s goal was to increase the enrollment of african american students in higher-level math and science courses and, by doing so, contribute to reducing the race gap in academic achievement and attainment. msep was designed and implemented as a series of community-based parent enrichment workshops. these workshops developed parents’ knowledge, skills, strategies, and social networks and created capacities for future collaborations among parents. the findings we report in this article come from follow-up interviews with parents who graduated from our math/science equity program workshops. the math/science equity program’s workshops the heart of our university-community collaboration was the math/science equity program’s home (helping ourselves mold education) workshops. msep’s approach centered on parental empowerment workshops where participants received information about the charlotte-mecklenburg school system’s high school math and science course sequences and the sequence’s relationship to postsecondary education and professional careers. home workshops’ content and processes were developed in conjunction with multiple community groups, educators, and parents. throughout the design and implementation process, the researcher-activist team from uncc worked intimately with a community advisory council (cac) on the goals, content, scope, curricula, recruitment, and evaluation components of the project. for example, at the suggestion of our cac we developed the acronym home (helping ourselves mold education) as a user-friendly name for msep’s parent workshops, the first phase of our project. we used the phrase “home workshops” in our interactions with community groups rather than the math/science equity program, because the latter seems too officious.3 the msep team presented the complete set of home workshops in a six-week format. weekly sessions were roughly two and one-half hours in length. workshops were considered “enrichment sessions” that built upon extant parental knowledge and skills. parents who attended learned about their educational rights under the north carolina constitution. they engaged in hands-on math and science activities and participated in role-playing designed current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 4 to equip them for effectively managing their children’s educational careers. community organizations such as the public libraries, parks and recreation department, several churches, and a number of non-profit organizations collaborated with msep by providing space, publicity, personnel, and expertise. what began as childcare and educational enrichment activities for participants’ children became a parallel children’s math and science program once the children started to request an opportunity to do the same kinds of “fun” hands-on math and science that their parents were doing. the children’s program became so popular, a number of parents attended the enrichment sessions merely because their children wanted to attend the children’s program! workshop sites varied in order to maximize convenience for parents. they include the unc charlotte campus, community recreation centers, public schools, public libraries, and local churches. all parent participants and their children shared a meal with the msep team during home workshops. we provided transportation on an as-needed basis. we established a website at http://www.msep.uncc.edu and developed a project newsletter, “letters from home,” that we mailed out every two months. several parent graduates of the workshops worked in conjunction with msep staff to develop an autonomous parent organization to succeed the workshops as a source of ongoing leadership training, networking, and information. msep was designed as a quasi-experiment. therefore, we selected three high schools and their feeder middle schools to receive msep workshops. we then matched these treatment high schools with three others that served as our control sites. only parents of students who attended our treatment schools were eligible to participate in workshops. we expected parents who attended workshops would become more involved in their children’s course selection, more of their children would enroll in high-level math and science courses, and the increases in high-level math and science enrollments among african american students attending our treatment schools would exceed increases in enrollments in our control schools. our team of researcher-activists collaborated with several community organizations including the public schools, libraries, parks and recreation department, several churches, and a number of non-profit organizations in the development and implementation of our program. msep workshops provided parents with hands-on experiences with science (biology, chemistry, physics) and mathematics (geometry and algebra). the interactive curricula involved parents in math and science course sequences, selection activities; information about curricular tracking, parental educational rights, social networking, and strategies for effectively engaging teachers, administrators, and adolescent children in the math and science course selection process. impact of msep on parents moreover, the vast majority of participants in msep reported that their participation in the program had positive effects on their capacities to become effectively involved in their children's education. all msep participants completed post tests before departing from the program on the last day of their session; they discussed their reactions to the program with msep staff (who took extensive field notes), and a subset of completers were interviewed following the completion of the workshop phase of the project. across all data collection methods (posttest surveys, informal observations and discussions, and follow-up interviews), the research team learned that parents were affected positively and deeply by msep's program. they gained invaluable information that previously they did not have or if they were exposed to it, they did not understand (e.g., the course selection process). furthermore, some parents were moved to tears of anger that the school system had not effectively communicated this vital information to them. posttest surveys indicated that the preponderance of parents learned new information, were likely to use it in their own interactions with school staff, and were likely to share it with friends. parents also indicated that msep developed their skills of directly asking school officials for information, or asserting their legal rights as parents to request certain course-level placements. the subsample of participants who agreed to a follow up interview consisted of parents who, like others just described, believed that (1) msep had provided them with a set of discrete interpersonal skills for navigating the school bureaucracy, and (2) they learned about the pleasures and importance of science and mathematics for their children in cms secondary schools. thus, the parents whose interviews are reported in this study, while selfselected, are similar to all msep parents in one crucial dimension: they had a positive experience with the program. methods and procedures education and race in charlotte in order to understand the implications of msep in the charlotte community, we summarize the important educational context of charlotte, nc and consequently the experiences of the parents who live and school their children there. like most metropolises in the united states, cms (which includes the city of charlotte, north carolina as well as several smaller cities and all unincorporated areas of surrounding mecklenburg county) is a dynamic and complex system. emblematic of the new south, the city is economically prosperous and culturally vibrant. it is the national headquarters of bank of america, a professional football and basketball team, and has a growing multiethnic, well-educated adult population. until 1998, cms was a majority white district. making success in education: what black parents believe about participation in their children’s education 5 by december 2005, soon after msep’s first workshops began,4 the student population of cms had changed dramatically (mickelson, smith, & southworth, 2009). of the 126,903 students enrolled in the school system in 2005, 43% were african american, 37% white, 12% hispanic, 4% asian, and 3% native american and multiracial. increasing numbers of schools have more than 75% of students eligible for free or reduced price lunch. charlotte is and has been plagued by inequities based in race, ethnicity, and class status that reach into most sectors of the city; including stark differences between private and public schooling, and central city, inner ring suburbs, and outer ring suburbs (douglas, 1995; smith, 2004; u.s. census bureau, 2000). from roughly 1975 to 2002, the cms district operated under court orders to desegregate (smith, 2004; swann v. charlotte, 1971). in 2002, the district was declared unitary and subsequently employed a race-neutral residential based pupil assignment plan. however, the neighborhood school-based assignment plan, in conjunction with rapid demographic change in mecklenburg county and residential segregation, have resulted in rapid resegregation of the district by race and social class (mickelson, 2003a; mickelson & southworth, 2005). consequently, cms faces the same academic and social challenges that many other urban school systems face when their schools have concentrated poverty and racially isolated schools. follow-up interviews with msep parent graduates the data for this article were gathered from a subset of 14 parents, more fully described below, who were part of a “follow-up” component of msep graduates in the msep study. our follow-up interviews had two primary purposes: (1) to ascertain the extent to which parents increased particular knowledge and skills by their participation in msep, and (2) to develop in-depth qualitative case-histories of parents to assist msep in understanding issues of particular significance regarding the participation of african americans in education and schooling. the focus of this article is on parents’ beliefs and perceptions about the education system as part of parent participation, in the broader context of social class, race/ ethnicity.5 follow-up interviews with parent graduates of msep (home and teen summit workshops) were conducted in parents’ homes and lasted between 1 and 3 hours. research assistants who had worked with the parents in the workshops contacted them initially by telephone to schedule an interview. letters and post cards were sent to parents who did not respond to phone calls or who did not have a phone. all family members, especially parents and guardians in the household, were invited to participate in the interview. interviews were scheduled at a time and location of the parent’s choosing. we offered a modest stipend of $20 to participants. interviews were tape recorded if the parent consented, and in most instances, interviews were conducted by two research assistants (one to ask questions and the other to take notes or record contextual observations). sample to reiterate, the data for this article derive from a subsample of parents who participated in the msep. that is, approximately 100 parents participated in msep workshops (either home or teen summit workshops) during the two years that the workshops were conducted. of these parents, 77 completed one of the two workshop programs. all 77 graduates were contacted for follow-up interviews. twenty-five semi-structured interviews were conducted and of these, 14 interviews provided the researchers with data relevant to the questions that guide this article. the findings presented in this article consequently derive from the subsample of 14 interviews among the 25 follow-up interviews the msep conducted. table 1 education of parents (n = 22) ________________________________________________________________________ education women men some high school 1 high school diploma 2 some college 5 1 associates degree 4 1 bachelors degree 3 3 not reported 2 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 6 table 2 occupations of parents (n = 22) ________________________________________________________________________ occupation women men bus driver 1 customer service 1 day care provider/ owner 2 electrician 1 federal government 1 health system buyer 1 landscaping company 1 nursing assistant 1 postal service clerk 1 real estate agent 1 sales 1 secretary/ administrative asst. 2 airline sky cap 1 stock clerk 1 telecommunication specialist 1 transportation 1 truck driver 1 not reported 3 tables 1 and 2 present the educational and occupational status of 14 parents and their spouses. of the 14 parents we interviewed, 12 were women and two were men, 8 were married, and 6 were single parents who were divorced or never married. because we report on the demographics of spouses who did not participate in the interviews, we report 22 responses under educational status and 22 responses under occupational status. tables 1 and 2 are integrated into our discussion of findings in which we specifically address the beliefs and attitudes of the parents. given our limited sample, we do not assume a correlation of any significance among gender, marital status, education, or occupation and the categories of beliefs and perceptions we explore in this article. the predominance of mothers (12) over fathers (2) in our interview sample is noteworthy in the context of research that suggests the general tendency for mothers to assume greater responsibility for child rearing activities, including those pertaining to school (nord, brimhall, & west 1997; sui-chi & willms, 1996; suizzo, robinson, & pahlke, 2008). we speculate that the small number of msep graduates willing to be interviewed may be related to parents’ lifestyle (work schedules that did not permit flexibility), changes of address related to the high making success in education: what black parents believe about participation in their children’s education 7 residential mobility of low-income families (16.5% of households in n.c changed residence between 2004-05 compared to the highest mobility status in the nation in arizona at 21%; us census bureau, 2005-2007), and perhaps emotional fatigue associated with participating in extended educational programs such as msep. the low response rate for follow-up interviews means our findings are not generalizable to the entire group of parent participants, a weakness we recognize. data analysis although we reviewed the nine substantive followup questions we asked to investigate what use parents made of workshop content, this article and analysis focus on three questions that tap more generally into beliefs, actions, perceptions, and barriers. in other words, our analysis attempted to uncover parents’ fundamental sense of their personal and historical experiences with regard to their child’s education, in contrast to the specific influences of their participation in the msep workshops. we chose to focus on the more general issues rather than msep-specific responses because our interests lie in the more theoretical aspects of parental involvement. for this article, we use data from an analysis of parent responses to the following three questions: 1. what role should a parent play in their child’s education? 2. what role do you play in your child’s education? 3. what barriers have you faced that prevent you from participating in your child’s education?6 our analysis of the interviews was guided by grounded theory. we analyzed the interview responses to the three questions above by using a content analysis to identify the themes and categories we report here (bernard, 2002; maxwell, 1996). our approach was inductive in that we closely analyzed the interview responses to identify and code emerging themes and categories, rather than being led to them deductively by a set of hypotheses we sought to confirm or theories we sought to explore. finally, we analyzed the themes and categories in terms of extant theories of parent participation in schooling. findings we divided parents’ responses into subcategories based on thoroughness and completeness in relation to the three questions we sought to answer. although our interest is parents’ more general beliefs and perceptions about involvement in education, it became clear that these msep graduates’ experiences with home workshops may have influenced their responses to the three core questions we posed. their responses, nonetheless, indicate welldeveloped preexisting beliefs about education, and high levels of motivation and active involvement. indeed, their very participation in the workshops suggests the a priori nature of their beliefs about parent participation. in addition to self-selecting for the workshops, consider the following points revealed in their responses: their motivation is influenced by their own successes, limitations and struggles in life and education; they are keenly aware of the connections between educational achievement and their children’s future success; they are aware of the social and academic needs of children based not just on variations in personality, but also on social and psychological development for pre-adolescent and adolescent children; and several of them have developed savvy and sophisticated judgment about education in a way that anticipates barriers, overcomes barriers, or refuses to yield to them. category i: parent beliefs7 we begin with parent responses to the question: what role should a parent play in their child’s education? our analysis focuses on three categories of responses: (1) beliefs about the academic activities a parent should do at home, including social, behavioral, psychological activities; (2) beliefs about participation at school; and (3) beliefs about participation in a general, all encompassing way. few parents limit their involvement to just one of the domains of involvement. several parents convert the general question of a parent’s role to the personalized question of their role. in other instances, parents address both. beliefs about the academic activities a parent should do at home. mrs. warner has a daughter in 8th grade. she believes her role is to: [do] homework with [my daughter], stay in touch with teachers, monitor [her] progress, and let’um [the school] know that i’m involved. we read together and, you know, we try to make sure that she knows that if she has questions, i’m involved and if i can’t help her i‘ll try to get her tutoring. ms. zachary works for the postal service and has a 13-year-old son in 8th grade and a 20-year-old son in college. she is an assertive single parent who always made her voice heard in the workshops. referring to her 13-yearold son, she said: i graduated from high school but never finished college cause i went and had my oldest child but i always wanted to go back to school. [my] biggest role is that i know better than anybody else about my child; for math i’mma push him; look in their book bags 2 to 3 times a week; make sure they have their homework; taking them to different events; introducing him to different aspects of life and everything else. mrs. landers is a nursing assistant with a 15-yearold son in 10th grade, a 14-year-old son in 8th grade, a nine-year-old son in 3rd grade, and a five-year-old daughter in pre-k. her husband has some high school and works as a stock clerk in a department store. believing in a more measured approach, mrs. landers identified her role as: more like, more so as a teacher. just make sure they’re getting the classes they should. i used to current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 8 try to check their homework, but since they got older i try to basically check their grades . . . and encourage them; if they need tutors [i tell them] don’t be ashamed. i let them know how important their grades are. the parents above perhaps epitomize “best practices” of parent involvement although the parents can be categorized as working class based on education and occupation. that is, they emphasize self-awareness, knowledge of child development, and differentiated roles they may need to play as parents to foster the academic success of their child. beliefs about participation at school. mrs. franklin has a 14-year-old son in 9th grade. she is married, has a ba degree and works as a real estate agent while her husband, who has a 2-year degree, works for the federal government. her views indicate a blurring of the boundaries between school and home. she said her role is as: very supportive. never negative. [parents should] make themselves available to the child and also to the school staff and anybody involved in his education; parents should have an open mind and participate, make themselves present in the system so they will know that you are concerned about your children. they (parents) should be ready and willing to do that and that’s what i do. mrs. clark embraces the role of parent advocate for her child. she has an 11-year-old daughter in 6th grade and a seven-year-old daughter in 2nd grade. she is married, has a 2-year degree and operates her own childcare center while her husband, who is a high school graduate, drives a truck. she said: [parents should play] a major role. more like cheerleaders as well as their advisor, being is because most of the time kids just want somebody to listen to them, someone encouraging them to do the right thing. mrs. clark’s and mrs. franklin’s comments suggest they see themselves as advocates and motivators. this may be based not only on the individual characteristics of their children, but also because of their knowledge and experience regarding the tendency of many african american children to become discouraged and disengaged from schooling (cousins, 1999; ogbu, 2008)—a point often made in the msep workshops. beliefs about participation in a general, all encompassing way. mrs. jayson is married, has 3 years of college and works as a telecommunication specialist; her husband has a ba degree and is self-employed in the transportation business. they have a 13-year-old son in 8th grade and a 10-year-old son in 4th grade. mrs. jayson said she believes parents should be involved: from every aspect. if we leave it up to the average kid, which is probably most kids, they would probably take the easiest classes they can and as few as they can. we gotta be there guiding the ship. mr. peters is married and attended college. his wife is his son’s stepmother. mr. peters is a skycap for an airline. peters and his wife have a 15-year-old son in 11th grade and they brought along their son’s 15-year-old friend to the workshop. he began his interview by saying simply that a parent’s role should be: “very big. very big.” we believe mr. peters’ statement, which is about his actions as much as his beliefs, makes a point that would be affirmed by all these parents: i’ve been telling him [my son] lately i was a kid once too and didn’t have anybody to try and plan for me, so i’m the grown-up, i’ve got to make sure that you get what you need, not what you want. later you get what you want when you get to [your] senior [year]. you can relax a little bit ‘cause that next year you’re going to college. so let’s get all these things out of the way now but let me plan it. personally i want my son to be everything that he can be and i’mma get him there. that’s my goal. summary the centerpieces of interviewees’ beliefs about a parents’ role in their child’s education include assertiveness, advocacy, emotional support, encouragement, and motivation. indeed, parent responses also revealed how they use their own experiences—their successes (college education and self-employment, for example), limitations and struggles (e.g. lack of personal success in education and life)—as a context for their beliefs. they also used their experiences as road maps to guide their children. these findings begin the process of identifying what parents believe about their involvement so that we can couple beliefs with actions for a more complete picture of what parent believe and how they act on their beliefs in terms of parent involvement in education. category ii: parent actions we now discuss responses to the second question: “what role do you play in your child’s education?” from the outset, it is clear that parent responses to the first question overlap considerably with this question. they include responses that address (1) visits to the school in general, availability to the school, and talking to the teachers and administrators; (2) talking to, motivating, and/or monitoring the child in terms of academics and social/ attitudinal/ behavioral actions; and (3)supplementing making success in education: what black parents believe about participation in their children’s education 9 the child’s schooling with additional social and academic resources. visits to the school in general. in her response to the first question, mrs. franklin stated that she believed parents should be very supportive, never negative. continuing this line of thinking, she responded by saying: …that’s what i do. everybody at west meck [high school], most of all his teachers, they are very familiar with me cause i’m there. i make myself available to them and they can call me anytime of the day if they have any problems. comments from other parents follow along similar lines. ms. marvin is a single parent with 14-year-old son in 8th grade, a 12-year-old daughter in 7th grade, and a 9year-old son in 3rd grade. she has some college and earns a living as a bus driver. i talk to teachers. i make sure as a parent that i do stay on top of whatever he’s doing. you know…i ask the teachers to also make sure that they call me, you know, if it’s a problem and they know… no hesitation whatsoever. again, social class status and race may be markers for the types and degrees of parent involvement, but much lies below the surface of such indicators in the case of mrs. franklin and ms. marvin. even if these parents did not get involved as they indicate above, they seem to know the importance and effects of being involved, even to the point of facilitating open parent-teacher communication, an important variable in classroom outcomes (brandon, 2007). the comments continue. discussing, motivating, and monitoring the child’s academics, attitudes, and actions. emphasizing the collaborative nature of her actions, which helps her acknowledge her limitations and improve her own education, mrs. franklin said: i learn along with him. when he has homework to do, reading, i ask him to read to me and i sit there and listen. i let him do his work then i go and check it and make sure if he doesn’t understand it, and if i can’t help him, then i seek help. ms. warner says she does the same thing and more: i do homework with her. i stay in contact with her teachers via email and also get updates, you know, how she’s progressing in school and, we read together and you know, we try to make sure that she knows that if she has questions, i’m involved, and if, if i can’t help her, i try to get her tutoring. ms. delaine identified differences between parental involvement in high school and middle school. she argues for broad involvement in education at both levels. like many parents in the study, she is a single parent. she has a 2-year degree and works in customer service. her 15year-old daughter is in 10th grade, her seven-year-old daughter is in 2nd grade, and her five-year-old daughter is in kindergarten. i do a little bit of everything. but it changes in middle and high school because they feel a little bit embarrassed about parents being around…see[ing] for yourself what’s going on, and share[ing] with your child that you’re doing those things. and then after a while that little attitude about “oh well, i don’t want you up there cause it’s embarrassing,” it kind of changes because they start liking it. i do it all. i’m seeing about, you know, her grades and stuff and she comes back and tells me about things that’s going on with people. the comments above indicate thoughtfulness, lack of isolation, and some of the attributes of social and cultural capital related to successful parent engagement and educational success (barton et al., 2004; diamond & gomez, 2004; lareau & horvat, 1999). as we will see, these characteristics supplement and support the use of social and academic resources and activity networks by these parents for the education success of their children. supplementing the child’s schooling with additional social and academic resources. many parents specifically emphasized the supplemental aspects of their involvement with their children’s education. ms. zachary said: i try to do as much as possible…something that would interest him and things that we wouldn’t normally be exposed to. just to have fun…or make it fun.” mrs. landers reported: i try to make sure that i see what they are doing. i check their grades, used to check their homework. encourage them if they need tutors, don’t be ashamed to get a tutor. [i] just try to encourage them about how important their grades are. and mrs. burton described her actions as: i just try to supplement her education with giving her materials that are a little challenging for her, current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 10 with community service projects that we do. summary we see again assertive and active engagement in school, supportive and collaborative engagement at home, and direct and indirect attempts to supplement schooling via constructive activities, learning materials that are fun, and community service—all parts of the “ecologies” of engagement of successful parent involvement (barton et al., 2004). nonetheless, just as the beliefs and life experiences of these parents underlie their fundamental everyday actions on behalf of their children (i.e., engagement with teachers and schools, use of activity networks and related resources, and high levels of motivation and awareness to be involved as parents), their actions support and perhaps reinforce their fundamental beliefs. it is therefore important that we link or distinguish the mutual and disparate roles of beliefs and actions, particularly in the lives of african americans who claim high degrees of belief in education but have comparatively low educational outcomes (mapp, 2003; mickelson, 1990). category iii: perceived barriers to involvement this section reports parents’ responses to the question: what barriers have you faced that prevent you from participating in your child’s education?8 this third question concerns perceived relationship between parents’ beliefs about involvement and their actions. we found responses fell into four categories: (1) no barriers/ will not allow any, (2) work schedules; (3) single parenting, and (4) school related issues (academic subjects and classroom management). no barriers/ will not allow any. responses in this category suggest parents may have had barriers or problems in the past but they have found ways to overcome them. asked if she perceived any barriers, mrs. franklin said “not so far.” similarly mrs. burton replied “there aren’t any.” ms. gerard elaborated that she found: none. i can talk to the teachers and principals and they can talk to me, so no problems. it was common in the workshops for parents to describe distrustful, strained, or non-existent relations with teachers and school administrators. perhaps ms. gerard either anticipated such relations or has experienced them and has worked to resolve them. nevertheless, mrs. jayson’s response to the question about barriers was to say: none. i won’t allow it to be a barrier. but what would be ideal for me is if i was home when he got home from school, then i know he’s not on the phone, not watching bet (black entertainment television). this first set of responses perhaps suggests where they look for barriers—being able to talk to teachers and administrators, child management and supervision. when added to the comments below regarding work schedule, single parenting, and the quality of classroom management, it is safe to say that “not allowing barriers,” (a question of selective perception) as mrs. jayson says, or “no barriers so far,” according to mrs. franklin, does not preclude their existence. work schedule & single parenting. three single parents discussed barriers to participating that were related to work schedule and or single parenting. ms. delaine said: i’m a single parent and have to try to get off sometimes and can’t participate with them in some things. but i have my father and mother to help also. mrs. warner said: i travel for work sometimes so i’m not available to help her with homework and stuff, but my husband tries to pick that up and my next door neighbor owns a tutoring center, so she’s gonna help. ms. zachary, who is a single parent, identified her barrier as her job. she developed an effective strategy to staying involved: i email teachers and send them notes. academics and classroom management. like many american parents, at times msep graduates faced the situation where their own stock of knowledge was insufficient for helping their children with homework. with respect to academics, mrs. landers said sometimes her child has academic questions about subjects with which she was not familiar. but i’ll try to find the answer to them. basically, like i visited the library and found out they have tutoring and i try to encourage them to go to tutoring and sign them up for stuff like that. another parent, mrs. clark, said some parts of algebra were a barrier before she attended teen summit: now before—whew (signaling the difficulty of it). and he (brian williams, the workshop director and instructor) broke it down to the point that i really, really understood that. so i don’t have any problems now. mr. peters described concerns regarding behaviors in his son’s classroom: we’ve come across some big challenges already and we met them about my son’s performance and one instance in the classroom where they had a making success in education: what black parents believe about participation in their children’s education 11 substitute teacher who left the classroom unsupervised and one bigger boy was bullying my son and others by trying to get them to not read their books. but i checked into it, told him [you] have to protect yourself. summary as noted earlier, while parent responses to our interviews suggest they encountered few to any barriers to involvement in their children’s education, during msep workshops many of the other 80 or so parent participants actually cited numerous barriers to their involvement in schools. nonetheless, on their face, the barriers or concerns expressed above seem relatively ordinary and anticipated in the broader spectrum of academic problems african american children and their parents face. and it is highly likely that the overall assertiveness, activeness, and optimism of this set of parents has either limited what they perceive as a barrier, as mrs. jayson’s response indicates, and or that they have already dealt with perceived barriers. otherwise, it is noteworthy to recognize the challenges on the time single parents had available to assist their children compared to married couples in which husbands were involved. we also recognize the impact of work schedules. but the fact that parents called upon the support of extended family, neighbors and the resources of community libraries to assist them in meeting the challenges they faced speaks to their supportive networks, lack of social isolation, and available stock of social and cultural capital in the ecology of successful parent involvement. discussion the sociopolitical, socioeconomic and sociocultural contexts of education in the us and in particular in charlotte, nc are relatively significant in their impact on african americans students and their parents (mckay et al., 2003; smith, 2004). african american parents can manage and mediate the effects of these contexts, but they cannot escape them. in what follows we discuss the questions and issues raised in this article, what remains unclear and unanswered, and what might future research and educational practice examine. we began by presenting the responses of parents to overlapping questions about their beliefs and their actions regarding participation in their child’s education. all of the parents involved in the study believed in active involvement and their actions were consistent with their beliefs. they believe involvement should include the classroom, teachers, monitoring progress, reading with their child, and exposing them to different aspects of life, among other things (see similar findings in mckay et al., 2003). the responses of the 14 parents who participated in the msep follow-up interviews also suggest that actions should be (and were) pragmatic and grounded in the realities of their lives and life experiences. parents recognized the push and pull on children of tv, developmental issues, the absence of structure, academic support and resources, motivation and other forms of social support and resources. on the other hand, parents appropriated in varying degrees the social and cultural capital they had available to generate resources to manage these circumstances (barton et al., 2004; lareau & horvat, 1999). parents addressed school relations, acquired academic resources (or planned to) such as tutoring, and engaged social support by enlisting the help of extended family and neighbors. though these parents differed in the amount of social capital they possessed (married, lower middle class parents compared to single working class parents, for example), they did not appear to vary in willingness to use it. they all held to an ethic of involvement, and exercised the will and motivation to overcome barriers they perceived. likewise, the limited evidence we found about the influence of social class standing—for example, parents with less flexible jobs were not able to, in their view, provide adequate supervision for their child—ended up taking us in a different direction probably based on the a priori high level of motivation among parents in our sample (diamond & gomez, 2004; gutman & mcloyd, 2000; hanafin & lynch, 2002; kim, 2002). that is, we found no strong differences in parent perception and involvement based on differences in education and occupation—all of which varied slightly among our parents. most participants were working class or lower middle class. indeed, working class single parents were just as likely to be involved, generate resources, and express high levels of motivation as their middle class, college educated counterparts. however, our small self-selected sample limits our generalization on these points beyond our parents. parent responses suggest that mothers were more involved than fathers even in married couples. single mothers did not indicate any involvement on the part of their child’s father (greif, hrabowski, & maton, 2000; nord, brimhall, & west, 1997; sui-chi & willms, 1996). we found only one case in which parent involvement may have been inhibited by feelings of personal inadequacy (parent did not understand algebra; see johnson, 2001; lawson, 2003), but several cases in which parents did not allow inadequacy in resources or their social class status to discourage or limit their involvement in their child’s educational endeavors (diamond & gomez, 2004; gutman & mcloyd, 2000; hanafin & lynch, 2002; kim, 2002; lareau & horvat, 1999). these findings are consistent with the work of other scholars who report a complex array of critical factors that interact with family structure to influence children’s academic achievement (barbarin et al., 2005; greif et al., 2000). our respondents reported mostly positive relations with their children’s schools in as much as they reported being successfully involved and only one school-related problem (a parent reported his son was being bullied in class due to the inadequate supervision of a substitute current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 12 teacher). however, we need to situate this relatively positive relationship alongside parent responses that asserted the necessity of being available to the school, having an open mind, and being present to demonstrate concern for one’s child. related research suggests our interviewees’ experiences were strikingly at odds with the experiences of many parents of color (ferguson, 2001; lareau & horvat, 1999). on the whole, our parents were likely to get involved in their child’s education even if they felt unwelcomed and that their cultural traditions were not respected (mapp, 2003). this does not contradict research findings that suggest that connections between african american parents and the educational system tend to be weak (brandon, 2007; huang & mason, 2008). the parents we interviewed demonstrated that they would not let feelings of inadequacy or weak relations with schools stand in their way; they were prepared, nonetheless, to take actions that helped their child succeed. again, due to the self-selection and size of our sample, these responses cannot be generalized to other african american parents in the population at large nor to other parents who completed our workshops. still, to move to the next point in the discussion, we cannot minimize the finding that a parent’s ethic and will to participate in their children’s education “to make success” by trumping barriers whether they are real or merely perceived. turning now to the last responses from our parents, we note they perceived or said they experienced no barriers and would not allow any. but they also said that work schedules, being a single parent, lack of familiarity with some academic subject matter and classroom supervision were concerns for them. the key here may be “not allowing barriers,” nor feelings of inadequacy or weak relations with schools, stand in their way. another key may be that their motivation, resources, and past successes in overcoming barriers influenced their overall perception of the existence of barriers in the first place. these are parents whose own truncated educational, occupational and social achievements motivated and equipped them to assist their children to do better. conclusion we completed a two-year university-community collaborative project designed to empower african american parents to become more involved in their adolescent children’s math and science course selections and placements. we collected a subsample of data from interviews with 14 parents who graduated from msep’s home or teen summit workshops. the interviews revealed that (a) parents see a need to be actively involved; (b) try to be involved although they face barriers; (c) barriers occur in terms of parents’ own resources such as available time to assist their children, support from a spouse or partner, and in terms of school relations; and (d) parents anticipate barriers but respond creatively to them. the bottom line is that these parents believed they were responsible for “making success” in the educational careers of their children. parents were highly motivated and aware of the various factors interacting in their children’s lives; they were involved at home and at school; they took into consideration numerous ways of being involved, from providing pep talks to tutoring to more structure at home; parents anticipated obstacles to their participation and acted successfully to address them, and they were not deterred by obstacles and therefore perhaps did not consider them barriers in the traditional sense of the word. in sum, parents acted and felt the need to make success where success did not exist or where success was threatened. our workshops and interviews confirmed what we believe are the empowering and self-affirming effects on parents of being creatively and progressively involved in their child’s education (barton et al., 2004). indeed, this is understandable for parents whose belief systems tie their own success to their children’s success, despite the social, psychological, and emotional vulnerability and risk a parent and child may be exposed to by these sensitive interdependencies. still, although our findings confirmed the overall importance of parent involvement in education, they are limited in their generalizability because of the unique sample we interviewed. for these reasons, our findings are more suggestive than definitive. moreover, our findings should be examined in the context of research involving a larger sample of african american and non-african american parents. such research, qualitative or quantitative, can pursue the questions we asked and explore the outcomes in terms of relationships among parents’ race and ethnicity, social class, gender, social and cultural capital, parent-school relations and the existence and perception of barriers. as one example, our sample of parents leans toward workingto lower middle class status, with class status defined in terms of education and occupation (diamond & gomez, 2004; mcgrath & kuriloff, 1999; rowan-kenyon, bell, & perna, 2008). implicit in our findings are similarities among the characteristics of parent involvement of middle-class african american parents and our sample, as well as middle-class white parents and our sample: high levels of motivation; assertiveness in relations with schools; proactive and assertive in a child’s school activities at home, and the like. these class distinctions are important to highlight when examining the effects of race and ethnicity on academic performance (crozier, 2001). nonetheless, in the realm of educational policy and practice, it would serve us well to know if our findings are an anomaly or, instead, representative of an incipient trend among african american parents. if it is the latter, then educational and social policy and practice should capitalize on these findings for the betterment of schools, families, and society at large. making success in education: what black parents believe about participation in their children’s education 13 in conclusion, we must continue to shape the affirming and empowering role of parent involvement into questions to be researched and findings to be translated into policy and practice. we believe our study operates within this framework and the msep was our attempt to translate this ethic into practice. msep was based on research which suggested that african american parents are as engaged in their child’s schooling as comparable white parents when they have access to school officials, information about their child’s curriculum, and when they feel invited to engage in their child’s school and capable of doing so. the findings in this article point in a similar direction. 1african american and black are used interchangeably throughout the article. 2for a comprehensive case study of african american parent involvement, see tough’s (2008) analysis of geoffrey canada’s project in harlem, ny. tough describes the connections between parent involvement and a child’s schooling outcomes, the challenges of getting parents involved, the types of involvement parents may be expected to practice in urban environments with high rates of poverty, crime, and single parents, and also the conviction of parents and educators that education be provided to all children. 3after the first year, the six week home workshops were reconfigured and condensed into a two-week version renamed teen summit. see (mickelson, cousins, williams & velasco, 2011) for details. 4our description of cms focuses on the years 2002-2005 during when msep was implemented. 5in addition to these primary purposes, we hoped the interviews would reinforce, sustain, and expand the knowledge, skills and strategies parents developed in the workshops, and support their efforts to build and sustain networks. 6in hindsight, if asked differently (what barriers have you faced 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(2011). making success in education: what black parents believe about participation in their children’s education. current issues in education, 14(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/784 author notes linwood h. cousins, ph.d. western michigan university 1903 w. michigan avenue kalamazoo, michigan 49008 linwood.cousins@wmich.edu linwood h. cousins is a social worker and cultural anthropologist who studies the cultural characteristics of race, ethnicity, and social class among african american families and communities, with an emphasis on how culture influences schooling and racial identity. he currently serves as director of the school of social work at western michigan university. roslyn arlin mickelson, ph.d. university of north carolina at charlotte 9201 university city blvd. charlotte, north carolina 28223 roslynmickelson@uncc.edu roslyn arlin mickelson is professor of sociology, public policy, women and gender studies, and information technology at the university of north carolina at charlotte. she taught social studies in an urban high school for nine years before she received a ph.d. from the university of california, los angeles in 1984. mickelson has published widely on minority educational issues, desegregation, social science and the law, gender and education, the education of homeless children, and educational policy. mickelson has investigated school reform in the charlotte-mecklenburg schools from 1989 to 2008, chronicling the consequences of the district’s transformation from a desegregated to a resegregated school system. currently she is surveying and synthesizing the literature on the effects of school racial and ses composition on educational outcomes. the authors acknowledge the contributions of brian williams and anne velasco to the research projects that produced the data for this article. manuscript received: 5/5/2011 revisions received: 8/5/2011 accepted: 9/2/2011 making success in education: what black parents believe about participation in their children’s education 17 volume 14, number 3 september 28, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editor melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors hillary andrelchik joy anderson meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy carol masser leslie salazar jennifer shea alaya swann faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers microsoft word 568 layout complete_4.doc current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 1 volume 15, number 1 january 1, 2012 issn 1099-839x the effects of background music on learning disabled elementary school students’ performance in writing robert s. legutko bloomsburg university theodore t. trissler north penn school district this study investigated effects of background music on writing performance of nine 6th grade students with learning disabilities at one suburban public elementary school in the mid-atlantic region of the united states. a single-subject a-b-a design was utilized, and results from graded writing prompts with and without background music over 21 weeks were compared. group mean gain was higher in the music (treatment) phase than in the final phase (returning to baseline), indicating that background music improved writing ability of students with learning disabilities overall. scores dropped instantly and markedly in the first weeks that music was added and removed, indicating that consistency in routine may be more essential to academic performance for students with learning disabilities than the presence or absence of background music. keywords: learning, special education, music, learning disabled, writing this study was based upon research conducted by kariuki and honeycutt (1998) which investigated whether or not music could be used as a tool to motivate students with emotional and behavioral disorders to develop positive attitudes toward writing, and whether or not these attitudes would result in improved writing skills. kariuki and honeycutt focused upon two 4th grade male students with emotional and behavioral disorders in a rural east tennessee elementary school. their results indicated that (a) the quality of basic writing skills improved overall when the students were exposed to music during writing assignments, (b) the students were immediately absorbed in the music and the calming effect helped them to ignore surrounding distractions (thus enabling them to focus on their writing assignments), (c) quantity of writing increased substantially in writing assignments with music while writing assignments without music were regarded as chores to be accomplished as quickly as possible, and (d) the students’ attitudes towards writing improved (writing assignments were considered “exciting” when exposed to music during writing). understanding the impact of motivational techniques on students with learning disabilities can be of great assistance to practicing teachers. students with learning disabilities welcome verbal persuasion to boost their confidence levels (klassen & lynch, 2007) and depend on external sources of evaluation such as teacher feedback, grades, and marks (lincoln & chazan, 1979), although teacher behaviors are not significantly linked to motivational variables for students with learning disabilities (lapointe, legault, & batiste, 2005). purpose of the study the purpose of this study was to determine whether or not background music had a positive effect on writing performance of students with learning disabilities. if a positive relationship could be determined, the use of current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 2 background music may be considered beneficial in educating students with learning disabilities in writing assignments. if there was a negative or no relationship, then either additional research may be necessary, or background music should not be utilized in future writing assignments. literature review the research located in this literature review included studies that were tangentially related to the subject and spanned from 1979 to the present. this was due to a scarcity of directly related literature found concerning the effects of background music on writing performance of students with learning disabilities. none of the works cited were considered to be seminal works. positive effects of music on student learning educators have a problem motivating students to become engaged in the literary process, and music may be one way of fostering this engagement (ebistuani, donlan, & siebers, 1991). integrated music experiences improve students’ reading, writing, thinking, and analyzing skills and strategies by providing excitement in learning (collett, 1992). it may also be concluded that integrating music into elementary, middle school, high school, advanced placement, and college linguistic classrooms, as well as into virtual classrooms, enables students to learn to read and write more easily, based upon gardner’s multiple intelligence theory, the mozart effect, and participation as precedent to learning (diedwardo, 2005). according to o’bruba (1987), the use of music in the teaching of reading at the elementary level may motivate and build the ability of students, whether or not they are musically talented or intellectually above-average. o’bruba further stated that because of similarities in the symbol structure of music and written language, left-to-right framework, and visual and auditory discrimination, music can be used in beginning reading programs for stimulation and inspiration. kariuki and honeycutt (1998) found that the quality and quantity of spontaneous writing demonstrated by their two students with emotional and behavioral disorders was positively affected by using music as a stimulus. observation during the duration of the research revealed a difference in the students’ outward reactions during their writing assignments. when music was not available, both students were easily distracted from the classroom environment. they were apparently frustrated and indicated this through their verbal responses and physical actions (usually complaining about the writing assignment and exhibiting increased physical movement). in contrast, when the students were exposed to music, their resistance to perform decreased and they were able to ignore outside disturbances and focus on their writing. this enabled the students to produce a higher volume of writing output which resulted in improved writing skills and positive attitudes. in a similar study by donohoe and mcneely (1999) of two 4th grade classes in rural virginia with a majority of low-achieving students, the number of words written by students when not listening to music was found to be significantly fewer than when the students listened to music. neutral and inconclusive effects of music on student learning in their review of the literature on the effects of music on reading, oral language, and writing abilities, ebisutani, donlan, and siebers (1991) posited that the theories which justify the use of music in reading and language arts activities were not firmly backed by research, that the research itself was inconclusive, and that it did not suggest that music has the potential for affecting writing fluency. they recalled studies from as far back as 75 years ago: fendrick found in 1937 that music distracted students’ reading; henderson, crews, and barlow discovered in 1945 that only certain kinds of music was distracting; and freeburne and fleischer learned in 1952 that music was not significantly distracting to reading performance. ebisutani, donlan, and siebers also reported research from groff in 1977 who stated that good listening skills gained in school music situations or instruction will not necessarily transfer into a student’s successfully reading words. examples of integrating music into learning schuster and vincent (1980) described lozanov’s suggestive accelerative learning and teaching (salt) method with students with learning disabilities, where music was used in the classroom at the beginning and end of class to relax and calm the students. there were significant gains in both reading and mathematics after one year in the program (a mean gain in reading of 2.2 years and a mean gain in mathematics of 1.4 years), and students also had increased positive self-concepts and better feelings toward their education (schuster & vincent). collett (1992) reported that the learning to read through the arts (ltrta) program was an integrated elementary curriculum designed as a collaborative effort of specialists in performing arts, visual arts, and reading and classroom teachers who designed units with specific developmental aims that reflected the needs of the children. according to collett, arts instruction, when integrated with a total reading and writing approach, had significant impact on the child’s appreciation for the arts, self-esteem, ability, and desire to learn in the lrta program. methodology guiding research question and hypothesis the following question guided the research: what effect will playing background music during specific writing assignments have on writing performance of students with learning disabilities? the hypothesis was that background music would increase student performance in writing fluency (writing speed) and quality of writing in focus, content, organization, style, and conventions. design this study utilized a single-subject a-b-a design. a-b-a designs are characterized by taking repeated baseline measurements, introducing treatment, making a the effects of background music on learning disabled elementary school students’ performance in writing 3 number of measurements, then removing treatment to return to a second baseline phase. if the behavior is better during the treatment phase than during either baseline phase, the effectiveness of the treatment has been demonstrated (gay, mills, & airasian, 2009). participants this study was conducted at a suburban public elementary school in the mid-atlantic region of the united states. there were nine 6th grade students (two females and seven males between 11-12 years of age) in one learning support class who had specific learning disabilities in reading, writing, or both. the students’ deficiencies in reading negatively affected their performance in writing and spelling. also, if these students were not proficient at a task, they simply did not desire to either work on or complete it. the students were placed into this learning support classroom based upon one or more of the following characteristics: specific learning disabilities in reading, mathematics, and/or speech; autism; attentiondeficit/hyperactivity disorder (adhd); oppositional defiance; communications disorder; emotional disturbance; or required occupational therapy. instruments, data gathering, and procedures aimsweb correct writing sequence probes were administered weekly to assess writing fluency. reliability and validity studies were provided by powell-smith and shinn (2004), authors of the aimsweb training workbook. reliability was based upon 15 studies that included interscorer agreement, alternate form, parallel forms, testretest, split-half, and cronbach’s alpha; validity was based upon eight studies that included criterion measures from the stanford achievement test, california achievement test, test of written language, and developmental sequence scoring system (powell-smith & shinn). a rubric writing skills evaluation form, which was used to objectively measure various writing skills, established the initial baseline. the rubric was not tested for reliability or validity. students engaged in writing prompts and received feedback daily for the duration of the study. they worked on writing skills and writing strategies through both small group and one-on-one instruction with the teacher. there was a weekly one paragraph writing homework assignment (a rough draft, graphic organizer, and final copy). students also had a formal in-class writing assignment, a threeparagraph essay (edited with the teacher and one peer), and a typed final copy. in addition, students practiced their writing daily through an assigned writing prompt administered during the morning homeroom period. the study lasted 21 weeks, was conducted in spring 2009, and was comprised of three sections. in the first and third sections (six weeks each), the students completed their writing assignments without any intervention. in the second section (seven weeks), background music was provided as students completed their writing assignments. (note: baseline data was gathered during the first week.) the background music utilized in the study alternated each week between two mozart compositions, il re pastore (opera k. 208) and symphony no. 16 in c major (opera k. 128). these compositions were chosen by the classroom teacher because they are from the classical period and up tempo in nature. once a week, students completed correct writing sequence probes (aimsweb). a story starter/writing prompt was read to them. students then had one minute to think, then the prompt was repeated again followed by three minutes to write. the prompt was repeated one final time before they were finished. from this point, students were graded by the teacher (with a number grade) on spelling, capitalization, punctuation, and whether or not the words made sense. additionally, a special education assistant teacher scored the prompts a second time to ensure that the number grade was the same. (note: there was 100% consistency in both scores each time.) findings overall results all students improved their writing efficiency throughout the experiment. as a group, students improved by 26.9 words correct per three minute probe from the beginning to the end of the experiment. the highest score attained by a student was 96, the highest increase from baseline by a student was 41, and the highest overall increase (range) of a student was 44. four students had their highest score in the final phase of the experiment (return to baseline), four students had their highest score in the music (treatment) phase of the experiment, and one student tied for highest score in both the final phase (return to baseline) and the music (treatment) phase of the experiment. low score, high score, range, increase from baseline data (calculated as the mean for the entire phase and not as the highest score), and the phase where the highest score was attained for each student is found in table 2. in both cases where there was a change in environment – adding the music and removing the music – scores dropped immediately and markedly in the week of the change. when music was added in the treatment phase, the mean score dropped from 54.1 to 50.6 (difference of 3.6). when music was removed in the return to baseline, the mean score dropped from 71.9 to 61.7 (difference of -10.2). these findings are graphically illustrated in figure 1. data at critical weekly points in baseline, treatment, and return to baseline by student is located in table 3. measurements of progress (or regression) in each phase by student is found in table 4. the overall group mean gain was higher in the music (treatment) phase (9.8) than in the final phase (returning to baseline) (6.0). a one-way analysis of variance (anova) was used to determine whether or not the differences in student means at the baseline, treatment, and return to baseline phases were significant. scores differed significantly across the three phases, f (2, 24) = 57.2, p = .001. (f score significant). tukey’s hsd post hoc analysis (psychology world, n.d.) was then used to determine which specific current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 4 table 1 student diagnoses student 1 moderate learning disabilities in reading, mathematics, and speech student 2 autism and adhd student 3 learning disabilities in reading, writing, and mathematics; autism; adhd; oppositional defiance; required occupational therapy student 4 moderate learning disabilities in reading, writing, and speech student 5 moderate learning disabilities in reading student 6 communications disorder student 7 moderate learning disabilities in reading and speech student 8 moderate learning disabilities in reading, writing, and speech student 9 moderate learning disabilities in reading, writing, and speech table 2 low score, high score, range, increase from baseline, and highest score phase data by student lowest score highest score range increase from baseline high score phase student 1 42 84 42 35 b student 2 38 82 44 41 b student 3 23 66 43 31 b & return a student 4 45 82 37 20 b student 5 38 70 32 21 return a student 6 29 50 21 17 return a student 7 34 72 38 28 return a student 8 36 73 37 25 return a student 9 57 96 39 24 b group mean 38.0 75.0 37.0 26.9 n/a the effects of background music on learning disabled elementary school students’ performance in writing 5 table 3 points in baseline, treatment, and return to baseline by student figure 1. students’ combined weekly mean writing score at baseline, treatment, and return to baseline phases (a-b-a) final baseline week initial treatment week drop/ gain final treatment week initial baseline return week drop/gain student 1 59 61 2 84 68 -16 student 2 55 56 1 81 73 -8 student 3 54 23 -31 60 53 -7 student 4 64 59 -5 74 72 -2 student 5 54 54 0 64 63 -1 student 6 41 39 -2 50 45 -5 student 7 46 46 0 65 55 -10 student 8 47 41 -6 73 60 -13 student 9 64 76 9 96 66 -30 group mean 54.1 50.6 -3.6 71.9 61.7 -10.2 current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 6 table 4 measurements of progress/regression in each phase by student note. difference in a-b measures the progress or regression of the student mean from initial baseline to treatment. difference in b-a measures the progress or regression of the student mean from treatment to the return to baseline. table 5 anova for measures of student means for baseline, treatment, and return to baseline note. n = 9. baseline a treatment b return to baseline a difference in baseline a difference in a-b m sd m sd m sd m sd m sd student 1 55.7 6.3 67.9 13.5 73.8 5.6 12.2 7.2 5.9 -7.9 student 2 46.8 7.1 64.0 12.2 76.3 4.1 17.2 5.1 12.3 -8.1 student 3 46.1 8.3 50.3 15.7 60.5 4.9 4.2 7.4 10.2 -10.8 student 4 58.4 7.7 68.7 8.7 72.5 3.2 10.3 1.0 3.8 -5.5 student 5 47.3 5.2 56.4 6.4 60.3 6.7 9.1 1.2 3.9 0.3 student 6 34.4 3.0 40.0 5.3 44.7 4.5 5.6 2.3 4.7 -0.8 student 7 42.6 4.2 49.9 7.7 58.3 6.4 7.3 3.5 8.4 -1.3 student 8 44.3 7.8 50.1 8.4 59.3 8.4 5.8 0.6 9.2 0.0 student 9 61.4 3.0 77.9 11.3 73.5 12.6 16.5 8.3 -4.4 1.3 group mean 48.6 5.8 58.4 9.9 64.4 6.3 9.8 4.1 6.0 -3.6 ss df ms f p between groups 1,145 2 572.5 10 0.001 within groups 1,373 24 57.2 total 2,518 26 the effects of background music on learning disabled elementary school students’ performance in writing 7 mean pairs (phases) significantly differed. in this analysis, the mean scores from baseline to treatment were significantly different from one another, indicating that students scored higher overall due to the treatment (listening to music) than with no treatment (absence of music) in the initial phase of the study. individual results better with music. five of the nine students performed better on average with music. they were student 1 (6.3), student 2 (4.9), student 4 (6.5), student 5 (5.2), and student 9 (20.9). student 1, student 2, and student 9 also had their highest score in the final week of the music (treatment) phase. student 4 had his highest score in the next-to-last week of the music (treatment) phase. student 1, with moderate learning disabilities in reading, mathematics, and speech, went below baseline once, and surprisingly it was during the music (treatment) phase. student 2, with autism and adhd, was near baseline twice during the initial phase. student 4, with moderate learning disabilities in reading, writing, and speech, went below baseline once during the initial phase, and surprisingly returned to near baseline once during the music (treatment) phase. student 5, with moderate learning disabilities in reading, returned to near baseline twice during the initial phase, and also surprisingly once during the music (treatment) phase. student 9, with moderate learning disabilities in reading, writing, and speech, returned to near baseline twice in the initial phase, and surprisingly once in the music (treatment) phase. student 9 was also the only student to regress in any phase, dropping -4.4 from music (treatment) to return to baseline phase. student 9 also realized a 30-point drop in the first week without the music (treatment). better without music. two of the nine students performed better on average without music. they were student 3 (-6.0) and student 8 (-3.4). student 3, with learning disabilities in reading, writing, mathematics, autism, occupational therapy, adhd, and oppositional defiance, went below or near baseline twice, both during the music (treatment) phase. student 3 immediately dropped 31 points in the first week with music. student 8, with moderate learning disabilities in reading, writing, and speech, was near baseline once in the initial phase, and either near baseline or below baseline three times in the music (treatment) phase. student 8 immediately dropped six points in the first week with music. same with or without music. two of the students performed essentially the same with or without music. they were student 6 (0.9) and student 7 (-1.1). student 6, with a communications disorder, was near baseline once in the initial phase, twice during the music (treatment) phase, and once in the return to baseline phase. student 7, with moderate learning disabilities in reading and speech, was either near or below baseline twice in the initial phase, twice in the music (treatment) phase, and once in the return to baseline phase. discussion summary of findings although gains and losses were realized in the baseline, treatment, and return to baseline phases, all students improved their writing over the entire course of the study. data obtained in anova and tukey’s hsd post hoc analysis indicated that the increase in student mean scores from baseline to treatment were a result of listening to music. it may then be determined that using background music as a means to improving writing ability of students with learning disabilities can be beneficial. individually, five students performed better when background music was utilized, two had similar results with or without background music, and two students performed worse when background music was utilized. those students who performed better when background music was utilized also had their highest scores in that part of the study. conversely, it should be noted that the two students who performed worse when background music was utilized performed at or below their baseline several times in the music (treatment) phase. this suggests that it may be beneficial to incorporate background music to improve writing for students with learning disabilities, but if students drop to their lowest levels, remove the music for those students immediately. perhaps having the background-music-benefiting students using headphones to play the songs (and thus keeping the rest of the classroom quiet for those who have difficulty when the music is playing) would be a way to incorporate the strengths of all students into the activity. also, the data indicates that any change – going from silence to adding music, and then back to silence – results in a large drop in writing performance of students with learning disabilities, and it takes several weeks to regain the progress made in the time before the addition of music. this likely shows that consistency in routine is essential to the academic performance of students with learning disabilities, and that variability or change in routine is both a distraction and a hindrance in performance. the classroom teacher observed that when he initially began using the music, “a number of students (3-4) commented that they found it distracting and did not want it played; however, once i ended the music, those same students (plus several more) were disappointed to see the music removed.” limitations and generalizability the primary limitation of this study pertains to generalizing the findings to other educational settings. this investigation focused upon the effect of background music on writing performance of students with learning disabilities in a suburban public elementary school in the mid-atlantic region of the united states. as a result, current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 8 external validity is questionable. appropriateness of the findings of this study should be determined by the consumer of the research. another limitation of the study is that specific learning disabilities were neither considered nor measured singularly. all students were grouped together in the learning disabilities classroom regardless of their condition. as a result, it cannot be determined if a student with a particular learning disability (for example, adhd) performed better (or worse) with music or without music. there was also a lack of qualitative data to support or refute the quantitative findings. there may have been instances where students enjoyed having the music played and performed at a higher level than without it, and conversely may have disliked the music being played and yet still performed at a higher level. performance may also have been affected by the scope of the writing prompt administered. although aimsweb probes were utilized in sequence, probes may have been of varying interest to the students, and personal connections may have been made at varying degrees based on a student’s background knowledge. the study may also be more advantageous to occur over a longer period of time than 21 weeks. perhaps an entire year-long examination would yield alternative results. recommendations it may be beneficial to conduct this study utilizing an experimental design with independent samples, comparing like-groups over a period of time with one group utilizing music (treatment) for the duration and the other group being denied music for the duration of the study. it may also be beneficial to conduct this study in alternate settings – with younger or older students, private or parochial schools, or even utilizing different types of music – to either validate or refute the results found in this examination. implications for practice background music improved the writing ability of students with learning disabilities overall as compared to writing in silence. incorporating music into writing exercises and activities is sound pedagogy. however, consistency in routine appears to be more essential to the academic performance for students with learning disabilities than the presence or absence of background music. references collett, m. (1992). music as the basis for learning. the education digest, 57, 61-64. retrieved from education full text database. diedwardo, m. (2005). pairing linguistic and music intelligences. kappa delta pi record, 41(3), 128130. (eric document reproduction service no. ej773903) retrieved from eric database. donohoe, r., & mcneely, t. (1999). the effect of student music choice on writing productivity. (eric document reproduction service no. ed448472) retrieved from eric database. ebisutani, k., donlan, d., & siebers, e. (1991, january 1). the effects of music on reading, oral language, and writing abilities: a review of literature. (eric document reproduction service no. ed333356) retrieved from eric database. gay, l. r., mills, g. e., & airasian, p. (2009). educational research: competencies for analysis and applications (9th ed.). upper saddle river, nj: pearson education, inc. kariuki, p., & honeycutt, c. (1998). an investigation of the effects of music on two emotionally disturbed students' writing motivations and writing skills. (eric document reproduction service no. ed427491) retrieved from eric database. klassen, r. m., & lynch, s. l. (2007). self-efficacy from the perspective of adolescents with ld and their specialist teachers. journal of learning disabilities, 40(6), 494-507. retrieved from ebscohost. lapointe, j. m., legault, f., & batiste, s. j. (2005). teacher interpersonal behavior and adolescents’ motivation in mathematics: a comparison of learning disabled, average, and talented students. international journal of educational research, 43(1/2), 39-54. retrieved from ebscohost. lincoln, a., & chazan, s. (1979). perceived competence and intrinsic motivation in learning disability children. journal of clinical child psychology, 8(3), 213-216. retrieved from ebscohost. o’bruba, w. (1987). reading through the creative arts. reading horizons, 27(3), 170-177. powell-smith, k. a., & shinn, m. r. (2004). administration and scoring of written expression curriculum-based measurement (we-cbm) for use in general outcome measurement (aimsweb training workbook). eden prairie, mn: edformation, inc. retrieved at http://www.aimsweb.com/uploads/pdfs/adminand scoringwe-cbm.pdf psychology world. (n.d.). tukey’s hsd post hoc test steps. retrieved at http://web.mst.edu/~psyworld/ tukeyssteps.htm schuster, d. h. & vincent, l. (1980). teaching reading and math with suggestion and music. academic therapy, 16, 69-72. the effects of background music on learning disabled elementary school students’ performance in writing 9 article citation legutko, r.s., & trissler, t.t. (2012). the effects of background music on learning disabled elementary school students’ performance in writing. current issues in education, 15(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/568 author notes robert s. legutko ed.d. bloomsburg university 400 e. 2nd street, bloomsburg, pa 17815 rlegutko@hotmail.com robert s. legutko is an assistant professor in the early childhood and adolescent education department at bloomsburg university (where he also received his bachelor’s degree). dr. legutko earned master’s degrees from penn state university and desales university, and a doctorate in education from wilmington university, delaware. theodore t. trissler ed.d.. north penn school district 401 east hancock street, lansdale, pa 19446 tedtrissler@hotmail.com theodore t. trissler is a special education teacher in the north penn school district and an adjunct instructor at desales university. dr. trissler earned a bachelor’s degree from edinboro university, a master’s degree from penn state university, and a doctorate in education from widener university. manuscript received: 5/28/2010 revisions received: 9/19/2011 accepted: 12/8/2011 current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 10 volume 15, number 1 january 1, 2012 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors melinda hollis rory o’neill schmitt assistant executive editor meg burke layout editors angela hines elizabeth reyes recruitment editors angela hines lisa lacy copy editors/proofreaders carol masser lucinda watson authentications editor lisa lacy section editors hillary andrelchik joy anderson mary bankhead tulani garnett catherine gay ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca hyun jung kang younsu kim monica keys lisa lacy catherine lasman victoria lucero carol masser faculty advisors lauren preston stephanie quintero katherine ronan kelly rubel leslie salazar bertha sanchez melisa tarango lauren williams dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers cie template 1 volume 14, number 3 september 24, 2011 issn 1099-839x what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? an account of newcomer immigrant youths’ afterschool academic lives hee jin bang national writing project while substantial research has focused on homework in the lives of native-born englishspeaking students, research on immigrant students’ homework experiences remains scarce. a goal of this study was to describe the homework experiences of newcomer immigrant students, drawing from a project on how individual, family, and school characteristics shape these youths’ homework experiences. focus groups and surveys were conducted with newcomer students (n=192) in an urban high school. survey data were used to determine the prevalence of homework facilitators and impediments students experienced; focus group data were examined to develop an enhanced understanding of the contexts in which students encounter various facilitators and impediments. understanding course materials, i.e. having academic english proficiency to comprehend course contents, was a key determinant in whether students experienced homework as easy or difficult. results can inform ways in which home, school, and afterschool settings may be structured to facilitate immigrant youths’ homework completion. keywords: immigrant youth, english language learners, homework, ecological systems, mixed methods recent educational reform initiatives in the u.s. have focused attention on raising students’ academic achievement. schools are held accountable for ensuring that all children make adequate progress towards achieving standards aligned with the general curriculum. in this climate, homework has emerged as a potential vehicle to improve achievement. it is a means of extending the school day, as homework is schoolwork assigned to be done outside of class. among students who could potentially benefit from the learning opportunities offered by homework is the increasing population of immigrant adolescents. in the united states today, about 12% of the population are foreign-born (larsen, 2003), and among 262.4 million people aged 5 and over, about 18% speak a non-english language at home (u.s. census, 2002). more than one in five children are either firstor second-generation immigrants, growing up in homes with at least one foreignborn parent (mather, 2009); these youth comprise the fastest growing segment of the school-aged population (hernández, denton, & macartney, 2007). newcomer immigrant youth refer to first-generation immigrants who have recently arrived in the u.s. (typically within 5 years). this paper concerns youth (ages 14-17 yrs) within this group; in particular, it focuses on their homework experiences. since many immigrant youth learn english and complex academic subjects simultaneously, they often lag behind their native-born english-speaking peers in academic achievement. one way to bridge this gap is through the thoughtful assignment of homework. since homework can be tailored to individual student’s learning needs, appropriately designed assignments can offer valuable learning opportunities for immigrant youth who need to review course materials and current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 2 practice specific skills. there is limited research, however, on academic and developmental needs of newcomer immigrant adolescents; thus, secondary schools are often ill-equipped to address the needs of these newcomers (ruizde-vélasco, clewell, & fix, 2001; suárez-orozco, suárezorozco, & todorova, 2008). yet schools represent the primary context of acculturation for immigrant youth, and performance in secondary grades has significant implications for students’ decision to continue on to college. since research shows strong positive relationship between high school achievement and homework completion (cooper, robinson, & patall, 2006), each homework assignment that is out of reach for immigrant students places them at a position of cumulative disadvantage—for failed opportunities to learn, negative teacher perceptions (weinstein, 2002), lower academic selfefficacy (schunk, 1991), and academic disengagement over time (goslin, 2003). thus, educators need to be informed of factors that facilitate or challenge immigrant students’ homework experiences, so that steps can be taken to help them derive maximal benefit from homework. theoretical framework this study is guided by an ecological perspective (bronfenbrenner & morris, 1998) which recognizes that academic performance is linked to various characteristics in students’ family and school ecologies (benner, graham, & mistry, 2008; chung & steinberg, 2006). the ecological systems and the processes that occur within each system are interrelated; the persons or characteristics of one ecological system can influence those found in another system. in this study, the ecological systems model is used as a framework for understanding how various individual, home, school, and outside school activities are associated with newcomer immigrant students’ homework completion. literature relationship between homework and academic achievement a rich body of literature exists on homework experiences of native-born english speaking students, but research on immigrant students’ experiences with homework remains scarce. the existing research has been synthesized in a recent review (cooper et al., 2006); it demonstrated a general positive relationship between the amount of homework and academic achievement. however, this positive effect of homework on achievement is significant only at the secondary grade levels. there is a moderate correlation between time spent on homework and achievement at the middle school level, while little or no relationship is observed at the elementary grade levels. thus, the relationship between homework and achievement is not straightforward or uniform across all students. some scholars contend that homework can be overwhelming for students, leading to frustration, disengagement from school, and low academic self-efficacy (bennett & kalish, 2007; zimmermann & kitsantas, 2005). homework can also disrupt families, as parent-child conflicts arise over homework, and too much homework often takes time away from family events, extracurricular activities, leisure, and rest (kralovec & buell, 2000). moreover, studies that show positive associations between homework completion and attainment of higher class grades and test scores (cooper & valentine, 2001; tymms, 1992) may in fact be reflecting the socioeconomic advantage of students who have access to resources such as computers, internet, or help from parents or tutors. homework and grades. in broad terms, grades are meant to indicate students’ mastery of skills and level of understanding in a given course. in practice, however, grades are not limited to students’ mastery of the course materials, and doing one’s homework is often critical for obtaining good grades. a previous study based on a survey of teachers working with recently arrived immigrant youth (from china, central america, dominican republic, haiti, and mexico) showed that the most important determinant of grades is homework completion (bang, suárez-orozco, pakes, & o’connor, 2009). indeed, the literature on grading practices indicates that teacher-assigned grades often take into account students’ homework completion and other indicators of effort and classroom behaviors (brookhart, 1991, 1993; stiggins, frisbie, & griswold, 1989). such grading practice is supported by a theoretical model of academic achievement (diperna & elliott, 1999, 2000) which asserts that academic competence is a combination of two types of student characteristics: academic skills (i.e., language, mathematics, and critical thinking skills) and academic enablers (i.e., motivation, engagement, interpersonal skills, and study skills). teachers’ consideration of both components in evaluating student achievement is particularly important in immigrant students’ grades, since low performance on tests may be less a result of these students’ content knowledge and skill than their limited proficiency in the new language (e.g., genesee, lindholm-leary, saunders, & christian, 2006). thus, teachers may justifiably seek to give relatively greater weight to factors such as effort, class participation, and homework completion in determining immigrant students’ grades (brookhart, 1994). although grades are subjective, they identify students as highor low-achieving, determine the level of classes in which students can enroll, and generally are closely linked to other more objective indicators of students’ achievement (wendel & anderson, 1994). individual characteristics english proficiency and academic skills. limited proficiency in english is a particular impediment to homework completion for immigrant youth, and the challenges are even greater for students with interrupted formal education, as they lack the basic academic skills needed to complete assignments and perform in school (august & hakuta, 1997). moreover, not having developed what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 3 strong literacy skills in one’s native language considerably decreases the chances of acquiring academic language skills in a second language (genesee et al., 2006). additionally, the content of secondary school curricula becomes increasingly complex, and resources available in u.s. schools for adolescent ells are more limited in comparison to those available for younger ells (ruiz-de-vélasco et al., 2001). without solid instruction in content areas and language support to access the materials being taught in classes, immigrant youth are unlikely to acquire english proficiency regardless of the length of their time in the u.s.; the gap in academic achievement relative to native-born youth will continue to increase (suárezorozco et al., 2008). academic engagement. in broad terms, engagement is conceptualized as the extent to which students are involved in their classes and school-related activities (steinberg, brown, & dornbusch, 1996). engagement is a multi-faceted construct that involves behavioral (e.g., effort, participation), emotional (e.g., enjoyment derived from learning), relational (e.g., sense of connectedness with peers and teachers), as well as cognitive dimensions (e.g., interest in a topic) (fredricks, blumenfeld, & paris, 2004; national research council, 2004; suárez-orozco, pimentel, & martin, 2009). research has demonstrated that the extent to which students are academically engaged in their classes significantly influences their performance in school (fredricks et al., 2004; suárez-orozco et al., 2008). the present study examines behavioral and cognitive dimensions of engagement. prior analyses on data involving newcomer immigrant students indicated that behavioral engagement is an important predictor of homework completion (bang et al., 2009). furthermore, research shows that engagement is a prerequisite for learning (goslin, 2003), and students need to be interested and intellectually engrossed in what is being taught in class in order to learn and be able to apply the skills in completing their homework. family background and home environment many studies have demonstrated associations between family demographic factors (e.g., socioeconomic status, maternal education, parental employment, racial/ethnic background) and children’s achievement (e.g., ferriss, 2006; sirin, 2005). the socioeconomic status of a family is among the most important demographic factors related to children’s development and academic performance. some family background and home environment characteristics affect homework completion due to poverty (e.g., limited educational resources, parents working long hours, children having to work in order to support the family), while others are particular to immigrant families. immigration is a stressful event that often brings about changes in the family system, causing some family relationships to be strained and conflictual (falicov 1998; suárez-orozco & suárez orozco, 2001). the process of migration and acculturation frequently involves separation and estrangement between family members, introduction of new members, and cultural/generational gap due to children’s and parents’ differential rates of adaptation to the u.s. culture (suárezorozco & suárez-orozco, 2001). in addition, immigrant youth are often asked to take on responsibilities beyond their years, such as childcare, translation, and negotiation, which can sometimes deter students from focusing on school work (faulstich-orellana, 2001; suárez-orozco et al., 2008). parental involvement. a review of research on native-born students’ parental involvement in homework has shown that across all grade levels, students who receive parents’ assistance and support tend to achieve higher, outperforming their peers with relatively less-involved parents in accuracy, consistency, and quality of completed assignments (hoover-dempsey, battiato, walker, reed, dejong, & jones, 2001). however, immigrant parents may be unable to attend to their children’s schooling and provide homework help to the extent that many parents of nativeborn, middleto upper-class youth often do. some may have received limited formal schooling or education in another language; they may not be familiar with the u.s. school system. nevertheless, parental homework help can take many forms. these include having regular discussions about what children are learning in classes, providing emotional support and encouragement, helping to develop learning strategies and work habits, and ensuring that their children’s homework is completed (hoover-dempsey et al., 2001; xu, 2004). school environment many studies have shown that student engagement and achievement are increased in school environments that ensure physical safety, promote positive social norms, provide opportunities to develop skills within warm, supportive relationships, and convey high expectations for academic achievement (e.g., hoy & sabo, 1998; phillips, 1997; shouse, 1997). previous research involving immigrant students indicated that many of them attend schools with high levels of poverty and segregation (suárez-orozco et al., 2008). students in these contexts have limited access to educational resources and few opportunities to interact with peers of the dominant culture (kozol, 2005). in some schools, ells may be isolated in english as second language tracks, where they may experience unchallenging classes, low expectations, and embarrassment due to their slow acquisition of academic english (olsen, 1997; valdés, 1998). problems such as lack of discipline and violence that often afflict high-poverty schools threaten the physical safety of students, leading them to focus their energies on remaining safe rather than on learning (gronna & chinchance, 1999; prothrow-stith & quaday, 1995). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 4 outside school supports/homework help and resources the availability of someone who can provide homework help is associated with higher homework completion rates and greater enjoyment of the learning experience (xu, 2005; xu & corno, 2003). for many youths, the often isolating experience of working on assignments instead of activities that involve socializing with others seems to contribute to their negative attitude toward homework (xu, 2005). especially for youths who are struggling in school, homework that is overly challenging, repetitive, uninteresting, or too lengthy can lead to frustration, impatience, low self-esteem, and low academic self-efficacy (zimmermann & kitsantas, 2005). homework help centers or tutoring programs can provide a set place and time for students to complete their assignments, thus helping them manage their afterschool hours efficiently and ensuring an environment that is conducive to academic work. by structuring students’ afterschool schedules and offering educational resources, homework centers may further increase the time that students dedicate to academic work, and time spent on homework is generally positively associated with homework completion, accuracy, and achievement (dotterer, mchale, & crouter, 2007). furthermore, newcomer immigrant youths can benefit from the language support provided by teachers, gain insight and learning strategies by working with peers, and develop skills in using reference materials that can help them in future assignments. whether or not immigrant students have access to such help and resources can significantly impact their homework experiences and determine the success with which they complete their assignments. this brief review points to numerous factors that may shape immigrant students’ homework experiences. yet little is known about the homework experiences of newcomer immigrant students. since homework, particularly in high school, has been recognized to help students achieve in school (cooper et al., 2006), and given newcomer immigrant students’ need to acquire academic english language proficiency, research is needed to help develop a better understanding of the factors that influence homework experiences among this population. the present study this study is based on a subset of data i collected for a broader project on the homework experiences and academic adaptation of recently arrived immigrant youth in the u.s. given the limited research on homework experiences of newcomer immigrant students, a primary objective of the project was descriptive; the research question guiding this study is: what are the facilitators and impediments to homework completion for immigrant students attending a newcomer school? focus groups were conducted to gather reports from immigrant youth about the various factors that affect their homework completion; the resulting data informed questions to be included in a subsequent questionnaire. this study utilizes a subset of the quantitative data derived from the surveys, as well as data collected through focus group discussions. method study setting and participants participants were students from international high school at prospect heights, a newcomer school in new york city (referred to hereafter as ―international high school‖). this school is a part of the internationals network for public schools, a non-profit organization that addresses the educational needs of recent immigrant students in 9th through 12th grades who have limited proficiency in english. the international high school was opened in 2004 and is one of the most recently established sites. in 20072008, it served about 450 students, operating as one of four small schools housed in a building that was formerly a single high school. it accepts a diverse group of newcomer students who have spent less than four years in the u.s. at the time of admission. these students, who have scored at an intermediate level or below on the new york state english as a second language achievement test (nyseslat), come from over fifty different countries in africa, asia, europe, central and south america. some enter the school with a solid formal educational background, while others have had almost no formal schooling. as a school designed to serve first generation newcomer immigrants, the international high school was an appropriate site at which to conduct research that aims to shed light on the academic adaptation and homework experiences of recently arrived immigrant youth in a u.s. school. procedures a brief presentation of the project was given before all teachers at international high school during a faculty meeting. all teachers expressed interest in the project; irb approvals were obtained from the author’s institution and from the nyc department of education. each teacher received permission forms and letters describing the study to parents to be distributed to students in their respective advisory groups. numerous efforts were made to obtain signed parental permission forms (e.g., incentives, party for the advisory group with the highest return rate). administrators and teachers also helped by requesting parents’ permission when they came to school for parent-teacher conferences, and almost all parents agreed to have their child participate in the project. data collection times were scheduled to take place after school (for focus groups) and during 50-minute independent reading periods (for surveys). a total of four 45-60 minute focus groups were conducted with students across grades 9 through 12 (see appendix a for focus group protocol). with the help of the school’s special programs coordinator, participants were recruited so that each group would be balanced by gender. attempts were made to recruit students of varying achievement levels and what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 5 countries of origin, but given the constraints of scheduling and the voluntary participation of students, selection bias may have been introduced; thus, the focus group data are not generalized beyond the participants. each group included 4 to 7 participants (one group of 4 students, two groups of 5 students, and one group of 7 students); a total of 21 students participated in the four focus groups. a brief description of students in each group is presented in table 1. focus groups. focus groups were moderated by trained bilingual / bicultural research assistants (ras), each accompanied by a non-participating observer whose task was to take detailed notes on elements that could not be captured in discussions, such as participants’ body language, facial expressions, or behaviors in interactions with other group members. all focus group discussions were audio-recorded. the focus groups elicited a rich set of first-hand, contextualized accounts on participants’ homework experiences and identified specific facilitators and impediments that newcomer immigrant students encounter in completing homework assignments in the u.s. school system. these focus groups also offered considerable flexibility in exploring new ideas that emerged during the data collection process and investigate unanticipated factors that act as homework facilitators or impediments (seal, bogart, & ehrhardt, 1998). the responses provided during these discussions served to refine measures to be included in the survey so that it posed culturally relevant questions about factors influencing immigrant students’ homework experiences. focus groups offered a means of gathering rich data contextualized in the lives of the participants. students could build on and respond to the comments from other group members. moreover, as the participants were english language learners, communication was facilitated by peers with relatively more advanced english proficiency (stewart, shamdasani, & rook, 2007). the focus group data provided student perspectives about the type and importance of various facilitators and impediments to homework completion. the data also informed items included in the subsequent survey, designed to gather information about a variety of factors associated with homework completion. it was designed to gather information about a variety of factors associated with homework completion. table 1 description of focus group participants group gender & grade level countries of origin home language length of time in the u.s. 1 m: two 9 th f: two 9 th & one 11 th haiti, dominican republic, philippines, sierra leone kreyol, spanish, filipino, mende 6 months – 5 years 2 m: two 9 th & one 10 th f: one 9 th china, haiti, mexico mandarin, kreyol, spanish 1.5 years – 3 years 3 m: two 9 th & two 10 th f: one 9 th & two 10 th honduras, mexico, bangladesh spanish, bengali 8 months – 8 years 4 m: one 12 th f: one 11 th & three 12 th dominican republic, gabon, haiti, south africa spanish, french, kreyol, zulu 3 years – 5 years current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 6 survey on homework experiences. for the survey, two lists of reasons (facilitators and impediments) were generated based on focus group discussions and literature regarding factors associated with students’ homework experiences (see appendix b for the complete lists of items). students were asked, ―which of the reasons listed below make it hard / easy for you to do your homework?‖, and they were to check all reasons that applied to them (e.g., i do not understand the lesson; the assignment is explained step by step.) responses were coded dichotomously, with 1= ―yes‖ and 0= ―no.‖ the survey items were piloted with five high school students (of whom two were english language learners); all items were translated by professionals into six languages that were most commonly used as the primary/home language of students at the international high school: spanish, chinese, french, haitian kreyol, bengali, and arabic. (the diverse language(s) that students reported using at home are displayed figure 1.) each translated survey was back-translated and reviewed by native speakers of the target language to assess whether the questions were linguistically and age-appropriate; they also examined the items to ensure that the intended meanings were accurately conveyed. the survey was administered by a team of trained bilingual research assistants (ras). all ninth and tenth graders who were present on the survey day were asked to participate. a total of 192 students agreed to participate and completed the survey, corresponding to a response rate of 97 percent. the sample was balanced by student gender (n of boys = 99, or 52%); the mean student age was 16 (sd= 1.07 years); and, participants came from diverse regions: 11 (6%) from africa, 55 (31%) from caribbean, 44 (25%) from central/south america, 25 (14%) from east asia, 34 (19%) from south/southeast asia, and 9 (5%) from eastern europe/other. according to students’ reports, about 59 percent (n= 114) of their mothers and 49 percent of their fathers (n=95) had completed high school education or less. as for their parents’ employment status, 50 percent of mothers (n=96) and 72 percent of fathers (n=139) were working outside the home. in addition to the focus groups and surveys conducted with students, i also interviewed eight purposefully selected teachers (from various subject areas and grade levels) to understand the kinds of homework students received. the interview protocol included questions on the amount and type of homework that were typically assigned, relationships between homework and class work or tests, teacher perceptions about their students’ capacity to complete homework, and any accommodations or adjustments made to facilitate their students’ homework experiences. findings from the interviews are reported elsewhere (bang, in press). figure 1. number of students who reported using the language at home. note: total is greater than n=192 because many students reported using more than 1 language at home: 96 students reported two languages, 58 reported three or more languages. other category includes 6 or less of the following: albanian, fuzhounese, ewe, fuliani, nepali, polish, punjabi, russian, tibetan, and urdu. what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 7 analysis all focus group discussions were transcribed. the interview transcripts were organized and analyzed using atlas/ti. this qualitative data analysis program facilitated taking memos, development of inductive and deductive codes to be applied across the qualitative data, as well as categorization and thematic analysis. i read the transcripts and listened to the recordings multiple times and wrote memos and annotations, giving particular attention to students’ responses about the various facilitators and impediments that they encounter in completing homework. the data were then fractured into phrases and sorted into broader categories. while the topics covered during the focus group discussions provided several coding categories, most codes were developed inductively during analysis, using grounded theory approaches based on the data. an open-coding process using phrases as the unit of analysis was employed (strauss & corbin, 1998). i analyzed the content, extracted keywords, and identified emergent descriptive themes from the transcripts, generating a comprehensive set of 35 firstlevel codes (e.g., not knowing what the homework is, having clear, detailed instructions to complete assignment). then, similar codes were combined to reduce redundancy in coding categories. larger chunks of data could then be sorted, and general patterns could be identified. for example, getting good grades and praise from teachers or parents were combined into a higher-level coding category labeled rewards/encouragement. the data were then organized in a table in which each row was labeled with codes. more specific codes, definitions, and illustrative quotations of each code were displayed in adjacent cells. subsequent tables were created by individual characteristics (e.g., fatigue, fear of mistakes) home environment features (e.g., parents’ encouragement) school environment features (e.g., starting homework with teacher), and out-of-school factors (e.g., jobs). examining the data in this way helped identify homework facilitators and impediments in relation to the ecological systems framework. this coding scheme was presented to two colleagues who have expertise in psychological development and academic adaptation of immigrant youth. they were asked to independently code all focus group transcripts and to generate coding categories. the two colleagues and i refined the coding scheme through discussion of each code and its relationship with other codes. we established rules for determining when a code was to be assigned. coding cross-checks were performed by tallying the number of agreements and disagreements between two colleagues and myself. the formula for intercoder reliability was: agreement/ (agreement + disagreement) with a target rate of 85% reliability as the lowest acceptable level for each category (miles & huberman, 1994). the team obtained an inter-coder reliability of 90%. disagreements in coding were resolved through discussion and consultation with another expert in school psychology and immigration studies until complete agreement was achieved. the focus groups generated rich data that informed the questions to be included in a subsequent survey, which was designed to gather information about a variety of factors associated with newcomer immigrants’ academic adaptation and homework experiences. the survey data were examined descriptively. i first counted the number of students who answered ―yes‖ to having experienced each facilitator and impediment and calculated the percentages to see the prevalence of each homework facilitator or impediment among the students. on average, each student reported 7.2 (sd = 4.05) total facilitators and 4.1 (sd = 3.28) total impediments. examination of the relative frequency and prevalence of homework facilitators and impediments reported by all 9th and 10th grade students indicated that the ecological systems model can be applied to understand the factors as originating from the individual-, home-, school-, and outof-school systems. this categorization, along with the focus group data, allowed me to gain insights into how newcomer immigrant students’ homework experiences are shaped by various factors in contexts in which they engage routinely. results this section presents the descriptive statistics of the specific homework impediments and facilitators and categorizes them into individual, home, school, and out of school/ extracurricular systems. the data from focus groups are also presented, along with interpretations of how specific factors operate to shape students’ homework experiences. prevalence of homework impediments the number of students who responded ―yes‖ to statements describing a specific factor that may either help or hinder their homework efforts were counted (e.g., ―having clear instructions about the homework assignment‖ ―not having the necessary materials i need to do homework‖). of the impediments to homework completion, the most salient factors were related to having limited understanding of the course materials (50.5 percent of participants), or having difficulty with english (40.6 percent of participants). the least frequently reported impediments included not being organized (8.3 percent), getting limited feedback from the teacher (8.9 percent), and having a job (9.4 percent). in broad terms, the impediments fell into the following seven types, in descending order from the most frequently reported to the least frequently reported impediment: limited understanding; fatigue; motivational issues; organizational issues; competing environmental demands; high standards; and limited access to help or resources to complete homework. table 2 displays the number and percentage of students who reported experiencing specific homework impediments. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 8 table 2 total number and percentage of students who responded having experienced each homework impediment homework impediments type n of respondents % of respondents limited understanding limited academic skills 97 50.5 problem with vocab in hw 78 40.6 limited english proficiency 64 33.3 not reviewing lessons 21 10.9 too much hw fatigue 78 40.6 too tired 55 28.6 forgetting hw materials organization issue 48 25.0 leaving hw till last minute 45 23.4 not knowing what hw was assigned 43 22.4 lack of organization 16 8.3 fear of mistakes high standards 40 20.8 not happy with quality of own work 23 12.0 lack of will/desire to do hw motivation issue 31 16.1 boredom/lack of interest in topic 31 16.1 chores competing environmental demands 27 14.1 no quiet place 21 10.9 job 18 9.4 limited teacher feedback limited help/resources 17 8.9 no materials to do hw 17 8.9 the factors influencing homework completion were then categorized using the ecological systems model framework that guided the study. most of the homework impediments (about 86 percent of all impediments reported by students) fell under individual student characteristics (e.g., limited academic skills; too much homework; fatigue; forgetting homework materials). less than 10 percent of studentreported impediments were related to home environment characteristics, and less than 3 percent of the impediments were related to school environment or extracurricular/ afterschool contexts. figure 2 displays the distribution of homework impediments across the ecological systems. what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 9 figure 2. ecological systems categorization of homework impediments table 3 ecological systems categorization of homework impediments individual limited understanding problem with vocab in hw too much hw limited english proficiency too tired forgetting hw materials leaving hw till last minute not knowing what hw was assigned fear of mistakes lack of will/desire to do hw boredom/lack of interest in topic not happy with quality of own work not reviewing lessons lack of organization home chores no quiet place school limited teacher feedback out of school/ extracurricular job current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 10 focus group discussion of homework impediments although the students tended to attribute a disproportionate number of homework impediments to individual student characteristics, an examination of qualitative data indicated that many of the individual level factors interacted with factors in their greater ecological contexts. the responses from the students in focus groups complemented the survey data and shed light on the interaction between the individual and contextual factors. limited academic skills and too much homework. the most commonly discussed impediments in focus groups were related to not understanding the course materials and having limited english proficiency; this language barrier, in turn, prevented students from fully grasping the meaning of materials. limited understanding further led students to feel overwhelmed, as they needed to exert greater effort and time to complete assignments. a number of students concurred with jorge and wen, 9th grade students from mexico and china, respectively: jorge: homework is a lot because we really not understand a lot of english so… we have some of the words that we don't understand and we have to translate and everything and i think with that it's a lot of work. wen: sometimes the words in the question, they are too difficult. i don’t understand it. thus, completing homework assignments in english demanded more time and energy from newcomers than it would have from native english-speaking students. the resulting feeling of burden is illustrated in an exchange amongst 9th graders from honduras, mexico, and bangladesh: remi: english is hard. luis: yeah, global [studies] is hard too. [why is it hard?] because i don't understand the language. annie: sometimes they like give us a quote and we have to write an essay on it ... and writing essay is hard. it takes a really long time. these remarks suggest that newcomer students need extra help and supports to facilitate their homework completion. yet not all students readily had access to such help. limited help or access to resources. immigrant parents are often unable to provide direct homework help that students need. a haitian 10th grade boy stated: ―when i came here, like last year in 9th grade i never did my homework cuz i didn't understand what to do, like we're immigrants, and in new york, parents work and don't have much time to help you.‖ his statement was supported by responses from other students: 9th grade chinese girl: my mom, she don’t help me because she comes home like seven or eight o’clock. she’s so tired. 10th grade mexican boy: i don’t ask my mom or father because they learn how to talk english, but they don’t know how to read or do homework 9th grade mexican boy: my father comes home at eleven and he doesn’t have time. clearly, schools must provide adequate instructional support and homework help for these students to compensate for the limited help they can receive at home. motivation, organization, and competing environmental demands. like all students, whether immigrant or not, certain types of facilitators such as motivation, organization, and competing environmental demands serve as impediments to getting homework done, in varying degrees. student responses elicited through focus groups allowed for contextualization of these impediments. for instance, a statement from 12th grade girl from gabon illustrated how motivation or engagement in an assignment and organizational skills such as time management can interact to pose challenges in doing homework: 12th grade gabon girl: one time i don't want to do homework is like these journals… just about what we read and the words we looked up. i have to write in it like three times a week, and usually i don’t do it. i wait till the last minute cuz um the teacher collects them like after a certain period of time like a month… so i have missing assignments but then i have to it cuz i know she's going to collect it so i do like six in a row. students also described how organizational issues such as procrastination can be compounded with competing environmental demands, including television, household chores, and other responsibilities. a frequently mentioned source of distraction was the television: 9th grade boy from bangladesh: sometimes at home, other people are watching tv so you watch too, and when you wanna do homework, it's too late, and so you sleep and then the next day you aren’t ready for class. 12th grade girl from dominican republic: television, i mean like if there’s a show that just comes on every thursday, like lost, i might choose to just watch that rather than do homework some immigrant students, particularly girls, had responsibilities at home that interfered with their ability to get their homework done. a student described how requests what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 11 from parents often made it difficult for her to do homework: 10th grade girl from bangladesh: when i start to do homework and concentrate really hard, something that happens a lot for me, like every day, is …my mom calls, and says, annie, do this, do that, and i’ll be like, let me do my homework and then i will do it. but then i start to do chores and stuff, and a call comes, like from my friend, and they will never hang up the phone before an hour, and i'll have to speak with them. it happens every day….my mom, she works four days a week, so it's really hard to do homework… and i have to maintain every single thing and also do my homework so it's really hard.‖ interplay of homework impediments in students’ lives. for some students, types of impediments such as competing environmental demands, limited access to resources to do homework, and having high standards together interacted as impediments. an exchange between 12th grade girls from gabon (jasmin) and dominican republic (lesly) illustrates this interplay: jasmin: my door, the lock is messed up and i always have my family. they live close by and i have little cousins they always come in so i cannot concentrate and whenever i do something i like to put my complete thought into it so i almost never have that chance. i’d rather not do something if i am not gonna do it right, so i’d rather not even bother. lesly: like me, my ...the room, i share with my little sister and my aunt, so she comes in, she puts the tv on, and i cannot do nothin’ with the tv… so if i go in the living room, my mom is in the room and she’s watching tv, so then my dad comes in the living room and watches games, like basketball, soccer, and like we have speakers, like boom boom boom and i am like in the corner trying to concentrate and looking at him like with evil eyes [laughs] that’s how it is so... i can't go anywhere. i have the brooklyn library over there but the library, sometimes i don't like the library cuz they’re not really updated… jasmin: yeah, so their books are kinda old and also the computer thing, you have to get off after thirty minutes and then if it’s too much people then you have to wait for them to get off ... so it's really annoying. these students recognized that their school offered afterschool homework help sessions, where they could ask questions to teachers and gain access to the internet and other educational resources. an unexpected finding, however, was that homework help centers did not always provide the support needed by some students, particularly 11th and 12th graders and those with relatively more advanced english skills. these students were expected to help beginner ells and others who were having difficulty with their homework; thus, they were unable to use the time and environment designated for completing their own assignments: 12th grade girl from south africa: we have homework help, but the thing is, if we go we are not gonna get our homework done ... we have to help others cuz we are 12th graders. we’re supposed to know everything. we are supposed to help. and you get distracted. even in class sometimes that happens... [sounds of agreement from other participants]. you don’t get your things done cuz you have to go and help people this quotation illustrates how a factor that is generally expected to facilitate homework completion (e.g., afterschool homework centers, peer tutors) can also serve as an impediment. in the following section, i examine the homework facilitators reported by students and present an analysis which parallels that of homework impediments. prevalence of homework facilitators the student survey data on homework facilitators revealed that the most frequently reported factor was knowing or understanding the course material (75.5 percent of participants). having clear instructions (59.9 percent) and having the assignment broken down into smaller steps (58.3 percent) were also among the most frequently reported facilitators; this finding stressed the importance of understanding the content and/or language in order to be able to complete homework. the other major homework facilitators were being interested in the topic or subject the assignment is for (68.2 percent), and getting good grades (63.0 percent); these factors would make homework completion easier for all students, not just for the participants in this study. somewhat surprisingly, the least frequently reported homework facilitators included not having to do chores around the house (16.7 percent), receiving rewards from parents (18.2 percent), and attending homework help centers (18.8 percent). these facilitators can be grouped into five broad types: knowing/understanding course materials, help/access to resources, environment conducive to doing homework, rewards/encouragement, and use of one’s native language. table 4 shows the number and percentage of participants who reported having experienced each of the homework facilitators. applying the ecological systems framework to examine the homework facilitators revealed a notable difference between the distributions of facilitators and impediments discussed earlier. while most of the impediments fell under the individual student characteristics, homework facilitators were relatively current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 12 evenly distributed throughout the ecological systems. individual student characteristics still comprised the most frequently reported facilitators (37.4 percent), but home environment and school environment characteristics also represented substantial proportion of the facilitators, 27.2 percent and 23.1 percent, respectively. about 12.3 percent of the homework facilitators were related to extracurricular or afterschool contexts. the distribution of homework facilitators across the ecological systems is presented in figure 3 and table 5. figure 3. ecological systems categorization of homework facilitators table 4 total number and percentage of students who reported having experienced each homework facilitator homework facilitators type n of respondents % of respondents understand course material know/understand material 145 75.5 interested in topic 131 68.2 clear instructions 115 59.9 hw broken down in to small steps 112 58.3 to get good grades rewards/encouragement 121 63.0 parents' encouragement 66 34.4 mentor's encouragement 60 31.3 praise from teacher 51 26.6 rewards from parents 35 18.2 available reference materials help/access to resources 101 52.6 starting hw in class with teacher 87 45.3 friends' help 72 37.5 hw help center 36 18.8 quiet place to do hw conductive environment for hw 80 41.7 no chores 32 16.7 translation of hw and instructions use if native language 62 32.3 doing hw in native language 56 29.2 what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 13 table 5 ecological systems categorization of homework facilitators individual understand course material interested in topic clear instructions translation of hw and instructions doing hw in native language to get good grades home available reference materials quiet place to do hw parents' encouragement rewards from parents no chores school hw broken down in to small steps starting hw in class with teacher praise from teacher out of school / extracurricular friends' help mentor's encouragement hw help center focus group discussions of homework facilitators the broad categories of homework facilitators identified from survey results also emerged in student focus group discussions. many participants acknowledged the value of homework and recognized it as a means of reinforcing, extending, and deepening their understanding of the materials covered in class. one 10th grade boy from bangladesh noted: if you go home and like don't do anything, like not be in touch with homework, with lesson,… i’ll forget everything so it's very important to keep in touch with those things. yeah besides it's not possible for a teacher to teach everything in one hour, so he or she gives homework to cover it at home so that the student can learn something. that also proves what did you learn from that class, if you can do your homework. in another focus group with 11th and 12th graders, two girls from dominican republic (lesly) and south africa (kyra) said: lesly: you learn. like for example for math, if you don't practice, you forget it. everybody knows that. kyra: yeah, and it’s for your own understanding, cuz for the homework, it might just be, explaining the subject, … like you might have questions that if you didn't do the homework, you wouldn't have had before so you know it expands your knowledge. knowing / understanding course materials. when asked to talk about some things that help them get their homework done, students also commented on their understanding of the course materials and the steps required to complete the given assignments. the following exchange is between two girls, lesly, an 11th grader from dominican republic and jasmin, a 12th grader from gabon: lesly: if you understand it, if you understand the homework, what to do, and in class, you already have a pretty good, … an idea of what to do when you go home, then homework would be easy. it just flows. but if you go home and you’re like how did the teacher explain …then you’re stuck. jasmin it also depends on the teacher cuz different people have different teaching styles… i remember like current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 14 comparing my previous history teacher and the one that i have now… mr. p., the one i had before, he would really explain what we are supposed to write about and we would have some background and insight about it. and we have to do this, that, and that, in order to get to the final thing… now it’s basically,… just one class, he said something quick about a topic and you have to start. use of one’s native language. for 9th and 10th grade students with limited english proficiency, knowing or understanding assignments entailed the use of their native languages. when students could get translations from peers or help from a teacher who knows the students’ native language, completing homework was relatively easier. in a focus group with 9th and 10th grade students from china, haiti, and mexico, students made the following comments: student: as an international school they should have teachers that speak other languages, for all the languages especially to help students that don’t understand their assignments. student: or if there’s a student in the same class that speaks your language, if he or she understands what they are doing the teacher should ask that person to help us. student: yeah, you need someone to help you with your homework, someone to translate. rewards/encouragement. another main category of homework facilitators were rewards/ encouragement, such as extra credit and higher grades, praise from parents, and encouragement from mentors. some students reported practical, instrumental reasons that motivated them to complete homework, as illustrated in the following exchange amongst 10th graders from bangladesh: student: the positive thing about homework is that i can get extra credit if i do homework. student: if you don't hand it in,…you lose points. student: yeah your grade goes down. other students’ comments also indicated that they are inclined to complete their assignments because homework completion can affect how teachers evaluate them. for example, jasmin, a 12th grade girl from gabon remarked: if you do your homework, it makes you look better [laughs]. you don’t want teacher to think bad about you, see what i mean? like sometimes you are asked to do homework because you want to do something like an activity with the homework, and if you didn't do it, it looks bad you know, just in general. for example, back in my junior year, you want something, like the internship, you’re looking for an internship and right now and then the teacher might know somebody who’s interested in what you are doing and if he sees the way you are in class, you know not doing your work and stuff, he might not think that he can trust you. he might say that you act the same way over there the same way you do in class, so this is bad. students also described rewards and encouragements from parents that helped them complete homework. their remarks show how these rewards and encouragements shape the home environment and interact with individual characteristics to promote homework completion. annie, a 10th grade girl from bangladesh, reported: every year if i get a’s and b’s only, [my parents] give me a present. like this year i got a cell phone ...they saw good results, and they just took me to a store and were like, here, pick one. ... they give me like options, if you do this, i will give you this, if you don’t i will never let you do this. a 10th grade mexican boy commented on how his father encourages him to do homework: my father asks me if my homework is done when he gets home from work. he always says that he’s not that good and tells me to do my homework to achieve a higher level than him. my father, he never got enough school and he thinks i can reach higher and homework is important for that. by simply checking to see that homework is completed, asking about what their children are learning at school, parents could encourage their children to focus on their schoolwork. even discipline served as a way to encourage homework completion. one 9th grade haitian boy described how his mother monitors his homework: when she’s at work she’s always calling me, asking if i am doing my homework or if i don't understanding something. then she tells me to,… i just go to the library to look up some books and finish it because i know she’s gonna ask about it. additionally, kyra, a 12th grade south african girl shared the following comment with the group: my dad, he tells me to do my homework, cuz he’ll be checking, and if i didn’t do it, he can whoop me up …. even if i’m sleeping. so i probably won’t do it if he doesn’t tell me to do it. he always asks me if i got homework, cuz my dad, you don’t play, he want me to do my homework all the time. what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 15 furthermore, if students were motivated and interested by the homework they were more likely to complete it: kyra: if you like what you’re doing right now in class of course you will do it. jasmin: i am personally moved to do homework whenever it’s something i am particularly interested about like if it’s for math it’s really rare for me to do it ... [laughs] just like, in general, if something does not motivate me to something about it… there’s a big chance that i would not do it... i’d probably just rather watch television or go to sleep. [laughs] help or access to resources and environment conducive to doing homework. other homework facilitators were access to help or resources such as the internet, and environment that is conducive to studying. the following comments illustrate how these facilitators interact with each other and influence students’ homework completion: an exchange between students from dominican republic and south africa show how the internet and friends can serve as sources of homework help: lesly: internet. i cannot do my homework without internet. kyra: me, i talk to friends. i call them all the time, like one o’clock in the morning and i go, you're doing your homework? yeah. because most of the time we all are doing our homework at two, one o’clock in the morning ... [why so late?] lesly: cuz it's just the way it is. kyra: you go on the internet, on msn, all of them are there, you just go and ask a question ... and you chat chat chat [laughs] lesly: yeah, msn, it's faster and it’s there all the time, twenty-four hours. lesly, the 11th grader from dominican republic further elaborated on her room, where she does her homework, in talking about the facilitators: there’s like a little learning environment going on … i have a lot of books about just cleopatra, anne frank. i have stuff about surrealism. i have books about nature, how we could just more simply, stuff like that, so um yeah whenever i look at that, i feel inspired to do the homework. in sum, the findings based on survey data and focus group data complement one another and are consistent with the ecological systems model. homework completion was affected by a wide range of characteristics related to individual students, home environments, school environments, and extracurricular/ outside school contexts, many of which could function as impediments and also serve as facilitators. the focus group data shed light on the interrelated processes affecting homework completion from students’ perspective. the individual student characteristics were influenced by and interacted with characteristics of the other ecological systems. many of the individual characteristics challenging homework completion could be mitigated by factors in the home, school, or afterschool contexts, resulting in increased homework completion among the participants. discussion facilitators and impediments to immigrant students’ homework completion whether or not students understood their course materials was a major factor affecting their homework completion. as newcomer immigrants, their limited english proficiency played a primary role in the extent to which the participants understood their lessons and the assignments given to them. data from focus groups indicated that figuring out homework instructions and translating unfamiliar words in the assignments consumed a considerable amount of time and effort, leading students to feel overwhelmed and burdened by homework. thus, in broad terms, limited understanding of course materials, often due to limited english proficiency, and fatigue resulting from the energy and time demanded by homework were the two major categories encompassing homework impediments. conversely, understanding the course material and having supports to overcome the language barrier (e.g., clear instructions, homework broken down into smaller steps, reference materials) comprised the two major categories of homework facilitators. academic english proficiency: a prerequisite for homework. the fact that successful completion of homework is heavily dependent on students’ english proficiency corroborates the findings from an earlier study (bang et al., 2009) that examined the relationships between homework completion, course understanding, and english language skills of recently arrived immigrant youth. the study showed overall positive associations between students’ homework completion and their academic achievement as indicated by teacher evaluations of students’ course understanding. yet this positive association between homework completion and course understanding was substantial only for youth with relatively high levels of english language proficiency. for youth with lower levels of english language proficiency, completion of homework had little positive associations with their achievement of understanding the course materials. these patterns from both studies indicate that teachers across the curriculum need to first and foremost help students master english. without proficiency in academic english, each assignment that is inaccessible to immigrant youth increases the educational disparities between these youth and their native-born english speaking peers. this finding also underscores the need for teachers to carefully design current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 16 homework and make necessary adjustments so that the tasks are appropriate for each student’s level of academic skills. if thoughtfully assigned, homework represents precious opportunities for newcomer immigrant students to build proficiency in academic english critical for performing grade-level work. however, if the homework is ill-suited to students’ learning needs, it can potentially do more harm than good. factors common to all students’ homework experiences. several categories of factors influencing homework completion were those that would most likely affect all students, regardless of whether or not they were of immigrant origin. these categories were motivation or engagement, organizational skills, and characteristics of environments in which students do their homework. consistent with the existing literature on engagement (e.g., fredricks et al., 2004; goslin, 2003), being interested in the topic of a given assignment made homework completion easier for students. not surprisingly, inadequate organizational skills (e.g., forgetting materials needed for homework, procrastination) made homework completion a challenge for a considerable number of students. further, having a quiet place to study or an environment was important for students’ homework completion. the descriptive data on homework facilitators and impediments also confirmed the existing body of research applying the ecological systems framework (e.g., benner et al., 2008; cook, herman, phillips, & settersen, 2002). many of the homework impediments were individual student characteristics (e.g., limited academic skills, motivation, organization, high standards); these individual characteristics interacted with factors in other ecological systems in influencing homework completion. focus group data revealed that impediments at the individual level may be mediated by facilitators in home environment (e.g., encouragement from parents), school environment (e.g., teacher feedback, grades), and outside school contexts (e.g., homework centers, friends’ help). this interplay of factors across ecological systems shaped students’ homework experiences. factors unique to study participants. a noteworthy finding is that while facilitators were fairly evenly distributed across the ecological systems, the majority of impediments were attributed to individual characteristics. it seems that the students generally had high levels of internal locus of control (bandura, 1997; pajares, 2003) perceiving themselves as agents of certain outcomes (e.g., successful completion of homework), rather than believing that fate, luck or other external circumstances determine the outcomes. this finding indicates that given access to adequate resources and appropriate guidance, these students would likely to take initiative and direct their behaviors to realizing their goals. additionally, an unexpected finding, (i.e. some students’ experiences with homework help centers), illustrated the interaction between individual characteristics (academic skills, english proficiency) and extracurricular/ afterschool contexts (homework center), influencing these participants’ homework completion. while homework help center provided the much-needed support for struggling students or students with limited english proficiency, it could hinder homework completion for more advanced students, as they felt obliged to serve as peer tutors. factors such as not wanting to do the assignment or having to do chores around the house were relatively minor hindrances to homework completion among the participants in this study. one explanation for this finding may be that students recognized the value of homework, as 9th and 10th grade students from sierra leone and dominican republic noted: ―the homework is for you, for your future,‖ ―yeah, you learn… and if you don’t do your homework, you don’t learn anything, you lose.‖ another explanation may be that impediments such as lack of will or desire to do homework and competing demands on students’ time were mitigated by potent facilitators such as getting good grades and positive feedback from adults. implications this study offers insight into newcomer immigrant students’ homework experiences and the factors that impact their homework completion. the specific factors that newcomer immigrants in this study reported as facilitators or impediments to their homework completion have implications for teachers and afterschool programs. according to this study’s results, the most significant factor affecting students’ homework completion involves whether or not they understand the course materials. participants’ limited understanding of course materials and difficulty with the language involved in the assignment or the instructions were major reasons for their inability to complete their homework. this finding highlights not only the importance of homework for immigrant youth to provide them with additional opportunities to learn and practice skills, but also the need for teachers to design assignments that their immigrant students can comprehend and complete. to ensure that newcomer immigrant students understand their homework tasks, teachers may have students start their homework in class, discuss vocabulary in the assignment that could pose difficulties, or have students explain to each other the instructions and the steps to take in completing a given task. by doing so, students would have the chance to ask questions and have help readily accessible from teachers and peers. in addition, newcomer immigrant students would benefit from attending homework help programs, where they have access to teachers or tutors who can simplify the vocabulary used in assignments and explain the materials targeted in the homework. results of this study indicated that lack of materials to complete assignments and competing environmental demands (e.g., crowded/noisy family settings, responsibilities beyond those typically expected of adolescents) can hinder homework completion what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 17 for immigrant youth. thus, homework help sessions would ideally be arranged to take place in libraries or classrooms well-equipped with educational resources (e.g. computers with internet access, encyclopedias, periodicals), that can aid students with understanding and mastering new materials. the study findings showed that for some students, resources such as access to the internet is critical for completing homework, and that it can be frustrating to go to the library to find outdated books and long line of people waiting to use the computers. such impediments can be addressed by reserving certain resources (e.g., quiet space, time, school supplies, and equipments) for use by students to work on their assignments. furthermore, homework help programs may serve as a vehicle through which students receive guidance on how to organize their assignments, allocate their time, and manage their study environments. since a considerable number of participants reported difficulty completing homework due to lack of organization or distractions in their homework environment, teachers and tutors staffing the homework help programs may demonstrate strategies, for example, on how to use an assignment agenda and plan one’s homework time. extracurricular programs that are not focused on academic tasks may also consider including a homework help or tutoring component to their program, especially in light of research evidence indicating improvement in academic performance among immigrant youth who obtained homework help through participation in afterschool activities (e.g., aspiazu, bauer, & spillett, 1998; cosden et al., 2004; dotterer et al., 2007; eccles et al., 2003). finally, in order to help immigrant students derive maximal benefits from homework, teachers may reconsider the purposes of homework and the role that homework plays in giving grades. many participants in the present study indicated grades as an important reason for doing homework, sometimes to the exclusion of other reasons. emphasizing the effect that homework has on students’ grades, or offering extra credit for behaviors such as handing assignments earlier than the deadline can send the wrong message about why homework is given. since most homework is designed to help students practice their skills, it seems that assessments of homework should primarily be formative, used to shape day-to-day instruction (o’connor, 2007; william, 2007), and not included in students’ grades that indicate their achievement in the course. limitations and future research this study was conducted with newcomer immigrant adolescents in one international high school designed specifically to address the educational needs of ells. in addition, the homework survey questions were administered only to 9th and 10th graders of the school. since the study site was a relatively new school (first graduating class was class of 2008), and given the shift in the focus of academic curriculum as students enter 11th and 12th grades (e.g., increased emphasis on regents examinations, postsecondary education), the findings of the present study are not generalized beyond the study participants. future studies should be expanded to include immigrant youth in upper grades as well as students in other international schools in new york city to enhance the generalizability of findings and to examine changes in immigrant youth’s homework experiences longitudinally, as they advance through the high school grades. student samples should also be expanded to include second generation immigrant-origin youth, as well as native-born minority youth who may experience some similar challenges in completing homework as newcomer immigrant youth. furthermore, a wider range of school contexts should be considered, such as private schools, charter schools, and parochial schools that serve differing densities of ells, as well as comparison schools that serve primarily non-ells. it will be important to distinguish the homework impediments that are unique to each group of students and determine which homework facilitators have positive effects for whom, under what conditions, and with what support services, in order to implement intervention programs that can best address the needs of specific populations. evaluation research should also be undertaken to identify the characteristics of programs that produce increased homework completion and academic achievement to explore means of implementation throughout different communities and school contexts. subsequent studies should incorporate individual student interviews to gather more detailed information about the processes of newcomer immigrant students’ homework completion and the ways in which they cope with specific homework impediments. although the survey data, supplemented with qualitative data collected through student focus groups, provided some insight into several major factors that help or hinder their homework completion, individual students varied in the range and type of factors influencing their homework experiences (e.g., lack of understanding, responsibilities around the house, fatigue) as well as in their responses to these factors (e.g., seeking help from older siblings, accommodating parents’ requests for help instead of completing homework). data collected through in-depth interviews and case studies can shed light on patterns or sets of homework facilitators and impediments associated with, for example, newcomer immigrant students with interrupted formal schooling or students from certain language backgrounds. delineating specific, unique factors that shape different immigrant students’ homework experiences would complement the findings of the present study, which focused primarily on the most common or frequently reported impediments. the detailed profiles created through individual interviews can also help school staff identify additional potential factors that may be deterring some students from accessing homework help. such information would well inform the instructional practices of teachers and schools seeking to tailor assignments / programs to current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 18 newcomer youths’ diverse individual learning needs and circumstances. immigrant families and english language learners are becoming a majority in many communities in the united states (u.s. census bureau, 2003), and educators have the important role of providing quality education for this rapidly growing segment of the population. ensuring that homework assignments offer meaningful learning experiences and facilitating newcomer immigrant youth’s homework completion is a first step towards academic achievement among these students. success in school will not only improve the lives of these immigrant youth and their families, but also help to enhance the future economic and 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(2005). homework practices and academic achievement: the mediating role of self-efficacy and perceived responsibility beliefs. contemporary educational psychology, 30, 397-417. doi:10.1016/j.cedpsych. 2005.05.003 what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 21 appendix a focus group protocol welcome & introduction goal of the focus group the purpose of this focus group is to gain a better understanding of how homework affects your lives as immigrant youth living in the u.s. the information you provide will help your teachers design more effective homework assignments and improve the kinds of help that are available to students like you when doing homework. explanation of how data will be recorded and used: we will be discussing your experiences with homework. i would like you to share with the group, talk about how homework affects your daily lives, and what makes doing homework easy or hard. there is no right or wrong answer, and what you share with the group will not impact your grades in any way. i will be using the data only for my project. everything we talk about will remain confidential and anonymous, so i will not use any of your names in my project. the discussion will be recorded by a digital recorder, but if during the discussion, there is something you want to share but do not want it to be recorded, you can just ask me to turn the recorder off. establish ground rules for focus group discussion: 1. please turn off any music or communication devices that you may have. 2. please share your experiences and ideas openly and honestly. 3. please respect what your peers have to say and allow everyone to take their turn to speak. there should be only one speaker at a time. 4. at times, i will intervene so that we stay focused and to keep the discussion moving. focus group questions and discussion  how do you feel about homework? o why do you think that teachers assign you homework? o do you feel that you have too much homework / too little / just the right amount? o generally, is homework easy / hard for you? what makes homework easy or hard?  when and where do you usually do your homework? (during school hours? right after school, at home? at an afterschool program or homework center? morning of the day it is due?) o why do you tend to do homework at that time / place? • how important is it to you that you have your homework done and handed in on time? probe why it is relatively important or unimportant. • for you, what are benefits of homework? • what are the costs / negative effects of homework? • what are some things that help you get your homework done? (e.g., someone to help with homework, reference resources such as computer with internet access, encyclopedias, tutor, homework center, encouragement from parents and teachers) facilitators to homework completion (prompts) tutors after-school programs / homework centers reference materials; computer with internet access quiet place to study / set time designated for homework / study relieved from household chores / responsibilities to do homework rules about homework (e.g., no playing with friends / watching tv, etc. until homework is completed) peers who can explain homework problems / who can be counted on to bring you the assignments when you have missed school. mentors / non-related adults / role models who provide encouragement and motivation parental support (direct assistance with homework assignments or indirect / emotional assistance rewards for homework completion (from parents, teachers)  how regularly / often do you have these things available to you when you do homework?  what are some things that make it hard for you to get your homework done? (e.g., not interested in the subject, lack of motivation / self-discipline, lack of quiet place to do homework, responsibilities in the house, part-time jobs, current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 22 interruptions from siblings, peers, or family members, limited english, limited understanding of course materials, no one to help with homework) impediments to homework completion (prompts) limited english proficiency limited understanding of materials overwhelming amount of homework not knowing exactly what homework has been assigned limited feedback from teacher responsibilities around the house paid employment lack of a quiet, suitable place to study limited resources at home (reference materials, computer with internet access) no one who can help with homework lack of motivation / desire to do homework procrastination fatigue / frustration / impatience fear of making mistakes and feeling like a failure dissatisfaction with one’s work forgetting to bring home assignments and necessary materials lack of organizational skills and study habits  failing to bring assignments back to class  how regularly / often do these things affect your ability to do homework?  what are some strategies that you have used to complete your homework?  what would make you want to do homework?  what would you like to change about your homework assignments / teachers / parents / environments so that doing homework is easier / more enjoyable for you? what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 23 appendix b homework facilitators and impediments which of the things listed below help you to do your homework? (check all that apply) when... 1. i am interested in the subject. 2. i understand what was taught in class. 3. i have clear instructions about what to do. 4. the assignment is explained step by step. 5. i start the homework in class. 6. i go to homework help sessions in the morning or after school. 7. i use reference materials (e.g., dictionary, encyclopedia, internet). 8. i have a quiet place to do homework. 9. i get rewards from my parents for finishing my homework. 10. i get good grades if i do my homework. 11. my teachers praise me for doing homework. 12. i do not have to do housework. 13. my friends help me with homework. 14. i get instructions in my own language. 15. i can complete the homework in my own language. 16. my parents encourage me. 17. my mentor or another adult encourages me. which of the reasons listed below make it hard for you to do your homework?(check all that apply) when... 1. i do not understand the lesson. 2. i have too much homework. 3. i do not understand the instructions for the assignment. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 24 4. i don't know what the homework is. 5. i have problems with english. 6. i don't think my teacher will check my homework. 7. i have to do housework. 8. i have a job. 9. there is too much noise in my home. 10. i don't have the things i need to do homework (e.g., books, computer). 11. i don't want to do the homework. 12. i do my homework last-minute. 13. i am too tired to do homework. 14. i am afraid of making mistakes. 15. i am not happy with my work. 16. i forget to bring home the assignment. 17. i am not interested in the subject. 18. i am not organized. 19. i don't review or study what was taught in earlier lessons. what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? 25 article citation bang, h.j. (2011). what makes it easy or hard for you to do your homework? an account of newcomer immigrant youths’ afterschool academic lives. current issues in education, 14(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/527 author notes hee jin bang national writing project university of california 2105 bancroft way #1042 berkeley, ca 94720-1042 hbang@nwp.org hee jin bang is a senior research associate at the national writing project. her current research interests include academic and social adaptation of immigrant youth in the united states and france; influence of school and home environments on minority youths’ civic engagement; second-language acquisition; writing instruction and assessment of writing by english language learners; and cross-cultural research methods. special thanks go to the students and staff at the international high school at prospect heights for their time and participation in the project. mailto:hbang@nwp.org current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 26 volume 14, number 3 september 24, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editor melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors hillary andrelchik joy anderson meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy carol masser leslie salazar jennifer shea alaya swann faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers microsoft word school improvement grants.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x school improvement grants: ransoming title i schools in distress craig a. waddell university of missouri, st. louis citation waddell, c. (2011).school improvement grants: ransoming title i schools in distress. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract in august 2009, the u.s. department of education announced opportunities for states and local educational agencies to vie for $3.5 billion in title i school improvement grants targeted at turning around or closing down chronically low-achieving schools. to qualify for a portion of these funds, school districts were required to implement one of four remedies at schools where students chronically demonstrated low academic performance. evidence is provided showing that the mandated interventions are highly speculative, minimally effective, and overly punitive toward educational professionals. keywords: school improvement grants, low-achieving schools, title i schools, school turnaround, charter schools current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: craig waddell, phd. affiliation: university of missouri – st. louis email: craig.waddell@sbcglobal.net biographical information: craig waddell is an 8th grade math teacher in a large urban school district and part-time associate adjunct professor at the university of missouri – st. louis. his research interests include student achievement motivation and educational policies. opinions expressed in this article are the authors own. school improvement grants 3 school improvement grants: ransoming title i schools in distress in august 2009, the u.s. department of education announced opportunities for states and local educational agencies to vie for $3.5 billion in title i school improvement grants targeted at “turning around or closing down chronically low-achieving schools” (abrevaya & white, 2009, p. 1). to qualify for a portion of these funds, school districts are required to implement one of four remedies at those low-income schools that ranked in the bottom 5% on the state’s annual achievement test. the press release described the required “rigorous interventions” as follows: turnaround model – this would include among other actions, replacing the principal and at least 50 percent of the school’s staff, adopting a new governance structure and implementing a new or revised instructional program. restart model – school districts would close failing schools and reopen them under the management of a charter school operator, a charter management organization or an educational management organization selected through a rigorous review process. school closure – the district would close a failing school and enroll the students who attended that school in other high-achieving schools in the district. transformational model – districts would address four specific areas: 1) developing teacher and school leader effectiveness, which includes replacing the principal who led the school prior to commencement of the transformational model, 2) implementing comprehensive instructional reform strategies, 3) extending learning and teacher planning time and creating communityoriented schools, and 4) providing operating flexibility and sustained support (abrevaya & white, 2009, p. 1). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 the well-intentioned remedies mandated by the u.s. department of education are highly speculative, minimally effective, and overly punitive toward educational professionals. the mandate has two major shortcomings: 1. this legislation falsely assumes that student learning is wholly under the control of the school system, holding teachers and administrators exclusively responsible for inadequate student achievement. 2. the mandated “rigorous” interventions are arbitrary and unsupported by solid scientific evidence. the legislation’s first presumption is that the nation’s children are being “underserved” by the “lowest-achieving public schools.” achievement levels are based on rank-order comparisons rather than specific criteria. this is a zero-sum formula, where one out of every twenty schools must be labeled as failing. there is no level of mastery or yardstick of competency that a “low-achieving” school can demonstrate to exonerate itself. therefore, it is statistically inevitable that one-twentieth of title i or title i-eligible schools will have students whose standardized test scores rank in the bottom 5%; just as some schools must place in the upper echelon, some must place near the bottom when relative comparisons are made. ironically, the vision of school improvement has shifted from no child left behind to some schools must be failures. under the “lowest-achieving” philosophy some title i(-eligible) schools must be labeled as defective. for example, if a state has 1,000 title-i(-eligible) schools, 50 of them (5%) will be designated as low-achieving and there is nothing that anyone can do to change that fact. the standard being put into place now is that the lowest ranking schools are considered unmitigated failures, and the presumption is that those schools are deficient primarily due to the faculty. some of the schools at the back of the pack will be closed, others will be reincarnated as charter schools, and the remaining will be whipped into shape through teacher churn and metamorphosis. school improvement grants 5 “low-achieving” schools typically have high student drop-out rates, students with subpar standardized test scores, high absentee rates, acute classroom management challenges and myriad other indicators of academic deficiency. some of the teachers and school administration may be partially culpable for inadequate student progress, as gauged by standardized test scores. however, the school improvement grant program presumes that the majority of the school personnel are guilty of malfeasance simply by virtue of their presence in a low-achieving school setting. under the u.s. department of education’s plan, one-twentieth of title i(-eligible) schools must be considered failures. further, the rationale for determining badness is the premise that when students’ test scores are bad the schools are bad. however, this assumption that the lowest results are always the result of bad faculty is problematic. lashway (2003) identified three primary causes of school failure: demographics, inefficient resources, and ineffective school practices. attributing school failures to the latter cause is arbitrary. teachers in low-performing schools are denied due process when they are terminated en mass, without regard to individual teacher performance. school improvement grants should be geared toward accurately identifying and ameliorating sources of academic inadequacy in teachers, students, parents, and the community. testing experts have warned against using a single annual test to gauge academic progress and evaluate teacher effectiveness (maxwell, 2009). so, “lowest-achieving” designation is based on the speculative selection of one of three causal factors of low test scores, and this factor is assessed contrary to professional advice. even if the supposed measure of school caliber (i.e., student achievement) is valid and the supposed cause of student achievement current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 is correct (i.e., school faculty), critical decisions are seldom based on a single piece of evidence (i.e., annual test scores). consider the following analogies: 1. in 2006-2007, the following hospitals had the highest death rates due to heart failure: memorial hospital of martinsville & henry county in martinsville, va; valley hospital medical center in las vegas, nv; and st. clare medical center in crawfordsville, in (sternberg & debarros, 2008). based solely on the mortality rates for these hospitals, is it reasonable to conclude that the hospitals’ staffs are inept? 2. between 2000 and 2008, louisiana and north dakota experienced population declines while every other state saw population growth (u.s. census bureau, 2008). can this statistic be used to validly conclude that the government and legislature of these two states—in the bottom 5% of population growth—is incompetent and should be disbanded? 3. based on the fbi’s uniform crime report, issued in 2008, detroit, memphis, and miami are america’s “most dangerous cities” (greenburg, 2009). since the crime rates are high, can one reliably deduce that the cities’ police forces are ineffective and that “rigorous interventions” are warranted to fix the police departments (i.e., replacing the chief of police and terminating all of the police officers)? rarely should a single metric be used to judge the overall effectiveness of an organization’s entire staff, yet this is precisely what the department of education has elected to do in classifying schools as “persistently low-achieving.” ironically, this approach is contrary to the department’s own long-standing precedents. for several decades, the u.s. department of education attributed academic success to several factors. the elementary and secondary education act of 1965 (public law 89-10)—which was the predecessor to the no child left behind act (public law 107-110) and the obama administration’s school improvement grants—begins as follows: sec. 201. in recognition of the special educational needs of children of low-income families and the impact that concentrations of low-income families have on the ability of local educational agencies to support adequate educational programs [italics added], the congress hereby declares it to be the policy of the united states to provide financial assistance (as set forth in this title) to local educational agencies serving areas with concentrations of children from low-income families to expend and improve their educational programs by various means (including preschool programs) which contribute particularly to meeting the special educational needs of educationally deprived children [italics added] (p. 1). school improvement grants 7 almost a half-century ago, the u.s. government explicitly acknowledged that “concentrations of low-income families” have “special educational needs.” why, then, is it surprising that some of these children would continue to underperform their more-privileged peers? more than thirty years later, the department of education, under the clinton administration, reiterated the position that poverty, family distress, crime, and violence impair academic achievement. here is an excerpt from turning around low-achieving schools: a guide for state and local leaders (educational resources information center, 1998): many low-achieving schools are located in impoverished communities where family distress, crime, and violence are prevalent. these and other circumstances make it hard for children to come to school prepared to learn … students in high-poverty schools may be performing at levels up to four years behind their peers in low-poverty schools [italics added] (educational resources information center, 1998, p. 1). “low-achieving schools” are not simply the result of bad teaching. by the department of education’s own admission, students in title i(-eligible) schools having “special educational needs” that handicap their academic performance. some title i schools may be labeled as “lowachieving” by virtue of their inability to overcome the communities’ socioeconomic liabilities. teachers are responsible for students’ academic growth, but not solely responsible. furthermore, the incompetence of some teachers should not be an indictment of an entire schools’ faculty. another indication of the effect of the environment on students’ academic success is provided by the foundation for child development (2010). the organization’s child wellness index (cwi) predicts that the current economic downturn (“great recession”) will result in lower future scores on the national assessment of educational progress (naep) tests and higher school dropout rates. this report forecasts an academic downturn caused by an economic recession, independent of teacher and school quality. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 the u.s. department of education’s contemporary presumption that “low-achieving” schools “underserve” students summarily disregards the social, economical, physiological, and psychological extenuating circumstances that, by definition affect title i communities. in some cases, “low-achieving” schools may simply be unable to overcome the demographic handicaps of the communities that they serve. this scenario is similar to the analogies presented earlier: hospitals cannot dictate their patients’ lifestyle choices, governments cannot control citizens’ emigration choices, police departments cannot suspend civil liberties simply because liberties might result in criminal activity, and title i(-eligible) schools cannot nullify the social and economic liabilities of their impoverished clientele. school improvement grants cannot solve all of society’s ills, but they should not place the responsibility for academic failure exclusively on the shoulders of teachers and school administrators. teachers and school administrators should be held accountable for student achievement, but only insofar as they have the ability to influence student outcomes. teachers should not be held liable for lack of resources, mandated curriculum materials, mandated pacing guides, placement in non-certificated fields, excessive student absences and truancies, test scores that occurred prior to the teacher’s residency, unfunded mandates, and socioeconomic declines. the current incarnation of the school improvement grants identifies inadequate educational progress and metes out punishments without regard to culpability. school improvement grants are essentially academic redlining; the bottom 5% threshold brands a school as anathema and the entire faculty is convicted of guilt by association. the department of education has mistakenly equated “lowest-achieving public schools” with schools that have been unable to leapfrog their students’ academic performances beyond the achievements of their socially-advantaged peers. these “lowest-achieving public schools” may school improvement grants 9 be doing an adequate job under the circumstances. as diane ravitch (2010) noted, “our schools cannot be improved if we use them as society’s all-purpose punching bag, blaming them for the ills of the economy, the burdens imposed on children by poverty, the dysfunction of families, and the erosion of civility” (p. 229). both educational specialists and experienced politicians across the political spectrum recognize the crucial role of families and “villages” in children’s learning (clinton, 1996; santorum, 2005). conversely, the department of education has chosen to heap blame disproportionately on the school’s teachers and administrators. there are bad schools. there are incompetent, disinterested, burnt-out, negligent educators. they should be properly identified, carefully diagnosed, intensely rehabilitated, and if necessary, terminated. however, identification and remediation cannot be based on a simplistic, naïve formula that: a) consists of an annual test with unsubstantiated construct validity, b) disregards all mitigating factors, and c) applies a scorched earth policy. even when substandard schools are properly identified the school improvement grant’s prescriptions are regressive. in order for a “low-achieving school” to be successful, this “low” school must academically jump ahead of other schools—thus making some sister school the “loser”—by engaging a talented faculty, employing an effective curriculum, and implementing superior instructional strategies. the flaw in this line of reasoning is that it presumes that other schools are not making similar academic improvements. the low-achieving school will only surpass other schools if their counterparts employ less effective faculty, a less rigorous curriculum, and inferior instructional strategies. the low-achieving school cannot simply improve; it must improve more than its peers. adequate progress is now relative; a lowachieving school must overtake its peers regardless of how much its peers might improve. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 school improvement grants are predicated on the unsubstantiated assumption that all schools with consistently “low-achieving” students are broken and require “rigorous interventions.” as previously discussed, many environmental factors affect student achievement. even when deficient schools are properly identified, the government-mandated interventions are unsupported by solid scientific evidence. each of the proposed interventions will be briefly critiqued. one of the permissible remedies is school closure. this intervention seldom makes sense as a mandated recourse. when a school closes, all of its students are moved to other schools within the district. typically, all tenured faculty are relocated to other positions. either additional classrooms are opened in target schools and there are few staff reductions, or class sizes increase at the receiving schools. students and faculty are shuffled. shuffling people from school to school does not magically improve their caliber any more than promoting students from second grade to third grade makes them smarter. school closure simply masks the problem of students with low academic performance by camouflaging them among higher-performing peers. indeed, research into the school closure model suggests that this approach is not effective. marisa de la torre and julia gwynne (2009) studied the effects of eighteen school closures on students in the chicago public school system. they concluded that: “most students who transferred out of closing schools reenrolled in schools that were academically weak” (p. 2); reading and math achievement for the relocated students did not improve one, two, or three years following school closure; students’ high school completion outlook did not improve; and, “changing schools neither resulted in additional negative effects on student achievement nor substantially improved the achievement of displaced students” (p. 26). school improvement grants 11 school closure does not seem to be a worthwhile approach to improving students’ academic achievement. when schools close, students and staff are displaced; children are dispersed from their neighborhoods; the connections between the community, the family, and the school are weakened; and academic acceleration does not occur. school closure is not an effective solution for low academic performance. a second remedy permitted under the school improvement grant legislation is the restart model. under this approach, school districts close failing schools and reopen them under the management of a charter school operator, a charter management organization or an educational management organization (emo). the fallacy with this approach is a misconception that will be called the lebron james syndrome. consider the following scenario. a teacher attempts to emphasize the importance of academic skills in helping students pursue future career opportunities. invariably, a few students will contend that they do not need these academic skills because they are going to be professional athletes. the teacher argues that most athletes are recruited from college teams and that aspiring athletes will need academic credentials to be admitted into division 1 colleges. a student retorts that, “lebron james didn’t need to go to college.” hence the lebron james syndrome: the person suffering from this affliction misinterprets the possibility that an event can occur as the probability that an event will occur. this line of reasoning is only slightly less radical than subscribing to a state lottery as a retirement plan; one could win a fortune but they probably will not. conceptually, there is nothing wrong with charter schools; there is simply no compelling evidence that this approach is superior to a public school implementation. the department of education misinterprets the possibility that charter schools and emo’s could be effective as the probability that they will be current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 effective. school vouchers, home schooling, or private school enrollment alternatives could be equally-viable options. a number of educational experts and researchers have questioned the efficacy of charter schools. here are some of their findings. fleishman and heppen (2009) found no “reliable evidence that emos [education management organizations] can have a positive impact at the high school level” (p. 125). buckley and schneider (2007) concluded that charter schools’ promises are “at best, weakly supported by evidence” (p. 267). the national center for education statistics (2005) found that students in charter schools scored lower on mathematics assessments than their public school counterparts and observed “no measurable difference between the overall performance of charter school fourth-grade students as a whole and their counterparts in other public schools” (p. 10). interviews of charter school parents indicated that their impressions of their children’s school meshed with those of public school parents, and their children felt “no differently about their schools than their peers in the traditional public schools” (buckley & schneider, 2007, p. 269). finally, an extensive study of 2,403 charter schools across 16 states found that 17% of the charter schools were superior to their traditional public school counterparts, about half of the charter schools provided educational quality similar to that of public schools, and 37% of the charter schools were significantly worse than corresponding public schools (center for research in education outcomes [credo], 2009). charter schools, in total, fail to live up to their claims and their hype. there definitely are instances of highly-successful charter schools but there are also numerous instances of inferior charter schools and premier public schools. there is nothing inherent in the charter school implementations that heighten their likelihood of success above that of other school structures. the next charter school to open certainly could be a successful school improvement grants 13 school but, based on the research cited above, there is 83% chance that it will not be any more successful than a traditional public school. in fact, the likelihood that a charter school will be inferior to a public school is more than twice as high as the chances that it will be superior to a public school. should we invest in a venture that has less than a one-out-of-four chance of success and a large downside? should we bet our children’s educations on those odds? even if we should choose to take this gamble it should be pointed out that charter schools are prohibited in many communities; state and local regulations do not allow public funds to be allocated to charter schools. for most “low-performing” schools, the restart model is either ill-advised or illegal. the third intervention allowed by the school improvement grants legislation is the turnaround model. this approach requires that the principal and at least 50 percent of the school’s staff be replaced and that the instructional program be revamped. this approach is so ambiguous and speculative that it defies being either supported by or refuted by scientific research. for example, is it a good idea to replace a failing school’s principal? districts typically have wide latitude when dealing with administrators. why must the u.s. government mandate a principal’s reassignment? what basis is there for the presumption that a principal is always guilty when a school’s students are “low-achieving”? similarly, the requirement to replace “at least 50 percent” of the faculty is completely arbitrary. statistically, one-half of the faculty is at or below the median, but this says nothing about their competency. there is no scientific basis for presuming that “at least” 50% of a “lowachieving” school’s faculty is incompetent. couldn’t two-thirds or three-fourths of the faculty be good? most faculty members have a minimum of a bachelor’s degree, professional certification, and positive employee evaluations. these teachers—who are employees of the local current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 educational agency (lea), not employees of the “low-achieving” school—have met all state and lea employment criteria. junior faculty may be relegated to these stigmatized schools, and some teachers may be forced to teach subjects for which they are not certificated employees. these employees should not be condemned based solely on their involuntary placement into a struggling school. even if we accept the dubious premise that half of the veteran core teachers in “lowachieving” schools are incompetent, what about teachers with less than three years at the school? should they be held liable for student scores that occurred prior to their arrival at the institution? and what about teachers outside of the core subject areas? for example, art teachers, p.e. teachers, and music teachers have an ancillary impact on standardized test scores in communication arts and mathematics. what criteria will be used to assess their competency when their students span grade levels and core subject area teachers? on what basis are school counselors and other support personnel evaluated, condemned, or exonerated? the turnaround model mandates faculty changes. how will the replacement staff be selected? what reason is there to believe that the replacement teachers will be superior to the faculty that they are replacing? recall that a median cut-off was part of the “rigorous intervention” mandated by this legislation. statistically speaking, one-half of the newly-selected teachers will be at or below the median of the new group. therefore, the turnaround model is placing a new set of subpar teachers into the revamped school (i.e., half of the replacement group will be at or below the median of their group). perhaps the lea could circumvent future problems of having half of its staff “below the median” by hiring twice as many replacement teachers as needed and then summarily firing the bottom half of the newly-recruited pool! school improvement grants 15 assuming that the displaced faculty can be rehabilitated, the school improvement grant legislation has not fully considered the consequences of the mandates on these teachers. teachers who are “fired” from low-achieving schools will often be reassigned to another school within their district (especially if they are tenured), quite possibly a struggling school with high staff turnover. what happens to this teacher if the target school is designated as “low-achieving” within the following year or two; should this reassigned teacher be held liable for scores that he or she did not affect? the edict that at least half of all teachers must be dismissed disregards many of the nuances of a lea’s personnel issues, just as the “low-achieving” designation overlooks the characteristics of the school’s community. overall, the turnaround model seems rather inchoate. here are just a few of the issues that have been trivialized. perhaps this is nitpicky, but the word turnaround means a reversal in direction. are “low-achieving” schools always going in the wrong direction, or could it be that they are going in the right direction but at an inadequate pace? it could be that additional supports are required to help the school surmount obstacles. then there is the issue of principal selection under the turnaround model. unless some ingenious process is implemented it is quite possible that the new principal will be no better than his or her predecessor. the same holds true for the replacement faculty. the turnaround model’s ambition to employ better principals, recruit better staff and improve instruction presumes that the existing structure is defective, and that the same people who created the existing structure can “build a better mousetrap” if compelled to do so through federal edict and financial incentive. the turnaround model is a shotgun approach to fixing low-achieving schools by a series of speculative prescriptions aimed at arbitrarily-presumed causes of low student achievement. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 the american education research association, a group of more than 25,000 education researchers, agrees that the turnaround model is a highly speculative approach (vaidero, 2009). the final intervention available under the school improvement grant guidelines is the transformation model. two key characteristics of this model are to replace the principal—a recurring theme—and develop “teacher and school leader effectiveness.” principal replacement in this scenario is equally as dubious as described in the turnaround model. developing teacher and school leader effectiveness includes monetary rewards for teachers based on student achievement. recent research debunks the assumption that performance-based pay enhances teacher quality (sawchuk, 2010; springer et al., 2010). upon reflection, this should be a fairly self-evident conclusion: teacher salaries are typically lower than salaries for comparable business opportunities. unless teacher salaries are commensurate with those of business people—a highly-unlikely scenario—“effective” teachers who are salary-motivated will likely exit the teaching profession despite a nominal incentive pay. there is an important caveat to the transformation model: many local teacher unions prohibit merit pay, nullifying this option. sure, some inferior teachers use tenure and pay steps to protect them from well-deserved indictment, but the primary reason for opposition to merit pay in education is that it is very difficult to objectively measure teacher quality. measuring teacher quality is like assessing beauty. the transformation model is ethereal and its implementation is frequently prohibited by union contracts. interestingly, the department of education’s regulations prohibit the use of the turnaround model in more than 50% of the district’s low-achieving schools (u.s. department of education, 2010). one has to wonder under what omniscience the government has divined that the transformation model is one of only four viable “rigorous interventions,” interventions that school improvement grants 17 must be used 100% of the time, but this particular approach cannot be effective in more than 50% of a district’s endangered schools. does incentive pay make sense for one of the district’s schools but not for another one? this double-standard could certainly cause friction among the school district’s employees. through its definition of what constitutes a “low-achieving school,” the u.s. department of education may have unfairly indicted some institutions by erroneously presuming that all schools with academically sub-par students are defective schools with categorically incompetent or uncaring faculty. teachers in these schools are victims of professional profiling and are at risk of being blacklisted by virtue of their association with a “low-achieving school” (school improvement grants mandate that all teachers be “fired” and no more than 50% rehired). in actuality, some effective schools may simply be unable to compensate for the socioeconomic liabilities of their clientele. schools that are erroneously singled out for improvement are then blackmailed into tolerating a litany of harsh, speculative interventions. here are just a few of the concerns with the interventions expressed by reputable researchers: • “the [center on education policy] studied what 23 school districts and 48 schools in six states learned during the past five years about improving struggling schools. it found that the five strategies for restructuring under the no child left behind act, the current version of the esea, did not offer much help to schools that were trying to improve after five or more years of failing to make adequate yearly progress under the law” (gewertz, 2009, p. 10). • “federal restructuring strategies have not shown promise, and all six states in our studies have moved away from these options” (caitlin, 2009, p. 2). • “experience with these sorts of remedies outside the nclb context provides little cause to believe that they reliably yield heightened student achievement or school improvement” (hess & finn, 2007, p. 317). • “thus far, research on takeovers and reconstitutions has been inconclusive” (lashway, 2003, p. 4). • “all recommendations had to rely on low levels of evidence” (national center for education evaluation and regional assistance, 2008, p. 1) current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 schools whose students are academically unsuccessful are not necessarily “lowachieving” schools; “powerful cultural and political forces will continue to impede school improvement” (hess & finn, 2007, p. 328). furthermore, there is little reason to believe that the “rigorous interventions” mandated by the u.s. department of education are pedagogically sound. even if the interventions were sound, two of the four possible interventions, the restart model and the transformation model, are often prohibited by either local statutes or teachers’ unions, and the school closure model is more of a condemnation than an intervention. this leaves many “low-achieving” schools with the hobson’s choice of the turnaround model. title i(-eligible) schools serve a disadvantaged populace. the edicts of school improvement grants exacerbate the problem, ransoming federal funds contingent on districts making illconceived interventions. the u.s. department of education should recognize the competency of local school districts, retract the edicts of the school improvement grants, and work cooperatively with local authorities to achieve authentic educational improvements for disadvantaged families. school improvement grants are a great idea gone seriously awry. the department of education needs to close the book on the current incarnation and then turnaround, restart, and transform their approach. school improvement grants 19 references abrevaya, s., & white, j. (2009, august 26, 2009). obama administration announces historic opportunity to turn around nation's lowest-achieving public schools. u.s. department of education, pp. 1. buckley, j., & schneider, m. (2007). charter schools: hope or hype? princeton: princeton university press. caitlin, s. (2009). improving low-performing schools: lessons from five years of studying school restructuring under no child left behind (report). washington, dc: center on education policy. center for research in education outcomes (credo). (2009). multiple choice: charter school performance in 16 states. stanford, ca: stanford university. clinton, h. r. (1996). it takes a village and other lessons children teach us. new york: simon & schuster. de la torre, m., & gwynne, j. (2009). when schools close: effects on displaced students in the chicago public schools. chicago: consortium on chicago school research. educational resources information center. (1998). turning around low-performing schools: a guide for state and local leaders. washington, d.c.: u.s. department of education. fleishman, s., & heppen, j. (2009). improving low-performing high schools: searching for evidence of promise. the future of children, 19(1), 105-133. gewertz, c. (2009). restructuring under nclb found lacking. education week, 29(15), 1, 10. greenburg, z. o. m. (2009). america's most dangerous cities. forbes.com. retrieved june 10, 2010, 2010, from the world wide web: http://www.forbes.com/2009/04/23/mostdangerous-cities-lifestyle-real-estate-dangerous-american-cities.html current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 hess, f. m., & finn, j., chester e. (eds.). (2007). no remedy left behind: lessons from a halfdecade of nclb. washington, dc: aei press. land, k. c. (2010). 2010 child well-being index (cwi) (report). new york: foundation for child development. lashway, l. (2003). the mandate to help low-performing schools (edo-ea-03-06). eugene, or: office of educational research and improvement (ed), washington, dc. maxwell, l. a. (2009). test experts wary on 'race to top' rules: officials warn against using single assessment to measure gains. education week, 29(7), 16. national center for education evaluation and regional assistance. (2008). turning around chronically low-performing schools. washington, d.c.: u.s. department of education. national center for education statistics. (2005). american's charter schools: results from the naep 2003 pilot study. washington d.c.: national center for education statistics, u.s. department of education. ravitch, d. (2010). the death and life of the great american school system: how testing and choice are undermining education. new york: basic books. santorum, r. (2005). it takes a family: conservatism and the common good. wilmington: isi books. sawchuk, s. (2010). performance-pay model shows no achievement edge. education week. retrieved june 10, 2010, from the world wide web: http://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2010/06/01/33tap.h29.html springer, m. g., ballou, d., hamilton, l., le, v.-n., lockwood, j. r., mccaffrey, d. f., pepper, m., & stecher, b. m. (2010). teacher pay for performance: experimental evidence from school improvement grants 21 the project on incentives in teaching. nashville, tn: national center on performance incentives. sternberg, s., & debarros, a. (2008, 8/21/2008). hospital death rates unveiled for first-time comparison. usa today. u.s. bureau of labor statistics. (2010). unemployment rates for metropolitan areas. retrieved june 10, 2010, from the world wide web: http://www.bls.gov/web/metro/laummtrk.htm u.s. census bureau. (2008). state population—rank, percent change, and population density: 1980 to 2008. retrieved june 10, 2010, from the world wide web: http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/2010/tables/10s0013.pdf u.s. department of education. (2010). guidance on school improvement grants under section 1003(g) of the elementary and secondary education act of 1965. washington, d.c.: u.s. department of education. vaidero, d. (2009). 'race to top' said to lack key science: scant evidence for policies, researchers tell ed. dept. education week, 29(6), 1, 18-19. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt microsoft word 811_final2_mh.doc 1 volume 15, number 1 february 5, 2012 issn 1099-839x higher education tuition and fees in china: implications and impacts on affordability and educational equity haiying dong arizona state university xuehong wan sichuan university students in china are being shouldered with more financial responsibility for their higher education. this shift impacts individuals across the economic spectrum in different ways. this paper assesses recent trends in china’s higher education tuition and fees, and the implications on educational equity. results document substantial increases in tuition and fees since 1996. china’s policies have caused costs to rise to the point where they now exceed the abilities of many individuals to pay. as a consequence, many lower income families find it impossible to afford higher education without assistance. recently, the government began increasing financial assistance to low-income families. this has resulted in some relative improvements. while progress has been noteworthy, it will be important for the chinese government to continue reforming student subsidy programs and student loans policies in order to foster more equal access for capable students from all economic backgrounds. keywords: chinese higher education, cost-sharing, tuition and fees, educational equity china needs a system of higher education that will be accessible and affordable to its most capable young adults. in the past three decades, dramatic growth of china’s higher education system has helped lead to unprecedented changes within society and tremendous expansions of economic opportunities. these major developments and achievements have received worldwide attention. from 1978 to 2009, the number of general higher education institutions increased from 598 to 2,305; while the number of full-time undergraduates and shortterm training students increased from 0.86 million to over 21.4 million (bureau of china statistics, 2010). this growth of higher education has been centrally important to china’s economic development. since 1978, china’s policies relating to higher education fee charging have undergone tremendous change. beginning in 1989, a few chinese universities began to experiment with policies that required students to pay a portion of some tuition and fees; and by 1997, all higher education institutions were charging students some form of fees for their higher education (dong &wan, 2006; zhong & zhan, 2003). the result is that higher education in china is no longer without cost to students. college students in china now must pay substantial parts of, if not all of their tuition and fees. in july of 1999, in an attempt to solve the mismatch between the strong demand for higher education and the deficiency of the supply, the chinese state department made another attempt to adjust the nation’s economic and social development plan (the working group of “the reform of china’s higher education”, 1998). the policy changed from one of current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 2 steady, moderate expansion to one that more proactively developed higher education. as a result, it became clear that a wider base of support for higher education was needed. after considering various sources, the government strengthened policies related to the charging of fees. since then, tuition and fees have increased annually. officially, it is presumed that spreading the costs of higher education in china will lead to higher market efficiency and promote student learning. the actual impacts may, in fact, be much more far reaching. there were two main motivations for implementing these changes in tuition policy. the first motivation was that the scale of china’s planned higher education expansion exceeded the government’s ability to finance it. second, the chinese government embraced the higher education cost-sharing theory (the so called cost compensation theory). this theory was first proposed by united states economists in the early 1970s. since then, cost-sharing theory has become more widely accepted (johnstone, 1986, 2004), and related policies were adopted in many countries throughout the world (colclough, 1996). policymakers in china agree that cost sharing is conducive to educational equity; that it fits the common sense that education is a kind of quasi-public product. the rationale was that those who will benefit most directly from higher education should pay for a substantial portion of it. accordingly, in china the costs of higher education shifted from an entirely governmental burden to a shared governmental, societal, and individual burden to the point where students and their families now must cover increasing proportions of their higher education costs through tuition and fees. the new tuition policies have gone a long way towards reducing the chinese higher education funding shortage. it has also led, however, to the emergence of many new problems that have aroused widespread concern throughout chinese society. this paper uses official, publicly available statistical data to analyze what has happened to tuition and fees in chinese higher education from 1996 to 2008. tuition and fee trends are identified and their implications for chinese society and for the higher education system are discussed. the hope is that this analysis and discussion will help foster equitable development of china’s higher education system while remaining consistent with prudent application of cost sharing theory in china. data and analysis the growth trends of tuition and fees data from the china statistical yearbooks from 1996 to 2010 (bureau of china statistics, 1996 through 2010) were used to seek a better understanding of how higher education has come to be financed. in order to better understand tuition and fee trends, we compare the annual proportions of higher education funds from two main resources: 1) government appropriations for education; and 2) tuition & fees (the amounts that college students and their families are required to pay) (see table 1). table 1 shows unprecedented decreases in the proportion of higher education funds from government appropriations, but remarkable increases in the proportion of tuition and fees. during this period, the share of table 1 the proportion of higher education funds by different resources (percentage) year government appropriation (%) tuition & fees (%) 1996 80.3 13.7 1997 78.3 14.8 1998 65.0 13.3 1999 62.5 17.0 2000 58.2 21.1 2001 54.2 24.2 2002 50.6 26.3 2003 47.9 28.8 2004 45.5 30.4 2005 42.8 31.1 2006 42.9 29.2 2007 44.0 33.7 2008 47.6 33.7 data source: bureau of china statistics (2010) higher education tuition and fees in china 3 government appropriation for education in total funds dramatically declined. in 1996, the ratio of governmental appropriations to total funds was 80.3%. by 2008, this ratio decreased to 47.6%; less than half of the total amount of funding. growth of tuition and fees, however, has also been dramatic. in 1996, the ratio of tuition and fees to the total higher education funds was only 13.7%. by 2008, this ratio increased to about one-third of the total amount of funding. tuition and fees in china have increased to the point where the amount of total education funds that individuals now assume has reached or exceeded the level in some developed countries. in 1990, for example, personal tuition and fees only accounted for 24.3% of the cost of american higher education (wang, 2000). according to table 2, total higher education expenditures and government appropriations for education were maintained at almost stable annual growth rates. the average annual growth rate of the total higher education funds was 24%. the average annual growth rate for government educational appropriations, however, only averaged 19%. in contrast, the average annual growth rate of tuition and fees was as high as 34%. these figures reveal two conspicuous trends: 1) the growth rate of tuition and fees was significantly higher than it was for governmental sources; 2) during this period, china’s steady growth in total funds available to higher education was achieved primarily through rapid increases in tuition and fees. the growth of per capita tuition and fees in 1999, the policy of “the enrollment expansion” began to be implemented throughout china’s mainland (the working group of “the reform of china’s higher education”, 1998). since then, the student enrollment in higher institutions increased rapidly. as the gross rate of higher education enrollment grew from 8.3% in 1996 to 26.5% in 2010, china’s higher education entered the popularization stage. according to some economists’ and educators’, adequate per capita funding for higher education can ensure better teaching, more learning, an increase in the overall quality of higher education, and more purposeful development of higher institutions generally (wang, 2006). therefore, because the growth of the total amount of tuition and fees may have been largely due to the increases in student numbers, per capita tuition and fees may not have actually risen as much as it may seem. for these reasons it is necessary for us to examine per capita higher education funding. table 3, based on the china statistical yearbook (bureau of china statistics, 2010), shows growth trends of the average value of various factors in higher education funding from 1996 to 2003. during the entire period, total per capita higher education funding maintained steady growth, with an average annual growth rate of 6%. starting in 1999, when the enrollment expansion policy was implemented, average annual growth rates of per capita higher education funds dramatically decreased, due to the sharp increase of enrollment of higher education in table 2 the annual growth rate of china’s higher education funds year total funds (%) government appropriation (%) tuition & fees (%) 1996 19.5 16.5 29.7 1997 40.7 16.7 26.3 1998 29.0 24.2 65.2 1999 28.9 19.9 59.5 2000 27.7 19.1 46.6 2001 27.5 18.9 38.3 2002 17.9 11.8 29.5 2003 21.4 15.4 28.1 2004 19.7 12.5 22.3 2005 15.2 15.5 8.3 2006 23.7 26.9 42.6 2007 15.9 25.4 15.9 2008 19.5 16.5 29.7 data source: bureau of china statistics (2010) current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 4 table 3 the growth trend of per capita various factors in higher education funds in china year per capita total funds (%) government appropriation (%) per capita tuition & fees (%) 1997 13.7 10.8 23.5 1998 31.0 8.7 17.6 1999 7.6 3.6 37.8 2000 -5.3 -11.9 17.2 2001 -1.2 -7.9 13.4 2002 1.5 -5.4 10.1 2003 -3.9 -8.9 5.5 2004 0.9 -4.1 6.5 2005 2.2 -4.0 4.4 2006 3.5 3.7 -2.7 2007 14.1 17.1 31.6 2008 8.0 16.9 8.1 data source: bureau of china statistics (2010) china. this downward turning situation had not improved until 2007. during the same period, the average annual growth rates of per capita government appropriations were actually negative from 1996 to 2007; its average annual growth rate was -2%, though it had a period of growth in the years before 1999. in contrast, per capita tuition and fees continued to increase, except in 2006, when the growth rate of per capita tuition and fees was uncommonly negative. however, it significantly increased to 31.6% in 2007. from 1996 to 2008, per capita tuition and fees steadily increased with an average annual growth rates as high as 14.4%. the dramatic increase of per capita tuition and fees, just as the increases in total tuition and fees, is the primary reason to help china’s per capita higher education funds steady growth, even when considering the rapid enrollment. both total tuition and fees analyses and the tuition and fees per capita analyses indicate that higher education cost-sharing was quick to be realized in china. however, china is still a developing country. according to the china statistical yearbook (bureau of china statistics, 2010), per capita gdp and per capita income in china is still far below the world’s average level. with the reality of increasingly more substantial levels of higher education tuition and fees in china, a series of new questions have become relevant. among the most important are: can most chinese students and their families afford the growing cost for higher education? what is the impact of the incremental tuition and fees on educational equity? what are the appropriate policies or measures that the government should adopt to help those poor students accomplish their educational goals? life-cycle model. to answer the first question, an estimate was made of china's urban and rural residents’ paying ability for higher education by applying publicly available data. the ability of resident students to pay for their higher education depends not only on their income, but also on their accumulated wealth (heckman, 1976). cha and ding (2006) set up a new model to estimate students’ and families’ ability to pay for higher education based on the life-cycle model: they reported that paying for higher education is one of the chief aims of chinese families’ savings plans. under normal circumstances, families will primarily use their savings to pay for their child’s education. the model assumes that families typically do their best to support the higher education needs of their child. hence, student/family paying ability for a four-year undergraduate student’s tuition and fees can be presented as follows: (model i) (where x is student/family paying ability for higher education; n is the number of people in a family; w is annual per capita saving; r is annual per capita net income; c is the per capita balance of saving deposits). improved life-cycle model. cha and ding’s 2006 theoretical model is helpful for examining the paying ability of the students and their families for higher education expenditures. in china, however, there are huge differences in the economic situations and social higher education tuition and fees in china 5 structure between the rural and urban areas. if students come from different areas, the methods of calculation will be different. for example, most of china’s colleges and universities are located in urban areas, so the annual average consumption of a student could be thought as approximating the annual per capita consumption expenditure of city households, even though calculating the paying ability of students from rural areas. the consumption of others in rural chinese families still resembles the average level of the rural residents. using model i for reference, then, two new models can be derived to evaluate the different paying ability of rural students and urban students based on their different backgrounds. in model ii, the capacity of rural students and their families to pay for higher education would be: (model ii) (where rr is annual per capita net income of rural households; cu is annual per capita consumption expenditure of city household; cr is annual per capita expenditure of rural household.) in model iii, the capacity of urban students and their families to pay for higher education would be: (model iii) (where ru is annual per capita disposable income of city household; cu is annual per capita consumption expenditure of city household.) the structure of chinese family has been relatively stable in the most recent ten year period. in 2008, the average number of people in urban families was 2.91; in rural families the number was 4.01. so, to facilitate the calculation, 3 was used as the reference value of the number of people in urban families while 4 was used as the reference value of the number of people in urban families without considering the impact of the years. according to models ii and iii, the estimated values for rural and urban students paying ability for higher education were presented in table 4. results indicate that the per capita tuition and fees exceed both urban and rural residents’ average paying ability for higher education, in general. in fact, these estimated values of the rural students’ paying ability for higher education are probably overly optimistic. restricted by statistics, the data used to substitute per capita balance of saving deposit is the statistical average for all urban and rural residents in model ii and iii. however, some studies have demonstrated that in china, the wealth gap between urban and rural residents is large and widening (huang, 2006). according to some assessments, in 1999, the per capita saving deposit balance of rural residents was only 1,600 yuan while that of urban residents was 11,570 yuan (bureau of china statistics, 2010). in urban areas as well, gaps of wealth should not be ignored. it should be noted that all of the data presented in table 4 were based on averages. the number of students in a family was hypothesized to be 1. if calculations assumed there were some significant portions of families with two or more children who may accept higher education in a family at the same time, then the estimated value would be even lower than the reported results. hence, it can be assumed that the above methods of calculation cover up, to a degree, gaps of wealth. the conclusion, therefore, is that tuition and fees in china already outstrip the ability of many families to pay for higher education, especially in chinese rural areas or the low-income communities in urban areas. the impact of rising tuition and fees on educational equity in china most educational resources are located in urban areas. under current admission systems, the sole criterion for admission to major higher institutions is a student’s score in the national entrance examination. according to a recent survey, there are large differences in actual admission scores between the students from different economic strata. the average score of the students who come from rural areas is about 20 points higher than for those that come from urban areas. it can be assumed that high-priced and rising tuition and fees has likely prohibited many outstanding students with low socioeconomic status (ses) from accepting higher education opportunities (chung & lu, 1999). in 1960, while it was recognized that increasing student payments for higher education standards would be beneficial for reducing higher education funding shortages, it was also recognized that doing so was viewed as an unfavorable way to achieve educational equity and the objectives of social welfare (johnson, 1960). several other empirical studies (hoenack & weiler, 1975; rose & sorensen, 1992) have come to similar conclusions. that said, in china, higher education tuition and fees are already beyond the means of significant numbers of lower income students (chung & lu, 2003). the negative impacts of rising tuition and fees on educational equity have been mainly documented in two areas: 1) relatively fewer high ability lower income students admitted, and; 2) more high ability lower income students choosing lower status universities and majors. some studies have predicted that the growth of tuition and fees would impact the social demand for higher education. for example, one empirical study demonstrates that the price flexibility of the american students’ demand for higher education was -0.62, which means if tuition current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 6 table 4 the estimated value of the rural and urban residents’ paying ability for higher education (1996-2008) (units: yuan) estimated value year per capita tuition and fees rural residents urban residents 1996 1477 -2582 294 1997 1824 -1765 584 1998 2145 -938 1063 1999 2956 -421 1411 2000 3464 -1118 1374 2001 3928 -771 2128 2002 4324 -608 2391 2003 4562 298 3425 2004 4857 4268 4196 2005 5071 4944 5247 2006 4932 5870 6649 2007 6489 5809 7375 2008 7017 8464 10138 data source: bureau of china statistics (2010) and fees increased 10%, the enrollment of students in the higher institutions would drop 6.2% (leslie & brinkman, 1988). in china, the social demand for higher education is extremely strong (altbach, 1992, 2007; johnstone, 2004; mok, 2000). even though tuition and fees have increased to some extent, total enrollment in higher education institutions has still increased dramatically. however, the growth of tuition and fees may have serious undesirable impacts on those students who are from low ses families. this is because the price flexibility of tuition and fees for lower-income students was higher than that of students from higher income families (gertler & glewwe, 1990). probably because of lower paying ability, in china the proportion of rural students in the college population is remarkably decreasing. in the 1980s, this proportion was about 30%. by 2004 it had declined to 19.2%, even though the rural population accounted for 58.2% of china’s total population (wu, 2004). while students from low-income families have access to higher education, they are still subject to inequities when they choose a college or major within the institution. under cost sharing policies, tuition and fees have become a very important factor effecting students choice of college and major. students from lower-income families tend to choose majors like agriculture, teacher education, forestry, geology in less highly ranked higher institutions. students from high ses families tend to choose higher ranked institutions and are more likely to major in foreign languages, the arts, economics, law and the medical sciences (chung & lu, 1999). this indicates that regardless of where they matriculate, students from low-income families may be disadvantaged in the labor market when they graduate. as a result, the rate of return from their higher education would be expected to be lower than that of students from more wealthy, middle class families. improving affordability for china’s lowincome families the increase of residents’ income for rural or urban disadvantaged families obviously is not simple for the chinese government to achieve in a short time. in such a case, the financial assistance for helping lowincome students to complete postsecondary education is an effective means for the government. such an approach requires the government and society to provide adequate financial aid to highly capable students from low-income families. in fact, many countries have adopted similar “high-charging and high financial support” policies to assist with the development of their higher education systems. since the 1990s, most american universities have gradually raised tuition and fees. as a result, many forms of financial aid have been provided. these have included waivers of tuition and fees, fellowships, and scholarships for over 30% of needy students (chung & lu, 2003). such measures were intended to help balance competing demands of educational development and equity of access to higher education. because of the imperfections in current subsidy systems, however, china’s higher education remains in a “high-charging and low subsidizing” mode. the higher education tuition and fees in china 7 government has been trying to improve financial assistance by increasing the scope and the amount of needs-based subsidies by engaging in some overcharging of tuition and fees. as a result, it appears that china’s higher education policy is slowly transitioning to a policy of “higher-charging and higher financial support.” in this reform procession, a student loan system is thought of as a promising measure to improve students’ financial situations while in school. to enhance the effectiveness of student loan program, countermeasures put forward by albrecht and ziderman (1991) were thought to be valuable: (1) more effectively identify the needy recipients for loans; (2) reducing the debt burden of students with the reduction of the subsidy (such as raising interest rates, but using the students’ future income to help repay their loans) and; (3) designing even more effective recovery mechanisms to reduce the risks/costs to a minimum, such as australia has done by recovering student loans through the tax or social security system (albrecht & ziderman, 1991). nevertheless, debate continues in china about how to best structure student loan and subsidy programs to maximize access to higher education for academically talented students in relatively affordable ways so that educational equity will also be achieved. low-income families will likely be willing to continue accepting, perhaps out of necessity, universities that have lower tuition and fees even though they would prefer to have their children have access to more prestigious universities through more substantial educational grant and scholarship programs. it is likely that student loans and other subsidy programs will become more a part of china’s solution to educational inequality, particularly for middle income families who are capable of making meaningful financial contributions to the education of their children. without more loans and more grant programs, however, lower income students will continue to have less access to higher quality higher education and, as a result, will tend toward lower paying jobs. without even greater advances in these areas, the loser will be society which needs the best and brightest to help address the huge challenges that china’s recent transformation and development are posing. conclusion based on the foregoing analyses, it appears that china’s rising tuition and fees have already exceeded many families’ ability to pay. it also appears that the effects may be particularly hard on most of rural families and some lower ses communities in urban areas. the net effects can be presumed to be largely negative on educational equity. how to ameliorate these likely adverse effects of the recent changes in tuition and fee policies, and how to improve the low-income families’ ability to pay for higher education remain perplexing questions. a number of conclusions are inescapable from this study. first, despite the fact that the “high-charging and high subsidy” policy remains controversial, the chinese government is considering re-intensifying it as a means to improve access to higher education opportunities. second, in the past 15 years the contribution of tuition and fees accounting to total higher education funding has increased rapidly, reaching a peak of 33.7% in 2008. the same period witnessed the proportion of government appropriation for higher education declining gradually to less than half; indicating that the higher education cost sharing policies are having substantial impacts in china. third, rapidly rising tuition and fees have increased the burden on rural and lower ses urban students and their families. fourth, the current situation of having higher education tuition and fees beyond many students’ and/or families’ ability to pay, which is likely to have negatively impacted educational equity. these impacts on students have resulted from lowincome students selecting different admission opportunities and different choices of college and majors. finally, the chinese government is attempting to reform student assistance and loan policies to accelerate attainment of the goal of increasing the likelihood that low-income families’ can afford higher education. based on the life cycle theory, a new method was used to calculate the students’ abilities to pay for higher education in china. models were used to estimate the ability of rural and urban students and their families’ abilities to pay for higher education. the analysis indicated that the current high-priced tuition and fees have resulted in a situation where costs of higher education exceed the ability of many low ses chinese families’ abilities to pay, even families that use their entire savings to pay for their child’s higher education. if china’s system of higher education is to meet its goals, then a more comprehensive system of student financial assistance will be critical. increasing the affordability of higher education in china means that net tuition and fees would need to begin declining more so that the majority of families would become more able to afford it. if that were to happen, then low-income families would not have to pay as much. such an approach could make lower income students more economically capable of accessing higher education. similar studies in china, however, have shown that the low-charging policy will not significantly improve educational equity by itself (cha & ding, 2006; chung & lu, 1999, 2003; mok, 2000; zhong & zhan, 2003). the admirable goals of increasing the quality of china’s higher education, and making it more equally accessible to all able students, must be undertaken carefully so as not to bring excessive financial burdens to the government (cha & ding, 2006) upon which higher education so heavily relies. in addition, it is important that those who can afford higher education and benefit from it current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 8 should pay a fair share of the costs. progress to date has been somewhat less than optimal because the scope of the financial assistance is quite narrow; only a relative few needy students are being helped. we therefore recommend that china consider expanding programs that offer more ability-based tuition and fee waivers, scholarships, work-study opportunities, and fellowships, to high ability but lower income students. references albrecht, d., & ziderman, a. (1991). deferred cost recovery for higher education: student loan programs in developing countries (world bank discussion paper). washington, d. c.: the world bank. altbach, p.g. (1992). patterns in higher education development: toward the year 2000. in r.f. arnove, p.g. altbach, & g.p. kelly (eds) emergent issues in education: comparative perspectives. albany, ny: state university of new york press. altbach, p.g., & knight, j. (2007). the internationalization of higher education: motivations and realities. journal of studies in international education, 11 (3-4), 290-305. bureau of china statistics. (2010). china statistics yearbook (1996-2010) (china). beijing: china statistics press. cha, x., & ding, s. (2006). can low tuition policy improve education fairness and social welfare? tsinghua journal of education (china), 27(1), 65-70. chung, y., & lu, g. (1999). the affecting factors in students choosing college under fee charging system. journal of higher education (china), 2, 31-39. chung, y., & lu, g. (2003). the equity effects of cost recovery in higher education. peking university education review (china), 1(2), 52-64. colclough, c. (1996). education and the market: which parts of the neoliberal solution are correct? world development, 24(4), 589-610. dong, h., & wan, x. (2006). the research of current cost-sharing system in higher education in china, china education science study (china), 4(6), 25-26. gertler, p., & glewwe, p. (1990). the willingness to pay for education in developing countries: evidence from rural peru. journal of public economics, 42(3), 251-275. heckman, j.j. (1976). a life-cycle model of earnings, learning, and consumption. journal of political economy, 84(4): 11-44. hoenack, s.a., & weiler, w.c. (1975), cost-related tuition policies and university enrollments. journal of human resources, 10(3), 332–360. huang, l. (2006). the statistical analysis of the income gap between urban and rural in china. statistics and decision (china), 21, 107-108. johnson, e.l. (1960). is the low-tuition principle outmoded? the review of economics and statistics, (3), 44-47. johnstone, d.b. (1986). sharing the costs of higher education: student financial assistance in united kingdom, the federal republic of germany, france, sweden, and the united states. new york: college board. mok, k.h. (2000) marketizing higher education in postmao china. international journal of educational development, 20(2), 109-126. rose, d.c., & sorensen, r.l. (1992). high tuition, financial aid and cross-subsidization: do needy students really benefit? southern economic journal, 59(1): 66–76. the working group of “the reform of china’s higher education”. (1998). the reform of china’s higher education. beijing: finance and economic press. wang, s. (2000). concise guide to economics of education. beijing: higher education press. wang, y. (2006). changes in funding source of higher education in china: an analysis of the relationship between government funding and student tuition and fees, tsinghua journal of education (china), 27(5), 42-48. wu, s. (2004). the comparative analysis of the students’ cost about attending school and getting employment between public and private universities, education and economics (china), 2, 6-10. zhong, y., & zhan, s. (2003). on charging fees in public higher education from an equality perspective application of cost-recovery theory in mainland china. journal of higher education (china), 24(6), 28-33. higher education tuition and fees in china 9 article citation dong, h. & wan, x. (2012). higher education tuition and fees in china: implications and impacts on affordability and educational equity. current issues in education, 15(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/811 author notes haiying dong arizona state university po box 871811 tempe, az 85287 usa haiying.dong@asu.edu haiying dong is a ph.d. candidate at arizona state university, in the area of educational leadership & policy studies. his interests include the application of large-scale data analysis in educational policy studies; the influence of educational policy on individual and collective actions; school choice; school accountability; student achievement; and international and comparative education. xuehong wan west china school of medicine, sichuan university no. 37,guoxue xiang, west china school of medicine, chengdu, sichuan, 610041, china xhwan929@163.com xuehong wan is a professor of internal medicine and vice dean for educational affairs in west china school of medicine, sichuan university. his interests include the international comparative study on medical education system, curriculum designing, medical tests and faculty development. manuscript received: 09/12/2011 revisions received: 12/21/2011 accepted: 1/13/2012 current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 10 volume 15, number 1 february 5, 2012 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor melinda hollis rory o’neill schmitt assistant executive editor meg burke layout editors angela hines elizabeth reyes recruitment editors angela hines lisa lacy copy editors/proofreaders carol masser lucinda watson authentications editor lisa lacy section editors hillary andrelchik joy anderson mary bankhead laura busby michelle crowley tulani garnett catherine gay ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca hyun jung kang monica keys younsu kim lisa lacy victoria lucero carol masser lauren preston stephanie quintero katherine ronan kelly rubel leslie salazar melisa tarango lauren williams kevin woo faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers ideological dissonance in a literature teaching process volume 13, number 3 issn 1099-839x the ideological dilemma in teaching literature moral conflicts in a diversified society an israeli teacher case study lea baratz achva-college of education roni reingold achva-college of education citation baratz, l. & reingold, r. (2010). the ideological dilemma in teaching literature moral conflicts in a diversified society an israeli teacher case study. current issues in education, 13(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the current study examines the implications of literary teaching material in a national diversified society in which the governmental educational policy separates between two national educational systems, and controls both of these separate systems. we set out to examine whether, in such realty, teachers are willing to teach texts, not formally included in the curriculum, that are replete with values and politics. in addition, we examine if they are willing to teach, whether they would introduce their ideological beliefs even if the teaching unit is incompatible with their ideological worldview. the teaching material comprises two poems about jerusalem, one written by a jewish poet and the other by an israeli palestinian poet. 26 interviews were preformed with teachers: 13 jews and 13 palestinians. their sayings were categorized into the following voices: the essence of the voice – a captured or liberated voice; character of the voice – neutral or political; and aim of the voice – socialization or individualization. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 we did not find any differences in the voices among the palestinian and the jewish teachers. categorically, the teachers attempted to silence any discussion that spilled over into political matters. the ideological dilemma made the teachers voice as hidden voice. since, we do not believe that the governmental educational policy in israel is going to become more democratic, we hope that our findings will encourage colleges of education in israel and similar societies to encourage their students to develop liberated and political voices, and voices of individualization. keywords: literature teaching, teachers' voices, israel, ideological dilemma, moral conflict the ideological dilemma 3 about the author(s) author: lea baratz affiliation: achva-college of education email: lbaratz@netvision.net.il biographical information: lea baratz has a phd in hebrew literature from bar ilan university (israel). she is chair of department of literature in achva-college of education (israel). her fields of research are modern literature (mostly children literature), literature teaching, multicultural education. she wrote several research books and in addition one poem book. author: roni reingold affiliation: achva-college of education email: reingold@netvision.net.il biographical information: roni reingold has a phd in history and philosophy of education from tel aviv university (israel). he is chair of department of education in achvacollege of education (israel). his fields of research are multicultural education; teacher education and online learning. he is the organizer of the earli's 2nd sig 13-moral and democratic education symposium. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 jerusalem has been the focus of jewish national being since ancient times and is the political and cultural center of modern israel. jerusalem is central to three faiths christianity, islam and judaism. in addition, jerusalem remains a bone of contention in the israeli-palestinian conflict: israel's annexation of east jerusalem (captured in the 1967 six-day war) is a particularly controversial issue. israeli palestinians view the eastern part of the city in which the palestinian population resides as an occupied area and consider east jerusalem as the capital of a future palestinian state. possible descriptions of jerusalem in literature are numerous and diverse. the images can change from realistic to abstract, from symbolic to representative. each poet has his or her own personal point of view of jerusalem: jerusalem as a geographical point, a social or political location. in addition, jerusalem is an archetypical symbol, standing for a vague heavenly sacredness. jerusalem might also be a secular and private place to live in or a universal religious essence1. jerusalem creates a complex situation, not only politically. the issue of jerusalem is not less complex when we deal with jerusalem as an object of literature, and of course as a subject to be taught and as a pedagogical issue. introducing such a theme in the classroom, raises the question of what political-ideological teaching direction would be suitable, knowing that the subject could be problematic. the major political problems implicated in the whole subject of jerusalem generate a wide spectrum of firmly fixed concepts, which are almost impossible to change through analysis and estimation. the conflict is political by nature and therefore not given to be solved practically. clark (2006) described a case study, which represents a poem that creates a moral conflict in the teaching process teaching poems opposed to the war in iraq. she noted the 1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/jerusalem the ideological dilemma 5 difficulties that the subject creates in the process of teaching. in her conclusion she writes: "poets against war," offering students an opportunity to understand literary production and the power of poetry – in the context of social change." (p. 11) her notes about poetry emphasize the following assumption: literature mediates between politics and esthetics: "doing literature" will never be equivalent to "doing politics" in the "real world" (grobman, 2005). "through experiencing art, we may potentially perceive that which binds us to the world as it is or should be and eradicates the violence at the heart of our society, where the powerlessness of the many sustains the power of few" (p.143). hence, the current study examines the implications of literary material for the teaching process where the teaching unit not formally included in the curriculum, is replete with values, politics and beliefs, in some cases, such a teaching unit is incompatible with the teacher’s ideological worldview, thus creating an ideological dissonance (baratz, 2004). the teaching material used in the study comprises two poems written about jerusalem by jewish and arab israeli poets. the two poems are: "in the holy temple", by nida’a houry and "eternal jerusalem" by uri zvi greenberg. both poems were given to the teachers in hebrew, even though houry's poem was originally written in arabic and was translated. it was done since, even though both hebrew and arabic are formal languages in israel, palestine students learn hebrew since the second grade, so they read and write hebrew almost as well as arabic. jewish students, on the other hand, learn arabic only a few hours in junior high schools, so most of them do not know how to read arabic. the two poems we choose are not included in the reading list of the official literature curriculum. both of them were written by nationalist (or right-wing advocated). the palestinian poet, nidaa khoury, is a christian palestinian woman (meaning member of several minority current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 groups). her poetry has been the subject of studies at the university of haifa and the hebrew university and has been widely reviewed by the arab press. the jewish poet, uri zevi greenberg, was a member of a right-wing party in the israeli parliament. he was awarded the israel prize in 1957 for his contribution to hebrew literature. following are the two poems: "you, the wedding of……… dancing with the sun you, whispering legend you, his vision is opened the world till the wind calls our holly till the wind calls our via dolorosa till the wind calls' our blessings and our funerals and drops till the wind will say that mother of earth gives birth to the truth's child to freedom and nation in front of the sultan we are shooting our scream" (in the holy temple, nida’a houry) "….. jerusalem was, is and will be. the gate to royalty and the gate to sky the ideological dilemma 7 at its entrance its enemies will kneel down" (eternal jerusalem, uri zvi greenberg) we examined whether or not, teachers are willing to teach those texts that present the political complications, which exist regarding the question of jerusalem? but, we also wanted to know what pedagogical approach will be chosen by the teachers that will agree to teach these poems. choosing a particular technique of teaching is a means of self-expression! what sort of "voice" will the teacher wish the students to hear? will the pedagogical voice sound like the formal voice of the state? will it reflect personal beliefs and those of the collective group to which he belongs, or will it reflect the voices of students? in the process of teaching a poem, it is assumed that the role of art is to create an esthetic experience. in presenting the esthetic experience, the teacher is liable to confront a pedagogical method, which does not correspond to the ideological position. the teacher can respond in one of three possible ways: a. the teacher may ignore the subject because it does not match the perception of values (to ignore and repressing approach). b. the teacher may teach the material despite its incompatibility with his or her worldview, while distancing him or herself from the material and alienating it (a socialization approach). c. the teacher may teach it while presenting the full range of problems the poems arouse. one can also allow students to state their opinions (individualization approach). exploration of teachers' individual response to governmental (ministry of education) policy of suppression will enable us to indicate whether there are differences in the voices among the current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 palestinian and the jewish teachers. moreover, it will provide us empirical basis for our recommendation to policy makers in colleges of education. theoretical background the ideological basis of literature curricula in israel in israel the ministry of education – a political agency controls educational policy and practice throughout the country. the ministry of education is responsible for pre-academic education. the task of developing curricula is entrusted to teams of planners subordinated to a ministerial department, which also has the power to authorize textbooks for daily schoolwork. the ministry also controls the matriculation examinations, which test the knowledge the students have acquired in the course of their studies. israel differs from most countries in the world in setting educational goals and curricula in the various disciplines, as well as controlling and supervising textbooks. curricula dealing with subject matter are drawn up by local, non-political professional teams or even by school teaching staffs. at times, syllabi are drawn up jointly by teachers and students (alpert, 2002). this concentration of power in the ministry enables control of the curricula (hoffman and schnell, 2002). this is particularly evident in the humanities and social sciences (see discussions by al-haj, 2002 on the history curricula, and that by pedahtzur & frlinger, 2004 on the civics curricula). control and supervision of education in israel also extend to teacher training. the ministry of education determines the structure of the curricula; the ministry determines the number of students accepted into the colleges of education and also provides the resources for these colleges. the ideological dilemma 9 control and supervision through shaping the body of knowledge are the foundation of the doctrine of michel foucault. according to foucault, the absolute and brutal power of the sovereigns ruling before the 18th century has been replaced in the modern era by a hidden and sophisticated power system based on the politics of truth (foucault, 1975, 1980). he claims that knowledge is that which governmental power creates and shapes, and in turn, shapes governmental power. power and knowledge are actually two sides of the same coin (foucault, 1972). powerful individuals of high standing are those who determine and define truth, although there is no absolute truth, and use that definition of truth to promote their own interests (back, 2005). in our era, social sciences or human science are the main theoretical fields for shaping truthfulness (ball, 1990, popkewitz, 1998), which enables building and preserving power systems, knowledge, supervision, control and exclusion. there should be a distinction between ideological education and political education. in the framework of ideological education, the educator endeavors to instill in his or her students a loyalty to political concepts, while in the framework of political education he or she endeavors to encourage them to develop capabilities to form personal opinions on all political issues (lamm, 1991). in more recent works (2000, 2001, 2005) lamm extended the distinction between educational ideologies and formulated a typology which is constructed of three educational ideologies: socialization, acculturation and individualization as a socialization agent, teachers must guide the students to adopt a dictated world of values and norms. those values and norms are dictated from the ministry of education, and teachers function as a connecting channel between the state and the students. teachers are not authorized to make any personal decisions about those values and norms. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 as acculturation agent, teachers are also dedicating to a world of values and norms, but they must represent cultural values they support and be the model for values their students should identify with. in the third typology, the individualization, the tasks of teachers are to help students grow and develop. in this framework, teachers help them to form value concepts and acquire skills for evaluating moral considerations by themselves. as already mentioned, humanities teachers in israel, including literature teachers, are expected to be socialization agents of zionist education. since political thinking, ideological thinking, tolerance of minorities and support for freedom of expression are internalized by people during their childhood and adolescence, i.e. in the learning process at school, teaching literature to the young can turn the teacher into a very effective socialization agent. voice and identity in the process of education a "voice" has social and political ramifications that cannot be ignored. from a psychological point of view, everyone can express himself in different voices or reveal different aspects of his personality at different moments according to a given situation, but it is also important to pay attention to the notion of "voice" from a social point of view. the location of a voice implies the right to speak, as well as speaking in a context, speaking to an audience and speaking to achieve a specific purpose (boa, 1999). the social reality is constructed by human voices and not only examined and reflected through it. thus, the teacher's voice is a means of both formulating world-view and expressing it. the ideological dilemma 11 because of those assumptions, we decided to examine the teacher's voice in order to explore an educational reality. since, every interaction between worldviews and political power is ideological (eagelton, 1991, back, 2005); we can identify the teacher's personal political and ideological beliefs by listening to his or her "voice.” hence, a teacher’s voice is the measure for identifying the position in the educational system more than that the personal and social voice. elbaz luvish (2005) examines the process teachers are experiencing while standing in front the class. she isolates the teacher's different "voices" while analyzing the narrative of the teacher's stories. teachers are often "ambivalent" about their work. in a variety of cases, they show this ambivalence even in the course of telling one single story. sometimes the analysis of the sub-text yields contradictory points of view. however, when it can be pointed out as a "moral voice"? it can be called "moral voice" when teaching merges evaluation with judgment and choices. in the process of teaching, teachers demonstrate authority and impose their status of authority on those under their supervision and influence. at the same time, teachers have a unique responsibility for the appropriate ethical development of their students (elbaz, 1991). according to bakhtin (1981), language cannot be disassociated from the social contexts in which it is used. every utterance is a unique expression of socio-linguistic interaction in a specific social context: every utterance is dialogical, and it is therefore dependent on what precedes it and the way others interpret it. the dialogue takes place between "voices" likely to represent differences of social classes, ideologies, periods or genres. consequently, contact of one utterance with another serves to give presence and a unique "voice" to each one of them. in addition bakhtin claims that authoritative voice is bodiless, sounding reliable and objective. it expresses a rigid ideological position rejecting out of hand, by using various rhetorical devices, current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 all "strange speech," i.e. every "voice" that is not in harmony with the ruling official ideological opinion of the time. "it demands that we acknowledge it, to make it our own. it handcuffs us in a way that almost does not depend on its power to be able to persuade us; in a way … its authority has already been acknowledged in the past" (bakhtin, 1981, p. 342). while listening to teachers' voices, one must pay attention to the voice speaking in a social, historical and cultural environment (gudmundsdottir, 2001). lensmire and satanovsky (1988) developed their approach and commentary regarding "voices" following bakhtin's assertions. they do not perceive voices as something given, expressed in speech in a natural, trouble-free manner, but as a 'project', something that students can develop through work and effort. in addition, they claim that voices do not indicate any essence in their content that finally attains expression, but indicate a continuous human effort that builds and rebuilds our self and our relationship with the world. they identified three dimensions in voices: appropriation, social struggle and creation. appropriation is an activity emphasizing the "activity of the self vis-à-vis cultural resources." in developing a voice, the individual does not passively acquire knowledge. he also does not internalize cultural content as it presents itself, but he must make an effort in order to impart meaning to occurrences using language, that we share with others. in bakhtin's (1981) concept, this is an activity involving our using and reprocessing other people's language. social struggle is the use of our voice to express our ideas, some of which are new, in convincing ways. an additional aspect of this struggle is the fact that at times we must choose one voice among many others. we must take a stand on issues facing one audience or another, toward others or concerning others. the ideological dilemma 13 it is important to express the teacher voice who teaches according to the "critic pedagogy" as mentioned by giroux (2000). it is insufficient to consider the politics of texts, the canon, or the curriculum without connecting issues of power in public spheres (75-76). by moving away from the text, giroux argues, theorists will become more "politically responsible" in their approaches to literary texts and, in so doing, will "open . . . up possibilities for new approaches to social reform" (68), addressing issues such as civil rights for minorities and the poor, including immigrants; public school reform; racism in the criminal justice system; and welfare and workfare. methodology the current research followed two empirical stages. first, 200 questionnaires were handed out to literature teachers. since, many school principals (both jewish and palestinians) did not allow us to handed questionnaires to teachers in their schools, we handed the questionnaires to teachers that participated in professional development course in college. in consideration of the demographical structure of the israeli society: 80% jewish and 20% of the palestinian, we handed out 159 questionnaires to teachers in secular jewish high schools (i.e., not from religious schools and not from the occupied territories). forty-one were handed out to teachers in regular palestinian high schools (i.e., schools under the supervision of the ministry of education). all of the participants knew that both of the researchers are secular jews. teachers were asked to send back the questionnaires to the researchers, but only 91 of them (70 jewish and 21 palestinians) replied. the teachers were asked in the questionnaires current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 whether or not they would agree to teach one of two provocative poems, written about jerusalem by jewish and palestinianisraeli poets, and whether or not they would agree to be interviewed in that context. 45.5% of the 200 teachers that were asked to participate in the study agreed to participate 51.2% of the palestinians teachers and 43.4% of the jewish teachers. only 13 of the palestinians teachers and 25 of the jewish teachers accepted the challenge. we decided, as the second empirical stage of the current study, to conduct interviews with two groups of 13 teachers from the two national groups. each teacher was asked to read a poem which he would be required to teach, and, after reading it, to relate to it. the data generated by the interviews was analyzed and divided into predefined categories. a method of qualitative research was chosen in order to locate the important, interesting, and repetitively appearing elements of the data. the findings were analyzed in a manner known as quantification, by open coding on one axis of the information yielded in the interviews (ben-yehoshua, 1990). the interviews were conducted discreetly, with no one else present. complete confidentiality was guaranteed to the interviewees and even the teachers who expressed reservations about cooperating with the research agreed to speak candidly results ninety-two percent of the teachers that replied the questionnaires declared that they would teach any poem that they were asked to teach, and 97% said that while teaching they would deal with both the esthetic and the ideological aspects of the poems. we asked the the ideological dilemma 15 informators if they are willing to teach a provocative poem, written about jerusalem by a poet from the opposing national group and participate in an interview which would deal with how they would teach that poem. almost 65% of the jewish teachers and 38% of the palestinians teachers, who replied, did not agree to our request. during the interviews, the teachers explained how they prepared the poem to be taught in class. a distinction was made between the esthetic-poetic and the ethical-moral aspects, which stems from the poem, that is to say, deconstructing the text. some of the teachers were dealing only with the text, avoiding the meaning in the sub text. a variety of teaching methods was used, each method depending on the teacher's world point of view. categorically, the teachers attempted to silence any discussion that spilled over into political matters. there were no voice differences among the palestinian and the jewish teachers. hence, we do not represent the findings according to national affiliation. following the analysis of the teachers’ words and examination of the common threads observed in them we defined several voices as follows: the essence of the voice is divided into the flowing sub categories: a captured or liberated voice. a captured voice implies that a teacher cannot feel free to express his or her own beliefs, or to express non-formal and external ideology. a liberated voice implies that teachers express themselves freely according to their own beliefs and according to their moral courage or personal point of view. captured voice: (13 palestinians teachers, 9 jewish teachers) current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 "i’ll teach only poems which match my political opinions. if i am forced to teach a poem which does not match opinions, that will be the one which “i didn’t have time to get to.” "students are liable to identify my political opinions" and "i’m liable to be perceived as being a "collaborator”.” "the school administration forbids the expression of political opinions.” "the proper place for discussions like this one is in citizenship or history class.” "we should teach according to the values of the state.” "i teach according to the worldview acceptable to all the students.” liberated voice (2 palestinians teachers, 4 jewish teachers) "we are a heterogeneous people, so we must teach poems of different shades" "we must expose the student to the whole, wide world, including the world of the other.” "a student should be permitted to express anger, criticism, and his feelings.” the ideological dilemma 17 "it’s important that students should express their feelings under the guidance of the teacher. the expression of personal opinions educates the student to be a good citizen in his country" "we will discuss things which characterize the three religions." "the lesson is interesting when many opinions are expressed" "we will discuss things which characterize the three religions" "a poem is a means of instilling an esthetic essence. there’s no alternative to explaining that we have to live together here.” voice manner: agitated speech or subdued speech agitated voice reflect the teacher’s voice, moving from the text to reality. in this case, teachers are not afraid to transmit a message through the text. in subdued speech the voice remains very close to the poetic content, and there is hesitation to say something about reality especially not about politics. agitated speech an esthetic voice (5 palestinian teachers, 6 jewish teachers) "the poem is militant in its tone. it is therefore hard to appreciate its poetic strengths. even if the poem is beautiful from an artistic point of view, its political stance neutralizes the artistic side.” "it is important to struggle with difficult texts, from both a poetic and an ideological point of view" current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 "it is important to struggle with difficult texts, from both a poetic and an ideological point of view" "students shouldn’t be allowed to express their opinions, as they are still immature" subdued speech an ideology poetic voice (8 palestinians teachers, 7 jewish teachers) "the poet’s sensitivity is helpful in exposing the political problem.” "i am a deprived citizen, and feel enchained. first, they should make amends for the kfar kassem massacre (an historical event l.b & r.r)" "poems whose message is death should not be taught.” "the poem nurtures dangerous values.” content of the voice – divided into a voice of socialization or a voice of individualization. in a socialized voice the teacher express just what is allowed to be expressed by the authority, but as one who holds an individual voice, one may allow students to express their personal opinions, even if the students’ voices oppose or coincide with the teacher’s personal opinion the socialized voice (9 palestinians teachers, 8 jewish teachers) "every student will judge the issues (the political statements in the poem) by his own standards.” "the student must examine his worldview in relation to the world around him.” "one must distinguish between the political climate and the poetic process" "one must nurture the student’s emotional world, therefore he should be taught to struggle with painful problems as well.” the ideological dilemma 19 "one may teach non-violence with the help of a violent poem." "violence is not the way to solve problems.” "i have no intention to influence my students, but i do intend to show the justice in the poet’s attitude.” "the student will not be able to separate the esthetic attitude from the political one.” individual voice (4 palestinians teachers, 5 jewish teachers) "the text strengthens the student’s ability to cope with his feelings; including his negative ones.” "one mustn’t confuse adolescents with problems of this sort.” "these days we must not deal with these painful topics. five years ago everything was different.” "the historical truth is what should be taught" "the historical axis should be built from scratch" "it’s difficult to accept poetic truth. also, poetic truth has no meaning for the future of society.” "an experienced teacher is able to neutralize his opinion, and so is able to present an objective message.”" we should help the student to mature so that he is able to listen to a wide range of views, even if they are not always pleasant for him to hear.” "poetic pathos won’t solve the conflict between two peoples.” "we should educate students to have a pluralistic view of the world.” current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 diagram of result discussion our research was intended to examine how teachers deal with ideological dissonance and/or with the formal educational policy in israel while teaching a poem about jerusalem. we tried to isolate teachers' voices in order to discern whether it is possible to identify the voices and determine if they can overcome the ideological dilemma. conclusions it was difficult to isolate just "one" voice in the teaching process. participants from both of the national groups (jewish and palestinian) tried to appear consistent in their opinions or ideological point of view, as revealed in the interviews. a voice of socialization characterized most teachers’ voices. moreover, since they were speaking in captive voice denotes that they hesitated to teach or to discuss matters arising from the text. in other words, they ignored the idea that emerges from the sub text and leads to political issues. the subdued speech reflects 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 captured voice liberated voice agitated speech subdued speech socialized voice individual voice essence of the voice voice manner content of the voice jews arabs the ideological dilemma 21 their way of working – they remain at the esthetic level of the text. they do not transfer any message from the text to the socio-political context. in this situation, they prefer to relate to history because they could rely on a solid basic argument. each teacher found his or her own interpretation of justice in order to justify his or her attitude to the subject matter. a common phrase was "we never expressed our opinions at any point in the interview. nor were we judgmental about this sensitive issue." the teachers with subdued voices clung to the text. they refused to express their opinions, or as one of the teachers said: “when you’re sitting in a draft, get up, close the window, sit down and rest.” by means of that aphorism, he wished to state that he did not want to enter into an unhealthy situation. in instances of ideological dissonance, the head in the sand approach is not at all unpopular. implications from the findings the texts, which were presented to the teachers, revealed a process of emotional struggle with the text, which represents a worldview incompatible with the “official” ideology. the world of emotions makes it harder to maintain a rational struggle for understanding the meaning of a text. from studying the utterances, it is clear that most teachers cannot allow their voices any freedom. they explained that external factors were responsible for not allowing them to say what was really on their minds, or what they wished to say. most teachers reflect the formal official format and their wish to neutralize all political affinity in it (a socialization process). they produced a 'broken monologue' according to bakhtin's terminology. as a result, the learning process concentrates on the "poetic" side of teaching. seemingly, there is a conscious effort on the part of the teachers to avoid 'appropriation of a voice'. in the process, the teachers remain faithful to the text according to barthes' (1967) definition, that is to say their discussions revolve current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 around the personality of the writer, and around the presentation of the world as depicted in the poem. khaled abu‘asbah (2001) provides an answer to what was revealed from our findings in the field. the arab teacher is not willing to endanger his/her status as a teacher. for that reason, there is a gap between the educational process and his/her perception of his/her works as something merely technical and external to himself/herself. the writer lists the reasons, which emphasize that gap: the absence of internal democracy, and a lack of confidence in school administration, other teachers, and students. the system does not provide an inclusive educational experience. the bottom line is that the only benefits a student can expect to get out of school are information and technical skills. the ideological dilemma determined the teachers’ voice as a hidden voice. teachers should teach by the perception of alienation. alienation is responsible for a rational approach. people cannot be rational in their political or ideological decisions without liberating themselves from their emotional ties and obligations, which cause them to prefer one set of resources and goals to another, different set. the student develops an attitude of non-identity regarding his/her position, and regarding the extension of the cultural, political, and social code, which sets the existing limit of power, dependence, and possibility. according to his/her concept, pedagogy of this sort assimilates the asynchronous relationship between a given person’s social perception and the many ways in which culture is built on its patterns, and is read. in other words, there is not even one relationship between the cultural code and the position held by the subject, which is predetermined. an individual’s racial, social, sexual, or ethnic status may have influence, but it the ideological dilemma 23 does not have the kind of influence which dictates how the person chooses ideology for himself/herself, how he/she reads a certain text, or how he/she responds to a particular form of oppression. pedagogy of limits recognizes that teachers and students read and write culture on varying levels. recommendation continuation of such an educational realty in which teachers, both in jewish and palestinian schools in israel, prefer to act without moral courage whenever they have to deal with ideological dilemmas is very dangerous to the israeli society. this is true not only in relation to the jewish-palestinians relationship, but, also to the sake of the possibility that israel will be a true democratic society. how can there be a democratic society when teachers do not educate their students to do so? since, we do not believe that the governmental educational policy in israel is going to become more democratic and multicultural, we hope that our findings will encourage colleges of education in israel and similar societies to encourage their students to develop liberated and political voices, and voices of individualization. the colleges of education, even though they are controlled and budget by the ministry of education, should encourage their students to develop moral courage attitude through complicated matters like those reflected in this issue. we strongly recommend focusing in future researches in finding the appropriate and effective ways of developing moral courage during teacher education programs. in addition, since the subject of teaching literature texts that arouse ideological dilemmas in a moral courage ways should not be dealt only regarding future teachers, we would like to current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 suggest another two theoretical anchors for in-service teachers that would like to build true dialogues in the classroom. the literary work itself is a broad field, full of meanings and facts. it is perceived not as a finished text, but as a production (barthes, 1967). the textual analysis creates the space for understanding the text. jacobson’s (1987) five elements of etymology can help to discuss the message of the poem: the addressor, the addressee, the code, the context, and the contact. a poetic message becomes understandable and meaningful only after the code and the context have been understood, especially regarding the principle functions of the poem’s language. jacobson presents it: examination of the direct tie between the word and its meaning, the word as a representative of a certain thing. an additional way of dealing with a text is the way proposed by scholes (1985, 1996), who speaks of reading within the text, about the text, and against the text. he maintains that in this way, one can learn about the "other", and, thus, learn about oneself. reading within the text means identifying the cultural codes, which build the work. reading within the text means that the reader can retell the story, sum it up and expand upon it. a text seeks to develop a range of readings in the student. it seeks to create a situation in which the student can analyze the text in terms of that which is missing from it, so that he will be able to develop a position external to his opinions of the text. it seems, that taking into consideration the demographical structure and the political reality of israeli society, has an added significant value with teachers exercising moral courage, while participating in initial teacher education programs and of course while servicing in their classes. the ideological dilemma 25 references al-haj, m. 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(1990), qualitative research in teaching and learning. ramat-gan: masada (hebre current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 28 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain jeffery johnson seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word the 65% instructional expenditure ratio and student achievement.docx volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x the 65% instructional expenditure ratio and student achievement: does money matter? timothy b. jones sam houston state university john r. slate sam houston state university citation jones, t.b. & slate j.r. (2010). the 65% instructional expenditure ratio and student achievement: does money matter? current issues in education, 13(4). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract in this study, the researchers examined the extent to which texas public school districts’ compliance with the 65% instructional expenditures ratio was related to student academic success on the texas assessment of knowledge & skills tests. separated into three groups (i.e., 65% instructional expenditures and higher, 60 to 65% instructional expenditures, and less than 60% instructional expenditures), statistically significant differences were yielded among these groups in the taks reading, math, social studies, science, and writing measures. school districts that spent less than 60% of their monies on instructional expenditures had the lowest percent passing rates in all five taks tests. effect sizes ranged from small to large and were consistent across ethnic groups. implications of these findings and suggestions for further research are discussed. keywords: instructional expenditures, student performance, statewide assessments current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 about the author(s) author: timothy b. jones affiliation: sam houston university email: tbj004@shsu.edu biographical information: timothy b. jones is an associate professor and director of the educational research center and doctoral studies in educational leadership at sam houston state university. dr. jones received his ed.d. in educational leadership from stephen f. austin state university. he teaches doctoral level ethics, policy, finance and law. his research interests focus on school finance policy, public school law and school improvement. author: john r. slate affiliation: sam houston university email: jrs051@shsu.edu biographical information: john r. slate received his ph.d. in psychology from the university of tennessee, knoxville. he teaches doctoral level statistics, research design, and academic writing courses in the department of educational leadership and counseling at sam houston state university. his research interests lie in the use of state and national educational databases for school improvement. the 65% instructional expenditure ratio the 65% instructional expenditure ratio and student achievement: does money matter? columnist and political commentator george will (2005a, 2005b), in his article, one man’s way to better schools, and then in a policy statement from an organization called first class education, gave a wide national audience to first class education, an organization founded by overstock.com president and ceo patrick m. byrne. the organization called for all state governments in the united states, by 2008, to spend at least 65% of school district funds on instructional costs as defined by the national center for education statistics (2003). in their policy statement, first class education (2005) suggested three critical objectives that would be met with the implementation of the 65 percent rule: (a) an increase in the amount of money spent in the classroom without increasing taxes; (b) a reduction in the amount of money spent on non-classroom expenditures such as athletics, teacher training and curriculum, student support such as nurses and counseling, instructional support such as libraries and librarians, food service, student transportation and administration; and hence, (c) provide school children with a first class education indicated by higher student performance. other organizations have also joined the 65 percent call. for example, one organization, americans for prosperity, cited “texas polling data” that shows “overwhelming support” in texas for the measure (americans for prosperity, 2005). the no child left behind act (nclb, 2001) mandated that schools evaluate not only the academic performance of all students but, more importantly, the academic performance of students by ethnic membership as well as by variables such as economic status and at-risk status. the 65% instructional expenditures ratio mandate should be evaluated along the same lines. that is, the extent to which this mandate affects the academic performance of students similarly across ethnic membership is unknown and merits attention. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 the literature six studies were identified as being particularly germane to this study. roper (1996) examined the relationship between expenditures and student performance using stanford achievement test scores of 127 alabama public school districts using fourth, seventh, and tenth grade students. when the test scores of the homogeneous groups were analyzed, the instructional support expenditures were not related with student academic achievement. roper (1996) stated that the relationship between expenditures and achievement was seemingly curvilinear, rather than a typically linear relationship. that is, too little expenditures and too much expenditures were not related positively with student achievement, compared with expenditures in the middle of the range. turner (1999) conducted a study in which he examined the relationship between fifth grade state reading scores and per pupil expenditure. data were collected and analyzed from a sample of 40 public schools in georgia for the 1997-98 school year. factors such as percentage of students receiving free and reduced lunch, percentage of total budget used for salaries and benefits, district enrollment, percentage of teachers with a master's degree or higher, and average years of teacher experience were the specific variables analyzed. only a moderate relationship was demonstrated between per pupil expenditure and fifth grade state reading scores. a stronger relationship was observed between the percentage of students receiving free and reduced lunch and fifth grade reading scores. a relatively low relationship was identified between the percentage of total budget used for salaries and benefits and fifth grade reading scores in georgia. turner (1999) also noted an implication from his study was that increasing school spending did not necessarily increase student achievement, and that targeting specific programs might lead to more substantial academic gains than simply increasing overall school spending. the 65% instructional expenditure ratio in a recent study, lance et al. (2003) gathered data on hours of operation, staff and activities, the media collection, educational technology, total library expenditures, and several types of library usage in 657 illinois school libraries. they demonstrated the presence of statistically significant relationships between various dimensions of school libraries and appropriate indicators of academic achievement. walters, in a study published in 2005, sought to determine the efficient allocation of school district financial resources for the delivery of educational services as related to performance outcomes in arkansas public schools. walters (2005) documented that high academic achieving school districts, compared to other academic achievement levels, had the highest support service cost per student for instruction, the lowest administrative cost per student, the highest percent of net current expenditure for instruction, the lowest transportation cost per student, and the lowest expenditure per pupil cost. walters (2005) further demonstrated that high academic achieving school districts had the lowest free and reduced lunch rate, the greatest number of students in average daily membership, and the highest percent of white students, when compared to the other achievement levels. these findings were consistent with numerous other researchers who have documented that a variety of factors contribute to high student performance (lance, rodney, & hamilton-pennell, 2005; roper, 1996; turner, 1999; walters, 2005). the research literature on the topic surrounding the newly coined phrase “65 percent rule” is rather limited (jones, bingham, & jackson, 2007). in november 2005, standard and poor’s disclosed their findings and conclusions on various 65% policies in their study the issues and implications of the “65 percent solution.” in their study, data were examined from the 9 states (i.e., minnesota, ohio, louisiana, texas, kentucky, florida, kansas, arizona, and colorado) that have implemented policy mandates of some type using the 65 percent rule. utilized in this study were state testing data for each individual state. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 using a linear regression analysis, the standard and poor’s study revealed the absence of a positive correlation between instructional spending allocations and student performance. in fact, documented in the study was “that there is no minimum instructional spending allocation that necessarily produces higher student achievement” (standard and poor’s, 2005, p. 4). they ultimately concluded, “there is a lack of empirical evidence for mandating a uniform percentage spending threshold across all districts to raise student achievement” (p. 4). in 2006, standard and poor’s conducted a follow-up addendum to their original study the following year by adding arkansas to the list of schools and had similar findings (standard & poor’s, 2006). finally, jones et al. (2007) reported, in a study of more than 1000 school districts in texas, that no relationship was present between school district instructional expenditure ratios and student academic performance on the state-mandated achievement measure. in addition, jones and colleagues (2007) explored whether a relationship was also present between instructional expenditure ratios and student performance on the scholastic assessment test (sat). similar to their results on the state-mandated achievement measure, jones et al. identified the lack of a relationship between school instructional expenditure ratios and the sat. additionally, jones et al. (2007) stated that “using the 65 percent rule standard or mandate as a dependent variable for prescribing improved student performance negated all other dynamics at play in successful school district operations” (p. 229). they concluded that, “such a uniform standard trivializes the complex nature of the public educational systems across the united states and the task of educating individual children with individual needs” (p. 229). purpose of the study our purposes in conducting this study were twofold: (a) to determine the extent to which student academic achievement might differ as a function of school district instructional the 65% instructional expenditure ratio expenditure ratios and (b) the extent to which findings would be consistent across ethnic membership. with the state mandate that instructional expenditure ratios be 65% or higher, an analysis of its relationship with student performance is clearly warranted. research questions the following research questions were addressed in this study: (a) what is the difference in math percent passing rates as a function of instructional expenditure ratios?; (b) what is the difference in reading percent passing rates as a function of instructional expenditure ratios?; (c) what is the difference in science percent passing rates as a function of instructional expenditure ratios?; (d) what is the difference in social studies percent passing rates as a function of instructional expenditure ratios?; (e) what is the difference in writing percent passing rates as a function of instructional expenditure ratios?; and (f) to what extent are differences consistent in student academic achievement among ethnic groups (i.e., white, hispanic, african american)? method participants data from all texas public school districts for the most recent school year, 20072008, were utilized in this study. the research questions previously mentioned were addressed for all students and then separately by ethnic membership. a total of 943 public school districts had passing rates on the five taks academic measures that were utilized in this study. for african american students, a total of 363 school districts provided analyzable data whereas for hispanic students, a total of 653 public school districts had passing rates available for analysis. the reason for the different sample sizes reflects the manner in which texas reports educational data. when a small number of students is present at a school, scores are not reported to ensure student anonymity and confidentiality of their scores. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 instrumentation archival data were acquired on all texas public school districts for the 2007-2008 school year. through accessing and downloading files from the texas education agency (tea) academic excellence indicator system (aeis), data that were reported by each public school district were gathered. specifically, data on the instructional expenditure ratio, overall student performance on each taks measure, and student performance by ethnic membership on each taks measure were obtained. because the data for these variables are reported to the state by each school district and/or calculated by the texas education agency, traditional reliability and validity estimates are not appropriate for the variables analyzed in this study. rather, any errors in these self-reported figures are assumed to be minimal. to determine the extent to which the individual taks measures provide reliable and/or valid scores, readers are referred to the tea website for the technical manuals for each of the taks tests. the dependent variable of instructional expenditure ratio was defined by the texas education agency as: this measure, required by tec 44.0071, indicates the percentage of the district's total actual expenditures for the 2006-07 fiscal year that were used to fund direct instructional activities. the instructional expenditure ratio is a district-level only measure, and is calculated as follows: expenditures reported in function codes 11, 12, 13, 31 and object codes 6112 through 6499 divided by expenditures reported in function codes 11-52, 92,and 95 and object codes 6112 through 6499. (tea, 2008) procedures after accessing the texas education agency’s academic excellence indicator system website, connection to each aeis data file of interest (i.e., school district, financial, and student the 65% instructional expenditure ratio achievement) was made. data from each data file were downloaded as .dat files and then merged using the statistical package for the social sciences-version 15. prior to conducting statistical procedures, the underlying assumptions (e.g., normality of data) were checked. even though some of the skewness and kurtosis values exhibited a departure from normality (i.e., +/ 3, onwuegbuzie & daniel, 2002), the decision was made to use parametric statistical procedures because of their robustness. results the results are presented by subgroup: all students, african-american students, hispanic students, and white students. all students to ascertain whether a difference was present in student performance on the five taks measures as a function of instructional expenditures for all students, a multivariate analysis of variance (manova) procedure was conducted and yielded a statistically significant result, λ = .95, p < .001, n2 = .024. this overall difference was reflective of a small effect size (cohen, 1988). univariate follow-up fs revealed statistically significant differences for math, f(2, 940) = 19.58, p < .001, n2 = .04; for english, f(2, 940) = 11.75, p < .001, n2 = .024; for science, f(2, 940) = 18.16, p < .001, n2 = .037; for social studies, f(2, 940) = 13.57, p < .001, n2 = .028; and for writing, f(2, 940) = 10.15, p < .001, n2 = .02. effect sizes for these statistically significant results were small (cohen, 1988). scheffe` post hoc procedures revealed that the school districts in the less than 60% instructional expenditures ratio group had statistically significantly lower passing rates in math than the other two sets of school districts which did not differ from each other in math passing rates. the same pattern was present for english, science, social studies, and writing. when the passing rates of all students were analyzed, the poorest passing rates were in school districts in current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 the less than 60% of instructional expenditures ratio schools. an examination of table 1 shows the average passing rates for each taks measure, separated by instructional expenditures group. table 1 descriptive statistics for taks passing rates in math, english, science, social studies, and writing by instructional expenditure ratios group for all students taks measure by instructional expenditures n m sd math 65% and above instructional expenditures 134 80.34 10.92 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 473 80.61 8.43 below 60% instructional expenditures 336 76.23 11.94 english 65% and above instructional expenditures 134 91.35 5.69 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 473 91.56 4.53 below 60% instructional expenditures 336 89.64 7.06 science 65% and above instructional expenditures 134 74.02 12.36 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 473 73.64 9.48 below 60% instructional expenditures 336 68.92 14.15 social studies 65% and above instructional expenditures 134 91.30 7.01 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 473 91.24 4.96 below 60% instructional expenditures 336 88.76 9.20 writing the 65% instructional expenditure ratio 65% and above instructional expenditures 134 92.76 5.43 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 473 92.50 5.57 below 60% instructional expenditures 336 90.64 7.44 african american students to determine whether a difference was present in student performance on the five taks measures as a function of instructional expenditures for african american students, a manova was conducted and yielded a statistically significant result, λ = .88, p < .001, n2 = .06. this overall difference was reflective of a moderate effect size (cohen, 1988). univariate follow-up fs revealed statistically significant differences for math, f(2, 360) = 12.44, p < .001, n2 = .065; for english, f(2, 360) = 9.80, p < .001, n2 = .05; for science, f(2, 360) = 15.44, p < .001, n2 = .08; for social studies, f(2, 360) = 8.09, p < .001, n2 = .043; and for writing, f(2, 360) = 7.02, p < .001, n2 = .038. effect sizes for the math and science results were moderate whereas the effect sizes for english, social studies, and writing were small (cohen, 1988). scheffe` post hoc procedures revealed that the school districts in the less than 60% instructional expenditures ratio group had statistically significantly lower passing rates in math than the other two sets of school districts which did not differ from each other in math passing rates. the same pattern was present for english, science, social studies, and writing. in science, however, all three school district groupings differed. as the percent of instructional expenditures increased, so too did student passing rates on the taks science measure. when the passing rates of african american students were analyzed, the poorest passing rates were in school districts in the less than 60% of instructional expenditures ratio schools. an examination of table 2 shows the average passing rates for each taks measure, separated by instructional current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 expenditures group. findings for african american students were commensurate with the results for all students. table 2 descriptive statistics for taks passing rates in math, english, science, social studies, and writing by instructional expenditure ratios group for african american students taks measure by instructional expenditures n m sd math 65% and above instructional expenditures 78 68.99 11.98 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 201 67.51 9.03 below 60% instructional expenditures 84 61.43 12.91 english 65% and above instructional expenditures 78 87.49 6.26 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 201 85.90 6.14 below 60% instructional expenditures 84 82.89 8.62 science 65% and above instructional expenditures 78 60.38 12.88 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 201 55.44 12.13 below 60% instructional expenditures 84 49.56 12.78 social studies 65% and above instructional expenditures 78 86.71 9.04 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 201 84.52 9.38 below 60% instructional expenditures 84 80.51 12.39 writing the 65% instructional expenditure ratio 65% and above instructional expenditures 78 90.08 6.71 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 201 86.61 9.25 below 60% instructional expenditures 84 85.12 9.03 hispanic students to ascertain whether a difference was present in student performance on the five taks measures as a function of instructional expenditures for hispanic students, a manova was conducted and yielded a statistically significant result, λ = .96, p = .001, n2 = .02. this overall difference was reflective of a small effect size (cohen, 1988). univariate follow-up fs revealed statistically significant differences for math, f(2, 650) = 8.72, p < .001, n2 = .026; for english, f(2, 650) = 4.70, p = .001, n2 = .014; for science, f(2, 650) = 5.74, p = .003, n2 = .017; for social studies, f(2, 650) = 3.32, p = .037, n2 = .01; and for writing, f(2, 650) = 8.71, p < .001, n2 = .026. effect sizes for these results were small (cohen, 1988). scheffe` post hoc procedures revealed that the school districts in the less than 60% instructional expenditures ratio group had statistically significantly lower passing rates in math than the other two sets of school districts which did not differ from each other in math passing rates. the same pattern was present for english, science, social studies, and writing. when the passing rates of hispanic students were analyzed, the poorest passing rates were in school districts in the less than 60% of instructional expenditures ratio schools. an examination of table 3 shows the average passing rates for each taks measure, separated by instructional expenditures group. findings for hispanic students were commensurate with the results for african american students. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 table 3 descriptive statistics for taks passing rates in math, english, science, social studies, and writing by instructional expenditure ratios group for hispanic students taks measure by instructional expenditures n m sd math 65% and above instructional expenditures 101 75.86 9.50 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 355 75.42 8.01 below 60% instructional expenditures 197 72.27 10.76 english 65% and above instructional expenditures 101 87.99 5.39 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 355 87.69 4.77 below 60% instructional expenditures 197 86.35 6.52 science 65% and above instructional expenditures 101 65.37 12.51 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 355 63.39 9.52 below 60% instructional expenditures 197 60.91 13.52 social studies 65% and above instructional expenditures 101 87.49 6.92 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 355 87.01 6.07 below 60% instructional expenditures 197 85.55 9.31 writing 65% and above instructional expenditures 101 91.27 5.34 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 355 90.50 5.54 the 65% instructional expenditure ratio below 60% instructional expenditures 197 88.47 8.10 white students to ascertain whether a difference was present in student performance on the five taks measures as a function of instructional expenditures for white students, a manova was conducted and yielded a statistically significant result, λ = .92, p = .001, n2 = .04. this overall difference was reflective of a small effect size (cohen, 1988). univariate follow-up fs revealed statistically significant differences for math, f(2, 729) = 16.72, p < .001, n2 = .04; for english, f(2, 729) = 11.17, p = .001, n2 = .03; for science, f(2, 729) = 25.07, p < .001, n2 = .06; for social studies, f(2, 729) = 20.51, p < .001, n2 = .05; and for writing, f(2, 729) = 8.74, p < .001, n2 = .023. effect sizes for these results were small, with the exception of science, which was a moderate effect size (cohen, 1988). scheffe` post hoc procedures revealed that the school districts in the less than 60% instructional expenditures ratio group had statistically significantly lower passing rates in math than the other two sets of school districts which did not differ from each other in math passing rates. the same pattern was present for english, science, social studies, and writing. when the passing rates of white students were analyzed, the poorest passing rates were in school districts in the less than 60% of instructional expenditures ratio schools. an examination of table 4 shows the average passing rates for each taks measure, separated by instructional expenditures group. findings for white students were commensurate with the results for african american students and for hispanic students. table 4 descriptive statistics for taks passing rates in math, english, science, social studies, and writing by instructional expenditure ratios group for white students current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 taks measure by instructional expenditures n m sd math 65% and above instructional expenditures 117 86.40 7.73 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 396 85.75 6.30 below 60% instructional expenditures 219 82.59 8.23 english 65% and above instructional expenditures 117 94.84 3.58 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 396 94.75 2.71 below 60% instructional expenditures 219 93.55 3.74 science 65% and above instructional expenditures 117 83.98 8.64 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 396 82.45 6.46 below 60% instructional expenditures 219 78.57 9.03 social studies 65% and above instructional expenditures 117 95.25 3.62 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 396 94.32 3.52 below 60% instructional expenditures 219 92.51 5.32 writing 65% and above instructional expenditures 117 94.18 5.62 60 to 64.99% instructional expenditures 396 93.44 5.73 below 60% instructional expenditures 219 91.68 6.45 the 65% instructional expenditure ratio discussion researchers previously cited (jones et al., 2007; lance et al., 2005; roper, 1996; standard and poor’s, 2005, 2006; turner, 1999; walters, 2005) have documented the absence of any strong relationships between the 65% instructional expenditure ration and student performance on state assessments or the scholastic aptitude test. these researchers, though important, seem to address the broader systems of state accountability and national norm tests, but ignore perhaps a greater understanding of subsets of the population within these broader systems. in this study, the presence of statistically significant differences were documented between schools that maintain a 60% or higher instructional expenditure ratio in their student performance on the reading, math, social studies, science, and writing portions of the texas assessment of knowledge & skills compared to schools that have lower than a 60% instructional expenditure ratio. further, our findings demonstrate clear relationships between instructional expenditure ratio and sub-population student performance. in contrast to jones et al. (2007) and standards and poor’s (2005) who reported the lack of relationships between the 65% instructional expenditures ratio and student test performance, the presence of statistically significant relationships were demonstrated between a benchmark of 60% instructional expenditures and student test performance. as such, a better benchmark may exist at the 60% level than at the 65% level. this recommendation is particularly important as schools continue to close the gap in student performance among sub-group. several cautionary statements are necessary to discourage readers from going beyond the limitations of this study. first, this study represents a causal-comparative research design and, as such, does not yield cause-and-effect results. second, a limited set of variables was examined that related to instructional expenditure ratios and student academic performance. third, data current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 from only one state were analyzed. fourth, data from only a single school year were analyzed. therefore, readers are urged to be tentative to the extent they make generalizations from this study. researchers are encouraged to extend this study by investigating other schooling financial variables. though results of this study, as well as the other studies cited, do not offer a panacea on the complete impact of money on student performance, it is clear that money does influence student achievement. it is clearly true that the enterprise of educating young people is complex and involves many variables. one of those variables is resources and thus it clearly stands that money does matter. perhaps the better question is, “to what extent and in what way does money matter?” the 65% instructional expenditure ratio references americans for prosperity. (2005). highlights on the 65% initiative to put 65 percent of the education funding in the classroom. retrieved from http://www.americansforprosperity.org/highlights-65-initiative-put-65-percent-educationfunding-classroom american psychological association. (2001). publication manual of the american psychological association (5th ed.). washington, dc: author byrne, p. m. (2006). chairman’s perspective. retrieved from http://www.firstclasseducation.org/index.asp cohen, j. (1988). statistical power analysis for the behavioral sciences (2nd ed.). new york, ny: wiley. first class education. (2005). frequently asked questions. retrieved from http://www.firstclasseducation.org/index.asp government affairs home. (2006). 65% rule background. retrieved from http://www.txla.org/html/legis/65rule.html jones, t. b., bingham, w. d., & jackson, s. h. (2007). the emerging sixty-five percent instructional expenditure rule public policy: will student performance improve? in lemasters, l.k. & para, r. (eds.), at the tipping point: navigating the course for the preparation of educational administrators. lancaster, pa: pro-active publications. lance, k. c., rodney, m. j., & hamilton-pennell, c. (2005). libraries make powerful learners: the illinois study. retrieved from http://www.islma.org/pdf/ilstudy%20report.pdf national center for education statistics. (2003). financial accounting for local and state school systems. washington dc: author. onwuegbuzie, a. j., & daniel, l. g. (2002). uses and misuses of the correlation coefficient. research in the schools, 9(1), 73-90. roper, d. m. (1996). alabama public school expenditures as correlates of student academic achievement. ed.d. dissertation, the university of alabama, al: u.s. retrieved from proquest digital dissertations database. (publication no. aat 9633936) standard and poor’s. (2005). the issues and implications of the “65 percent solution.” school matters. retrieved from http://www.65percentdeceptionfacts.com/pdf/s&p_report.pdf current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 standard and poor’s. (2006). the issues and implications of the “65 percent solution – addendum.” school matters. retrieved from http://admin.schoolmatters.com/smresourcehandler/resourcehandler.res?rtype=file&rpi d=42767467&flnm=the%20issues%2065%20percent%20solution%20%20addendum.pdf texas education agency. (2008). instructional expenditure ratio. retrieved from http://ritter.tea.state.tx.us/perfreport/aeis/2008/glossary.html turner, y. m. (1999). the relationship between student achievement, per-pupil expenditure, and other factors in selected georgia public schools. ed.d. dissertation, university of sarasota, fl: u.s. retrieved from proquest digital dissertations database. (publication no. aat 9938767) will, g. (2005a, april). one man’s way to better schools. the washington post. p. b7. will, g. (2005b, april). the 65 percent solution. retrieved from http://townhall.com/columnists/georgewill/2005/04/10/the_65_percent_solution the 65% instructional expenditure ratio current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo draft september 28, 2008 arts-based teaching 1 arts-based teaching: a pedagogy of imagination and a conduit to a socially just education gail humphries mardirosian and sarah irvine belson american university yvonne pelletier lewis imagination stage for more information about this paper, contact gail humphries mardirosian at ghumphr@american.edu. mailto:ghumphr@american.edu� arts-based teaching 2 abstract this article describes a study in which 53 teachers participating in arts-based professional development courses and workshops gained a profound understanding of the role of the arts in education and an appreciation for the powerful role the arts can play in pedagogy and social justice. the findings of study demonstrate how arts-based instructional approaches contributed to the teachers’ perceptions about the importance of students’ active engagement in the learning process (i.e., the importance of student voice) and the role of higher-order thinking in providing all children the possibility of success in learning. we discuss how the described study was based on action research and how the participants’ perspectives were discerned from their writings using document analysis. arts-based teaching 3 introduction this paper presents findings from the impact of arts-based, in-service, professional development training on participating teachers’ readiness and ability to adopt pedagogy of social justice. we begin by examining the underlying political and personal responsibilities teachers assume when they decide to work as educators and to be part of a community dedicated to the education of our children. many educational researchers and theorists have described teachers’ and systemic responsibilities to children, and we find it useful to draw from their theories to engage in a meaningful discussion of pedagogy emphasizing social justice. next, we examine the current state of the field of education related to arts-based instruction. finally, we analyze how the intersection of these two fields can affect teachers' beliefs, attitudes, skills, and behavior. using document analysis and action research, we cull examples from the writings of 53 teachers. the teachers participated in three arts-based professional development six-week summer courses entitled “arts-based teaching” in addition to a oneday professional development workshop. we also draw upon data from concurrent student in-class residencies involving approximately 200 students. from our findings, we conclude the following: the arts have a powerful and important role in the ongoing development of a progressive, democratic, educational pedagogy. foundations of a pedagogy of social justice in education social justice is a common philosophical perspective in many fields including politics, religion, and economics. for those in education, concepts of social justice are particularly poignant, prompted by the systemic failure to provide equitable educational opportunities to students who are economically or socially disadvantaged both in terms of access to quality arts-based teaching 4 education and because of poverty. the need for a more socially just curriculum has long been recognized and described by many theorists. paulo freire (1993) described how educational concepts and practices can be analyzed in the context of a pedagogy of social justice. two major concepts in freire’s writings inform the theoretical basis of his paper. first and foremost, freire asserted dialog must be a central instrument of education. gottlieb and labelle (1990,p. 3) described freire’s “rehumanizing” discourses having significant value to a teacher’s decision making. a teacher can both create opportunities for expression and also use expression as modes of understanding. freire described children as “unfinished, uncompleted beings in and with a likewise unfinished reality” giving the teacher an opportunity to create experiences which allow for completing the being. as described by rafi (2005), freire sought the liberation of the oppressed by asking teachers to avoid authoritarianism through establishing dialog with their students. in this model, the teacher and the student both contribute to their cognition on the subject being studied through classroom discourse (p. 3908). this leads to a second important concept -the idea of shared knowledge creation. freire challenged teachers not to attempt to import educational practices, but rather, to re-invent the curriculum through shared action (ronald and roskelly, 2001). in this way, what is learned is not a static set of information but rather a process of thinking, and, therefore, liberation of those who are oppressed. john dewey (1938) posited that the responsibility of a democratic society is to develop children’s ability to question the status quo in order to move that society forward. dewey’s work is important to understand the state-of-the-art pedagogies concerning social justice. an example of these practices is seen in edelsky’s (2006) description of bilingual classrooms in which the teacher and student can engage in historicallyand culturally-shared social activities and together arts-based teaching 5 discover psychological and linguistic practices (p. xi). in her study of classrooms situated in a migrant community in duncan, arizona, she found teachers and students struggling with a statemandated curriculum and their own understandings of functional language (p. 58). dewey’s writings provide a foundation upon which we can build a set of perspectives and practices related to progressive, democratic goals of education. a progressive, democratic education proposes that schools do not merely serve the purpose of translating to children a finite pool of already existing knowledge. we engage in educating children so that our own society can ultimately progress beyond what we already know. today, dewey’s work challenges educators to consider the role of experience in the child’s interaction with the “real world” as a vehicle of opportunity by which we can move toward the goal of education. in his book, experience and education (1938), dewey stated a democratic society is intentionally progressive, ever widens its interests, and constantly encourages its members to act continuously as guardians of the democracy. it is, therefore, the responsibility of a democratic society to develop children’s ability to question the status quo, to create better processes within the society, and to progress toward a more just society. the concept of using discourse as a pedagogical tool, not only for educating but also as the main policy instrument for conceptualizing education, is posited by henry giroux (1981). discourse relates to an understanding of how the school creates and recreates forms of consciousness through the language we use to describe its goals since 1976, giroux has written about teaching and learning and how children should be given the opportunity to “negotiate their own shifting environments,” as they often do in the arts. giroux built on the work of freire by arguing schools need to construct conditions of empowerment for the majority of students so that discourse becomes a defining feature of education. on the particular subject of discourse, giroux stated educators should “critically analyze modern forms of discourse which disguise arts-based teaching 6 power relationships and can bring to a specific site the ability to inform and educate” (giroux, 1981, p. 87). for example, ladson billings (1992) contrasted the concepts of international efforts toward literacy to the “literacy campaign” in the united states (p. 381) and suggested literacy skills are technical, social, political and cultural. the current conceptions of literacy in the u.s. are primarily likely linked to a job attainment and must be challenged in order to create opportunities for empowerment (ladson billings, 1992). similarly, boler (1997) suggested the need for discourse has been prompted by the sudden emergence of the "emotional literacy" curriculum. she suggested without discourse and attention to emotion, teachers focus too heavily on rationality, biology, and pathology and, therefore, limit the possibilities of emotion and relationships. discourse is a concept that embodies the process of linking knowledge and power. the call for a socially-just curriculum is profound and is prominent in the literature of the educational field. boutte (2008) described the transfer from theory to practice. for example, dewey’s broad principles and theories r relating to social justice provide high ideals, but these principles and theories provide few practical approaches to achieve those ideals [in the classroom] (mcdonald, 2008). apple (2000) suggested the beliefs teachers hold and bring to the classroom about students and their in-class capabilities are significant indicators of how socially just their pedagogy will be in the classroom. when teachers give credence to the concept that some students are not able to learn, it creates a significant deterrent to democratic education. however, there are significant questions as to whether or not teachers are able to do take on the challenge of focusing on social justice in schools that are focused on teaching to the test. for example, ellsworth (1992) suggested when discourse is a popular practice in classrooms, the results of discourse often become vehicles of repression (p. 298). perhaps, as we suggest, the arts-based teaching 7 arts, particularly the performing arts, give the opportunity to challenge the status quo instead of reinforcing it as do traditional forms of discourse. this study examines arts-integration as a means to empower teachers to translate theory into action in the classroom and to view the classroom as an arena for social justice. arts-based teaching to consider the impact of student voice (i.e., students’ active and personalized participation in what and how they learn) and a progressive education (as described by dewey) on the learning experience of all children, the role of arts-based teaching in education should be considered. arts-based teaching furthers the functional understanding and practical application of current cognitive and affective learning theories. it is an instructional approach strongly aligned with brain research. this research posits that while the learning process takes place in each student’s mind, learning is enhanced when the teaching environment gives students opportunities to think out loud, exchange ideas with their peers, and produce collaborative work. for example, wolfe found “concrete experience is one of the best ways to make strong, longlasting neural connections” (2001, p. 188). arts-based teaching provides opportunities for these concrete experiences. further, recent findings compiled by seven cognitive neuroscientists and presented in the dana consortium report, learning, arts and the brain: a report on arts and cognition describes the interaction between art-based experiences and training and the “ability of the brain to learn in other cognitive domains” (2008, p. v). additionally, arts-based teaching engages students in authentic learning through delivering classroom practices that develop student capacity to function within our culture while incorporating elements of their own culture. support for the use of the arts as a means by which children can achieve academic success and strength of self-esteem comes from many sources. in an in-depth study conducted by arts-based teaching 8 anita page (1983), first, second, and third-grade students were tested for comprehension using dramatization or listening. page’s 1983 study found children were more engaged and scored higher on comprehension tests when the story was dramatized than when students were only listening to the story. the study also clearly demonstrated the drama “had more effect on the younger (grade one) students than older students (grades two and three)” (page, 1983). to support page’s findings, a study evaluating shakespeare & company’s national shakespeare institute (1998) found dramatically enacting shakespeare’s works allowed students to gain rich understanding of difficult texts. the study by the national shakespeare institute also “provides a model of how arts-based, project-based learning can assist students in developing higher-order thinking and problem-solving skills” (catterall, 2006, p. 49). in a study of fifth-grade students in remedial reading classes using three methods of instruction, results suggested, “creative drama assists students to develop ’mental images’ of stories, which in turn helps with comprehension” (catterall, 2006, p. 23). stevenson and deasy (2005) described this arts-rich environment as a “third space” where young people and adults can create in an environment free of barriers imposed by themselves or by others. activities engaging students in this manner not only have the promise of increasing student achievement, but also have the potential of contributing to a socially-just curriculum (zyngier, 2008). in a national endowment for the arts document, “critical evidence: how the arts benefit student achievement”, it is noted “the benefits associated with study of the arts are inclusive of all students, although they can be greatest for those who are educationally or economically disadvantaged. and, an arts-rich learning environment can have far-reaching effects that extend to the entire school and surrounding community” (rupert, 2006, p. 15). arts-based teaching 9 methodology arts-based study: from theory to practice this study describes how teachers' concepts of social justice in education were enhanced through art-based professional development courses and workshops. one of the authors, gail humphries mardirosian, designed the arts-based imagination quest (iq) professional development course and workshop and was involved as team leader in the action research project her contributions generated a “community of practice” in a reflective process throughout the professional development experiences. participants in the extensive workshops included k 12 teachers from washington, d.c., from all subject areas including special education. teachers in the field workshop included students and teachers from grades two through five. teachers’ development of instructional strategies were designed to address a pedagogy of social justice, which included giving students voice, developing a problem-solving and social equity perspective, and helping students develop their own understanding of cultural capital through an examination of their own culture and its impact on their learning. . document analysis of teachers' writing was used as a tool to understand the themes of social justice in teachers' pedagogical approaches and the degree to which those approaches were impacted by their participation in the arts-integrated professional development programs. the professional development courses and workshop in this study were based on an artsintegrated teaching and learning model, imagination quest (iq). in iq, the arts are used as a pathway to understanding and as tools for learning and have the goal of realizing potential in each individual student. to that end, a particular target of the iq program are title i schools often serving at-risk students, who because of limited english proficiency, poverty, race, geographic location, and/or economic disadvantage, face a greater risk of low educational arts-based teaching 10 achievement and/or reduced academic expectations. iq is based on the premise that arts-based teaching can help generate a fair system of education through the accommodation of different ways of learning and acknowledgement of and respect for the different cultures and backgrounds that exist in today’s classrooms. its primary goal is to engender teacher effectiveness in the classroom inhering to greater student achievement; fostering creative, analytical, and social skills; and, providing all students with the opportunity to succeed in learning. drawing upon hammond, the workshops aimed to manifest a democratic pedagogy that “supports freedom of expression, inclusion of multiple perspectives, opportunities to evaluate ideas and make choices, and opportunities to take on responsibility and contribute to the greater good” (1996, p. 144). they furthered, as gutman (1987) posited, teaching and learning involving knowing, doing, and analyzing; developing student capacity to function within a community of learners; and, attempting to realize democratic education. by fostering learning through the arts, the workshops also provided teachers and students with opportunities for ownership, invention, and self-actualization, creating a space for both the teacher and the student to “find their voice.” these professional development courses and workshops were designed to facilitate teachers’ effectiveness in the classroom through the development of experiences linked to the participating teachers’ core curriculum and to their school systems’ standards of learning for both content and the arts. through modeling, guided practice, coaching, and co-teaching, teachers were provided both a theoretical and practical foundation for applying arts-based teaching and learning strategies. the experiential approach used in iq involves the teacher participant in a 4-rs sequence of activities: (1) reading selections informing the theoretical framework of arts-based teaching; (2) reacting through and to the theories in authentic learning arts-based teaching 11 experiences and discussion; (3) responding to the theories through the arts-based mechanisms (body, voice, mind, and imagination); (4) reflecting on the full scope of the learning process through analyzing the practical experiences as they connect to the theoretical framework. the teachers were also provided with multiple possibilities for lesson plan development articulating the studied learning theories into instructional practices. this model highlighted links between the techniques of arts-based activities and cognition and memory via processes such as: • dual coding—enhancing memory by presenting material in both verbal and nonverbal representations, i.e., images, sign language. • hot cognition—enhancing memory by arousal of emotions and furthering personal connection to the content, i.e., relating the learning to the students’ own experiences. • making meaning/comprehension—furthering associations using multiple symbol systems, i.e., music, dance, visual arts... the following categories of activities helped teachers construct knowledge that relies on the arts: arts-based games drama/music/movement/play scripted performance using movement, body language, and visual symbols to connect language to meaning with body analogies, using role-play, visual theatre, improvisations, songs and dances that develop analogous thinking but in more extended scenarios and with more complex or expansive concepts. semi-formal or formal presentation developed over time and shared with an audience and integrating elements of theatre, music, dance, sign language, and the visual arts. arts-based teaching 12 while many of the teachers who participated in this study appeared eager to embrace new pedagogy, elements of apprehension, skepticism, and even fear were evident in their writings. many teachers expressed concerns about “not being artistic enough to use this approach.” others feared “not having the energy or the time for lesson plan development using the arts.” and others had exemplified defiant attitudes of “ok, i’m a math teacher, show me how this is relevant to me.” but as was evidenced through their concluding written and oral responses and ownership of the pedagogy via the transfer from training to classroom practice, the teachers’ initial outlooks changed to a positive stage. by the end of the workshops, the teachers were enthusiastically ready to adopt the arts-based instructional innovation. one teacher, who initially believed the course to be “intimidating,” arrived for her final (required) portfolio presentation in complete scuba diving outfit as she presented her self-developed lessons on the rainbow fish. an excerpt from another teacher’s poem presented on the last day of the class also demonstrates the teachers’ readiness to adopt arts-based instructional practices into the classroom: i’ve learned to make a juuuuuuuuuuuicy word and p-p-p-p-pronounce all my s-s-s-s-sounds there was a lot of standing up and activities done on the ground poetry and sound even beating on a drum using scarves to create a scene can bring a page alive to anyone acting and applying creating, singing, drawing too if it can be fun for me there’s no limit to what my kids could do based on the teachers’ output, it appeared the initial outlooks had changed to an acceptance that arts-based pedagogy is transformative. one teacher noted, the approach is “an arts-based teaching 13 oasis for today’s dehydrated classrooms…bringing back the joy of learning and self-discovery to all our learners.” data collection and analysis data collection the data in this study were collected from two sources: (1) writings from participants in three six-week imagination quest (iq) teach to reach professional development courses; and, (2) data collected from a one-day iq professional development workshop followed by a learning to read, reading to learn consisting of seven sessions, in-class student residency, coconducted by an iq-trained classroom teacher and iq artist/educators specializing in visual theatre/sign language and visual arts, along with music and dance, to present a core reading book story content with the use of multiple symbol systems. data from the courses were derived from the writings of the participants; data from the workshop were derived from teacher evaluations using a k-w-l qualitative data collection design that included preand post-workshop questionnaires. the qualitative data collection included specific prompts in three categories: what i know (k); what i want to learn (w); what i learned (l). the student residency data were derived from preand post-tests for the students involving: picture matching; vocabulary; and, sentence completion. a “storyboard” assessment was also administered as a way of measuring the students’ understanding of the sequencing of the story and their ability to explain the key plot elements of the story. data analysis the primary tool of research in this study is document analysis. the use of document analysis engenders a deeper understanding of teachers' perceptions. in this study, the document analysis yields teachers’ knowledge and practice of a pedagogy of social justice. strauss and arts-based teaching 14 corbin (1990) stated methods of qualitative research can be used to better understand any phenomenon through gaining in-depth information that may be impossible to convey quantitatively. the use of document analysis has been of particular benefit in teacher education. hansen (1995), for example, used a variety of documents from journal entries and memos written by participants to university policy documents to understand new teacher development. in this study, teachers’ writings before and after participation were transcribed and then imported into a qualitative research analysis program--hyperresearch software. themes related to social justice were identified using this code-and-retrieve data analysis program. theories were constructed through an examination of the themes that emerged through the analysis. the data were coded according to predetermined categories and additional emerging subcategories related to social justice. the coding schemes included statements from both the teachers and the residency students garnered through individual student and focus group interviews. the emerging subcategories were identified, discussed, and defined during the coding process. the most appropriate choice for unit of analysis focused on phrases that rationalize the teachers’ decision-making process. findings this study focused on the reactions/writings of the 45 teachers who participated in three intensive, arts-based, six-week professional development summer courses in 2005, 2006, and 2007. it also focused on the reactions/writings of nine teachers who participated in a one-day, arts-based professional development workshop and culminating seven-session, in-class student residency. six of the teachers were assessed—preand post-—regarding their knowledge and http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/ejournals/jte/v9n1/hoepfl.html#strauss� http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/ejournals/jte/v9n1/hoepfl.html#hansen� arts-based teaching 15 beliefs about the iq arts-integrated instructional pedagogy and its impact on a pedagogy of social justice. using document analysis, certain themes emerged. a prominent theme seen throughout the document analysis is that teachers gained a broader understanding and appreciation of students’ talents and skills. the document analysis also revealed teachers more greatly appreciated their own talents and skills as well. throughout the lessons, teachers focused on how skills related to the arts were potentially linked to their students’ increased success in learning. by the end of the study, the teachers developed a common conception that children who might otherwise be unsuccessful in the classroom may be better able to comprehend abstract content elements through the arts. as the teachers incorporated elements of the theory of the multiple intelligences (gardner, 1983), they acknowledged there are varying abilities and talents possessed by the children in their classrooms that are frequently underappreciated. the teachers attributed this growth in discernment of the children’s abilities to their personal experiences in the courses and workshop. the experience of the teachers to participate in arts-based activities encouraged them to comprehend what their students would gain in the classroom from an artsintegrated pedagogy. one teacher who “took a risk” commented: what i saw in the rest of the group were people who were confident, creative, uninhibited, and imaginative. what i saw in myself was a person who was inhibited, who felt uncreative and unimaginative, and who lacked confidence. i felt that i did not measure up against all of the others. in the end of this session, this teacher commented, “if i can do it, they [my students] can do it.” to demonstrate the understanding gained by teachers relating to their students’ skills and abilities, it is useful to include some comments derived from the participating teachers’ writings. one teacher noted, “this workshop has added so much color to my life. i have a more positive attitude towards teaching, lesson planning, and student involvement.” furthering this arts-based teaching 16 theme, another teacher observed, “by incorporating arts into my lessons, i can achieve a higher level learning from my students.” in addition to the understanding of the importance of artsbased skills in the classroom, teachers developed a commitment to diverse instructional approaches across classroom settings. the participating teachers’ writings included discussions of a broad set of concerns related to what was described as “traditional” approaches to teaching and a focus on basic knowledge instead of a focus on higher-level thinking this focus on basic knowledge was particularly noted in schools and classrooms where the majority of children came from communities of low socioeconomic standing or were second-language learners. teachers expressing these concerns perceived the arts could be more beneficial to children as arts-based instruction may create more opportunity to learn. examples of teachers’ statements around this theme included the following: “i now find the use of the arts appears to be extremely beneficial for the students in title i schools. arts integration, that is, arts-based teaching and learning, gives every student a chance to experience the subject matter and turns the abstract into something more concrete.” further evidence of the importance of arts-based instruction in enhancing socially just pedagogy is the increase in resistance and risk-taking in teachers’ vocabulary seen through the document analysis. teachers regularly discussed ways in which children should be exposed to different ways of knowing and a different set of concepts related to children’s roles in the classroom. they demonstrated a commitment to meet with school principals to discuss the need for more time for student-based performances; the need to allow students to assume a role in the organization and construction of the school calendar to include more time for their own interests and, the need to find ways to bring parents/caregivers and community members onto the school grounds for positive, student-centered activities. one teacher said, “this class has opened my mind to a world of possibilities with the school system.” another said, “i have already asked for arts-based teaching 17 a teachers’ back -to -school workshop on arts-integration.” another stated: “every principal and teacher should be a part of this approach!” teachers also related statements from parents/caretakers who had been provided the opportunity to see their children respond to artsintegrated instructions. these statements included: “i learned that there is more than one way of looking at things. by asking my child questions, we are able to work problems out together.” “the transfer of knowledge comes in many different forms. sometimes the transfer provides for learning that was unintended. my child now understands the importance of repetition. he sees how important it is to memorize lines. and now, he applies that same understanding and patience to other areas, such as multiplication tables.” another important theme of a socially just pedagogy revealed in the document analysis is the importance of students’ voices in the curriculum. analysis of teachers’ writings revealed an ongoing discussion of the importance of engendering students’ engagement in the classroom, both literally and theoretically. teachers described the desire to challenge students to act out the books they were reading or the ideas they had about society. they also discussed the need for students to spend time in the classroom discussing works and ideas, such as segregation and racism, relevant to their lives. one teacher remarked, “i have learned how to make learning applicable to my students' culture.” an illustrative example of this theme comes from another teacher: “before, i would have never imagined having my students really study something more written by dr. martin luther king, jr., other than the “i have a dream” speech. now i know my students need to read and perform more of his works to better understand exactly what that dream was.” many teachers commented on their own new abilities and the development of their own “voice,” on teacher noted, “i am now able to use innovative ways to reach children and teach them to think on a higher level—to help them in the process of critical thinking.” another arts-based teaching 18 teacher reacted to the use of arts in the classroom in saying, “the arts can inspire, stretch, and increase every student’s ability to learn and ability to live. conclusions the authors conclude the arts play a key role in generating pedagogy of social justice and can engender democracy in the classroom. the arts offer an opportunity for meaningful, unfettered creation. the arts allow one, through the act of making, to actively engage in one’s own development. the generation or making of art builds one’s understanding about relationships to others and to the environment. donald blumenfeld-jones, the lincoln associate professor of ethics at arizona state university’s college of education, stated making art is a meaningful social action since the maker, in order to both make and comprehend the art-piece, comes in contact with both her/his personal and social being. blumenfeld-jones suggested that: the arts may be educationally justified, not because of the ways we can understand ourselves through the examination and appreciation of art but, rather, because of the ways we can understand ourselves and live in a particular way through the making of our own art works (blumenfeld-jones, 1997). much of the extant research on the use of the arts in education focuses on students, yet the arts can also assist teachers in constructing a vocabulary related to a more progressive, sociallyjust curriculum. this study expands the use of the arts in the classroom beyond students creating and producing scripted plays to the retelling and dramatization of literature as an instructional strategy for the teachers. in furthering their understanding of the use of drama in engaging students in their own education teachers assist students in constructing and developing their own voice. the results of this study indicate the participating teachers increasingly saw students as important contributors within the school culture. the study also supports other research that suggests that policy makers should consider how to advocate for teachers in their quest to attend arts-based teaching 19 to students’ individual needs while developing a critical stance toward understanding how those needs are constituted and experienced (mcdonald, 2008). teachers and educational leaders-if committed to the types of schools envisioned by freire, dewey, or giroux-should embrace and endorse the arts as a means by which teachers help children to develop the tools of dialog these tools may be gained through the body, the voice, the mind, or the imagination. specifically, teachers must act as the conduits by which students are given the opportunity to do something much greater than simply appreciating art, as students must be allowed to become involved in the arts in a critical and generative fashion. this deep experience with the arts provides students with the opportunities to examine the world and their role in it. as suggested by rafi (2003), through these arts-constructive experiences, students and teachers can come together to study curriculum and meaningful issues in depth. this study begins to describe the ways in which the arts might enable teachers to engage in pedagogies of social justice and develop sophisticated forms of emotional literacy and awareness in their students and themselves (boler, 1997). a deeper question of how teachers can enable students to utilize the arts and other extra-curricular outlets such as debate and student government to develop their own voice should be undertaken. the analysis of teachers’ writings in this study leads to the idea that this approach may have contributed to a change in instructional methods for the study participants, but a powerful questions remains-how do teachers in the global educational system bridge the intersection between student voice, perspective, and resistance with student learning and the test-driven nature of the school environment? arts-based teaching 20 references apple, m. w. (2002). patriotism, pedagogy, and freedom: on the educational meanings of september 11. teachers college record, 104 (8), 1760-1772. author (2008). learning, arts and the brain. the dana consortium report on arts and cognition. new york, ny: dana foundation. boler, m. (1997). taming the labile other: disciplined emotions in popular and academic discourses. retrieved april 4, 2009 from http://www.ed.uiuc.edu/eps/pesyearbook/97_docs/boler.html. blumenfeld-jones, d. (1997). aesthetic experience, hermeneutics, and curriculum. retrieved september 9, 2007 from http://www.ed.uiuc.edu/eps/pesyearbook/97_docs/blumenfeld-jones.html boutte, g. s. (2008). beyond the illusion of diversity: how early childhood teachers can promote social justice. social studies, 99(4), 165-173. catterall, james s. (ed.) (2002) critical links: learning in the arts and student academic and social development arts education partnership, washington, dc: national endowment for the arts. dewey, j. 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(re) conceptualizing student engagement: doing education not doing time. teaching & teacher education, 24 (7), 1765-1776 arts-based teaching arts-based study: from theory to practice if it can be fun for me based on the teachers’ output, it appeared the initial outlooks had changed to an acceptance that arts-based pedagogy is transformative. one teacher noted, the approach is “an oasis for today’s dehydrated classrooms…bringing back the joy of learning... data collection and analysis findings scripted performance many teachers commented on their own new abilities and the development of their own “voice,” on teacher noted, “i am now able to use innovative ways to reach children and teach them to think on a higher level—to help them in the process of critical t... conclusions exploring parental_final volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x exploring parental aggression toward teachers in a public school setting david c. may eastern kentucky university jerry johnson eastern kentucky university yanfen chen eastern kentucky university lisa hutchison eastern kentucky university melissa ricketts eastern kentucky university citation may, d., johnson, j., chen, y., hutchison, l., & ricketts, m. (2010). exploring parental aggression toward teachers in a public school setting. current issues in education, 13(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract almost all of the extant research examining aggressive activity uses data from student populations. in this study, we extend that literature by examining teacher perceptions of parental aggression in public schools in kentucky. using data from a sample of 5,971 public school teachers, we determine that parental aggression directed at public school teachers is a rare event, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 2 and when it occurs, it is far more likely to be verbal than physical in nature. the multivariate results presented here further indicate that younger teachers, teachers with advanced degrees, and teachers from more heavily populated areas as more likely to have experienced parental aggression than their counterparts. implication for policy and suggestions for future research are also discussed. keywords: parental aggression; teacher victimization; school violence; parent-teacher communication exploring parental aggression 3 about the author(s) author: david c. may affiliation: eastern kentucky university email: david.may@eku.edu author: jerry johnson affiliation: eastern kentucky university email: jerry.johnson@eku.edu author: yanfen chen affiliation: eastern kentucky university email: yanfen.chen@eku.edu author: lisa hutchison affiliation: eastern kentucky university email: lisa.hutchison@eku.edu author: melissa ricketts affiliation: eastern kentucky university email: melissa.ricketts@eku.edu exploring parental aggression toward teachers in a public school setting current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 4 while researchers have identified a number of characteristics and causal influences related to aggression against students in school settings, similar research focusing on aggression against teachers is limited and typically concerned only with instances that involve students as perpetrators. given the literature describing an inherent conflict in parent-teacher relationships, the emerging recognition of the “pushy parent” (beard, 1991; estes, 2002; frean, 2002), and increased recognition of the existence of incidents of parental aggression against school personnel, a more thorough examination of the issue of parental aggression is warranted. the research reported here is an attempt to fill that void by (1) examining public school teachers' perceptions of (and experiences with) parental behaviors they perceive as aggressive or otherwise problematic, and (2) investigating the extent to which perceptions and experiences vary according to selected teacher, school, and community characteristics. we begin with a review of the literature on teacher experiences with (and perceptions of) instances of parental aggression and violence, followed by a description of the methods through which these data were collected. using self-reports from a cross-section of elementary, middle, and high school teachers from the state of kentucky, we then provide a descriptive analysis of teacher perceptions of, and experiences with) problematic behaviors on the part of parents. we follow that with results from analyses investigating variations in perceptions and experiences according to individual teacher characteristics, school characteristics, and community characteristics. finally, we conclude with policy recommendations and suggestions for future research. literature review in recent years, recognition of the seriousness of school safety issues has brought about a concerted effort to document the existence, types, and frequency of crimes and aggressive exploring parental aggression 5 behaviors that occur within schools (bauer, guerino, nolle, & tang, 2008; dinkes, kemp, & baum, 2009; eaton et al., 2007; harris & udry, 2010; national center for education statistics, 2009). however, the majority of information specific to the issue of acts of aggression in school settings has focused primarily on student-on-student behaviors (bauer et al., 2008; dinkes et al., 2009) and includes only a small amount of information regarding aggression towards teachers (callahan & rivara, 1992; johnston, o’malley, & bachman, 1993). moreover, a growing literature has also sought to identify the causal influences of aggressive behaviors among students. of particular relevance to the current project, out of this effort has emerged a wealth of information regarding the influential nature of parents as predictors of student aggression within schools (batsche & knoff, 1994; farrington, 1989; hotaling, strauss & lincoln, 1989; loeber & stouthamer-loeber, 1986; olweus, 1980; paperny & deisher, 1983; patterson, dishion, & bank, 1984; trickett & kuczynski, 1986). a related literature has examined the adversarial nature of the parent-teacher relationship as well (anderson-levitt, 1989; attanucci, 2004; fine, 1993; katz, 1996; lasky, 2000; lightfoot, 2003; lodish, 1994; trumbull, rothstein-risch, & greenfield, 2000). in response to this body of knowledge regarding the importance of parents' role in the school environment and culture, researchers have also attempted to develop appropriate methodologies for dealing with the inherent conflict between parents and teachers (ames, 1995; epstein, 2001; fenwick, 1993; krumm, 1989; rucci, 1991; st. john-brooks, 2001). much of the aforementioned literature focuses on how to resolve the inherent teacherparent conflict or improve the nature of parental involvement in the school, yet little attention has been paid to the specific issue of parental aggression in education. this lack of attention is surprising given that studies have identified parental attitudes as a significant source of stress for current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 6 teachers (brown, 1984; heads fear, 2000; moses, slough, & croll, 1987; phillips, 2005). in fact, the strain of dealing with parents has been cited as one of the primary factors in new teachers leaving the profession (phillips, 2005). further, documented incidents of parental aggression towards school administrators are numerous. philadelphia public schools reported 57 instances of parental assaults against teachers in one six-month period. in a 2001 study of school administrators in one florida county, trump and moore (2001) found that 70% of respondents had been threatened by a parent. they identified three primary types of threats that occurred: verbal threats accompanied by intimidation, non-contact threats accompanied by intimidation, and intimidation with physical contact. while the study results confirmed the anecdotal belief that parental aggression towards teachers existed in their district, the authors cautioned against generalizing beyond their district and suggested replicating their study in other places (trump & moore, 2001). from an international perspective, 140 members of the national association of head teachers reported being assaulted in the united kingdom in the year 2001 (figures confirm, 2001; rights culture, 2001). in edinburgh alone, over 70 parental assaults of teachers occurred during 2004 (meglynn, 2005). recent incidents of parental aggression in a variety of other contexts further recommend this line of inquiry for additional investigation. parental involvement in extracurricular activities has been linked to a wide range of behaviors, including relatively harmless acts of overextending their child’s involvement in youth sports to more serious acts of physical aggression and even murder (freivogal, 1991; kanter, 2002; sports illustrated, 2000). indeed, increasingly close parental involvement in extracurricular activities and debates between parents and teachers regarding academic grades has resulted in the emergence of a “pushy parents” typology (beard, 1991; estes, 2002; frean, 2002). exploring parental aggression 7 although society has recognized the existence of “pushy parents” and educators have sought to develop strategies to address conflict in parent teacher relationships, limited empirical research examines parental aggression towards teachers. specifically, while some research is available, it is limited in scope and geography. the present study fills a void in this literature by conducting a descriptive and exploratory analysis focusing on parental aggression toward teachers. this study will enable researchers to learn more about 1) the prevalence and incidence of behaviors perceived as aggressive or problematic, and 2) the teacher, school, and community characteristics associated with the presence and prevalence of such behaviors. methodology survey construction the limited literature on parental aggression towards teachers necessitated developing original constructs to include in the survey instrument. to facilitate that development, the researchers convened a focus group following a structured group format (morgan, 1997) with a representative group of administrators and teachers (n = 10). the purpose of the focus group was to solicit information regarding the following issues: (1) conceptual definition of parental aggression, (2) forms of parental aggression, (3) frequency and extent of parental aggression, (4) issues around which parental aggression arises, (5) current responses to parental aggression, and (6) possible recommendations for dealing with aggressive parents. several themes emerged from analysis of the focus group data. the question concerning the conceptualization of parental aggression resulted in the identification of two primary sources of conflict, communication and issues of control, as well as a suggestion for a more appropriate conceptualization of the problem. specifically, participants stressed the need to frame the survey current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 8 instrument to conceptualize the issue from the standpoint of a problem versus a conflict (i.e., to extend the inquiry beyond just overtly aggressive behaviors to consider other problematic interactions). the question concerning the types of parental aggression also yielded several themes, with verbal, property, and physical aggression identified as the most common. the question concerning the frequency and extent of parental aggression produced results suggesting that while few parents were problematic, dealing with those problematic parents consumed an inordinate amount of the teacher’s time. a total of seven themes emerged for the question concerning the issues around which parental aggression arises: grades, discipline, special education, curriculum, absences, extracurricular activities, and negative media portrayal. the aforementioned themes served as the basis for developing the survey instrument. data collection data were collected via electronic questionnaire. while electronic questionnaires may not yield representative results for surveys of the general public, valid, reliable electronic surveys involving members of organizations that have both access to the internet and valid email addresses can be conducted with minimal issues of coverage (devoe et al., 2000). a letter was mailed to all kentucky superintendents (n = 176) describing the purpose and methodology of the study and asking for the email addresses of all school principals in the district and permission to send an email to each principal asking for their help in administering the questionnaire. the initial letter was followed up with three mailings and a phone call. in the end, 161 (91.5%) superintendents agreed to allow their principals to participate. using an email distribution list of principals created from addresses provided by the superintendents, an informational letter was emailed to the principals. approximately one month later, principals were sent an email containing the link to the web-based survey and were asked exploring parental aggression 9 to forward the email to all the teachers in their school. the website was deactivated after approximately six weeks. after cleaning the data, the sample consisted of responses from 5,971 public school teachers. estimating an accurate response rate for this project is problematic. if each of the principals forwarded the email to all teachers in their school, then 33,106 teachers, the number of teachers in the 161 districts who agreed to participate in the research, had the opportunity to complete the questionnaire. because the sample under study here consists of 5,971 respondents, our response rate using that calculation strategy is 18.0 percent. this estimate is conservative, at best, as it assumes that (1) all principals in all districts whose superintendent cooperated were able and willing to forward the email containing the link to the web-based survey to all the teachers in their school and (2) all teachers in those schools received and read that email. nevertheless, the low response rate is indicative of the literature suggesting that lower response rates generally result from online versus pen and paper survey administrations (handwerk, carson, & blackwell, 2000; matz, 1999; sax, gilmartin, & bryant, 2003; tomsic, hendel & matross, 2000; underwood, kim & matier, 2000). demographic characteristics of teachers in the sample are remarkably similar, however, to the overall population of kentucky teachers in terms of race and gender, suggesting that nonresponse bias is not a serious issue (dillman, 1991; krosnick, 1999). as such, while the findings presented here need to be taken in the context of this sample and are not immediately generalizable to the state as a whole, it is reasonable to expect that future research efforts with more representative samples would produce similar results. moreover, if we construe the 5,971 respondents as a sample for the population of 33,106 teachers, sample size calculations using a current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 10 confidence level of 95% result in a confidence interval of 1.15 when based on the most stringent range of responses (two-item, or 50%). data analysis the following research questions guided the quantitative investigation in this study: 1. to what extent have public school teachers in kentucky experienced aggressive or otherwise problematic parental behaviors? 2. what do public school teachers in kentucky perceive to be the primary causes of problematic interactions with parents? 3. how do teachers’ experiences and perceptions with regard to problematic interactions with parents vary according to key characteristics of the teacher (e.g., gender, age, years of education experience, education level)? 4. how do teachers’ experiences and perceptions with regard to problematic interactions with parents vary according to key characteristics of the school and community (e.g., grade level, school enrollment, community population size)? the research questions were addressed using descriptive statistics, one-way analysis of variance (anova), and multiple linear regression analysis. specifically, descriptive statistics were used to present a general overview of characteristics of the teachers, schools and communities represented in the sample, and were also used to describe experiences with aggressive or problematic interactions for the sample as a whole. a one-way anova test was then used to investigate the extent that incidences of problematic behaviors vary according to the level of the school (i.e., elementary, middle, or high). finally, multiple linear regression analysis was used to investigate the impact of salient teacher and school characteristics on the number of instances of aggressive or problematic interactions with parents reported by respondents. exploring parental aggression 11 additional description and specification of the anova and regression models follows in the next section, accompanying the results reported from these investigations. this study is responsive to key gaps in the literature regarding parental aggression toward teachers. in general, researchers, policymakers, and practitioners have little information about: (1) the prevalence or incidence of parental aggression toward teachers; and (2) situational and contextual factors associated with parental aggression toward teachers. thus, despite the caveats indicated by the sampling limitations, this project lays an important foundation for future work in this area. results descriptive analyses tables 1 to 4 provide descriptive and frequency statistics for demographic and professional characteristics of respondents in the sample. table 1 presents descriptive statistics for respondents’ age and years of teaching experience. tables 2-4 offer frequency statistics describing gender, race, and education level distributions among the sample. table 1 summary of descriptive statistics for respondents’ age and tenure in education variable n min. max. mean sd teacher’s age 5,743 21 75 41.636 10.493 years experience 5,933 0 43 12.670 8.976 table 2 summary of frequency statistics for teacher gender variable frequency percent valid cumulative current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 12 percent percent valid female 4,856 81.3 81.6 81.6 male 1,097 18.4 18.4 100.0 total 5,953 99.7 100.0 missing 18 .3 total 5,971 100.0 table 3-summary of frequency statistics for teacher race variable frequency percent valid percent cumulative percent valid black 109 1.8 1.8 1.8 white 5,757 96.4 96.9 98.7 american indian 24 .4 .4 99.1 hispanic 17 .3 .3 99.4 asian 11 .2 .2 99.6 other 17 .3 .3 99.9 multiracial 7 .1 .1 100.0 missing 29 .5 total 5,971 100.0 table 4 summary of frequency statistics for teacher education level variable frequency percent valid cumulative exploring parental aggression 13 percent percent valid some college 9 .2 .2 .2 bachelor’s 1,428 23.9 24.0 24.2 master’s 2,957 49.5 49.7 73.9 masters +30 hours 1,502 25.2 25.3 99.2 ed.d./ph.d. 48 .8 .8 100.0 total 5,945 99.6 100.0 missing 26 .4 total 5,971 100.0 tables 5 to 7 provide frequency statistics for school and community characteristics. table 5 reports the distribution of respondents by school level, table 6 reports the distribution of respondents by school size, in discrete categories, and table 7 reports the distribution of respondents by community size, in discrete categories. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 14 table 5 summary of frequency statistics for school level variable frequency percent valid percent cumulative percent valid elementary 2,598 43.5 43.6 43.6 middle 1,501 25.1 25.2 68.7 high 1,865 31.2 31.3 100.0 total 5,964 99.9 100.0 missing 7 .1 total 5,971 100.0 exploring parental aggression 15 table 6 summary of frequency statistics for school size (enrollment) categories variable frequency percent valid percent cumulative percent valid less than 250 471 7.9 8.0 8.0 251 to 500 1,922 32.2 32.5 40.5 501 to 750 1,874 31.4 31.7 72.2 751 to 1,000 754 12.6 12.8 84.9 1,001 to 1,250 335 5.6 5.7 90.6 1,251 to 1,500 272 4.6 4.6 95.2 1,501 to 1,750 151 2.5 2.6 97.8 1,751 to 2,000 73 1.2 1.2 99.0 2,001 to 2,500 59 1.0 1.0 100.0 total 5,911 99.0 100.0 missing 60 1.0 total 5,971 100.0 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 16 table 7 summary of frequency statistics for community size (population) categories variable frequency percent valid percent cumulative percent valid less than 2,500 974 16.3 16.6 16.6 2,501 to 5,000 1,047 17.5 17.8 34.4 5,001 to 10,000 861 14.4 14.7 49.0 10,001 to 25,000 1,169 19.6 19.9 68.9 25,001 to 50,000 784 13.1 13.3 82.3 50,001 to 150,000 388 6.5 6.6 88.9 over 150,000 653 10.9 11.1 100.0 total 5,876 98.4 100.0 missing 95 1.6 total 5,971 100.0 tables 8 and 9 provide frequency and descriptive statistics related to respondents’ experiences with aggressive or problematic interactions with parents. table 8 reports the number and percentage of respondents who experienced one or more incidents in a given category, as reported by respondents based on their overall career (i.e., since they started teaching). table 9 reports descriptive statistics for the total number of aggressive or problematic interactions; in other words, the sum of all aggressive or problematic interactions, per the seven types of interactions reported in table 8. exploring parental aggression 17 table 8 incidence of respondents reporting various problematic interactions with parents interaction frequency valid percent a parent has shouted at me in anger 1,930 36.0 a parent has used profanity directed toward me 1,506 27.9 a parent has verbally threatened me 820 15.2 a parent has sent numerous emails to harass me 443 8.3 a parent has detained or attempted to detain me against my will 300 5.6 a parent has damaged my property at home or school 122 2.3 a parent has hit, pushed, or attempted to hit or push me 91 1.7 table 9 summary of descriptive statistics for the number of total incidents reported variable n min. max. mean sd incidents reported 5,426 0 255 3.2254 10.567 the results presented in table 8 reflect responses to questions regarding the prevalence of problematic behaviors that respondents had experienced in their careers. the most prevalent form of aggressive/problematic behavior was verbal aggression. more than one in three respondents reported that a parent of a child at the school had shouted at them in anger, more than one in four reported that a parent had used profanity directed toward the respondent, and current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 18 more than one in seven reported having been threatened verbally. considerably less common, about one in eight respondents reported having been harassed as a result of receiving numerous emails. far fewer respondents had experienced any of several more serious situations: a parent detaining or attempting to detain the teacher in a location in which they did not want to be (5.6%); a parent damaging their property at school or at their home (2.3%); or a parent pushing, hitting, or attempting to push or hit them (1.7%). the results presented in table 9 represent descriptive statistics for the variable measuring the total number of incidents reported in the above-described seven categories of aggressive or problematic interactions with parents. of note, the mean of 3.2 is potentially misleading as an illustration of what is a typical among respondents. the median statistic for this variable is in fact 0, and a total of 3,243 respondents (approximately 60%) reported no interactions in one of these categories. thus, the majority of respondents in the sample have never experienced aggressive or otherwise problematic behavior from a parent. a sizable minority did report having some but not many incidents; an additional 30% reported between one and eight total instances of aggressive parent behavior or problematic interactions with parents. less than 3% of respondents reported 20 or more incidents of such interactions over the course of their career. table 10 reports frequency statistics for the variable measuring respondents’ perceptions of the most important causes of problems between teachers and parents. exploring parental aggression 19 table 10 summary of frequency statistics for respondents’ perception of most important causes of problems with parents variable frequency percent valid percent cumulative percent valid discipline 3,016 50.5 51.4 51.4 grades 1,637 27.4 27.9 79.3 special education 417 7.0 7.1 86.4 other issues 285 4.8 4.9 91.3 attendance 228 3.8 3.9 95.2 curriculum 117 2.0 2.0 97.2 sports 120 2.0 2.0 99.2 other extracurricular 44 .7 .8 100 total 5,864 98.2 100.0 missing 107 1.8 total 5,971 100.0 more than half of the respondents reported that discipline was the most important cause of problems with parents, while another 28% cited grades as the leading cause. other notable causes included special education, cited as most important by 1 in 14 respondents, and attendance issues, cited as most important by 1 in 25 respondents. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 20 investigative analyses the results reported in the previous section represent measures of central tendency and variance among the nearly 6,000 respondents in the sample, thus depicting their collective experiences with regard to aggressive or otherwise problematic parent behavior directed toward teachers. as a follow-up to that general depiction, here we investigate the extent to which reported experiences vary according to characteristics of the respondent, the school, and the community. the results from a one-way analysis of variance (anova) that was performed to investigate whether experiences with aggressive or otherwise problematic parent interactions vary according to the level of the school are reported in tables 11 and 12. the dependent variable for this analysis operationalizes respondents’ experiences as the total number of incidents reported from among the categories in table 8. the factor variable is the grade level of the school (i.e., elementary, middle, or high school) table 11 summary of anova for number of incidents reported by school level sum of squares df mean square f between groups 1467.307 2 733.654 6.581** within groups 603802.379 5416 111.485 total 605269.686 5418 **p = 0.001 exploring parental aggression 21 table 12 post-hoc bonferroni comparison for number incidents reported by school level 95% ci comparisons mean difference (in reported incidents) std. error lower bound upper bound elementary vs. middle -1.130* 0.358 -1.989 -0.271 elementary vs. high -0.972* 0.336 -1.777 -0.166 middle vs. high 0.158 0.384 -0.762 1.079 * p < 0.05 anova results indicate that there is a significant difference in the number of aggressive parent behaviors or problematic parent interactions experienced by teachers at the three grade levels (f = 6.581, df = 2, p < .01). this suggests that the grade level of the teacher’s school affects the number of aggressive/problematic parent incidents experienced by the teacher. results of post hoc comparisons indicate that experiences for teachers at the elementary level differ significantly from that of each of the other two groups; elementary teachers experienced significantly fewer incidents than either middle or high school teachers. elementary teachers, on average, experienced 1.1 fewer incidents than middle school teachers, and .9 fewer incidents than high school teachers. the difference in the number of incidents experienced by middle school teachers when compared to high school teachers was not statistically significant. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 22 we next performed a multiple linear regression analysis to investigate whether salient teacher and school characteristics constitute viable predictors for the same dependent variable used in the anova (i.e., the variable measuring the total number of instances of aggressive or problematic interactions with parents reported by the respondent). independent variables included respondent’s sex, age, total years of experience in education, and educational attainment, along with school enrollment size and community population size. prior to performing the analysis, relevant statistical tests and transformations were performed to ensure that variables met assumptions for regression analysis. table 12 summary of regression analysis for variables predicting number of incidents reported by teacher (n = 5, 691) variable b se b β sex of respondent .129 .062 .048 age of respondent -.010 .004 -.100** years experience in education .004 .005 .031 level of educational attainment .080 .038 .054* school enrollment .020 .018 .030 community size .057 .012 .108*** notes: adjusted r2 = .162; *p ≤ .05; **p ≤ .01;***p ≤ .001 the r2 statistic in table 12 indicates that 16.2 percent of the variation in experiences with problematic parent behaviors is explained by the variables included in the regression equation. the results suggest that respondent’s age, respondent’s level of educational attainment, and exploring parental aggression 23 community size where the respondent was located all had statistically significant associations with problematic parental behavior. specifically, the regression results suggest (1) that, on average, the higher the age of the teacher, the less likely it is that the teacher will experience aggressive and/or problematic interactions with parents; (2) that, on average, the higher the education level of the teacher, the more likely it is that the teacher will experience aggressive and/or problematic interactions with parents; and (3) that, on average, the larger the community, the more likely it is that a teacher will experience aggressive and/or problematic interactions with parents. discussion interpretation of results as noted earlier, data limitations in this study prevent us from making generalizations to the larger population with statistical certainty. in other words, we cannot draw statistical conclusions. given the close similarities between teachers, schools, and communities in the sample and in the larger population, we can, however, draw logical conclusions based upon the results reported here. first, the experiences and perspectives of nearly 6,000 kentucky teachers were assessed regarding the incidence and prevalence of problematic behavior among parents. the results presented here suggest that although a substantial minority of teachers had experienced verbal abuse and threats from parents, only a small percentage of teachers had actually experienced any physical aggression from parents. in other words, while the problem of parental aggression was present for many of the teachers in the study, the issue was more verbal than physical. this finding, coupled with the fact that much of the literature on parental aggression against teachers is found in popular or trade magazines (e.g., time, good housekeeping, times current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 24 educational supplement), further suggests the need for scholarly research in this area. based on the results of this study, most teachers are likely to experience somewhat regular, if primarily verbal, conflict with parents. contradicting anecdotal evidence and media accounts of numerous threats and assaults on parents, the results presented here suggest that teachers in this sample experienced only a small amount of physical confrontations with parents. the explanation for this perception that teachers are at great risk of physical assault by parents may be attributed to the rarity of these types of events, rather than their frequency. whenever a teacher is assaulted by a parent, it becomes a newsworthy event, not just at the local level, but often at the state, regional, and sometimes national levels as well. thus, these rare events often dominate the news, saturating those areas with news accounts about these events. this saturation increases public perceptions that these events are regular occurrences in the school setting when, in actuality, verbal threats from parents far outnumber any sort of physical threat against teachers in the school setting. secondly, respondents indicated that the primary cause of conflict between parents and teachers is discipline. this finding suggests that teachers who regularly discipline students may increase the likelihood of parental conflict by doing so. consequently, it is important that school administrators be aware of this relationship and take steps to reduce potential for conflict between parents and teachers over disciplinary actions in their schools. one method through which administrators can do so is by supporting teachers when they discipline students and, if needed, by serving as the disciplinarian for teachers for particularly problematic children so teachers can focus on the academic tasks at hand, and not worry about increasing their risk for victimization by firmly and fairly enforcing classroom rules. exploring parental aggression 25 anova results also suggested that the experiences of elementary teachers with regard to parental aggression or problematic interactions differ from that of either middle school or high school teachers. specifically, both middle and high school teachers are, on average, likely to experience about one more incident of problematic parental behavior than an elementary teacher is. to characterize the practical significance of this one incident difference, it is worth recalling that approximately 60% of respondents reported no such incidents, and that 90% of respondents reported eight or fewer incidents. the one incident difference represents a 33% increase over the mean of 3.2, and a 100% increase over the median of 0. thus, differences in the experiences of elementary school teachers, when compared to those of middle school and high school teachers, are not only statistically significant, but substantively significant as well. the grade-level differences suggest that efforts in this area should be targeted at the middle and high school levels. teachers were more likely to experience incidents of parental aggression or other problematic interactions than their older counterparts, as were teachers working in larger communities. the relationship between age and exposure to increased incidents of parental aggression is intuitive, as younger teachers often do not have the life experience and maturity of their older counterparts, who have often developed strategies through the “school of hard knocks” that are effective in avoiding parental conflict. additionally, given that teachers working in smaller communities are generally more likely to have long-standing roots in that community (and often have attended the same school in which they are currently working) and are also more likely to interact with the parents of their children in settings outside of the school, this finding makes sense as well. it is also possible that differences in the number and/or severity of disciplinary incidents is a contributing factor—rural and small town schools, on average, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 26 experience fewer incidents and fewer serious incidents (nces, 2006). this difference is thus impacted by differences in community dynamics in urban, suburban, and rural settings. the regression results also suggest that teachers with more advanced degrees were more likely to experience incidents of parental aggression or other problematic interactions than their counterparts without those advanced degrees. although this relationship was somewhat unexpected, it is not completely surprising. it may be that teachers who return for additional graduate courses are more willing to experiment with innovative educational practices and theories than their counterparts who do not. these practices may make parents that are unfamiliar with these strategies uncomfortable and thus more likely to confront these teachers than they would be to confront their less innovative counterparts. it could also be that teachers with higher levels of education are less willing to tolerate questions or suggestions about their educational strategies and methods from parents. this resistance may make conflict with parents more likely. further analysis is needed to unravel these relationships. recommendations for future research the results of this descriptive and exploratory project warrant further inquiry into this line of research. specifically, the following recommendations for future research are offered: (1) replication of this project using a more representative data sample and additional salient variables, and (2) investigation of parental perceptions at different grade levels about school discipline, attendance, and other issues identified by respondents as causes of parent aggression and other problematic interactions. data for use in a replication or modified replication of this study could be obtained using different sampling and collection methods to achieve a more appropriate set of respondents. additional variables that could be added to enhance the work include (1) discipline data about exploring parental aggression 27 the teacher and school, additions that would allow for examining the influence of teachers’ disciplinary action and also provide some additional context for exploring school level influences; (2) locale codes from nces, an addition that would allow for more precise consideration of the influence of community characteristics by using an established 12 item typology describing school locations on a rural-suburban-urban continuum; and (3) types and perceptions of coursework completed by respondents as part of their graduate programs, additions that would allow for exploring the influence—and potential for influence—of graduate instruction on practices related to student discipline and parent engagement issues. the use of national datasets such as the schools and staffing survey and the national household education survey, both products of the national center for education statistics, should also be explored. a related line of inquiry with the potential to inform findings in this line involves the investigation of parent perceptions of salient issues identified in this project (e.g., discipline). results of such inquiry could confirm teacher perceptions that certain types of issues and interactions lead to aggression and problematic interactions. moreover, and more exploratory in nature, investigations in this line of inquiry would allow researchers to explore the hypothesis that differences in parent behaviors at different school grade levels are in part the result of changes in the perceptions of those parents as their children move through the different schooling levels, with a particular focus on the middle school transition years. recommendations for policy and practice the results presented here reveal that incidents involving problematic interactions with parents are far more likely to be verbal than physical, that middle school and high school teachers are more likely to experience such incidents, and that discipline is a primary cause of such incidents. with that in mind, the following recommendations for policy and practice are current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 28 offered: (1) that pre-service training and in-service professional development incorporate strategies for dealing effectively with verbal conflict; and (2) that schools involve parents in developing, implementing, and monitoring discipline policies and procedures. because teachers are most likely to experience verbal conflict with parents, providing training for teachers on how to avoid, prevent, and resolve verbal confrontations with parents (e.g., de-escalation strategies for preventing verbal confrontations from turning into physical conflict) is recommended for both pre-service and in-service teachers. additionally, training and support for teachers in developing non-confrontational approaches to student discipline are recommended. while providing training and support in these areas for all teachers is clearly warranted by results reported here, findings also suggest, if more tentatively, that inexperienced teachers likely need the most support and assistance if they are to build capacity in these areas. because discipline incidents are a primary cause of teacher-parent conflict, based on teacher perceptions, disciplinary policy and practice should be procedurally clean, should involve parents, and should provide for transparency in its development, implementation, and monitoring. schools can be proactive in preventing problems here by: (1) developing clear discipline codes, including consequences for specific infractions; (2) enforcing rules consistently and without favoritism; (3) communicating the rules to parents, students, and the community at large; and (4) creating and maintaining a process through which parents can address their concerns regarding discipline issues with the principal and, if needed, the superintendent and school board. involving parents in the process of developing discipline codes can be a very effective approach (sheldon & epstein, 2002). a clear disciplinary code and a process for addressing appeals and other issues should also be thoroughly explained in the student handbook. recent research (nces, 2006) suggests that only 60% of schools have a formal process to obtain exploring parental aggression 29 parent input on policies related to school crime and discipline, and only 19% of schools have a program that involves parents at school in helping to maintain school discipline. moreover, data on disciplinary incidents should be assembled and published in a manner that is accessible to parents and other interested parties in the community. schools should also be proactive in disseminating this information to parents at every opportunity and through a variety of media (e.g., print, electronic). clearly and proactively communicating this information may reduce the number of potentially problematic situations 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(eric document reproduction service no. ed 446513). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 34 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word playing with sciencean investigation of young children’s science conceptions and misconceptions .docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x playing with science: an investigation of young children’s science conceptions and misconceptions lori smolleck bucknell university vanessa hershberger washington episcopal school citation smolleck, l. & hershberger, v. (2011). playing with science: an investigation of young children’s science conceptions and misconceptions. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/ abstract the purpose of this research was to investigate the conceptions and misconceptions of young children (ages 3 – 8) related to science concepts, skills, and phenomena. these conceptions and misconceptions were investigated within the framework of the pennsylvania early learning standards for pre-kindergarten and the pennsylvania standards for kindergarten as developed and published by the pennsylvania department of education in 2005. in addition, the national science education standards also served as a foundation for our research. findings reveal the most common conceptions related to matter, magnetism, density, and air. extrapolations from current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 this research can be used by pre-service teachers, in-service teachers, and teacher educators to implement experiences in the classroom that assist in developing and refining young children’s understandings of scientific concepts, skills, and phenomena. keywords: young children, science education, misconceptions, conceptions, conceptual change, conceptual learning playing with science – an investigation 3 about the author(s) author: lori smolleck affiliation: bucknell university email: lori.smolleck@bucknell.edu biographical information: lori a. smolleck is an assistant professor at bucknell university. she teaches undergraduate and graduate level courses in the education department. her research interests include science education, self-efficacy, early childhood education, and literacy education. *correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to lori a. smolleck, 470, olin science building, department of education, bucknell university, lewisburg, pa 17837. email: lori.smolleck@bucknell.edu. author: vanessa hershberger affiliation: washington episcopal school biographical information: vanessa hershberger is an elementary school teacher at washington episcopal school in montgomery county, maryland. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 playing with science: an investigation of young children’s science conceptions and misconceptions past research in science education indicates that most educators underestimate the abilities of early childhood age children to learn science concepts (ayers, 1999; blosser, 1987; eaton, anderson, & smith, 1984; kyle, family, & shymansky, 1989). this notion is problematic because by holding this idea, teachers often fail to “…capitalize on young children’s seemingly innate interest and enthusiasm for science” (watters, diezmann, greishaber & davis, 2001, p. 2). children are constantly exploring, and as they investigate their environment, they create naïve understandings about the world in which they live. these naïve understandings become the building blocks for developing more sophisticated understandings and can therefore interfere with subsequent learning. children are “naturally inquisitive and begin doing science from the moment of birth by observing and sorting out their world” (martin, raynice & schmidt, 2005, p.13). as a result of these exploratory experiences, children often come to school with conceptions that are often inconsistent with commonly held views of scientific concepts, skills and phenomena. in many early childhood settings, science is often omitted from the classroom. in fact, research indicates that early childhood classrooms spend an average of 119 minutes per day on reading/language arts instruction versus 21 minutes per day for science instruction (fulp, 2002). in the rare cases when science is taught to young children, teachers often neglect children’s prior experiences. when teachers ignore the experiences that have been instrumental playing with science – an investigation 5 in forming students’ conceptions of the world, teachers are simultaneously ignoring the misconceptions that students hold about the world. teacher must understand both the conceptions and misconceptions of students in order to teach in a manner that allows for the correction and replacement of misconceptions with accurate scientific understandings. hence, the purpose of this research was to investigate the conceptions and misconceptions young children hold in relation to scientific concepts, skills, and phenomena. by understanding the conceptions and misconceptions of young children, educators may be better able to achieve the goal of scientific literacy for all children (national research council, 1996). framework misconceptions the term misconception is used to describe “a situation in which students’ ideas differ from those of scientists about a concept” (blosser, 1987, a variety of terms section, para. 2). as young children explore the world guided by curiosity and interest, children’s conceptions and misconceptions are based on their everyday experiences. the way that students characterize and explain the world is often guided by logical but scientifically inaccurate understandings. “in many cases students have developed partially correct ideas that can be used as the foundation for further learning” (as cited in committee on undergraduate science education, 1997, misconceptions as barriers to understanding section, para. 2). while students’ prior experiences serve as the foundation and context for further learning, educators should not underestimate the power of student’s misconceptions. “ausubel, (1968) noted that misconceptions are ‘amazingly tenacious and resistant to extinction…the unlearning of preconceptions might well prove to be the most determinative current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 single factor in the acquisition and retention of subject-matter knowledge’” (as cited in kyle, family, & shymansky, 1989, prior knowledge and conceptions of students section, para. 1). there are several ways that children develop conceptions and misconceptions. some of the sources of misconceptions include everyday observations, religious or mythical teachings, science teaching that does not adequately challenge students’ misconceptions, and vernacular misconceptions (committee on undergraduate science education, 1997). there are multiple contexts through which young children encounter information that promotes misconceptions. it is therefore possible for children to have multiple explanations for a given phenomena, depending on the context in which it occurs. young children are capable of delivering the appropriate answers to questions however, they may simultaneously hold misconceptions in which they believe strongly. for example, in a study reported by william philips (1991), “…it was estimated that 95% of [second graders] knew that the earth was a sphere. however, through interviews it was later discovered that while students said they believed it was a spherical planet, they actually believed that earth was indeed flat” (p. 21). this example demonstrates how students combine their everyday experiences with the world and the knowledge that they are taught in school. when students are exposed to two different explanations of scientific phenomena “it is possible that children develop mutually inconsistent explanations of scientific concepts – one for use in school and one for use in the ‘real world’” (blosser, 1987, findings related to elementary science section, para. 1). thus, it is important to consider how to truly uncover misconceptions. one way to correct the misconceptions that children have is through teaching for conceptual change. “misconceptions are rarely expressed aloud or in writing and, therefore, playing with science – an investigation 7 often go undetected…but before beginning instruction to challenge misconceptions a teacher must discover the misconceptions that his or her students hold” (phillips, 1991, p. 21). by understanding the conceptions and misconceptions of young children, educators can better adapt their teaching methods in an attempt to guide students toward accurate and more sophisticated understandings of science. conceptual change conceptual change elaborates on the theory of constructivism and refers to the process learners go through in “…coming to comprehend and accept ideas because they are seen as intelligible and rational” (posner, strike, hewson, & gertzog, 1982, p. 212). the conceptual change learning model is a view of learning that takes into account the interplay between what a student already knows and what the student is being taught (1982). in order for a student to replace a faulty understanding (i.e. misconception) with an accurate understanding, certain conditions must be met. these conditions describe the process by which learners’ “…central, organizing concepts change from one set of concepts to another” (p. 211). specifically three criteria must be met when attempting to replace misconceptions with accurate understandings. first, a student must experience “dissatisfaction” with existing conceptions (p. 214). students are unlikely to change their faulty conceptions unless they come to believe that the conceptions they hold no longer satisfy their need to solve problems (1982). second, the new conception that is to replace the old must be “intelligible” (p. 214). this means that the learner must come to “grasp how experience can be structured by a new concept sufficiently to explore the possibilities inherent in it” (p. 214). third, the new conception must appear “plausible” (p. 214). plausibility refers to a concepts ability to “at least appear to have the capacity to solve problems and be consistent with other knowledge and/or past experience” (p. 214). finally, the new current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 concept should be “fruitful” (p. 214). in other words, the new concept must present the learner with new avenues for solving problems. clearly, the process of conceptual change can at times be a lengthy and complex endeavor due to the fact that students have constructed their conceptions over extended periods of time. thus, at times, it can be quite difficult for learners to accept that their ideas need adjustment and/or replacement, even when these ideas are not supported by evidence. “changes can be strenuous and potentially threatening, particularly when the individual is firmly committed to prior assumptions” (posner, strike, hewson, & gertzog, 1982, p. 223). in fact, some students will go to extreme lengths to defend these ideas. on the other hand, some preconceptions can be easily revised through instruction (chi & roscoe, 2002). regardless of the tenacity of the beliefs, students will resist making a change “…unless they are dissatisfied with their current concepts and find and intelligible and plausible alternative that appears fruitful for further inquiry” (1982, p. 223). “the conceptual change model is widely accepted among science educators. though there are competing views of how conceptual change occurs, there seems to be no argument about whether conceptual change occurs; it is central to learning in science” (suping, 2003, conclusions section, para. 1). hence, by understanding the common misconceptions that children have, teachers can come to better understand the ways in which they can begin to scaffold instruction in an effort to encourage students to move through the process of conceptual change. “in science…misconceptions affect the way children understand a variety of scientific ideas,” therefore it is imperative that teachers understand why and how misconceptions can exist, as well as how they may be replaced (eaton, anderson & smith, 1984, p. 366). playing with science – an investigation 9 although teaching for conceptual change is challenging, it is an attainable goal and has proven benefits or learning. in this style of learning, children confront the inconsistencies in their scientific knowledge, and gain a deeper understanding of science content (watson & kopnicek, 1990). as such, providing instructional strategies that address the importance of students’ conceptions and prior knowledge is imperative. consequently, this study is aimed at investigating the conceptions and misconceptions young children hold in relation to science concepts, skills, and phenomena. as a result of this investigation, educators may come to better understand the conceptions and misconceptions that children hold in relation to science. furthermore, this knowledge will also assist in the development and implementation of instruction that supports conceptual change. method the purpose of this research was to investigate the conceptions and misconceptions young children hold in relation to scientific concepts, skills, and phenomena. this study represents qualitative research. qualitative data was collected from 63 children from three separate early childhood educational sites in an attempt to investigate the conceptions and misconceptions of young children. the age range of the participants was from 3 – 8 years old and data collection took place over the course of three months. of the 63 participants, 65% were male and 35% were female (see table 1). participants were predominantly white, middle class and resided in a suburban town of pennsylvanian. to conduct the research, the researchers created multiple inquiry-based science units for the areas of matter, magnetism, density, and air (see appendix). these inquiry-based units were developed using the national science education standards. hence, each unit was designed around the five essential features of classroom inquiry, which are necessary for teaching science current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 as inquiry (national research council, 2000). each of these units was aligned with both state and national standards and required children to express their understandings of science concepts and skills. the units encouraged student participation, thus the researchers assumed the position of uncovering student conceptions and misconceptions. it is important to note that throughout all of the lessons, the researchers were careful not to confirm or deny participant ideas. the goal of this research was to uncover the conceptions and misconceptions held by young children, not to teach them scientific content. in addition, within each of the lessons, the research asked the students to justify their thoughts, decisions and responses by giving priority to evidence. units were implemented with small groups of young children on multiple occasions. each site was visited an average of five times over the three month time period. during each visit, a unit was implemented and videotaped in an effort to capture all of the conceptions and misconceptions that children portrayed in both their verbal and non-verbal communication skills. the videotapes from each implementation were transcribed and then analyzed. data sources were analyzed in an attempt to identify the common conceptions and misconceptions held by the participants with regard to science concepts, skills, and phenomena. the method of choice for analyzing the data was grounded theory (denzin & lincoln, 2000) and narrative inquiry (clandinin & connelly, 2004). specifically, the researchers analyzed videotapes and transcripts to uncover the most common conceptions and misconceptions held by the participants in regard to matter, magnetism, density, and air. playing with science – an investigation 11 table 1 demographic information of teaching sites site a site b site c male 20 14 7 female 8 8 6 total 28 (44%) 22 (35%) 13 (21%) total n = 63 results upon completion of the qualitative data analyses, the researchers were able to identify the common conceptions and misconceptions young children hold related to the specific areas addressed within this study: matter, magnetism, density, and air. matter the common conceptions that children held related to matter included “a brick is a solid” (ages 7, 6, 5, 4) and “water is a liquid” (ages 6, 5, 4). in addition, children were able to provide several accurate examples of both solids and liquids. specifically, some children categorized liquids as something that “they could drink” (ages 7, 6, 5, 4). although this notion of ‘drinkable’ does not always determine if a substance is liquid, children used this idea when providing examples of liquids such as “milk,” “juice,” “soda,” “water…etc.” in addition, children also utilized the ‘touch test’ to determine if a substance was a solid or liquid. for example, children articulated the belief that “you can stick your finger in a liquid, but your finger stops for a solid” (ages 7, 6). children utilized this ‘touch test’ process to inform their ideas about additional objects/materials that were presented during the unit. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 the common misconceptions that children held related to matter were that “solids are “heavy” (age 5), “hard” (ages 7, 6, 5, 4), solids cannot be “eaten” (age 6), “broken” (ages 7, 6, 5), “bent” (ages 7, 6), “squished” (ages 7, 4), “have holes” (age 7), “be hollow” (age 7), or “soft” (ages 6, 5). in addition, children also believed that “you can drink liquids” (ages 7, 6, 5, 4) and that “if you cannot drink a liquid, it is not a liquid” (ages 5, 4). it is important to note that the conceptions children have oftentimes inform the misconceptions that they have. this notion is particularly evident in the children’s explanation of a solid being something that cannot be “broken” or “bent” (ages 6, 4). this misconception is informed by their conception of a brick being a solid. although children were able to categorize the brick as a solid, they also generalized the properties of the brick to determine the properties of a solid. another example of this was in the children’s description of a liquid being something that “you can drink” (ages 7, 6, 5, 4). although it is true that some liquids can be drank, the children used this idea to incorrectly generalize the idea of drinkable liquids to all liquids. for example, juice is a liquid, but vinegar is not because “you can’t drink it—it doesn’t taste good” (ages 5, 4) these examples are a perfect illustration of how children can hold inconsistent understandings about scientific concepts that lead to the creation of further, more detrimental misconceptions, which may prevent young children from gaining deeper understandings of science. magnetism the common conceptions about magnetism included that magnets “stick” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5, 4) and magnets “help you stick pictures/paper to the refrigerator” (ages 5, 4), in addition, children were able to generate some correct predictions about what magnets would and would not be attracted to in a classroom or recreational space. children also acknowledged that magnets playing with science – an investigation 13 are different “colors” (ages 8, 7, 4), “shapes” (ages 8, 7), “sizes” (ages 8, 7), magnets “have north and south poles” (age 8), and magnets have “different strengths” (ages 8, 7, 6). it is important to note that children were able to use real world examples and experiences such as the refrigerator, to inform some of their scientifically accurate conceptions. however, the children’s overgeneralizations of their conceptions again lead to misconceptions. for example, a common misconception was that “magnets stick to all refrigerators” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5, 4). while this may be a logical extrapolation based on their previous experiences, the children failed to recognize that there might be some circumstances where a magnet will not be attracted to a particular refrigerator. furthermore, this overgeneralization communicates the children’s lack of understanding related to why magnets are attracted to certain objects and not others. another common misconception among children was the idea that magnets “stick.” at all of the sites, children explored the room with magnets looking for items that the magnet would “stick to” and would “not stick to.” as the children tested their predictions, many children tried to “stick” their magnets to a filing cabinet; the magnets did attract to the cabinet but the magnets then slid down the cabinet door. as a result, because the magnet did not “stick” and stay stationary, the magnet was not “sticking” to the cabinet and thus the magnet was not attracted to the cabinet. additional misconceptions about magnets are that magnets are “magic” (age 5), “hard” (ages 4, 5), “stick to all metal” (ages 7, 6, 5), “stick to silver”(ages 6, 5) the “size of a magnet” affects its magnetic field (ages 8, 7), the poles “do not stick equally” (ages 7, 6), magnets will not attract through objects that are “heavier” than the magnet itself (ages 8, 7), and magnets will not attract through items that are “harder” (age 8), “thicker” (ages 8, 7), “stronger” (age 7), and “bigger” than the magnet (ages 8, 7). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 density the common conceptions that children held about density primary correlated with the children’s ability to predict and identify objects that would sink and float. children knew that: “a marble sinks” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5) and “corks” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5, 4), “boats” (age 5), and “ducks” (ages 6, 3) float. however, the young children were also able to express that water inside a boat would impact the boat’s ability to float. this finding illustrates the children’s understanding of mass being important in determining the density of an object. it is clear that the children used their prior knowledge and experiences with sinking and floating to inform their conceptions as their list of conceptions included many examples from their everyday lives, and the same is true of their misconceptions. common misconceptions were that “glass sinks” (age 5), “heavy metal sinks” (ages 7, 6, 4), “plastic floats” (ages 6, 5), “all wood floats” (ages 8, 7, 6), “objects with air inside them float” (age 8). while these conceptions are sometimes true, they are not true all of the time and thus again, illustrate how incomplete conceptions can create misconceptions. additional misconceptions that the children held were related to the task of manipulating a piece of clay so that it would both sink and float, but at different times. to accomplish this task, the children were provided a piece of clay. to make the clay sink, most children immediately formed a ball and put it in the water. however, when asked if they could take that same piece of clay and make it float, the children needed time to experiment with the clay in an effort to test their ideas. many children attempted to remove amounts of clay from the original piece thinking that by decreasing the mass, the clay would then float. this strategy clearly illustrated inconsistencies associated with the concept of density. specifically, children articulated the following misconceptions when manipulating the piece of clay: “heavy objects playing with science – an investigation 15 sink” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3), “light objects float” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3), “thin objects float” (ages 8, 7, 6), “big things sink” (ages 8), and “small things float” (ages 8). with time to explore, children were able to conclude that their initial ideas were not accurate and eventually, all children were able to make their piece of clay float by creating a boat-like object that spread the mass of the clay over a greater area without “flooding.” although children arrived at the understanding of the relationship between mass and volume, this understanding was certainly naïve. specifically, children articulated that, “walls make things float” (ages 8), “flattening it will make it float” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3), and “objects with air in them float” (ages 8, 6). throughout the course of this unit, children consistently drew on previous experiences and knowledge to inform their attempts at creating objects that would float. some interesting examples included a young girl who made a duck out of the clay because she knew that ducks floated and a young boy who made a lifesaver ring because he knew that he had seen the object float in a swimming pool. air the common conceptions associated with air were…“air is for breathing” (age 6), “air can be used to move objects” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5, 4), “if you have more air, you can move heavier objects” (ages 8, 6), “air can be created by blowing” (ages 6, 5, 4), “air is inside a bubble” (ages 7, 6, 5, 4), and “air is invisible” (ages 5, 4). for this particular concept, children again used many connections to their real life to arrive at their conceptions regarding air. it is important to note that this unit involving air required children to explore paper and plastic bags along with napkin parachutes. through this exploration, the following misconceptions were revealed: “if a bag is flattened, there is no air in it” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5, 4), “if a bag is puffed up, there is air in it” (ages 8, 7, 6, 5, 4), “air helps the parachute fall slowly” (age current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 6), “air is inside or on top of a parachute, but not around it” (ages 8, 7, 6), “air is outside and in the sky” (ages 5, 4), and “air is not everywhere…it’s only around when someone/something is blowing” (ages 6, 4). similar to the conceptions previously listed, children again relied on their prior knowledge and experiences to inform their misconceptions. additionally however, their prior knowledge was also used in concert with the new experiences they were encountering. for example, when children explored the napkin parachute to determine how air was involved, they used their conception of air being used to move objects to recognize that air did indeed influence the way the parachute fell to the ground. in the same sense, however, the children were unable to recognize that air was also present on the sides of the parachute, as well as inside and on top of the parachute. this example demonstrates another instance where children have a naïve understanding of a concept that informs how they interact with materials and science content discussion “since the early work of piaget (1929; 1969) researchers have been aware that children’s conceptions about the world are sometimes quite different from scientific conceptions” (eaton, anderson & smith, 1984, p. 365). these misconceptions subsequently affect they way children learn, understand, and apply scientific concepts, skills, and phenomena. by investigating and understanding the conceptions and misconceptions of young children, educators can better tailor their instruction so that opportunities are provided for children to correct their misconceptions and develop deeper, more sophisticated understandings of science. the findings of this research are consistent with other research in the area of children’s misconceptions, however this study is unique in that the population researched involved young children. in addition, this study shed further light on the strategies children use to create understandings about science. for example, children used the ‘touch test’ and playing with science – an investigation 17 the categorization of ‘drinkable’ to determine if a substance was a liquid or a solid. furthermore, when exploring all areas of content involved in this study, children consistently relied on their prior knowledge and experiences to articulate their understandings, which is consistent with previous research associated with misconceptions and conceptual understanding (ayers, 1999; blosser, 1987; committee on undergraduate science education, 1997; eaton, anderson, & smith, 1984; kyle, family, & shymansky, 1989; ozdemir & clark 2007; suping, 2003). this finding further exemplifies the importance of prior knowledge and past experiences in the development of young children’s conceptions and misconceptions associated with science. “children come to school already holding beliefs about how things happen, and have expectations based on past experiences which enable them to predict future events” (blosser, 1987, findings related to elementary science section, para. 1). teachers must take these experiences and knowledge into account when planning and implementing instruction. if teachers do not connect their units of study to the child’s life and prior experiences, the misconceptions that the children have will never be challenged and will therefore continue to exist. another notable finding associated with his study was the discovery of how the conceptions that children hold can also lead to the misconceptions that they have. for example, children articulated the conception that marbles sink. this understanding informed the misconception children simultaneously held: all glass sinks. this finding was consistent across all content areas and is an important discovery for educators to consider when planning and implementing instruction. “preconceptions, never having been put on the table, will continue to coexist with a morass of conflicting ideas… and scientific principles that are not addressed, can coexist with ‘what the teacher told us’ and create a mishmash of fact and fiction” (watson & current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 kopnicek, 1990, p. 680). in addition, we also found that children frequently over-generalized their conceptions, which created inadequacies in their scientific understandings. this overgeneralization of knowledge is a manifestation of conceptions informing misconceptions. implications based on the results of this research, the experiences of the researchers as well as prior literature, three areas of implications are specifically addressed. these areas are implications for research, policy, and practice. research there are several research implications targeted for misconceptions and conceptual change. first, further research to identify additional conceptions and misconceptions that young children hold in regard to scientific concepts, skills, and phenomena is warranted. many research studies address the misconceptions associated with older populations of students, however, little is done in the area of early childhood education. although this study was successful in providing results associated with young children in the areas of matter, magnetism, density, and air, more research should also be conducted to include other areas of science such as, biological science, physical science, chemistry, earth science, as well as environmental and ecological sciences. second, research to investigate and determine effective instructional methods for identifying misconceptions and promoting conceptual change is also critical. although research indicates that implementing instructional strategies to help children progress through the four conditions necessary for conceptual change (posner, strike, hewson, & gertzog, 1982) are promising, specific methods for teaching in such a way are limited. in our research, we found the inquiry process to be effective for identifying the conceptions and misconceptions of young children. inquiry teaching and learning provided the children with opportunities to discover and playing with science – an investigation 19 begin to address the inconsistencies in their scientific ideas while also providing them the space to enjoy learning about science content, skills, and phenomena. once methods of instruction have been identified, it would also be especially useful for researchers to investigate the effectiveness of conceptual change instruction on academic achievement. if the underlying goal of progress made in the area of science education and conceptual change is to have children come to better, more sophisticated understandings of science, it is crucial to investigate the effectiveness of these practices on student achievement. finally, we also believe that the misconceptions of preservice and inservice teachers should be investigated. it has been suggested that teachers oftentimes transfer their own misconceptions on to their students, thereby creating additional misconceptions for students that are even more difficult to address (blosser, 1987; maria 1997; watson and kopnicek, 1990). therefore, understanding and correcting the misconceptions of preservice and inservice teachers before they begin teaching would be a worthy research endeavor. policy professional development opportunities and additional preservice and inservice teacher education opportunities are important if we expect teachers to be adequately prepared for teaching conceptual change in early childhood science classrooms. according to the national research council (1996), “the process of transforming schools requires that professional development opportunities be clearly and appropriately connected to teachers’ work in the context of schools” (p. 57). therefore, these opportunities must provide teachers with both the theoretical and practical background knowledge of conceptual change. specifically, preservice and inservice teachers will need to understand how to identify and address the multitude of misconceptions that children can have in their classrooms. in addition, preservice and inservice current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 teachers will also need to be provided with numerous opportunities and a great deal of support when developing lessons and units designed to create cognitive conflicts which provide children opportunities to confront the inconsistencies in their scientific ideas. most importantly, if all of these propositions are to take place, preservice and inservice teachers must also have adequate scientific content knowledge in all areas of science. if all of these issues are addressed, educators may then be able to augment their teaching practices to support children in developing accurate and sophisticated understandings of science. practice both teachers and preservice teachers alike need to understand that children are capable of discovering and constructing scientific understandings, skills, and abilities with deliberate planning of effective instruction. this research provides further evidence to suggest that young children are capable of expressing their ideas associated with science, when they are provided the opportunity to do so. thus, it is important for preservice and inservice teachers to not underestimate the abilities of their young learners and plan for instruction that addresses conceptual change. specifically, preservice and inservice teachers must provide opportunities for children to inquire into the world of science while connecting their prior knowledge with the new information that is to be acquired. children must experience the dissatisfaction of erroneous ideas so that they can progress toward finding more accurate ways of knowing that are “intelligible, plausible, and fruitful” (posner, strike, hewson, & gertzog, 1982, p. 214). teaching science through inquiry may be one potentially valuable avenue for assisting children in moving from misconceptions to accurate scientific understandings. in doing so, preservice and inservice teachers will thereby be employing strategies that support accommodation. in addition playing with science – an investigation 21 to instructional practices, preservice and inservice teachers also need to develop more appropriate evaluation techniques that take into consideration the process of conceptual change. while making these adaptations to instruction, it is important for preservice and inservice teachers to recognize that “…changes can be strenuous and potentially threatening, particularly when the individual is firmly committed to prior assumptions” (posner, strike, hewson, & gertzog, 1982, p. 223). although teaching for conceptual change will take time, it is a worthy pursuit that will indeed assist in achieving scientific literacy for all children (nrc, 1996). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 references ayers, t. (1999). early start counts in science education. science, 284(5423), 2189-2192. blosser, p. (1987). science misconceptions research and some implications for the teaching of science to elementary school students. retrieved from http://www.ericdigests.org/pre-925/science.htm chi, m. & roscoe, r. (2002). the process and challenges of conceptual change’, in m. limon & l. mason (eds.), reconsidering conceptual change: issues in theory and practice, (pp. 3 – 27). dordrecht: kluwer. clandinin, j.d. & connely, m.f. (2004). narrative inquiry: experience and story in qualitative research. san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. committee on undergraduate science education. (1997). science teaching reconsidered: a handbook. national academy press, retrieved from http://www.nap.edu/catalog.php?record_id=5287#toc. denzin, n. k. & lincoln, y. s. (2000). handbook of qualitative research (2nd ed.). thousand oaks, ca: sage publications, inc. eaton, j.f., anderson, c.w, & smith, e.l. (1984). students’ misconceptions interfere with science learning: case studies of fifth-grade students. the elementary school journal, 84(4), 365-379. fulp, s. (2002). the status of elementary science teaching. washington, dc: national academy press: u.s. department of education. kyle, w.c., family, e.d., & shymansky, j.a. (1989). enhancing learning through conceptual change teaching. retrieved from http://www.narst.org/publications/research/concept.cfm maria, k. (1997). a case study of conceptual change in young child. the elementary school playing with science – an investigation 23 journal, 98(1), 67-88. martin, d.j., raynice, j.s., schmidt, e. (2005). process-oriented-inquiry—a constructivist approach to early childhood science education: teaching teachers to do science. journal of elementary science education, 17(2), 13-26. national research council. (1996). national science education standards. washington, dc: national academy press. national research council. (2000). inquiry and the national science education standards: a guide for teaching and learning. washington, dc: national academy press. ozdemir, g & clark, d. (2007). an overview of conceptual change theories. eurasia journal of mathematics, science & technology education, 3(4), 351-361. philips, w. (1991). earth science misconceptions. the science teacher, 58(2), 21-23. posner, g., strike, k. hewson, p. & gertzog, w. (1982). accommodation of a scientific conception: toward a theory of conceptual change. science education, 66(2), 211-227. suping, s. (2003). conceptual change among students in science. retrieved from http://www.ericdigests.org/2004-3/change.html. watson, b. & kopnicek, r. (1990). teaching for conceptual change: confronting children’s experiences. phi delta kappan, 71(9), 680-684. watters, j., diezmann, c., grieshaber, s., davis, j. (2001). enhancing science education for young children: a contemporary initiative. australian journal of early childhood, 26(2), 1-7. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 appendix unit information it is important to note that throughout all of the lessons, the researchers were careful not to confirm or deny participant ideas. the goal of this research was to uncover the conceptions and misconceptions held by young children, not to teach them scientific content. in addition, within each of the lessons, the research asked the students to justify their thoughts, decisions and responses by giving priority to evidence. matter to begin the lesson, the researchers provided each participant with a variety of rocks and had them describe the rocks to us (i.e. what do they look like, feel like, etc). after listening to student responses, we introduced the word ‘solid’ to the students and told them that the rocks were examples of solids and then asked the participants to provide other examples of solids. next, we provided the participants with the opportunity to explore a variety of objects that were also solids (i.e shoe box, brick with holes, solid brick, bucket, water bottle, baskets with holes, foam noodle, marbles, coins, keys, paperclips, sorting bears, crayon, teddy bear, blocks, rubber eraser or dog toy, paper, cloth), however, we didn’t tell then that these objects were solids. instead, we asked the children to talk about the objects and discuss whether or not they thought they were solids. after listening to student discussions, we then asked the students to create a definition of solid and provide additional examples of solids. to extend the idea of matter to liquids, the researchers provided the participants with a shallow bowl of water. children were allowed to explore the water and describe what they were feeling and/or noticing. after listening to student ideas, we then asked the students if this water was a solid and asked follow up questions, which required students to justify their thoughts based playing with science – an investigation 25 on their previous experiences. next, we introduced the idea of a liquid and told students that water is an example of a liquid. based on this idea, we then asked students to provide other examples of liquids. we then provided the participants with the opportunity to explore a variety of substances that were also liquids, but again, did not tell them that they were examples of liquids (i.e. water, milk, half and half, ginger ale, cool aid, oil, syrup, vinegar, soy sauce, juice, etc.). similar to the solids exploration, we asked students to classify the substances as either ‘liquid’ or ‘not liquid’ and then asked the students to create a definition of liquid and provide additional examples. to conclude the lesson and to determine if students would be able to differentiate between solids and liquids, the researchers provided the participants with a large piece of construction paper with the labels of ‘solid’ and ‘liquid’ at the top of the paper. using this organizer, we asked students to classify a variety of solids and liquids into the appropriate categories. while categorizing the materials, the researchers asked the students to justify their decisions with evidence and attention to the properties of solids and liquids previously discussed. magnetism to begin the lesson, the researchers threw a stuffed animal (with magnetic limbs) onto a magnetic surface so that it would stick. the researchers then asked the students why they thought the animal was able to stick to the surfaces. the participants were allow the opportunity to manipulate the stuffed animal and based on evidence, adjust their ideas if necessary. te researchers then introduced the idea of magnets to the children and asked them to discuss what they knew about magnets (i.e purposes, appearance, etc). participants were then asked to discuss what magnets stick to and make predictions about objects around the room that would stick to magnets. students were then provided with the opportunity to test their predictions by traveling current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 throughout the classroom to determine which objects the magnets would stick to. after children had time to explore, we came back together to discuss findings as a group. during this time, the researchers were sure to have students discuss the things that did stick as well as those that did not. next, the researchers extended this idea of ‘stick’ and ‘not stick’ typically used by the children and introduced the vocabulary of attract and repel. next, the idea of magnetism was further investigated by having the participants discuss if magnets would attract through other things. after a discussion, students were again provided the opportunity to explore this idea within the classroom using, cloth, paper, wood, glass, water, plastic, etc. after children had time to explore this idea, we again discussed findings with attention to the materials that magnets did attract through as well as those they did not attract through. to uncover the conceptions and misconceptions associated with the poles of a magnet, each participant was provided with two bar magnets. then were then asked to make observations about their magnets and encouraged to predict what the ‘n’ and ‘s’ on either side of the magnet represented. next, to assist students in articulating these ideas, we asked questions regarding which poles would attract to each other and prompted students to explore this question with their magnets. after exploring, the students then discussed their findings with the researchers and were asked to explain what they have learned, being sure to give priority to evidence. finally, to ascertain if the learning from the exploration could be applied to a new situation, the researchers showed students a demonstration of magnets suspended on a rod. the researchers asked the students what they thought was happening and why. to conclude the lesson, the researchers had the students share their new understandings about magnets as well as their new wonderings. playing with science – an investigation 27 density to begin this lesson, the researchers showed the participants a cork and marble and allowed them to hold and explore the objects. next, the researchers asked the participants to predict what would happen if we put them both in a bucket of water. after listening to responses, the researchers placed one of the objects in the water and had the students make observations and discuss what happened. next, the researchers introduced the vocabulary of sink or float and had students use the vocabulary accurately to describe what happened to the object. the participants were also asked to explain why they thought the object sank or floated. this same procedure was followed for the second object then the participants were asked to articulate the difference between the two objects when they were placed in the water. the goal of this conversation was to elicit from students their ideas about why one object floated and one sank, and to determine if the participants noticed any differences between the two objects. to offer participants an opportunity to apply their ideas associated with density, they were presented with a variety of objects, one at a time, and asked to predict if the object would sink or float. again, students were asked to justify their thoughts. following the prediction, participants were then asked to place their object in the bucket of water to determine the accuracy of their predictions. in light of this exploration, the researchers again discussed the results with the participants and required them to provide explanations for what they were observing giving priority to evidence and drawing relationships between and among the objects. expanding on these basic ideas, the researchers then provided the participants with another exploration with density cubes and clay. first, the density cubes are cubes that have the same volume but different weights. to begin, the participants were presented with the cubes and provided the opportunity to manipulate the cubes to observe their properties. similar to the current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 28 previous explorations, students were instructed to discuss their predictions regarding how the cubes would behave when placed into the water. next, the students placed the cubes (one at a time) in the water, made observations and discussed happenings. again, the researchers discussed the results with the participants and required them to provide explanations for what they were observing giving priority to evidence and drawing relationships between and among the objects. during the clay exploration the researchers provided the participants with a ball of clay and asked them to predict if the clay would sink or float. similar to the above procedures, these predictions were discussed. next, the students placed the clay in the water, made observations, evaluated the accuracy of their initial predictions, and discussed happenings. again, the researchers discussed the results with the participants and required them to provide explanations for what they were observing giving priority to evidence and drawing relationships between and among the objects. the participants were then asked if they thought there might be a way they could make the clay float and were then provided time to explore this question. when students finished molding the clay, they were then asked to place it in the water. the students then discussed their observations with the researchers and were allowed additional time for alternative designs of the clay if needed. after all children were able to successfully float their clay in the water, the researchers asked the participants why the clay was floating if we didn’t change the original amount of clay. within this discussion, students were encouraged to justify their thoughts and to make connections to the previous investigations (i.e. density cubes). using this connection, the participants were then asked to discuss how the heaviest density could possibly be manipulated to float. playing with science – an investigation 29 to conclude the lesson, the participants were shown a picture of an aquarium with objects that were floating and sinking and were asked to discuss their observations of the aquarium. participants were encouraged to discuss why some objects were sinking and others were floating. to elaborate on this idea, participants were then asked to explain how we could get the objects that were floating to sink. participants discussed their thoughts with the researchers while giving priority to evidence and then were asked how the objects that were sinking could be made to float. again, the participants discussed their thoughts and related their ideas to evidence from previous explorations. air to engage students in the air lesson, the researchers showed students a paper bag full of random items and told them that we were going to investigate the objects and materials inside the bag. students were then asked to predict what might be inside of the bag. one by one, the items from the bag were removed and identified. when the bag was “empty” the researchers asked the students if there was anything else in the bag and required them to justify their thoughts. when the students arrived at the idea that there was only air left in the bag, we then discussed with the students how they are able t tell if air is inside of a bag or another container. to uncover the answer to this question the participants were provided with experiences to investigate air on their own. the first of these investigations involved providing the participants with a zipper seal bag and a straw and were encouraged to see what they could discover about air. specifically, participants were instructed to blow into their baggies and observe what happens. throughout the exploration, participants were encouraged to discuss and describe what they were doing and how air was being used. after participants completed their investigations, the researchers current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 30 revisited the initial question: how can you tell when air is in a bag or another container? participants were required to use evidence from their explorations as a way to justify their thoughts. to conclude this portion of the lesson participants were asked where else they have seen or felt air. next, the students explored air through the use of parachutes. to begin, the participants were asked what a parachute was, if they had ever seen one, and if so, where. participants were then asked how they thought a parachute worked. to encourage students to elaborate, the researchers, when necessary, asked the participants how air was involved in moving a parachute. to extend this idea, the participants were provided with parachutes and were asked to release them and observe how they move. after investigating the parachutes, the participants then explained and discussed what was happening and why they thought it happened. the researcher then posed another question to the participants: what do you think will happen if we add a ‘passenger’ to the parachute? again, a brief discussion about the associated predictions took place and the participants were once again provided the opportunity to explore this question. after all investigations had concluded, the researchers conducted a discussion with the students to discover how they thought the ‘passenger’ impacted the way the parachute worked. to conclude this portion of the lesson, the researchers discussed with the participants what made the parachute fall slowly and asked them to compare the differences between flying one and two ‘passengers.’ within this discussion, the researchers were attempting to ascertain where the students recognized the presence of air. finally, the participants were asked to predict what would happen if we took the parachutes outside or home and a discussion was conducted around the following questions: would the parachutes move differently? what role would air play in making the parachute move outside or at home? where can air be found? playing with science – an investigation 31 the next portion of this lesson centered around the use, production, and movement of bubbles. to begin, participants were shown a bottle of bubbles. they were then asked what they thought it was and how they might use it. the researcher then blew a bubble and asked: what is inside a bubble? can you see it? what is outside a bubble? can you see it? what moves a bubble around? the researchers then explained to participants that, although they cannot see the air, they could use bubbles to see where the air is moving. in light of this idea, the participants were then asked to explain how they thought air was moving in the classroom. to assist them in their ideas, the researchers blew more bubbles, required the students to make observations and then asked students to elaborate on their thoughts using evidence. to extend this idea, the researcher provided time for the participants to investigate the following questions: how can you use bubbles to show if air moves around corners? how can you use bubbles to show where the air moves fastest? how can you use bubbles to show where the air moves slowest? how can you use bubbles to show how air moves in a doorway? the participants then discussed their findings and provided justification using evidence from their investigations. to conclude, the researchers asked the participants what bubbles had to do with air and what bubbles could tell you about air. additionally the participants discussed what they had learned about air and then drew a picture to illustrate their learning. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 32 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt volume quality citation oloo, j. a is abstract debate a extensive the impo study ex alberta, norwegi higher e jurisdicti keyword 13, numbe y assura a. (2010). q ssues in edu t about academ e dispute ab ortance of qu amined issu canada, no ian agency education in ions. possib ds: quality a er 4 nce of hi quality assur cation, 13(4 mic quality bout the mea uality assura ues in quality orway, and k for quality n assuring an ble lessons f ssurance, hi w igher edu jame university rance of high 4). retrieved assurance h aning of the ance and enh y assurance kenya and t assurance i nd enhancin for kenya an igher educat winter 2010 ucation in s alan olo y of saskatc her education from http:// has often ten phrase. how hancement o of higher e the roles of c in education ng quality of nd other dev tion, alberta n alberta oo chewan n in albert, k /cie.asu.edu/ nded to bring wever, man of degree pr ducation in campus alb n, and the k f higher edu veloping cou a, kenya, n iss a, kenya kenya, and n / g into the fo ny observers rogramming the provinc berta qualit kenya comm ucation in th untries are p norway sn 1099-83 and norw norway. cu ore s appreciate g. this ce of ty council, mission for he three presented. 39x way urrent current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 quality assurance of higher education in alberta, kenya and norway in alberta, kenya and norway, postsecondary participation rates have been growing steadily for years (snowdon, 2010; aas, 2007; odhiambo, 2006). while recognizing the public and private benefits of investment in higher education, snowdon (2010) posited that at a time when many jurisdictions are investing heavily in their higher education sector, “government commitment to quality higher education must be strengthened” (p. 2). law (2010) surmised that the rapid expansion of higher education provision makes it necessary to address the question of quality of degree programming and whether it is sacrificed for quantity. welle-strand (2000) asserted that for a country to remain relevant in today’s competitive knowledge economy, it cannot afford to ignore the importance of the quality and reputation of its higher education institutions and programs. snowdon (2010) predicted that it is the quality of a country’s graduates that will set it apart in the 21st century. hence, degree programming in alberta, kenya, and norway has undergone fundamental reforms in recent years (snowdon, 2010; lycke, 2004; odhiambo, 2006). a primary aspect of higher education reforms in the three jurisdictions is the “emphasis on the pursuit of educational quality” (law, 2010, p. 65). despite the reforms, debate about academic quality assurance has often tended to bring into the fore extensive dispute about the meaning of the phrase. dill (2003, p. 1) suggested that “academic quality is amorphous, non-measurable, (and) too ambiguous in meaning as to be not appropriate for public regulation.” beaton (1999, p. 4) argued that the “rhetoric of ... quality is often vague ... lucks substance (and) is empty of meaning” while pounder (1999) posited that quality is a “notoriously ambiguous term” (p. 156). as a result of the difficulty in defining quality, the measurement of quality has also proved to be contentious (becket & brookes, 2006). in this study, ‘quality’ refers to continuous improvement in the search for excellence while quality assurance of higher education 3 ‘quality assurance’ means initiatives which are undertaken in the quest to assure and enhance quality of degree programming (law, 2010) in alberta, kenya and norway. the three jurisdictions were chosen because the author is a native of kenya who has visited norway and previously worked as a policy analyst at the campus alberta quality council. primary sources for the descriptive aspects of this study were websites for campus alberta quality council (www.caqc.gov.ab.ca), the norwegian agency for quality assurance in education (www.nokut.no) and the kenya commission for higher education (www.che.or.ke). this paper is loosely divided into five sections. section one explores general issues in academic quality assurance. section two discusses quality assurance of degree programming in canada and the province of alberta. section three explores higher education quality assurance and accreditation in europe in general and norway in particular. section four presents an overview of quality assurance in kenya, while section five suggests possible lessons for kenya and other developing countries. general issues in academic quality assurance today, the increased popularity of academic quality assurance initiatives is perhaps best reflected in the membership of the international network of quality assurance agencies for higher education (inqaahe). from inqaahe’s founding in 1990 through 2007, the year of its biennial conference in toronto, the network’s membership increased from 12 to 180 agencies from over 70 countries. most of these agencies are interested in the quality of postsecondary education especially due to such factors as increasing numbers of private providers, many of dubious provenance; rapid growth in transnational education leading to the need for a credible quality assurance process; and proliferation of new types of postsecondary programs and institutions (law, 2010; bond & patton, 2007). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 quality assurance processes in higher education are based on four general principles (van vught & westerheijden, 1994), namely, a coordinating agency (such as campus alberta quality council in alberta, the norwegian agency for quality assurance in education, and the commission for higher education in kenya); self appraisal by the institution to be evaluated; a site visit by experts; and a report on the evaluation results prepared by experts. among the objectives of conducting external evaluation is to declare the applicant institution’s processes of self-evaluation and submit them to evaluation by a third party. the third party perspective being brought to the validation must however be a judicious mix of relevant technical expertise, and a detached external stakeholder perspective (carmichael, 2007). quality assurance of higher education in canada in canada, education is a provincial responsibility and there is no federal ministry of education. in the absence of a coherent national quality assurance policy for higher education and lack of formal national system of accreditation for degree-granting institutions, there is a general acceptance that membership in the association of universities and colleges of canada (aucc) serves as an assurance that the member institution has undergone a thorough assessment by credible peer experts who have concluded that the institution meets exacting criteria (queen’s university senate committee on academic development, 2004). as well as having their own internal quality assurance policies and processes, members of aucc are committed to aucc principles of institutional quality assurance. these principles include: provision of responsive, “high quality education that is competitive with that offered anywhere else in the world and the provision of complete and reliable information about the quality of their educational programs to maintain public confidence, (and) support mobility of graduates” (aucc, 2008, p. 1). quality assurance of higher education 5 not all degree granting institutions in canada are members of aucc. thus, while degrees awarded by non-aucc member institutions in alberta, such as grant macewan university, northern alberta institute of technology, and st. mary’s university college, are recognized in alberta and beyond, some canadian graduate schools, including those at queen’s university, do not consider them to be of comparable quality to those awarded by aucc member institutions (marshall, 2005). in nova scotia, quebec, and saskatchewan, only aucc member institutions are authorized to offer degree programs (marshall, 2004). academic quality assurance process in alberta established in 2004 by an act of legislature, campus alberta quality council (caqc) is the quality assurance agency that makes recommendations to the minister of advanced education and technology on applications from postsecondary institutions to offer new degree programs in alberta. other than degrees in divinity, all degree programs offered in alberta must be approved by the minister. caqc also has guidelines on quality assurance for alberta universities that offer degree programming outside alberta (see working group on quality assurance of off-site and international degree programs, 2009). upon receiving an application from a postsecondary institution to offer a degree program in alberta, the minister of advanced education and technology initiates a two-stage review process. the ministry conducts a system coordination review of the proposed program to determine the need for the program and how it fits with other degree programs currently offered in alberta. during the review process, the ministry may require the institution to submit a selfevaluation report. the self-study provides evidence of the institution’s academic and strategic planning, governance and resources, as well as its analysis of any shortfalls and plans for current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 improvement (bond & patton, 2007). following a successful system coordination review, the minister refers the proposal to caqc for quality review. in evaluating the proposal, caqc decides whether to employ a full review or an expedited review. a full review involves both an organizational review to determine if the institution is capable of implementing and sustaining the proposed degree program; and a program review to determine whether the quality of the proposed degree program meets caqc’s standards. full campus alberta quality council review full review usually applies to institutions that are proposing to offer a first degree, or first degree program at a new level (e.g., a first graduate degree). the organizational review team conducts a site visit to the institution, and using caqc’s organizational guidelines prepares a report for caqc. the team report and the institution’s response to it are then reviewed by caqc. if the results are positive, the application is moved to the program evaluation stage of the review during which a review is conducted by a team of subject area experts recruited by caqc. using caqc’s program guidelines, the team reviews the proposal, visits the institution, and writes a report for caqc. based mainly on the team report and the institution’s response to the report, caqc makes its recommendation to the minister on whether or not to approve the application. expedited review caqc may conduct a partially expedited review or a fully expedited review of a proposal. a partially expedited review does not require an organizational evaluation; rather caqc engages a team of experts to assess the quality of the proposed degree program and prepare a report. in a fully expedited review, caqc does a desk review of the proposal, may or quality assurance of higher education 7 may not engage external evaluators, and does not conduct site visit of the institution. fully expedited review usually applies to ‘mature’ institutions like the universities of alberta and calgary. caqc guidelines and standards are comparable to those used by quality assurance agencies in canada and internationally (see british columbia degree quality assessment board, 2006; european association for quality assurance in higher education, 2005). caqc emphasizes its commitment to the quality review of its own activities and to the sharing of best practices with other jurisdictions (bond & patton, 2007). caqc’s organizational and program assessment standards and guidelines and its expectations of evaluators and applicant institutions are available on its website at www.caqc.gov.ab.ca. accreditation of professional programs a form of quality assurance and enhancement exists at a national level in canada. professional regulatory organizations, such as canadian engineering accreditation board, canadian association of schools of social work, and the canadian architectural certification board, participate in the establishment and review of postsecondary programs and other professional issues governing students' preparations for entry into such professions (bond & patton, 2007; marshall, 2004). this form of review is based on meeting or exceeding predetermined requirements and leads to professional accreditation of specific programs. some programs offered by alberta institutions are also accredited by american accreditation agencies. these include university of calgary’s doctor of veterinary medicine program that is accredited by the american veterinary medicine association, and the university of alberta school of business and the university of calgary haskayne school of business, both accredited by the american-based association to advance collegiate schools of business. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 whether or not the accrediting agency is based in canada, meeting or exceeding the requirements of these agencies is an affirmation of quality (bond & patton, 2007). however, while caqc recognizes the existence of such accreditations, its decisions are not subservient to those by other agencies (caqc, 2007). challenges to academic quality assurance in alberta alberta permits ‘non-resident’ institutions, such as the university of northern british columbia and university of phoenix, to offer degree programs in the province. because alberta, and most canadian provinces have traditionally focused on resident institutions as opposed to commercial transnational universities (leyton-brown, 2004), observers, such as council of ministers of education, canada (cmec), worry that this gap could lead to a proliferation of degree mills (cmec, 2007). indeed, in 2007, the governments of china, india, and korea advised their students to be cautious of private institutions in canada following reports that british columbia minister of advanced education was investigating private for-profit institutions for granting university degrees in the province without authorization (sen, 2007). the minister later ordered lansbridge university to cease its operations in the province of british columbia (b.c. ministry of advanced education, 2007). although there is need for a coherent national process for ensuring quality of higher education programs in canada, how this could be attained within the context of exclusive provincial/territorial jurisdiction over education is a longstanding policy dilemma. in 2007, provincial ministers responsible for higher education in canada under the umbrella cmec took a step towards a canada-wide policy for quality assurance of degree education in canada. the proposals endorsed by cmec aim to “provide assurance … at home and abroad that … programs and … institutions of higher learning meet appropriate standards” (council of quality assurance of higher education 9 ministers of education, canada, 2007, p. 1). however, these proposals were non-binding and nothing has been done with respect to national quality assurance of degree programs in canada since then. despite the importance of aucc membership as attestation for institutional and program quality, there is a potential shortcoming in overreliance on aucc given that aucc has no reaccreditation requirement (marshall, 2004). that is, once an institution becomes a member, it remains a member with no “further assessment of degree-granting capability” (marshall, 2004, p. 92). as well, in the coming years, the presence of transnational private-for profit institutions in alberta is likely to increase judging by the fact that between 2009 and 2010, alberta minister of advanced education approved four new graduate degree programs to be offered in alberta by city university of seattle, gonzaga university, and university of portland (caqc, 2010). because private-for profit universities are currently excluded from aucc membership, establishment of quality assurance standards and guidelines will be left to provincial politics, and thus, be susceptible to the type of abuse in the now-disbanded ottawa business college (marshall, 2004, p. 18). the next section of this article explores how europeans are dealing with the issue of academic quality assurance. quality assurance of higher education in europe european countries have diverse processes for quality assurance in their higher education sector. among the objectives of the bologna declaration is “the promotion of european cooperation in quality assurance with a view to developing comparable criteria and methodologies” (campbell & van der wende, 2000, p. 2). as a participant in the bologna process, norway has committed itself to the standards and guidelines for quality assurance in the european higher education area. the council of european union recommended that national current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 systems of higher education quality assurance be based on: 1) autonomy of the quality assurance agencies; 2) relating evaluation procedures to the way institutions see themselves; 3) internal and external evaluation; 4) involvement of stakeholders; and 5) publication of evaluation reports (european association for quality assurance in higher education, 2005). european standards and guidelines for internal quality assurance in institutions of higher education stipulate that institutions should have: 1) policies and procedures for the assurance of the quality of their programs; 2) formal mechanisms for the approval, periodic review and monitoring of their programs and awards; 3) student assessment policies that include using published criteria, regulations and procedures; 4) qualified and competent academic staff; 5) adequate and appropriate resources to support student learning for each program offered; and 6) means of collecting analysing and using relevant information of the effective management of their programs of study (european association for quality assurance in higher education, 2005). higher education in norway norway has a highly educated population. according to 2002 statistics, 55 percent of norwegians have completed upper secondary schooling and 31 percent are college or university graduates (correa, 2008). four of norway’s seven universities are listed among the top 500 in the world (shanghai jiao tong university, 2009). higher education in norway is offered by a range of seven universities, eight specialized universities, 25 university colleges, as well as a number of private university colleges. norwegian higher education system is in accordance with the bologna process, with bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees. the norwegian agency for quality assurance in education (nokut) is the organization mandated to safeguard and enhance the quality of higher education in norway. it quality assurance of higher education 11 does this through evaluation, accreditation and recognition of quality systems, institutions and programs of study (nokut, 2006). unlike caqc whose mandate covers only degree programs, nokut ensures quality of both degree programs and vocational education at the postsecondary level. lycke (2004) argued that quality processes in the norwegian higher education sector have “not traditionally been associated with the term quality assurance but with quality development (and) ... has largely been synonymous with multifaceted and multilevel development of quality of studies” (p. 219). among the broad purposes of quality assurance of degree programming in norway are to: 1) ensure that higher education in norway is of high quality and is developing toward further improvements, 2) reveal cases of deficient quality and to detect good and bad quality, 3) provide educational institutions with a basis for selfassessment and change, and 4) help to develop a strong quality culture (nokut, 2003). evaluation criteria in norwegian higher education do not relate directly to the quality of educational provision, but concern the quality assurance system and the quality work that is carried out in the institution (aas, 2007). norwegian institutional quality assurance system is evaluated both internally and externally and developed in accordance with needs and in the spirit of continual improvement (lycke, 2004). the ministerial regulation, nokut’s criteria and the european standards and guidelines together make up the standard against which internal quality assurance systems at norwegian institutions of higher learning are evaluated. as in alberta, the process of evaluation in norway includes: 1) a study of documentation from institution’s quality assurance system including a description of the system and annual report on educational quality; 2) an assessment made by an expert panel based on the institution’s documentation and the standards and criteria for internal quality assurance systems; current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 3) site visit to the institution by the panel; and 4) presentation of the panel report to nokut. the report and institution’s response to it forms the basis of nokut’s decision on whether or not the quality assurance system is satisfactory. if the results indicate that the institution’s quality assurance of its approved programs does not meet nokut’s expectations, then the institution could lose the right to establish new programs (danø & stensaker, 2007). the sections above have briefly explored academic quality assurance processes in alberta and norway. the next section discusses how kenya assures and enhances quality of its degree programs. higher education quality assurance in kenya kenya has eight public and 17 private universities. a number of foreign institutions including edith cowan university (australia), technicon southern africa university (south africa), and the university of sunderland (great britain) are also offering their degree programs, usually in partnerships with local kenyan institutions. private universities include united states international university which is accredited both in kenya by commission for higher education and in the united states by the accrediting commission for senior colleges and universities. about 20 percent of the 150,000 university students attend private universities. the annual university enrolment in kenya accounts for less than 10 percent of the high school graduates (oloo, 2010). public universities in kenya are established under their respective acts of parliament, giving them autonomy in governance and quality assurance. thus, unlike alberta and norway, in kenya there is no external agency that accredits or monitors the quality of the public universities (commission for higher education, 2008; odhiambo, 2006). private universities, on the other hand, are established under the universities act of 1986 and the associated university rules of 1989. the university act established the kenya commission for higher education (che), the quality assurance of higher education 13 agency that accredits private universities and their programming. as is the case in alberta and norway, both institutional and program accreditation processes involve institutional self-study and the use of external experts who conduct a site visit of the institution and write an evaluation report for the che. public universities in kenya may choose to enter into partnership agreements with nondegree granting private or public colleges to deliver their degree programs (commission for higher education, 2006). this policy is double-edged. while it empowers public universities to be responsive to demand for degree programming and is less bureaucratic, public institutions are expected to ‘accredit’ the colleges they partner with to deliver their programs. however, public universities have been accused of putting more emphasis on increased enrolment to raise money from tuition than on quality of their degree programs (odhiambo, 2006). jomo kenyatta university of agriculture and technology, for example, delivers its programs at 22 colleges scattered all over the country. in some cases, these colleges are understaffed and lack adequate facilities to deliver quality higher education (commission for higher education, 2006). challenges and possible future development according lycke (2004), four main purposes of academic quality assurance are to ensure and develop quality, to detect good and bad quality, to put in place a strong quality culture, and as a basis for self-assessment and change. in their own ways, caqc, nokut, and che play fundamental roles in achieving these goals in alberta, norway, and kenya respectively. a challenge facing caqc, nokut and che is striking a good balance in their roles as a tool for sanctioning and rewarding, conducting evaluation processes that presuppose interpretations and judgments, and operating systems that require equal and fair treatment of institutions (aas, 2007). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 both caqc and nokut were founded less than a decade ago, so they are relatively young organizations. che has been in existence since 1986. unlike caqc and nokut, che has jurisdiction over private institutions and not public institutions. a challenge facing caqc, che, and nokut with respect to their roles in higher education quality assurance is striking a good balance in their quests to achieve their three main goals: their roles as a tool for sanctioning and rewarding, conducting evaluation processes that presuppose interpretations and judgments, and operating systems that require equal and fair treatment of institutions (aas, 2007). caqc, nokut and che continuously maintain documentation and processes that guide academic quality assurance and enhancement in their respective jurisdictions. however, there is a potential risk of paying less attention to whether institutions are teaching and assessing their students at appropriate levels as the agencies’ processes and guidelines tend to emphasize on whether institutions have established and documented in great detail processes which may or may not enhance teaching and student assessment (moodie, 2008). as law (2010, p. 72) put it, higher education systems “tend to favour the institutional aspects rather than the student aspects of the quality issues,” as well as put more emphasis on the “accountability-led view rather than the improvement-led view of quality assurance.” moodie (2008) posited that monitoring in academic quality should be of standards directly and not of processes which may or may not result in high quality. he suggested that quality assurance agencies should take a risk management approach rather than seeking to apply the same level of scrutiny to all institutions and all areas. that is, caqc, che, and nokut should scrutinize most intensively institutions and areas that are at greatest risk of a lapse of standards and it should spend far less effort monitoring institutions and areas that have a low risk of poor standards. quality assurance of higher education 15 lessons for kenya and other developing countries while public universities in kenya enjoy autonomy with respect to entering in to partnerships, starting new programs, and ensuring quality of their programs, there should be some form of accountability and transparency in their policies on quality assurance after all they get public funding. this could be by way of an external oversight by peers or organizations such as che. external review promotes institutional quality improvement by giving a third party feedback to the institution as well as enhancing and legitimizing internal quality management (leyton-brown, 2004). as stated above, institutional self-appraisal is a key aspect of quality assurance and enhancement in alberta, kenya and norway. however, unlike in alberta and norway where caqc and nokut conduct external evaluation of institutions and programs respectively, in kenya, public universities are not mandated to undergo external appraisal. while self-assessment can be variable in its quality and effectiveness (leyton-brown, 2004), it is the foundation of well-managed and successful institutions (lloyds, 2003) and is likely to lead to quality enhancement of degree programming and make the “reports of external reviewers more useful to that purpose” (leyton-brown, 2004, p. 11). trow (1996, p. 30) posited that effective quality assurance and enhancement is premised on “efforts to create an institutional culture marked by self-criticism, openness to criticism by others, and a commitment to improvement in practice.” thus both self-evaluation and external evaluation should be emphasized in the quest for quality degree programming by public universities in kenya. this study discussed quality assurance of higher education in alberta, norway, and kenya. alberta and norway have a long history of quality assurance of their degree programming and have world class universities. despite the challenges both face in their quest current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 for assuring and enhancing quality of their higher education, there are lessons from their experience that would be valuable to kenya and other developing nations. these include transparency, accountability, and increased emphasis on external review of quality assurance processes of both institutions and quality assurance agencies. as well, quality assurance must not be reduced to rules of inspection and control but rather should aim at enhancing quality of degree programming and upholding institutional independence and accountability. quality assurance of higher education 17 references aas, g. h. 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(2008, march 20). australian universities quality agency’s role. retrieved on november 23, 2009 from the australian website: http://blogs.theaustralian.news.com.au/gavinmoodie/index.php/theaustralian/comment norwegian agency for quality assurance in education (nokut). (2006). norway: the system of education. oslo: author. quality assurance of higher education 19 norwegian agency for quality assurance in education (nokut). (2003). criteria for evaluation of universities and university colleges’ quality systems for educational activities. oslo: author. odhiambo, j. (2006). advancing the quality of higher education through internationalization. a paper presented at the 2006 international investment forum for private higher education, international finance corporation headquarters, washington, d.c., february 2, 2006. retrieved from http://www.strathmore.edu/pdf/ifd_speech.pdf oloo, j. a. (2010). citizenship education and youth engagement in kenyan politics. presented at the graduate student conference on theories and practices of citizenship education, centre for global citizenship education and research (cgcer), university of alberta, edmonton, canada, november 11-13. pounder, j. (1999). institutional performance in higher education: is quality a relevant concept? quality assurance in education, 7(1/3), 156-163. queen’s university senate committee on academic development. (2004). policy on determining canadian universities’ status for basis of admission. retrieved march 14, 2010 from http://www.queensu.ca/secretariat/senate/jan2204/scad_cdnuniversities_policy.pdf shanghai jiao tong university, china (2009). academic ranking of world universities, 2009. retrieved on january 14, 2010 from http://www.arwu.org/arwu2009.jsp sen, m. (2007, april 12). indian students 'stranded' in canada. retrieved may 3, 2010 from http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/indian_students_stranded_in_canada/articleshow/189 5067.cms snowdon, k. (2010). canada’s quality challenge. retrieved october 20, 2010 from http://educationalpolicy.org/publications/etw/canada/commentary/etwcancom_100416.html trow, m. (1996). on the accountability of higher education in the united states. paper presented at the princeton conference on higher education, march 21-23, university of california, berkley. van vught, f. a., & westerheijden, d. f. (1994). towards a general model of quality assessment in higher education. higher education, 28, 355-371. welle-strand, a. (2000). knowledge production, service and quality: higher education tensions in norway. quality in higher education, 6(3), 219-230. working group on quality assurance of off-site and international degree programs. (2009). toolkit for off-site and cross-border delivery of programs. edmonton: government of alberta. current is about th author: affiliatio address of saska email: j biograp adminis previous ministry ssues in educ he author james ala on: univer s: departme atchewan, s james.oloo@ phical infor stration) pr sly worked y of advan cation vol. 13 n oloo rsity of sask ent of educ saskatoon, @usask.ca rmation: ja rogram at th d as a policy nced educat 3 no. 4 katchewan cational ad sk s7n 0 ames alan o he univers y analyst at tion. dministratio x1, canad oloo is a st ity of sask t the camp on, college da tudent in th katchewan i pus alberta e of educat he phd (ed in saskatoo quality co tion, unive ducational on, canada ouncil, alb 20 ersity . he berta quality a volum authors articles publishe an kr hilla d ju an h mi assurance of h me 13, num hold the copy s in other jour er and include ngela abeyta rista adams ary andrelch diana barela ulia boukara ndrew darian aiying dong iriam emran higher educa curr mber 4 yright to artic rnals should b e the url of t provide a hik n n tion rent issu http:// fall/ cles published be addressed t the cie publi ed cie is cred edit exe lor katy e jeffr sec sar mar me amb seo tiff calv linds fac gusta jean deb ues in e /cie.asu.e /winter 20 d in current is to the author. ication. permi dited and cop torial team cutive editor ri ellingford elizabeth his rey i. johnso ction editors rah heaslip rlene hinton elinda hollis ber johnston onghee kim fany o’neill vin richards say richerso culty advisers vo e. fischm nne m. power bby zambo educati edu 010 issues in educ reprints sho ission is here pies are not so m rs d rich on n n s on s man rs on issn cation. reque ould credit cie eby granted to old. ror ta kar luc ker jennife ky n 1099-83 ests to reprint e as the origi o copy any art ry schmitt apati sen ri visconti cy watson rie wilkins er wojtulewi yle wright 21 39x cie inal ticle, icz xxx 22 the development of 'project 1'formative assessment project 1: formative assessment 1 volume 13, number 3 issn 1099-839x the development of 'project 1': formative assessment strategies in uk schools ian clark university of washington citation clark, i. (2011). the development of 'project 1': formative assessment strategies in uk schools. current issues in education, 13(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract in recent years, a growing political emphasis has been placed upon the development of transformative assessment-driven reform in schools. there is global consensus on the value of assessment activities that are carefully designed to be consistent with desired learning outcomes, and which coherently connect learning theory, the curriculum, classroom activities and assessment. the consensus ends when there is debate between those who believe that schools produce more able students when they are faced with summative assessments and those who propose the implementation of formative assessment strategies in classrooms. this article presents a literature review which investigates the large-scale transformation of classroom practice in the scottish region of the uk, known as project1. the article begins with a summary overview of project 1 and continues with a conceptual discussion of formative and summative assessment. the latter sections of the article delineate the key architectural principles underpinning formative assessment in practical settings before going on to present the professional evaluations of project 1 by participating teachers. keywords: formative, assessment, curriculum, summative, scotland, uk current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 2 about the author(s) author: ian clark affiliation: university of washington email: clarki@u.washington.edu biographical information: ian clark is a research assistant at the university of washington (seattle) specializing in formative assessment and in the latter stages of his doctoral studies. he is a nationally qualified high-school and college level teacher in business studies and economics and has worked in seven different nations where his focus has been the development and delivery of formative assessment programs in esl/efl settings. project 1: formative assessment 3 in the past 30 years, educational researchers have given the significance of emphasis to various investigations on assessment practices and how they impact the quality of student learning and motivation, (bloom et al, 1971; crooks, 1988; black & wiliam 1998a, b; arg, 1999, 2002; george street research, 2007). arising from the proliferation of historical interest into assessment and learning the development of formative assessment strategies has gathered momentum on an international scale. one example of the remarkable expansion in awareness regarding the benefits of formative assessment is a 2005 organisation for economic co-operation and development (oecd) study which features exemplary cases from secondary schools in canada, denmark, england, finland, italy, new zealand, queensland in australia, and scotland. despite widening global awareness regarding the impact of assessment strategies on learning, one review of assessment practices (in us schools) remarked that transformative ‘assessment practices are not common, even though these kinds of approaches are now widely promoted in the professional literature’ (neill, 1997, p. 35-6). project 1: summary overview there were two distinct phases to assessment reform in scotland: firstly, the development phase (2002-2004) of the program, which was strategically directed by the assessment action group (aag) and operationally managed by the aifl program management group (apmg). secondly, the implementation phase (2005-2008) was overseen by the apmg, which served as the main forum for liaison, encouraged cooperation and emphasized the importance of professionals working together in order to build communities of practice (seed, sept 2005). this article examines the crucial first phase which took place between the beginning of 2002 and the end of 2004. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 4 the development of formative assessment strategies in the scotland is connected by two contiguous assessment themes: assessment for learning (afl) and assessment as learning (aal). afl focuses on the progress of the learner toward a desired goal, seeking to close the gap between a learner’s current status and the desired outcome. ‘this can be achieved through processes such as sharing criteria with learners, effective questioning and feedback’ (aag/apmg 2002-2008). aal is about reflecting on evidence of learning. it is a process ‘where pupils and staff set learning goals, share learning intentions and success criteria, and evaluate their learning through dialogue and self and peer assessment’ (aag/apmg, 2002-2008). both themes are integrated into a nation-wide project classified by the scottish executive education department (seed) as 'project 1' and stand together as the cornerstone of a wider programme known as assessment is for learning (aifl). 'an aifl school is a place where everyone is learning together. it is a place where assessment is part of learning and teaching without dominating them ... is about supporting classroom learning and teaching. it connects assessment and learning/teaching' (aag/apmg, 2002-2008). the emphasis of this article is placed upon the early experiences of participating schools, which in partnership with the british government began to develop the use of project 1 formative assessment strategies across many hundreds of primary, special and secondary schools. 195 schools were involved in the initial phase of aifl (2002-2003). a key feature of developments during 2003-2004 was to increase the number of schools involved in the program, with a particular emphasis on building collaborative partnerships between schools called associated schools groups (asgs). asgs range from individual schools to large groups of schools (for instance a secondary school and feeder primary schools) that work together on practitioner-based action-research projects that support the development of professional practice in assessment. by december 2004, local authorities' reports on the number of schools involved in aifl through asgs had risen from project 1: formative assessment 5 195 to 1,581 schools (approximately 56% of all schools in scotland). the scottish executive education department (seed) expressed the intention of making every possible effort to meet the target to 'ensure all schools are part of the assessment is for learning programme, by 2007' (june, 2005). formative and summative assessment: concepts and issues new ways of seeing formative assessment is described as: 'all those activities undertaken by teachers, and by their students in assessing themselves, which provide information to be used as feedback to modify the teaching and learning activities in which they are engaged. such assessment becomes 'formative assessment' when the evidence is used to adapt the teaching work to meet the needs.' (black & wiliam, 1998b, p. 2). seed advocate a re-thinking of the 20th century vygotskian perspective because traditional teacher centered instructional methods designed to prepare students for frequent high-stakes summative tests were found to be ineffective when compared with collaborative learning systems which emphasize high quality interactions between teachers, students and parents/carers (aag/apmg 2002-2008). the notion of the zone of proximal development (zpd) (vygotsky, 1978) is of central relevance to the formative assessment classroom entailing a significant change in classroom culture from one that is teacher-centered (expert/novice) to one that encourages equality and mutuality between students. goos, galbraith and renshaw (2002) use the term ‘collaborative zpd’ to denote equal status interactions between peers. however, high-quality interactions between students are rarely found in classrooms. in an oft-cited study from 1980 conducted by galton, simon and croll, it was noted that the students frequently work in groups but not as groups. some 20 years later galton, hargreaves, comber, wall and pell (1999) conducted a replication study which found only a slight current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 6 increase in peer interaction; a finding more recently reiterated by black (2005). baines, blatchford and chowne (2007) observe, ‘teachers typically plan for their interactions with pupils, but not for interactions between pupils’ (p. 664). what is a 'project 1' classroom? a project 1 afl/aal classroom is founded upon eight key formative assessment principles (aag/apmg, 2002-2008; oecd, 2005) which demand high quality interactions between students, teachers and parents/carers. there are six key principles underpinning the afl aspects of project 1: students need to 1) be able to understand clearly what they are trying to learn, and what is expected of them; 2) be given immediate feedback about the quality of their work and what they can do to make it better; 3) be given advice about how to sustain improvement; 4) be fully involved in deciding what needs to be done next; 5) be aware of who can give them help if they need it and have full access to such help, and 6) to engage parents and carers in the learning process. the six principles of afl combine with two further aal assessment principles: students need to 7) be able to build knowledge of themselves as learners, and become meta-cognitive; 8) take more responsibility for their learning and participate more in the process of learning. when taken together afl/aal strategies breathe a new vitality into the concept of 'student centered learning' by re-positioning the students at the center of the learning process by building a network of constructive interactions which seek to link students directly to systems, teachers, parents/carers and their peers. in a project 1 classroom, students can develop a deeper understanding of their learning when they are given opportunities to discuss the learning process with their teacher as their advisor and with their peers in a climate of equality and mutuality (aag/apmg, 2002-2008). the quality of classroom interaction is a matter for grave consideration. askew (2000) observes that: 'the characteristics of dialogue are equality, sharing, spontaneity, collaboration and project 1: formative assessment 7 reciprocity. what i found interesting is that young people do not think such experiences are appropriate for the classroom where a particular view of behaviour is perceived' (p. 47). the issue of ineffective classroom interaction is comprehensively addressed by black & wiliam (1998b) who believe that, 'in terms of systems engineering, present policies in the u.s. and in many other countries seem to treat the classroom as a black box' (p.1). the 'black box' is an object for vital criticism because it functions primarily as a receptive system where, 'certain inputs from the outside--pupils, teachers, other resources, management rules and requirements, parental anxieties, standards, tests with high stakes, and so on--are fed into the box,' (black & wiliam, 1998b, p. 1). as proponents of the constructivist classroom, they are persuasive in voicing their concerns about such a system which is primarily designed to receive and decode external signals. those who advocate afl/aal seek to go beyond a merely passive congregation of students (i.e. the notion of the pejorative 'black box') by encouraging co-operative and collaborative activities in the classroom. however, traditional learning arrangements continue to prevail, consequently pupils are often seen working in groups but not working as groups (galton et al, 1980; black, 2005). at present, the majority of classrooms exhibit a superficial culture of cooperative interaction (black, 2005). however, research undertaken by the aag (2002-2004) and the subsequent in-service experiences reported by the apmg (2005-2008) found compelling evidence which indicates the conditions for successful cooperation exist in classrooms. it was found that students are very responsive to the idea of co-operating with different people in their assessment. of particular interest among their findings is confirmation that students liked to help each other with schoolwork, while either actually working and learning or in terms of assessment. it is therefore unsurprising that a key technique of the afl/aal program is effective dialogue among the central participants--the students. furthermore, afl/aal necessarily entails cooperation current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 8 between all the participants in the learning process including teachers and parents/carers. the apmg found that students appreciate in-depth communication with teachers and parents/carers about their progress, and consider it to be a valuable part of the process of learning. mccroskey and richmond (1992) state that 'all aspects of what happens in the classroom are contingent upon eliciting cooperation from every class member by employing sound principles of classroom management' (p. 44). the term 'management' in a afl/aal classroom context takes on a unique meaning because it entails the effective management of the learning process by developing activities which support learning through high quality interaction such as, discussion, feedback and goal setting. formative assessment strategies in practical settings participants in project 1 schools were trained in the deployment of 16 formative assessment teaching strategies: higher order questioning techniques; use of problem solving techniques; jot time (students are afforded an extended period of time to commit their ideas in writing before the beginning of an interaction); use of wrong answers; wait time; traffic lighting; group work and pair work; discussions; feedback as comments and not grades; oral feedback; sharing assessment criteria; peer assessment; redrafting of work; developing peer-peer communication skills (relational skills training); collaborative goal setting; reflective learning. a strategy worthy of some extended emphasis from the list provided here is that of traffic lighting. it may be used in various ways and is a powerful tool for self and peer assessment. for peer assessment, students may be required to traffic light each other’s explanations and justifications: green indicates work that exhibits explanations which surpass their own current level; orange indicates work that is comparable to their own, and red is used for work which is of lesser quality than their own. all students are then required to explain why they assigned those levels of recognition and provide constructive critique project 1: formative assessment 9 and praise to each other. for example, a student may recognize that his/her partner has included an example or explanation from beyond the worksheet and award a ‘green light’. traffic lighting also provides an opportunity for self-assessment and reflection upon one’s current status. for example, if students are required to learn certain science terms or language vocabulary they may clarify their own knowledge by assigning green to words they know and can use with confidence, orange for words in which they have some understanding and red for terms/words that they do not yet understand. summative assessment revisited research indicates that many of the problems with assessment arise from its summative nature (black & wiliam, 1998a; harlen & deakin crick, 2003; arg, 1999). a significant systemic obstacle frustrating the engagement of teachers with formative assessment strategies is the tension between the formative (assessment for learning) and summative (assessment of learning/assessment for qualifications) components of a program. this tension arises from the roles and responsibilities expected of teachers as both formative assessors, engaged in the process of student learning and as summative assessors required to behave as dispassionate judges of attainment (knight & yorke, 2003). tests are usually viewed summatively by teachers, and their formative potential is largely overlooked (morris et al, 1999) and 'while teachers are usually conscientious about marking student work they often fail to offer guidance on how work can be improved' (hallam et al, 2004, ¶ 2.4). the assessment reform group (arg, 1999) at cambridge university identifies various undesirable tendencies exhibited by classroom practitioners. these may be summarized as: a) a tendency for teachers to assess quantity of work and presentation rather than the quality of learning; b) a focus on marking and grading at the expense of providing advice for improvement, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 10 which tends to lower the self esteem of pupils; c) a strong emphasis on comparing pupils with each other which demoralizes the less successful learners; d) teachers' feedback to pupils often attempts to serve managerial and social purposes rather than helping them to learn more effectively. the arg go on to propose that improving learning through assessment depends on five key factors: i) a recognition of the profound influence instruction and specifically assessment has on the motivation and self esteem of pupils; ii) adjusting teaching to take account of the results of assessment; iv) the provision of effective feedback to pupils; iii) the active involvement of pupils in their own learning; v) the need for pupils to be able to assess themselves and understand how to improve. particular emphasis was placed upon the sharing of learning goals with pupils; encouraging equality and mutuality between students; involving pupils in self-assessment and providing feedback which leads to pupils recognizing their next steps and how to take them. a consequence of summative assessment strategies is the creation of large numbers of disaffected students, particularly among lower achieving students (harlen & deakin crick, 2003). this negative impact of current practice has been well documented. both the arg (1999, 2002) and the university of london's eppi-centre (2002) found that students show high levels of test anxiety when facing summative tests and much prefer other forms of assessment. high-stakes testing creates disaffection among students who do not achieve their full potential. as with all systemic phenomena, the outcomes are cyclical and reinforcing. those students who exhibit disaffection often experience an ever-deepening spiral of self-defeating learning behavior and worsening motivational problems (covington, 1984). the arg (1999, 2002) found that the use of formative assessment techniques in the classroom mitigates the problems identified with summative testing and creates large positive increases in the level of student engagement. consequently, choices need to be made between assessment techniques which support the process project 1: formative assessment 11 of classroom learning by involving the student with the meta-process of learning and those that demotivate students by frequently testing performance outcomes (clark, 2008). not only does the predominance of summative testing systems create disaffection on a wide-scale, it perpetuates its own existence a phenomenon noted by wiliam et al (2004) when they write: '... the introduction of high-stakes state-mandated testing, such as now exists in england and most states in the u.s.a, makes the effective implementation of formative assessment even more difficult. this is because ... attempts to maximise student and school scores appear to result in a lack of attention to the kinds of higher-order thinking involved in formative assessment' (p. 49). however, it should be noted that there is great importance in ensuring the constructive alignment between aims, learning and teaching processes and so summative assessment methods have been emphasized as methods to ensure effective learning (biggs, 1996). the difference between summative assessment and formative assessment is that while constructive alignment can promote success on summatively assessed learning outcomes, formative assessment is specifically designed to support the learning process itself. afl/aal curriculum: four key architectural principles if wide-scale educational innovation is to be successful, the strategic aims of the curriculum should be embodied in a comprehensive blueprint: the 'curriculum architecture'. it must also be understood that such a blueprint presents the structure of a curriculum and as such, it is an unresponsive or 'inorganic' entity. it is not designed to (and therefore does not) predict or limit the valid learning activities which arise in a classroom where formative assessment strategies are in use. while the afl/aal classroom system is built upon the blueprint, afl/aal is an organic process and a process of continuous adaptation which seeks to meet the learning needs of the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 12 students. the afl/aal classroom is a place where students and teachers work together and 'feedback is used to modify the teaching and learning activities in which they are engaged' (black & wiliam, 1998b, p.2). the fundamental need for constant readjustment means that a prescription for teacher action, which seeks to specify the 'best' course of action given certain conditions is impossible even in principle (wiliam, 2003). the central importance of the dynamic adaptation of instructional methods to the needs of individual students is therefore powerfully emphasized in the formative assessment classroom. four interdependent principals govern the construction of an effective assessment infused curriculum; 1. coherence; 2. progression; 3. relevance; 4. engagement/motivation and personalization/choice. the following sub-sections will discuss these principles of curriculum architecture and how they orient teachers and students to the learning process. the principle of coherence the first curriculum design principle is coherence, or the alignment of program content with program aims to ensure that learning activities combine to form a coherent experience. to avert a misalignment, which can cause serious issues across time, there should be clear links between the different aspects of children's learning, including carefully considered opportunities for extended activities which further consolidate learning and draw different strands of learning together. assessment should support the learning process, not drive it and assessments should be part of a holistic and balanced learning and teaching process. learning behaviour is determined by the kind of assessments learners are confronted by and therefore assessments 'define what specific patterns of thinking we want students to demonstrate' (sparks, 1999). if we want students to demonstrate higher order cognitive skills they need to be engaged in assessment activities which support that kind of learning. in order to support the learning process and realize learning goals, assessment of project 1: formative assessment 13 content should support higher order learning goals by involving learners in the processes of their own learning. the curriculum architecture should underpin the process of orchestrating high quality learning encounters that provide students with the means for achieving desired learning outcomes (knight, 2001). as such, curriculum coherence is in part conceptualized as a 'series of encounters between students' (parker, 2003, p. 532) in collaboration with other stakeholders in the learning process. the principle of coherence was a vital aspect of the successful development of project 1 in scottish schools; it is the fundamental need for coherence the aag/apmg refer to when they say, 'assessment is for learning connects assessment and learning/teaching,' (aag/apmg, 2002-2008). learner: assessment is an important part of my learning. i understand how the assessment activities i do can help me learn. teacher: in planning learning and teaching, i consider what information is needed to demonstrate that learning has taken place and how this evidence can be gathered from learning activities. in my planning i share assessment information with others involved in the learner’s learning across the curriculum. together we ensure learning is planned on the basis of sound evidence about skills development. the principle of progression the second curriculum design principle is progression (aag/apmg, 2002-2008). as part of learning and teaching, evidence needs to be collected which demonstrates and promotes the full breadth and depth of learning as experienced by learners and described by the outcomes. all children should have opportunities for a broad, suitably weighted range of experiences. the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 14 curriculum should be organised so that they will learn and develop through a variety of contexts within both the classroom and other aspects of school life. there should be opportunities for children to develop their full capacity for different types of thinking and learning. as they progress, they should develop and apply increasing intellectual rigour, drawing different strands of learning together, and exploring and achieving more advanced levels of understanding. learner: assessment information provides me with a full picture of my learning. it shows me how much i have learned and how well and helps me to see pathways into the future of my learning both in and beyond school. teacher: i design assessment in a way which enables the learner to demonstrate the breadth and depth of their learning. i use information on their progress and their learning goals to plan appropriate learning opportunities, building on what they have already achieved. the principle of relevance the third principle is relevance, and may be divided into two parts a) validity and b) consistency. many students will learn whatever is necessary to get the grades they desire. many summatively assessed programs are based on memorizing details. in those circumstances students will usually attempt to deploy a learning strategy that focuses on the retention of facts. the development of higher order cognition is a focal instructional strategy of project 1 (hallam et al, 2004). formative assessment is fundamentally underpinned by dialogue (black & wiliam, 2006). it is therefore an assessment process that supports learning by stressing higher order thinking skills project 1: formative assessment 15 through collaborative planning and organising of work; compromise; conflict resolution (baines, blatchford & chowne, 2007); the sharing and augmentation of knowledge and feedback (barron, 2000). a) validity: a range of assessment approaches are used which are fit for purpose. this means that they should be valid and reliable – they should be well designed and capture the full range of learning and skills that are being developed; particularly high-order problem solving skills. learner: i understand why i am being assessed and my assessment clearly reflects the learning i am trying to achieve. they provide me with valuable feedback about how much and how well i have learned so that i can plan next steps. teacher: in planning learning activities, i consider the learning intentions and range of evidence i will gather to demonstrate this learning. i develop valid and reliable methods of assessment accordingly. parent: i have accurate and succinct information about my child’s learning across a wide range of learning and skills. b) consistency: learners’ achievements are assessed fairly and consistently across the system, based on shared and commonly understood and consistently applied standards. learner: i understand what good learning looks like and i know what i have to do to achieve my learning goals. self and peer evaluation help me to develop my understanding of what i need to do. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 16 teacher: i know what quality in learning looks like. i share a common understanding of standards with my colleagues, and apply these with consistency across learners. the principles of engagement/motivation and personalisation/choice the decision to develop formative assessment strategies in scottish classrooms arose from the compelling research of black and william (1998a, b) and subsequent reports on their work (arg, 1999, 2002) which emphasized the potential of formative assessment strategies to create a large positive increase in the level of student engagement with the learning process. the principles of engagement and motivation are contiguous with those of personalisation and choice, and are highly significant features of an effective curriculum architecture. the arrangements for assessment should be responsive to individual needs and support particular aptitudes and talents in order to challenge and motivate all learners to develop to their fullest. the curriculum should recognize that learners progress in different ways and, based on their experiences go on to make different choices. assessment should reflect these differences by giving each child increasing opportunities for exercising responsible personal choice as they move through their school career. once they have achieved suitable levels of attainment across a wide range of areas of learning the choice should become as open as possible. there should be safeguards to ensure that choices are soundly based and lead to successful outcomes. the effectiveness of such safeguards is dependent on the ability of individual teachers to understand the principles of assessment for learning and apply them in the classroom in order to support the fullest development of learners, while minimising distortions in learning (aag/apmg, 2002-2008). project 1: formative assessment 17 the notion of personalization and choice is by no means new. for more than 30 years researchers have been aware that relating new knowledge to learners' existing understandings of the world is an effective way for learners to acquire deeper meaning from new information. since personalization of the curriculum emerged as a valid pedagogical principle, it has been discussed as a means of motivating learners by incorporating their goals and choice of topics into a curriculum, particularly for addressing values (howe & howe, 1975), and as a model of behaviour modification for disruptive students (mamchak & mamchak, 1976). some 35 years later the project 1 classroom system seeks to fully value and recognize learners' achievements by acknowledging the individuality of personal experience and the accommodation of learners' needs in the instruction. learner: i am involved in planning my learning and setting challenging goals for myself. assessment information helps me to see how far i have come and what i need to do to achieve my goals and motivates me to set new goals. i am assessed in ways that allow me to demonstrate and recognise the full range of my achievements. where appropriate, i am involved in decisions about when and how this assessment will take place. teacher: the learning, teaching and assessment activities i plan create opportunities for dialogue to help learners set and achieve challenging goals based on high quality feedback on their progress. in planning teaching learning and assessment, i consider the needs of the wide needs of learners. i plan an appropriate range of activities to give learners the opportunity to demonstrate their learning and provide feedback accordingly. a practitioner evaluation of 'project 1': a literature review current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 18 this section of the article features the findings of two separate research papers which evaluate the crucial development stages of project 1 (2002-2004) in uk schools: 1) hallam, kiston, peffers, robertson and stobart (2004) investigated project 1only and; 2) condie, livingstone and seagraves (2005) examined the impact of project 1 alongside various other projects within the aifl programme. it may be of interest to note that teachers exhibited a consistently greater interest in responding to questions regarding project 1 than any other project included in condie’s research. at the behest of seed, hallam et al undertook to investigate effective classroom approaches to formative assessment (october 2004). their investigation is founded upon the earlier (and continuing) research of black and wiliam (1998a, b). they draw various sources of data directly from school settings: teachers' agreements, action plans, program dairies, case study reports, relevant school self-evaluations and field visits. a primary function of the early field visits was to introduce participating staff to the use of a rating scale used to quantify the perceived effectiveness of project 1 to a range of outcomes. all data was analyzed to consider the extent of change across the early period of the innovation in the following areas: student learning, motivation and behavior; student awareness of assessment; attainment; classroom practice; teacher beliefs and attitudes; teacher understanding of assessment; parental/carer involvement in their child's education. student learning, motivation and behaviour hallam et al (2004) found strong positive consensus among teachers (n=72) regarding enhanced involvement, motivation and confidence in their students. generally, there were fewer comments regarding behavior. hallam et al (2004) speculate that 'this may have been in part, because the pupils participating in the project were on the whole already well behaved (¶ 4.7.4).' a project 1: formative assessment 19 slightly later seed commissioned study into aifl and the effectiveness of formative assessment strategies was undertaken by condie et al in december 2005. the reluctance of teachers to comment on changes in behavior was a remarkable feature here as well. condie et al (2005) used questionnaires as a part of their method and issued the same basic template in two phases spaced 16 months apart. 44 teachers and 21 head-teachers participated in phase 1; 56 teachers and 26 head-teachers participated in phase 2 of the survey. in both phases, 21% of participating teachers declined to evaluate the statement: 'pupils have shown improved classroom behavior'. a further interesting feature of condie's research is that while 73.5% of respondents strongly agreed or agreed (sa/a) with the statement on discipline in phase one, only 46% did so in phase two (2005, ¶ 4.4). the marked decline of positive responses in phase two of condie's questionnaire was explained by head-teachers' as an indication of the generally good discipline found across participating classes at the time, and so what may not be observed may not be reported. condie's report did not seek to examine if the good discipline reported by head-teachers at the time of phase two was the outcome of earlier project 1 interventions in the classroom. the responses to the condie et al questionnaire concur with the favorable indications received by hallam et al, regarding learning, confidence and motivation: project 1 questionnaire (condie et al, 2005, ¶ 4.4) phase 1 phase 2 sa/a sa/a the developments enhance the learning of all pupils 75.00% 67.00% pupils have increased confidence and show greater self-esteem 70.50% 72.00% pupils are more motivated toward learning 70.00% n/a current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 20 pupils have become more actively involved in the learning process 81.00% 82.00% student awareness of assessment an important aspect of project 1 was the effect on students' meta-cognitive skills. participating students became more aware of their learning needs and what they had to do in order to make progress (hallam et al, 2004). for example, hallam reports a strong positive reaction from students after the use of a feedback sheet designed to develop their insights into their writing skills (2004, ¶ 4.7.5). condie solicited the perceptions of teachers on this matter: phase 1 phase 2 sa/a sa/a pupils are better equipped to assess their own learning 79.50% 78.00% pupils are able to set realistic targets 66.00% 66.00% pupils are developing skills in peer assessment 66.00% 77.00% attainment attainment was an area in which teachers were reluctant to offer comment. hallam states that drawing conclusions about project 1's impact on attainment would be premature because of the early development stage of the project. they do however report that some teachers were very positive about the impact of formative assessment strategies, while some in policy positions (headteachers and local government officials) were more reserved in their praise (2004, ¶ 4.7.8). condie posed the following statement on attainment to teachers: ‘i have evidence that pupil attainment has project 1: formative assessment 21 improved through project activities.’ only 32% of respondents in phase 1, and 28% in phase 2 strongly agreed or agreed with the statement. the low approval rating afforded to this statement is in part explained by a marked reluctance among participating teachers to commit any form of response on this issue: 44% of teachers in phase one and 42% in phase two chose to offer no response. it is therefore impossible to ascertain if they inclined towards agreement or disagreement on the issue of attainment. classroom practices 'a major outcome...was the change in classroom practices which increased the active engagement of pupils, who were encouraged to take ownership of their learning rather than being the passive recipients of the delivery of curriculum' (hallam et al, 2004, ¶ 4.7.1). hallam reported that relationships with the students 'blossomed' and it became possible to bring forward difficulties without negative impact (2004, ¶ 4.7.1). significantly, hallam found that the students were generally positive about the impact of the project. similarly, condie et al (2005) requested that teachers respond to the following statement: ‘pupils themselves report positive views of project activities.’ practitioner responses were favourable, with 62.5% (in phase 1) and 65% (in phase 2) of teachers strongly agreeing or agreeing with the statement. it can be seen that there is a consensus which runs throughout the responses to the condie research questionnaire. teachers consistently indicate that students are more motivated, more involved and better equipped to assess their own learning. in addition, students are positive about project activities, show greater confidence and are generally able to set realistic learning targets. teacher beliefs and attitudes the afl project tapped into the existing beliefs and attitudes of many participating teachers. hallam et al (2004) observe that: current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 22 'the nature of the project itself with its focus on pupil learning and the enhancement of teaching resonates with teachers, taking them back to fundamental pedagogical principles...it's success in delivering improved pupil motivation and engagement provided teachers with immediate positive reinforcement for continuing development, implementation and evaluation of the strategies' (¶ 1.5.11). indeed, 100% of respondents assigned a rating of vs/s to the project improving their motivation (hallam et al, 2004, ¶ 1.5.18). condie et al reported numerous positive descriptions: 're-energised, satisfied, confident, renewed enjoyment' (2005, ¶ 4.4). it is evident that the students are not the sole beneficiary of a movement from a teacher-centered pedagogy to one which places the student and their learning needs at the heart of teaching. teachers themselves report it to be an essential opportunity to reflect on their existing attitudes on classroom practice (hallam et al, 2004). hallam et al present a particularly meaningful remark from a participating teacher: 'even in terms of where i was in education 10 years ago, you can see that is a shift, and it’s almost as if now the focus is on the process rather than the product' (¶ 4.8.2). this is a very significant insight into the essential focus of formative assessment being one of process and not oriented to performance. both hallam and condie gathered extensive evidence of the impact of project 1 on the personal and professional development of teachers, many of which used the opportunity to reflect on their past understandings of teaching and learning and compare them to their current practices. teacher understandings of assessment hallam's report on project 1 stresses the need for a careful clarification of the meaning of formative assessment, followed by the embedding of formative assessment strategies in practice. 'teachers need to understand the underlying principles rather than have a superficial knowledge of strategies' (hallam et al, 2004, ¶ 1.8). condie et al discovered that teachers and head-teachers project 1: formative assessment 23 participating in the initial development phase of project 1 were troubled by a lack of understanding regarding the underlying theories and principles of formative assessment (2005, ¶ 4.4). both studies elicited feedback which indicated that a much greater depth of understanding was required by participating staff prior to the commencement of work in schools. however, as the development phase of project 1 continued, teachers reported the evolving understanding of how assessment and learning connect as a very powerful learning experience (hallam et al, 2004, ¶ 4.8.1). by the latter stages of project development, 100% of participating teachers in project 1 evaluated the project as vs/s at improving their understanding of assessments (2004, ¶ 1.5.18). in terms of the overall effect of the project upon teachers, the hallam et al report reveals that the project had a significant impact and led to: • the understandings that formative assessment takes time and requires long-term commitment; • improved feedback to students; • a deeper understanding of assessment; • teachers applying formative assessment strategies beyond the prescribed boundaries of the project; • teachers becoming increasingly aware of how students learn and their learning needs. parent/carer involvement one of the key aims of the wider multi-project aifl innovation is to involve parents and carers more actively in the process of their children's learning. this overall aim is therefore equally significant when considering project 1 and the task of developing formative assessment strategies in schools. the importance of parental/carer inclusion is confirmed by townsend (1997),who current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 24 believes that effective schools are those which welcome parents by engaging them and involving them in the widest range of school activities; most crucially those concerning their child's development. although a key aim of project 1, the level of involvement by parents and carers by the end of the development phase was disappointing, particularly when compared to the other more successful aspects of the project discussed above. only 23% of teachers indicated that parental/carer involvement had increased as a result of the project (hallam et al, 2004, ¶ 1.5.18). condie et al found that only 38% of head-teachers reported that involvement practices had changed as a result of the project. indeed, some schools neglected to inform the parents about the project (2005, ¶ 4.4). condie determined six key themes by analyzing teachers' comments about the project. from a total of 410 recorded thematic references there were only 22 mentions of better links to parents and carers (2005, ¶ 4.4). it is apparent that the space between the school system and parents/carers had not been sufficiently explored by the end of the project development stage. it is to be hoped that the level of 'public engagement' exhibited by schools increases in order to create communities of practice which work together in the spirit of trust and under the agreement of mutual accountability. it is this kind of relationship which brings into existence legitimate partnerships (marx 2000). project 1: challenges encountered in the development stage (2002-2004) instigating change in schools is a highly complex process. any complex system can be broken down into sub-parts and various authors have sought to examine the process of educational change management in terms of categories. for example, johnston and neidermeier (1987) see change in terms of 3 broad categories of variables: a) structural (leadership, finance, human resources); b) procedural (time, organization, technical assistance) and c) attitudinal, primarily relating to negative responses to top-own policy making and the existence of internal politics. project 1: formative assessment 25 knoop (1987) suggests four key areas of change: i) administrative (policies and objectives); ii) curriculum/program; iii) human resources (staff interactions, beliefs, expectations; and iv) teaching and learning, where knoop highlighted group interactions between teachers and students and methods of teaching pertaining to classroom relations and communication. fullan (1991) confirms that the actual process of educational change management is a highly complex process requiring the strong commitment of principals and external policy makers. it can be seen that the factors which ensured the success of the project 1 (stated earlier) take these change variables into full account. the careful arrangement of consultative networks by seed led to project success despite the reputation of teachers for being inherently stubborn when faced with innovation, in part due to their strong sense of acculturation and continuity. hallam et al report very positive attitudes by schools to the difficulties faced during the developmental stage of project 1. when asked about the difficulties encountered schools identified relatively few, preferring instead to see problem solving as developmental and positive (2004, ¶ 1.5.6) – an indication that the overwhelming majority of participating teachers and principals were committed to the project from the outset. it was in this spirit that various developmental challenges were reported by participating schools. hallam et al (2004) found that some teachers, even those who grasped the underlying principles of formative assessment, were unclear on what they were supposed to do in their classrooms. one teacher explains that this barrier to change exists because, 'teachers are used to attending various in-service courses where they are told exactly what to do in the classroom' (hallam et al 2004, ¶ 4.6.1). consequently, participating teachers expressed concerns about the movement from concept to operationalization. some felt that more direction was required on the differentiation of strategies taking into account the wide range of attainment in some classes (hallam et al, 2004). these are valid concerns, not least when one considers issues of current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 26 choice and equity, which are fundamental themes of any credible curriculum architecture. all students, no matter what their ability, gender, ethnicity or economic status, need to be supported equally as they gain mastery of the basic curriculum and so it is essential that schools 'identify and remove physical and programmatic barriers that produce disproportionality in academic achievement' (ospi website). this situation must exist in such a way that students do not perceive bias or discrimination in their treatment. if it does not, it is to betray sensitivity and trust and destroy the central pillar supporting the afl/aal classroom: cooperation (arg 2002). in addition, some teachers found the integration of formative and summative assessments very challenging (george street research [gsr], 2007). such initial uncertainty among some teachers is not indicative of shortcomings in their preparation by seed. such preparations simply did not take place and traditionally precise instruction regarding the specifics of implementation were carefully avoided. wiliam, lee, harrison and black (2004) explain the rationale behind this non-prescriptive approach, 'the central tenet of the research project was that if the promise of formative assessment was to be realised, traditional research designs, in which teachers are 'told' what to do by researchers would not be appropriate (p. 50).' as the project progressed, the lack of clarity exhibited by some teachers at the beginning evolved into an advantage as they appreciated that it had compelled them to focus on their own teaching materials and devise their own action plan (hallam et al, 2004) in effect they were adjusting to the atmosphere outside of the 'black box' (black & wiliam, 1998b). however, in a 2007 review of the entire aifl project research conducted by george street research found that awareness and understanding of aifl was not firmly embedded across teachers in scotland and understanding was not clear by teachers in terms of the principles underpinning assessment strategies (gsr, 2007). as the government funded part project 1: formative assessment 27 of the aifl project drew to close in late 2007 the quest for fine-grained understandings of formative assessment principles among teachers continued. other challenges arising from the development of formative assessment strategies included: • some staff and students didn't like to be videoed or lacked the technical support to expedite this process; • teachers spoke of the need for self awareness to avoid reverting to old habits; • tensions between formative and summative assessment demands; • concerns about funding for further development; • competing agenda and external accountability demands. many teachers identified their primary concern as insufficient time to engage in the process of strategic development (planning, preparing, reflecting, reporting) (condie et al, 2005). time was also a concern when it came to covering the curriculum, with many teachers expressing concern that the material was being covered at a slower pace. these initial concerns were to some extent mitigated by the emerging quality of work and learning as the project progressed (hallam et al, 2004). project 1: factors contributing to success both hallam et al (2004) and condie et al (2005) found the development stage of project 1 to be a success from which lessons can be learned and applied to future projects which seek to develop innovative changes to classroom practice. it is clear that the development of formative assessment strategies in the classroom stimulated teachers personally and improved them professionally. hallam et al attribute various factors to the success of the project: • participating teachers had time to plan, prepare, reflect and evaluate. this was made possible current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 28 by the serious intent of seed to instigate change at a policy level; • once teachers became accustomed to the idea of exploring formative assessment strategies in their classrooms, the action-research elements of the project became very meaningful; • head-teachers, senior management team members and teachers were committed to the project from the outset; • teamwork between all stakeholders in the project; • regular meetings and project forums to reflect upon project efficacy and to plan next steps; • resources (supply teachers, i.t, instructional materials, time and funding) were provided which supported the project and the strategies; • the incorporation of the project into the school development program. conclusion the development of formative assessment strategies in the scottish region of the uk was a highly complex process that required the political commitment of government to be matched by that of participating teachers and principals. even when this collaboration was secured and the processes of change management among stakeholders carefully planned, conceptual difficulties persisted beyond the 2002-2004 development phase of the aifl project (gsr, 2007). the embedding of innovative pedagogical principles is beset by challenges and tensions. as black & wiliam (2005) observe, the effective integration of formative and summative assessment will require a different changemanagement strategy depending on national circumstances, and in some cases may be very challenging indeed. innovations in education invite such challenges and are inevitable (fullan, 1991). from the out-set, the constructive problem-solving attitude exhibited by participating schools in scotland was project 1: formative assessment 29 a large contributory factor to the successful development of formative assessment strategies (hallam et al, 2004). a primary source of conceptual challenge associated with project 1 was the acculturated preference of teachers for prescriptive and precise instructions on how to implement new classroom practices (william et al, 2004; hallam et al, 2004). despite the challenges discussed in this article, teachers responded very positively on an evaluative rating scale: 100% of respondents reported that the project was ‘very successful’ or ‘successful’ (vs/s) in increasing teacher understanding of the role of assessment and in improving teacher motivation. further, 91% of respondents indicated that project 1 was vs/s in changing classroom practices; 92% indicated the project was vs/s at changing assessment practices; 94% the extent of questioning; 95% in increasing the level of discussion and 97% of respondents assigned a vs/s rating to an improved teacher focus on the learning needs of students (hallam et al, 2004). if formative assessment interventions are to be successful on a large and long-term scale certain conditions should exist: (i) dedicated political support at all levels of government; (ii) a clear and compelling expression of the conceptual framework which underpins formative assessment and continuing support for practitioners beyond the development phase (iii) close collaboration between all stakeholders (teachers, administrators, parents/carers and students), who work together to engage students with the process of their own learning; (iv) a climate of change management in which practitioners approach obstacles as constructive and necessary challenges; (v) the alignment of summative and formative assessment activities so that they work in concert to support and evaluate learning. finally, at the most fundamental level formative assessment practices are characterized by positive learning interactions and dialogue. as such, an important strand of future research resides in developing fine-grained understandings about high-quality current issues in education vol. 13 no. 3 30 classroom dialogue between teacher/student and between peers, and how they support productive learning in practical settings. references american psychological association. 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(2004). teachers developing assessment for learning: impact on student learning. assessment in education, 11(1), 49-65. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 34 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 3 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain jeffery johnson seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word 785-2966-3-le.docx 1 volume 14, number 3 august 26, 2011 issn 1099-839x the serious games of racial accounting in schools martha i. martinez university of oregon educational disparities are frequently framed in racial comparisons that are based on data generated by sorting and counting racial subgroups. our reliance on these data, and the sorting and counting mechanisms entailed therein, is fundamental to debates about racial inequalities. what is largely ignored in achievement gap discourse is how racial data collection procedures naturalize and legitimize what counts as race and what doesn’t. the contested racial status of latinos illustrates the tension within and political significance of government-sanctioned racial classificatory schemes. by situating race discourse within actual race data collection practices, particularly as they relate to latinos in the u.s. and other racial misfits, this study explores how technologies of truth re-create racial (arti)facts and how school staff interpret race and their roles in the data-keeping process, it also considers the implications of recent changes to racial accounting procedures in schools. keywords: race/ethnicity, racial measurement, latinos, multi-racial students, racial disparities in 2001, i registered my daughter for kindergarten. on the school registration form was a question regarding her ethnicity, with instructions that respondents select one of five options presented: american indian or alaskan native; asian or pacific islander; black; white; or hispanic. i asked the office assistant if i could check two boxes: having a latina1 mother and white father, i didn’t want my daughter to have to be identified as one at the expense of the other. i was instructed that i could only choose one. i checked off two boxes anyway. the next year, when the form was returned to me for updating, one box was checked: white. i didn’t protest the erasure of my racial/ethnic contribution to my child’s racial/ethnic identification. although i resented it, i nevertheless rationalized that, if forced to choose, i would classify my child as white instead of latina – because, in my formulation of racial/ethnic identities, she is more white than latina. she is far more privileged in many respects than many latinos in the u.s. – in fact, than i was as a child. although i understood the history and rationale behind the data collection effort, i nevertheless resented being boxed in, or in this case, boxed out. the paperwork seemed to represent more than bureaucratic record-keeping. to me it represented a definition of racial/ethnic identity; and, i identified my child as being equal parts latina and white. this incident wasn’t the only or primary reason for initiating a project on race data collection in schools, but it nevertheless captures a key question of interest: what officially and actually counts as race in school data and for whom? the question is particularly significant given what appear to be two competing contemporary trajectories in u.s. racial ideology and its manifestation in school policy. on the one hand, there is considerable criticism within theoretical and applied research, as well as in public policy arenas, regarding the validity and utility of existing racial categories. essentialized ethnic/racial categories have been destabilized in academic circles (allen, 1998a, 1998b, 1999; gimenez, 1998; hollinger, 1995; moya, 2000). findings from the human genome project dispute the contention that “separate classifiable subspecies (races) exist within modern humans” (u.s. department of energy, n.d.). and, race-based remedies to racial disparities have become increasingly criticized in legal circles as reverse current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 2 discrimination or anathema to a colorblind democracy. the u.s. supreme court’s decision in parents involved in community schools (pics) further restricting the use of race in student assignment policies showcases this “colorblind/reverse discrimination” reasoning. writing for the majority, chief justice roberts concluded: the school districts have not carried their heavy burden of showing that the interest they seek to achieve justifies the extreme means they have chosen--discriminating among individual students based on race by relying upon racial classifications in making school assignments (pics, 2007). anderson (2007) contends that the pics decision and contemporary legal arguments against the use of raceconscious education policies rely on a faulty theory of “color-blind constitutionalism,” i.e., that the intent of the reconstruction congress was to articulate one class of american citizenship without regard to racial classification and thus establish a constitutional goal of “racial neutrality” (p. 249). in contrast, he provides ample evidence that racial ideology and not color-blindness permeated the legal foundations upon which citizenship and equal rights continued to be defined and enforced. moreover, he finds this racial ideology was not limited to black-white race relations, but existed within the context of a multiracial landscape where concerns about american indians and asians were also predominant. thus, anderson (2007) concludes, “we may argue for or against the use of racial classifications to pursue issues of school desegregation and affirmative action, but we should not pretend that we are constrained by a color-blind constitution” (p. 256). at the same time that the construct and political utility of race is undergoing considerable challenge, our educational system has become increasingly invested in race data as it seeks to address persistent achievement gaps between white students and students of color. the no child left behind act of 2001 (nclb) relies heavily on racial data collection procedures, and these procedures have taken on greater significance given the consequences for schools that fail to report adequate yearly progress for racial (and other) subgroups on standardized tests. moreover, substantial demographic changes in the past two decades have led to heightened attention within the school system on the growing latino population, especially those for whom english is a second language. the data-keeping enterprise initiated with nclb creates a very real triple data monitoring of many latinos who are “subgrouped” in nclb accountability reports not just by race (or rather ethnicity, since they are not classified as a race), but potentially by limited english proficiency and socioeconomic disadvantage as well. the purpose of the study is to explore how racial “truths” in education are (re)created via one of the most mundane bureaucratic tasks in schools: race data collection procedures. the primary questions guiding my investigation are: (1) what counts as race (and what doesn’t) within actual race data collection practices in schools, particularly as these practices relate to “nonconforming” racial types; (2) how do school staff interpret the race categories and their data collection roles; and (3) what do existing practices imply for the recent changes to racial data collection and reporting in u.s. schools? i refer to the racial accounting practices in schools as “serious games” not to make light of them, but rather to highlight the practices as a series of negotiations between actors within a discursive web of meaning construction. in addition to the local players involved in the collection of these data (i.e., students, their families, and school staff), there are state and federal government representatives who regulate the collection process. the uses of these data vary and encompass other players in the game of racial accounting in schools. these players, such as policymakers, researchers and the general public, use these data to monitor and debate how our schools are serving a racially diverse student body. these are, as ortner (1996) suggests, “serious games” that are steeped in power and inequality, and that involve actors who play with “skill, intention, wit, and intelligence” (p. 12). ladson-billings (2004), for example, recounts the following story of an elementary school in a historically black neighborhood in san francisco that was ordered to desegregate and prohibited from having more than 47% of any one “designated” minority. when i asked the school principal about the school demographics, she responded, “do you want to know what it is on paper or what it is in reality?” i was surprised to learn that when african american parents saw that the school district was willing to improve the school once white children were coming in and their children were being sent out of the community, a large contingent of them reenrolled their children in the neighborhood school with the racial/ethnic designation “native american.” the principal told me, “i have the largest concentration of “native american” students in the city!” (p. 8). the example above and the pics case illustrate the high stakes of racial accounting practices in the context of school desegregation cases, and the ways in which students and families are active participants in the data collection and interpretative processes entailed therein. however, the collection of racial/ethnic data frequently occurs in schools where their use(s) may be unclear to students and their families, as is the case in this particular project. no desegregation order or voluntary integration plan governs student assignment policies in the schools involved in this study. yet, in these schools, as in all u.s. public schools, racial data are collected and interpreted by school staff and educational researchers to (a) make meaning of the educational experiences of students, and, in the wake of nclb, (b) hold schools accountable for meeting specific assessment outcomes for all racial/ethnic subgroups. while students and families are key players in the serious games of racial accounting in schools 3 this racial accounting game, this study focuses on the institutional apparatus of racial data keeping in schools, how school staff navigate this system and interpret their roles within it, and the implications of this game for critical consumers of the “racial (arti)facts” that emerge: educational policymakers, practitioners, and researchers. i use the term “racial (arti)facts” to reflect the contradictory characteristics of these data: they are labels and counts of social groups defined by characteristics and conditions that are real and imaginary, stable and unstable, present and past. the next section highlights the historical evolution of this game and some of the current challenges to keeping racial boxes intact. the creation and maintenance of a u.s. racial cosmology despite the significant impact nclb has had on school data, its passage did not initiate racial data collections in schools. nor did the racial and ethnic categories currently in use materialize in an institutional vacuum. the policies and practices related to race data collection in schools are embedded within the larger sociopolitical forces that have helped shape racial datakeeping across government institutions. the evolution of these classificatory schemes supports omi and winant’s (1994) contention that race is an “unstable and ‘decentered’ complex of social meanings constantly being transformed by political struggle” (p. 55). the contested racial status of latinos (or hispanics, as they are frequently referred to and categorized in u.s. demographic profiles) illustrates the tension within and political significance of government sanctioned racial classificatory schemes. according to u.s. racial classification systems, hispanics are not officially a race but instead an ethnic group (allen, 1999; hirschman, alba, & farley, 2000; logan, 2004; saenz, 2004; snipp, 2003). an anomaly of racial sorts, they are the only ethnic group officially classified and counted as such in the u.s. census and in federal and state school reports. although race is more often linked with human differences in phenotype and ethnicity is frequently defined in terms of a shared cultural heritage, there is much debate about the utility/validity of this distinction and much variability in the manner in which hispanics identify themselves racially (hirschman et al., 2000; logan, 2004; omi & winant, 1994; snipp, 2003; suro, 2006a, 2006b). in an effort to better count hispanics, the census 2000 reordered the ethnic and race questions, hoping to encourage more hispanics to identify their hispanic heritage in the ethnic question as well as their racial type in the race question that followed. however, hispanics continued to defy neat racial categorization, choosing instead the “some other race” category and writing in “latino”, “hispanic” or a similar term almost half the time (logan, 2004; saenz, 2004). and, hispanics aren’t the only ones wreaking havoc on u.s. census interpretability. in response to growing criticisms around the race categories used in the u.s. census, the 2000 census allowed individuals to check multiple boxes and over 6.8 million people did. although many of these individuals identified hispanic or latino as one of the “other races” they claimed, another significant multi-race respondent (approximately 1 million individuals) were those who identified as both american indian/alaskan native and white (tafoya, johnson, & hill, 2004). despite what might be construed as having a subordinate racial status, hispanics constitute one of the five racial/ethnic groups that are routinely counted by various government agencies, including the u.s. department of education. this is largely the result of the office of management and budget’s (omb) statistical policy directive no. 15 (snipp, 2003). omb directive 15, which became official federal policy in 1977, standardized and institutionalized racial data-keeping into five racial/ethnic data categories: (a) american indian and alaska natives, (b) asians and pacific islanders, (c) nonhispanic blacks, (d) non-hispanic whites, and (e) hispanics (hollinger, 1995; snipp, 2003). hollinger (1995) refers to these five categories as the ethno-racial pentagon. snipp (2003) suggests that this ethno-racial pentagon constitutes a racial cosmology that permeates u.s. society to this day. maintaining this racial cosmology, however, has its challenges, particularly when self-enumeration is the principal process by which racial data collection proceeds and when increasing diversity in the u.s. undermines the adequacy of existing racial boxes. contested definitions of race aren’t new; they in fact co-exist with dominant racial narratives to elaborate, refine and challenge racial realities. as omi and winant (1994) contend, race is not an essence or an illusion, but a social construct under constant political struggle that “continues to play a fundamental role in structuring and representing the social world” (p. 55). at times the omnipresent political struggle for racial “truths” destabilizes the racial order and new meanings seep into the broader public domain, staking claim on what officially counts as race, for whom, and for what purpose. changes to the racial order are only achieved “when there is significant ‘decay’ in the capacities of preexisting state programs and institutions to organize and enforce racial ideology” (omi & winant, 1994, p. 88). with the move from observer identification in the 1960 u.s. census to self-identification in order to better count native americans living in non-reservation settings (snipp, 2003), the racial ideology pandora’s box was irrevocably opened. skerry (2000) suggests that collecting and interpreting racial/ethnic data has become increasingly difficult because “race and ethnicity are coming to be understood less as social constructs denoting affiliation to one or more groups than as psychological choices denoting individual identity” (p.8). whether or not individuals respond to the categories based on social affiliation or personal identification with one or more social groups, census studies indicate that individuals respond to these questions differently at current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 4 different times, and increasingly choose either not to respond at all or to respond in ways that do not conform to the official racial classification scheme (hirschman et al., 2000; logan, 2004; skerry, 2000). the new racial/ethnic categories to be used by k12 schools and other government agencies beginning in 2010 represent the federal government’s most recent attempt to replace the ill-fitting previous racial lid with a new one. the title of the federal government’s 2008 guide for implementing the new categories – managing an identity crisis – suggests a paternalistic nation-state’s assessment of its racially conflicted citizenry. although the guide states that the changes were prompted in part to accommodate “parents [who] want the opportunity to more fully describe their children’s heritage” (p. 3), there is no open-ended response to the race/ethnicity question in the new format. to handle this identity crisis, the state’s response is a minor tweaking of the previous categories and the utilization of its bureaucratic machine to establish the new racial order. thus, the primary audience for the 2008 guide is not the public, but “data, information systems, and program staff” (national forum, p. v) who are charged with operationalizing the changes, and, in an ironic twist of racial data keeping fate, using observer identification when the racially conflicted citizenry refuses to comply with the new rules of the game. because this study was initiated prior to the implementation of the new federal guidelines, the racial accounting game that follows focuses on practices immediately prior to the new rules and discusses what these changes imply for the future. methods of inquiry i began the study using two guiding questions: (1) what counts as race within actual race data collection practices; and (2) how do school staff interpret the race categories and their data collection roles? a third question was added when the new federal guidelines on race and ethnicity data surfaced mid-way through the data collection phase: what do the recent changes to racial data collection and reporting in u.s. schools imply based on existing practices? drawing on smith’s concept of ruling relations (1990, 1999), i examined the discursive and multifaceted web of coordinated activities that “produce local events as readable in the texts of the ruling” (1999, p. 87). like foucault’s (2000) concept of governmentality, smith recognizes the salience of the scientific apparatuses used by the state to (re)create the knowledge and truths necessary for governance, while at the same time not reducing the state to a monolithic unity that directs all human action. to investigate microsocial phenomena and the power relations embedded within them, smith (1990) emphasizes focusing not only on textual representations of discourse but in “actual relations that are vested in texts” (p. 162). i also relied on ortner’s (1996) articulation of practice theory to help interpret the results of the study. her methodological approach rests upon “a model of practice that embodies agency but does not begin with, or pivot upon the agent” and instead highlights the “serious games” of social life where power differentials and inequalities manifest themselves in multiple ways (p. 12). to examine how the policies and procedures governing race data collection and reporting practices mediated actual race data collection practices within and across public schools in oregon, i relied on two data sources: archival documents and interviews. the principal archival data sources used were race data collection protocols and policy documents, as well as district and state reports referencing student demographics. these texts were supplemented with interviews of staff responsible for student data collection activities in oregon. archival documents and interviews were analyzed using an iterative approach to illuminate race data collection and reporting practices and how staff interpreted their roles within these processes. the investigative process began with an analysis of archival documents to decipher how official policies and procedures were supposed to guide the data collection and reporting process. interviews with staff helped to fill in the gaps that emerged from the analysis of the documents, and to gather evidence about how staff interpreted their roles and the race categories. observing actual incidents of families providing these data to the schools would have also been helpful. however, at this point in the project i was more interested in understanding the rules of racial data collection and how staff interpreted and enacted these rules. in addition to researcher, i was known by some of the study participants as a parent, a latina, a diversity advocate, and a relatively well educated community member. not all study participants were fully aware of my personal and professional background, but all were aware that their comments were being recorded and analyzed. this of course had an effect on what they told me and what they allowed me to see. as mauthner and doucet (2003) contend, i recognize that i have made “choices about how to interpret the voices [of study participants] and which transcript extracts to present as evidence” (p. 418). i have nevertheless tried as much as possible to critically reflect on what i was being told, what i saw, and how my lens distorted and clarified the data i collected and my analytical focus. additional details about the research setting, participants and procedures follow. setting the study was conducted in oregon, and involved staff from a medium-sized school district, two elementary schools within this district, the oregon department of education, and an education service district (esd). the schools, school district, esd, and state were selected largely on the basis of convenience, but also because of the relatively high numbers of latino families that the study schools and the esd’s migrant education program served. in 2007-08, the meadows2 school district served approximately 7200 students, of which 10% were hispanic/latino. of the total student population in oregon, the serious games of racial accounting in schools 5 ethnic minority students accounted for about 30% in 2007, with hispanic students representing over half the total ethnic minority population. although the state is not among the most diverse in the country, the white student population has steadily decreased while minority student enrollment, particularly hispanic enrollment, has increased – student demographic trends that are consistent with schools across the country (fry, 2006). from 1992-2007, the total actual growth rate of oregon public school students was approximately 10%, with white students decreasing by over 11% during this time and hispanic students growing by over 230% (oregon department of education, 2006-2007). the participating schools and the esd were also selected due to the relatively large hispanic populations that each served. the two elementary schools involved in the study, centennial and new river, were district english learner magnet schools for spanish-speaking students and served disproportionately larger numbers of hispanic students than the remaining six elementary schools. in the 2007-08 school year, centennial had about 380 students, over 36% of whom were hispanic. new river had about 440 students, just over 30% of whom were hispanic. the percentage of hispanic enrollment at the other elementary schools in the meadows school district ranged from about 2-6%. esds are intermediary administrative agencies that serve multiple school districts, providing administrative support and other supplementary educational services to support the activities of their respective districts. the esd included in the study was responsible for the migrant education program that operated in a geographic region adjacent to the school district. migrant education programs, including the program staffed by this particular esd, typically serve large numbers of hispanic students and their families, many of whom speak spanish as their primary language. participants selection of participants was based on a purposive sampling strategy (teddlie & yu, 2007). direct involvement in the collection of race and ethnicity data in oregon schools was the criterion used to recruit interview participants. i relied on personal connections at the schools and the department of education to direct me to appropriate staff. i did not provide any incentives for participation. a total of twelve individuals were interviewed, including three oregon department of education (ode) employees, two meadows school district employees, five elementary school employees, and two esd employees affiliated with the migrant education program that operates in several counties adjacent to the meadows school district. two participants were males, the rest females. at least half the participants were 50 years or older (one respondent didn’t return the background survey). when asked how they identified racially/ethnically, most (9 out of 12) identified themselves as caucasian or white. one identified as white hispanic. another identified as being half white and half mexican. race/ethnicity data is unavailable for the participant who did not return the background survey. procedures interview questions were emailed in advance to all participants, with the hope that these would guide later discussions. however, some participants (two ode employees and one district employee) chose to answer the questions exclusively via email. the rest of the participants (9) were interviewed in person, with some individuals providing additional information via email either before or after our conversations. interviews took place august 2007 – april 2009. in-person interviews occurred at the participants’ worksites, with two exceptions. both esd employees were interviewed at a local eating establishment. in-person interviews ranged in duration from about 20 minutes to an hour, and all but one of these interviews were digitally recorded. interviews were semi-structured and designed to elucidate the textual forms used to capture race data, how these forms were interpreted to families, how “nonconforming” race data were entered and reported in the system, and how staff interpreted their roles and the race categories. because i was also interested in how nclb might be influencing current race data collections, i specifically asked staff about whether nclb had had any effect on race data collection processes. i was aware that all students filled out a school registration card upon enrollment in the district and that this card requested racial/ethnic background information, so i used this as a principal investigatory tool in interviews. for migrant education staff, the comparable in-take form that we discussed in interviews was the certificate of eligibility. interviews with school, district, and state staff investigated race data collection processes articulated across these levels of school governance. however, the interviews with migrant education staff solely examined the data collection interface between migrant education staff and families, as interpreted by migrant education staff. despite the more limited investigation of race data collection processes within the migrant education program, the interviews were helpful in providing additional insight into the manner in which racial categories were explained to non-english speaking immigrants from latin america, which are the families typically served by migrant education programs in oregon. the following three sections summarize the results related to each of the research questions. the ruling relations of racial data monitoring there is an extensive paper trail governing race data collection procedures in schools. several texts stand out as those that actively shape what counts as race for students in the study’s schools. these are school registration forms, the computer technologies that transfer these data from school to district to state to federal offices, and the policy directives that govern race data collection current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 6 practices in schools. counting race in schools, however, isn’t solely accomplished by texts. official counts of students begin with students and their families – who are charged with voluntarily identifying their racial/ethnic affiliation in school registration forms, frequently by checking a box. this practice of self-identification is fundamental to racial accounting in schools, but it doesn’t always yield data that is easily translated into standardized racial/ethnic categories for all students. in the cases of racial misfits, i.e., those who check too many boxes or none at all, school staff must decide what and who counts racially within schools. their actions and the racial/ethnic self-designations of students and families in their schools, while not controlled by the racial discourse that permeates the school environment, are nevertheless constrained and guided by allowable standardized options from a complex racial accounting bureaucracy. this racial accounting bureaucracy could be conceived of as the ruling relations of race data collection practices in schools. the ruling relations governing racial/ethnic data collections in schools start with federal policies that dictate what must be counted as race, what must be counted as ethnicity, and how counting should happen. they trickle down to the school in an articulated, official discourse that illuminates some racial truths and obfuscates others. figure a illustrates the ruling relations of racial data collections in the oregon schools i investigated. as the figure shows, the textual forms that govern these practices aren’t just in paper form. computer-based data systems play a significant role in the standardization of racial types via the use of race data fields in computer programs that only permit acceptable data forms to be entered. two contested areas of racial truth construction within the context of these ruling relations emerged in the analysis of theinterviews and archival documents: the (non)existence of multi-racial students and hispanic racial/ethnic ambiguities. the (non)existence of multi-racial students in the 2007-08 school year, the year in which most of the interviews for the study took place, the meadows school district used the same five categories (i.e., the ethnoracial pentagon) established by omb directive 15 in 1977 to collect racial/ethnic information from families: (1) american indian or alaska native, (2) asian or pacific islander, (3) black, (4) white, and (5) hispanic. all categories on the form appeared under the heading “ethnic”, even though officially (per federal guidelines) hispanic is considered an ethnicity and the remaining four categories are defined as races. although the majority of other oregon districts of similar size or larger counted students who identified as multi-racial by 2007, the meadows district did not report these data until 2009. (for student enrollment counts by ethnic group, see table 2 for meadows school district and table 3 for all districts, including those with 1000 or more students.) prior to 2009, when families from new river and centennial checked multiple boxes these students were reported either as unknown, declined to report, or by one of the ethnic categories that were checked on the registration card (school staff determined which one). there was a good deal of discomfort that i was asking these questions about staff’s specific role in helping students and families officially identify their racial/ethnic identity, with all staff stressing that self-identification was the only method they relied on, as michele’s comments below highlight. michele was a front office assistant at centennial. how do we explain it? well, basically, it’s what do they think their first ethnicity is. you know, if, for instance, if a parent has a black child and they are white, what do you consider your child? we can’t make that decision what we think. it’s what the parent thinks that that child is. what do they honor? and, same with if we have a spanish family that they, um, who are white. what do you consider? i mean we put both. we put, you know, they say, “well, i would think my first one would be white, and secondary is spanish.” and, we put in… or hispanic… we put that in. it’s not something that we make that choice on. we let the parent choose what, what’s important to them. nevertheless, since the school’s computer program had limited racial data entry fields, michele revealed how staff were the final arbiters when families did not comply with the rules of the racial identification game. before the parent even leaves, i see this. and, i look at it. and, if they’ve marked two, i ask them what they, what they prefer, as first or second. um, if they don’t want to, they, they do not have to answer it. if they decline, that’s what it shows on the, in the system. that they declined. or if they inadvertently left it out, but they didn’t know, and we didn’t catch it or they just handed it in, then we put in that they declined it. because we can’t ask them to fill it out. multi-racial students (or multi-ethnic, which was the category used by the state for the collection and reporting of student race/ethnicity data3) within the meadows district were thus transformed into acceptable ethnic data-keeping categories via the technological apparatus of the district, which (prior to 2009) literally did not compute multi-racial bodies. despite the official nonexistence of multi-racial students in meadows’ schools, staff at new river and centennial staff nevertheless commented on the existence of these students in the years prior to 2009, as the following excerpt illustrates. it is from my interview with candice, a bilingual front office assistant at new river: like i said it’s mainly the mixed families that either decline or choose both boxes. so, we really don’t have a problem with hispanic families trying to choose one or the other ‘cuz it’s mainly just the serious games of racial accounting in schools 7 hispanic – they don’t have a mix. it’s always with the mixed families, that, that have kind of a concern about throwing that out. the excerpt also illustrates another contested truth in racial data-keeping: the creation of a pan-ethnic (but not officially racial) hispanic identity. figure 1. illustration of the ruling relations in race data collections in oregon k-12 schools. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 8 hispanic racial/ethnic ambiguities a significant area of interest in my interviews with school staff was how racial categories were explained to recent immigrants who may be unfamiliar with u.s. customary and legal practices, including the collection of racial data, and who may not speak or read english. in addition to asking whether registration forms were translated into other languages, i asked what additional types of assistance staff provided to these families to help them understand the ethnic categories they were offered and to choose among the options. i also asked whether staff were provided any training about what the categories meant (e.g., how they were defined) in order to explain the categories to families who may have questions about the options offered or how they should identify their children. both the school staff and the migrant education staff indicated that the immigrant population they predominantly interacted with was spanish-speakers from latin america. spanish translations of registration forms were provided at both schools, and staff members who spoke spanish were available to assist families in both schools. the certificate of eligibility that migrant education recruiters used to enroll families was not translated into spanish, since the recruiter was the person responsible for completing the form. however, most migrant education recruiters in the state, including the individual who participated in the study, spoke spanish. the ethnic categories used by the migrant education recruiters were the same as those used in the meadows school registration forms, although the ethnic categories did not appear on the certificate of eligibility (coe) form. the codes for the six ethnic background categories (the omb ethno-racial pentagon plus an “other” category) were listed in the instruction manual for how to complete the coe. staff reported receiving no training on what the categories meant and few inquiries about the racial categories from spanish-speakers. they also reported that most spanish-speakers willingly complied with the request for ethnic identification, and most frequently selected hispanic from the available choices. the manner in which the categories were presented to spanish-speakers varied among the spanish-speaking staff charged with assisting families with this task. the spanish-speaking staff with whom i spoke were candice (who identified as half white and half mexican), jan (who identified as caucasian), and isabel (who identified as white hispanic). according to candice, spanish-speakers at new river were typically not provided assistance in interpreting the ethnic categories or how to fill this section out. this was left to family members to figure out on their own. jan, a migrant education recruiter indicated that in accordance with the training she’d received, she simply asked families which category they identify with and would read all six. isabel, on the other hand, indicated that she typically referred to the hispanic category first and sometimes referenced the white category too in her conversations with families around the school registration form. following is an excerpt from my interview with isabel where she explains how she approached this issue. isabel: i just ask them: do you think you feel the… the hispano part? and they say: yes. and, because they don’t speak english, um… you know, i… maybe i had have very few cases where the, the, white and hispanic were one thing. and, then i fill both. … mim: so when you talk with families maybe that don’t read the categories, do you read all the categories, or do you just say, “are you hispanic?” isabel: hmm. i guess i never had the case like that. they all kind of read [here she says “read” in the past tense, i.e., like red]. and, if they don’t read anything, maybe…. no, i don’t think i have read the whole thing. just these two. so i make assumptions, i guess. jan noted that she was surprised not to encounter more questions in her current job as a recruiter for the migrant education program given her previous years of experience helping latino immigrants complete immigration paperwork that also asked for racial/ethnic identification. in her previous experience, she found that the immigrants with whom she interacted often expressed confusion and/or were more likely to “take it on as an issue”, by either joking about the race/ethnic question or wanting to leave it blank. in contrast, when asked whether she encountered any confusion or resistance to the categories in her current work with the migrant education program she stated: i’ve only been there six months. i’ve probably done, i wonder how many i’ve done… 40 or 50 of the [certificate of eligibility] forms? 50…? and, yeah…. so i haven’t had that come up. even though i expect it would with all my experience filling out forms with immigration – that came up often, you know. people would be like, not knowing what, what they want to say. [she pauses briefly then continues.] i guess i’ve gotten some little joke comments, something like, “soy mexicano. i’m mexican.” a couple of those, but then they’ll just say, “mark hispanic.” staff interpretations of race and race data two major themes emerged from the interviews with staff that characterized how they interpreted the racial categories and their roles within the racial accounting system. the first theme, race is personal, encompasses a general staff sentiment that racial identification was a personal matter, and that staff should play no role in deciding how students and their families identified racially. this was evident in several of the quotes above. staff consistently minimized their role in the process, and indicated that the process was so routine that families did the serious games of racial accounting in schools 9 not ask questions about it and staff did not insert themselves into these decisions. if families chose not to answer these questions, staff indicated that they did not press the issue, as the following excerpt illustrates. candice: honestly, no one’s ever asked questions about that, that part of the registration card. i know some people will, will decline or say other or something like that and they won’t give that kind of information. mim: do you ever follow-up with families who don’t provide that information to see if they forgot to do it or do you just leave it at that? candice: honestly, i just leave it at that. although data collection procedures are technical and likely boring to most people, race is a sensitive topic and the results of the study suggest that race data collection is as well. there was a general discomfort evident in my conversations with staff regarding race data collection procedures. several participants were visibly relieved when i informed them that their identity would remain confidential. discomfort with my questions was particularly evident in my interviews with school and esd staff. this was likely because they were the individuals primarily responsible for gathering race data from families. while my questions about how racial/ethnic categories get explained to families, especially those that don’t speak english, could be and were shrugged off by district and ode staff with “you’ll have to ask school staff those questions,” school staff did not have the luxury of “passing the buck.” they were the individuals ultimately responsible for making sure families filled out their registration forms. families were expected (although not legally required) to check one of the five racial/ethnic boxes on these forms. if they had questions, didn’t fill out this section, or chose multiple boxes, it was the school staff that dealt with these issues. distancing themselves from the collection of these data appeared to be influenced by staff’s expressed belief that race was a personal matter not just for students and families but for them as well. a second theme that emerged concerned the utility of student race data for staff. staff weren’t sure how these data could or whether the data should inform their work. cindy, who worked in the district office, expressed concerns that collecting and analyzing race data ran counter to her belief that race or color shouldn’t matter, how do you be neutral and then focus on it at the same time. we’re being trained/coached and some of us just know not to treat people different. then i’m being involved in pulling apart data [into racial categories]. it’s hard to know how to balance that. i’ve grown up in this area, [she mentions a nearby rural community], which is obviously white. maybe there were one or two latino students in the school. i don’t have preconceived notions. i notice them, visually. but, others from more racially diverse neighborhoods seem to have more preconceived ideas about other racial or ethnic groups. marla, a front office staff person at centennial, also believed a student’s ethnicity (which she consistently called “ethnicicity”) wasn’t important, although language background was. to me it’s more important to know what language you’re speaking than it is to know what ethnicicity [sic] you are. it is. it really is, because … because of that melting pot that we’re all in right now. george, who worked for the state department of education, suggested that some school staff lack the statistical expertise to understand their student achievement data, and erroneously focus on racial achievement gaps when their problem lies elsewhere. he recounted the following example to illustrate his point. what they’re trying to improve by their [school improvement] plans should be backed up by, you know, statistics … not guesses…. an example was in [a mid-sized oregon city]. in [this city], you looked at their data and they said, “well we’ve got a problem with all, with the minority kids, ‘cuz their tests are down compared to the non-minority kids. and, folks that we had go [sic] there, looked at it, …and said, “no, you’re wrong…. what you do [have is] something happening at the 8th grade.. that’s [what is] wrong. because the [lower] test scores for minorities is [sic] across all the grades. all the grade levels are below non-minorities. so it’s consistent. but, here in the 8th grade, you’ve got this down drop of everybody…from what, sort of, the norm is. so, there is what your problem is. it’s in your 8th grade. interestingly, george’s comments implied that because the racial disparities in achievement were consistent, they were “normal,” not statistically meaningful, and did not merit focused attention by the school. implications for recent changes to the rules of the game there are myriad rules that govern racial and ethnic data collection practices in schools. racial and ethnic identity construction, at least in school records, occurs within the context of these ruling relations. in 2010, the rules of the game changed in significant ways. new federal rules governing racial/ethnic data collection in schools went into effect then, rules that were codified in 1997 but had been under review and in various stages of adoption by federal agencies since then (national forum on education statistics, 2008). i discuss what these changes imply based on existing racial accounting practices and staff roles, as well as the broader implications regarding the interpretation and use(s) of these data. changing categories and counts in 2010, “two or more races” became a required data entry and reporting category. the oregon department of education reports this category as “multi-ethnic.” as a current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 10 result of this change, the official racial/ethnic make-up of the meadows schools and many other schools in districts across the state changed – not because of a change in the bodies occupying the school seats, but because the bodies that were already there now had a new name. the oregon department of education’s website provides data on the ethnic breakdown of k-12 students by district for each academic year beginning with the 1997-98 school year. a multi-ethnic category was included in all years in the state’s tally of students but not all oregon schools appeared to have collected and/or reported these data until 2010. the first year that multi-ethnic students appeared in the state’s student enrollment counts was 200405, when 35% of the state’s school districts reported having at least one multi-ethnic student and 0.7% of the state’s total student population was reported as multi-ethnic. table 1 summarizes the percentages of oregon students by ethnicity for the state from 2001-2010. meadows school district did not report any multiethnic students until 2009-10, when 3.4% of the district’s students and 2.7% of the state’s total population were reported in this category. the following year the percentage of meadows’ (6%) and the state’s (4.2%) multi-ethnic students (6%) almost doubled. table 2 lists the percentages of students by ethnic group for meadows school district and centennial and new river schools from 2008-2010. it is hard to know exactly how many students within the meadows school district would have been identified as multi-ethnic prior to 2009 or whether the oneyear growth in multi-ethnic students was a reflection of new students in the schools or existing students that identified themselves differently and/or were reported by staff differently in the two years. these students were similarly rendered invisible in other district’s student enrollment counts until 2010, when all schools were required to comply with the new federal regulations governing racial/ethnic data collection. table 3 provides a snapshot of the state’s school districts reporting multi-ethnic students from 2004-2010. a second change relates to the hispanic category. in 2010, schools were required to use a two-question ethnic/racial identity format on school registration forms that first asks whether the student is hispanic, followed by a question requesting racial identification. this is the same format used in the u.s. census since 2000. since the manner in which hispanics are counted will remain the same as in previous years (i.e., hispanics by ethnicity, all others by race), the clear demarcation of hispanic as an ethnic identity and not a race won’t likely effect the hispanic counts in k-12 student enrollment. while the racial identity of students who identify as hispanic will not be counted, hispanic students will still be asked to identify racially by selecting one or more of the acceptable race options: american indian or alaska native; asian; black or african american; and native hawaiian or other pacific. because hispanics frequently interpret the hispanic/latino table 1 percentages of k-12 students by ethnic group in oregon: 2001 – 2010 year white black hispanic asian american indian multi ethnic unknown 2001/02 77.6 2.9 11.3 4.1 2.1 0 1.9 2002/03 76.3 3.0 12.2 4.1 2.2 0 2.3 2003/04 75.0 3.0 13.4 4.3 2.3 0 2.0 2004/05 72.5 3.2 13.9 4.4 2.2 0.7 3.2 2005/06 72.2 3.0 15.1 4.5 2.2 1.1 1.8 2006/07 70.4 3.0 16.1 4.6 2.1 1.9 2.0 2007/08 69.1 3.0 16.8 4.7 2.1 2.3 2.0 2008/09 68.4 2.9 17.2 4.7 2.0 2.9 1.8 2009/10 67.5 2.8 19.6 4.6 1.9 2.7 1.0 2010/11 66.3 2.6 20.5 3.9 1.9 4.2 0 note. american indian category also included alaska natives. asian category also included pacific islanders, even in 201011 despite the new federal guidelines requiring separately reporting native hawaiians/pacific islanders beginning that year. the serious games of racial accounting in schools 11 table 2 percentages of students by ethnic group in meadows district and study schools: 2008 – 2010 year white black hispanic asian american indian multi ethnic unknown meadows 2008/09 73.9 2.3 10.0 8.2 1.1 0.0 4.5 2009/10 73.7 1.7 12.0 7.8 0.9 3.4 0.6 2010/11 72.4 1.4 13.1 5.9 0.7 6.0 0.0 centennial 2008/09 52.1 3.2 36.6 5.6 0.0 0.0 2.4 2009/10 42.8 1.9 45.3 4.1 0.3 4.6 1.1 2010/11 40.1 1.1 49.6 1.9 0.8 6.1 0.0 new river 2008/09 60.8 3.1 28.4 5.2 1.6 0.0 0.9 2009/10 60.7 2.3 31.5 3.9 0.8 0.8 0.0 2010/11 55.3 1.5 37.0 0.9 0.6 4.3 0.0 note. data above reflect different grade levels by institution. for meadows, k-12 grades were included. centennial data included k-5 grades. new river data included k-8 grades for 2008-10, but only k-5 grades in 2010/11, as a result of the school’s grade configuration changing to k-5 that year. table 3 school districts reporting multi-ethnic students: 2004 – 2010 all >1000 students year count % count % 2004/05 69 35.0 40 44.9 2005/06 92 46.9 52 58.4 2006/07 107 54.6 56 62.9 2007/08 111 56.6 62 69.7 2008/09 124 63.6 70 78.7 2009/10 147 75.4 86 96.6 2010/11 172 88.2 87 97.8 note. from 2004-2010, there were 195-198 school districts in oregon. of these, 87-90 school districts enrolled at least 1000 students. prior to 2004, no districts reported any multi-ethnic students. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 12 label as a race and not an ethnicity (logan, 2004; saenz, 2004; tafoya et al., 2004), it is unclear how hispanics will respond to the racial question. a third change that will impact racial/ethnic counts concerns a category that wasn’t explicitly requested in ethnic/race data collections but has nevertheless been allowed. this category is reported by various names: unknown, declined to report, or other. as of 2010, this category is no longer valid. from 2000-2009, when multiethnic students in oregon schools were either not counted at all or partially counted, unknowns averaged 2.0% of k12 students in the state. in 2010, 0% of students were reported in this category, and interestingly in one year the multi-ethnic percentage of k-12 students grew from 2.7% to 4.2% in the state, and from 3.4% to 6.0% in the meadows school district. whether the increase in multiethnic students is a result of (a) families in all school districts being able to self-identify multi-ethnically, (b) staff relying more heavily on multi-ethnic categorization for those who chose not to provide racial/ethnic information, or (c) a combination of both, is unknown. changing staff roles another change to the racial accounting rules is the requirement that school staff use observer identification when families choose not to answer the ethnicity and/or racial identity questions. officially, the policy about selfidentification of race/ethnicity has not changed: selfidentification continues to be optional. however, the new requirement that staff use observer identification when families do not provide this information means that all elementary and secondary students will be racially classified even if they wish not to be. the federal guidelines stress that self-identification continues to be the preferred method of securing racial/ethnic data for students, and that observer identification should be used “as a last resort” in accordance with the following procedures. if respondents do not provide information about their race or ethnicity, educational institutions and other recipients should ensure that respondents have refused to self-identify rather than simply overlooked the questions. if adequate opportunity has been provided for respondents to self-identify and respondents still do not answer the questions, observer identification should be used (final guidance, 2007, p. 59268). based on the staff interviews i conducted, observer identification was not a task for which staff were prepared or comfortable. before staff were aware of the new guidelines, i inquired whether they had received any training in racial data collection and how they should explain the categories to families. they consistently reported that they did not and when they were informed that observer identification would be required in the near future when families did not fill out this section, their eyes grew big. although observer identification is now required only as a last resort, it seemed clear that staff training about the categories, their use, and the data collection procedures was necessary and that the federal government’s response to this need was likely insufficient. the 2008 guide to implementing the changes devotes a chapter to training and communication, which includes a list of the staff training topics that should be covered, examples from districts that have already adopted the changes, and other tips such as: anticipating questions about race and ethnicity identification will help: • middle eastern students should be identified as “white,” not “asian.” • students from spain should be identified as hispanic and one or more of the racial categories (p. 16). • districts can provide some “real life” practice as school personnel analyze their current student population, develop scenarios of possible observer misidentification, and anticipate possible data entry errors (p. 18). this training may help staff better understand their data collection roles and responsibilities, but the training topics highlighted in the federal guide focus on the mechanics and legalities of racial data collection, not the history behind it or the evidence for and against their continued collection and uses. thus, there are much broader implications to the changes to race data collection that merit further policy attention than simply training school staff about the new rules of the racial accounting game. how should/will multi-racial students challenge our understanding of and responses to school segregation and achievement gap concerns? if latinos officially count in terms of ethnicity only and they frequently interpret latino as a racial identity, why is it necessary for latinos to have an officially sanctioned racial identity? because educational practitioners, researchers and policymakers regularly rely on race data to make meaning of the educational experiences of students and craft policies in response to the meanings we infer, we all need to grapple with these questions, understand the history and purposes of racial data collection, recognize the limitations of racial measurement, and continually seek better ways to ensure that no child is left behind. conclusion this study was designed to shed light on the serious games of racial accounting practices in schools by examining three questions: (1) what officially counts as race, (2) how staff interpret their data-keeping roles and race data, and (3) the implications of the recent changes to racial data collection and reporting. the findings regarding the first question focused on two contested areas of racial truth construction within the context of the previous rules of racial accounting practices: the (non)existence of multiracial students and hispanic racial/ethnic ambiguities. two major themes emerged in response to the second question. the first theme, race is personal, reflected staff’s expressed the serious games of racial accounting in schools 13 desire to distance themselves from the racial identification of students and their discomfort with the topic of race in general. the second theme highlighted the questionable utility of race data for staff. the findings related to the last question suggest that the recent changes in racial accounting practices would likely yield relatively small differences in the racial/ethnic counts of students, but important differences in the official recognition of multiracial identities and the requirement that all bodies have an official racial label. moreover, they highlight the need for greater understanding among school staff, researchers, and policymakers about the history, purposes and mechanics of racial data-keeping in schools. although individuals are actively involved in selecting their own identities and/or the identities of their children within schools, they do so within the context of the ruling relations of race data monitoring. legally, their active participation in the game is optional. however, for all intents and purposes, after 2010, their participation is mandatory – with all k-12 students officially classified and counted racially, whether they selected this identity or not. this change to racial data-keeping could be viewed as a more accurate reflection of racial realities – whether we choose to play or not, we live in a society in which “there has been a continuous tendency, arguably a necessity, to organize and signify domination along the lines of corporeality/‘phenotype’” (winant, 2004, p. ix). measuring race is not an exact science, it is a political science. thus, the significance of the distortion in racial facts built into the racial/ethnic counts of students lies not just in the actual numbers, but in whether ultimately the racial counts correspond closely enough with the racial realities that we seek to understand and racial injustices that we seek to redress. measuring these racial truths by racially sorting and counting people is always fraught with error, controversy, compromises, and, increasingly, resistance. in 2003 the american sociological association issued a statement in response to the growing skepticism of the validity and utility of race-based research. refusing to measure the impact of race, the asa contends, will simply preserve the status quo of racial inequality. nevertheless, the effectiveness of the racial classificatory scheme to measure truths, albeit partial-truths, in school data-keeping depends on a minimum level of agreement on which racialized bodies should count and how they should count. whether the new rules will better illuminate racial realities and lead to socially just policies or not depends on how all the players (the families, school staff, researchers and policymakers) regard the purpose and rules of the game, and whether they are in agreement with their purported goals. 1 the terms latino/a and hispanic are used interchangeably throughout the paper. 2 the district name is a pseudonym as are the names of the study schools and participants. 3 for this reason, multi-racial and 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(2006b). a developing identity. hispanics in the united states. carnegie reporter, 3(4), retrieved march 10, 2007, from http://www.carnegie.org/reporter/12/identity/ind ex.html tafoya, s. m., johnson, h., & hill, l. e. (2004). who chooses to choose two? new york, ny: russell sage foundation. teddlie, c., & yu, f. (2007). mixed methods sampling: a typology with examples. journal of mixed methods research, 1(1), 77-100. u.s. department of energy (n.d.). human genome project information: minorities, race and genomics. retrieved january 31, 2008 from http://www.ornl.gov/sci/techresources/human_ge nome/elsi/minorities.shtml winant, h. (2004). the new politics of race. minneapolis, mn: university of minnesota press. the serious games of racial accounting in schools 15 article citation martinez, m. i. (2011). the serious games of racial accounting in schools. current issues in education, 14(3). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/785 author notes martha i. martinez university of oregon 5267 university of oregon, eugene, or 97403 mim3210@hotmail.com martha i. martinez recently received her ph.d. in educational methodology, policy and leadership from the university of oregon. her research examines school policies and practices that impact the educational opportunities and outcomes of underserved populations. she wishes to thank the center on diversity and community at the university of oregon for the graduate summer research award that supported this research. current issues in education vol. 14 no.3 16 volume 14, number 3 august 26, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca seong hee kim anglea hines younsu kim lisa lacy carol masser leslie salazar jennifer shea alaya swann technical editor james stockburger faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers students’ first amendment rights and demographics volume 13, number 3 issn 1099-839x students’ first amendment rights and school district demographics: gauging school board responsiveness to student speech policy mario s. torres jr. texas a&m university, college station virginia s. collier texas a&m university, college station homer tolson texas a&m university, college station citation torres, m., collier, v., & tolson, h. (2010). students’ first amendment rights and school district demographics: gauging school board responsiveness to student speech policy. current issues in education, 13(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this study examined the extent to which texas school boards of education made efforts to locally modify student speech policy. using online policy manuals provided by the texas association of school boards, speech policies for 91 school districts were gathered using a purposive stratified sampling procedure and examined for local modifications to student speech policies under school-sponsored publications, expression, distribution of non-school literature, use of school facilities, and harassment. the geographical location of the district, district percentage of minority students, and total district student enrollment were employed as explanatory variables. the results of a chi-square statistic indicate geographical location and current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 student enrollment were significantly related to whether school boards made changes to its speech policy. although not entirely surprising, the more pertinent issue is whether an over reliance on school board associations for policy development curbs meaningful discussion of critical issues such as free speech. keywords: first amendment, student speech policy, school board policy, student civil liberties, school leadership students’ first amendment rights 3 about the author(s) author: mario s. torres affiliation: texas a&m university, college station email: mstorres@tamu.edu biographical information: mario s. torres, jr. is an associate professor in the educational administration program at texas a&m university, college station. dr. torres obtained his ph.d. in educational administration from penn state university, university park in 2003. his research interests include elementary and secondary school law and policy. a substantial part of his legal scholarship is devoted to examining the administrative, political, and demographic dimensions associated with students’ fourth amendment rights, while his policy research has focused largely on the ethical and political implications of school reform. dr. torres has published in the field’s premier journals including the educational administration quarterly, journal of educational administration, the journal of school leadership, and education and urban society and recently co-authored a book with john hoyle entitled six steps to preparing exemplary principals and superintendents: leadership at its best through rowman and littlefield education press. he also serves on the summer faculty at teachers college, columbia university and is a research fellow with the mexican american and u.s. latino research center. author: virginia collier affiliation: texas a&m university, college station email: vcollier@tamu.edu biographical information: virginia collier is currently a clinical professor at texas a&m university. dr. collier served as a teacher, principal, and superintendent in texas schools for 35 years. governor george w. bush appointed her as a member of the texas state board of educator certification. she served as the first female president of the texas association of school administrators and is active in the american association of school administrators. she is co-director of the administrative leadership institute and co-authored a book entitled the superintendent as ceo: standards based performance in 1995 through corwin press. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 author: homer tolson affiliation: texas a&m university, college station email: htolson@tamu.edu biographical information: dr. tolson is currently a senior professor of human resource development at texas a&m university. he served as the program chair for human resource development for 2006-2007and again in 2009 to present. he also serves as departmental coordinator of research courses in the educational and human resource development department. as for his scholarly contributions, dr. tolson has published in the several high profile journals including human resource development international, the journal of college admission, and the journal of research in science teaching. students’ first amendment rights 5 gauging school board responsiveness to student speech policy1 the legal principles surrounding student speech are becoming increasingly complex. as student difference in racial and ethnic distribution, family structure, religious identity, and wealth increases, school leaders will surely face a much broader array of viewpoint and perspective (hodgkinson, 2002). what is more, current and future leaders are expected to make sound legal decisions and choices. take for instance, the orange unified school district school board’s decision to deny club status to the gay-straight alliance (folmar & martelle, 1999; folmar & richardson, 2000). while the school board presumed its actions were justified, a federal district court ruled the club’s exclusion violated the federal equal access act under the first amendment, which protects students from prohibited viewpoint discrimination. under the equal access act, it shall be unlawful for any public secondary school which receives federal financial assistance and which has a limited open forum to deny equal access or a fair opportunity to, or discriminate against, any students who wish to conduct a meeting within that limited open forum on the basis of the religious, political, philosophical, or other content of the speech at such meetings… (equal access act, 20 usc 4071, 1984). the reality is that while school officials feel their decisions reflect the children’s best interest, a lack of legal awareness may potentially result in costly litigation. for this reason, this study examines the degree to which school boards address speech concerns within their school districts. school board responsiveness is measured according to the degree to which boards modify, adapt, or revise speech policy to meet the particular needs of a school district. this study 1 the authors extend their appreciation and gratitude to tse-yang huang from texas a&m university for his contributions to the manuscript. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 investigates speech policy using a purposive/stratified sample of traditional texas public school districts (i.e., no charter schools) by geographical setting (i.e., urban and rural). assuming changes to speech policy reflect a level of discernment on the part of school boards, one may anticipate diverse school districts tailor speech policy in a manner different from that of less diverse school communities. to be sure, little is known about the influence of local context on legal matters related to student free speech, which makes this exploratory study significant. to begin, this study explores literature addressing the legal complexity of student speech protection and school governance of policy issues which is subsequently used to sketch a framework for probing the nexus between student speech rights and district decisions to locally tailor policies. the methodology is explained in turn followed by a discussion of the results. conclusions and implications for school leaders and policy makers are offered in closing. framework the legal contours of permissible speech the role of the first amendment of the u.s. constitution in public schools has been extensive. as the first amendment reads, “congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances” (u.s. constitution). while clear and direct, the amendment has been at the center of many legislative, judicial and administrative controversies. its purposeful inexactness has created difficulties and challenges as far as its applicability in practice. fortunately, case law, state constitutions, and school board policy together have forged a more thorough and practical understanding of student speech. while case law has been illuminating alone, the courts’ scope of influence is fairly constrained. as horowitz (1977) notes, students’ first amendment rights 7 courts are in large measure “backward looking” in that “they are well equipped to see the past and present fairly clearly, and ill equipped to gauge the future” (p. 284). recent opinions indicate the u.s. supreme court is consistent in upholding forms of speech diverse and extreme in political, religious, and philosophical character. cases such as r.a.v. v. city of st. paul (1992) and virginia v. black (2003) serve as prime examples. in r.a.v., a city ordinance making certain types of speech unlawful because of their emotive impact was ruled unconstitutional because it discriminated against viewpoint and content. citizens were charged with misdemeanors if symbols or objects were placed on public and private property that “[aroused] anger, alarm or resentment in others on the basis of race, color, creed, religion or gender..." (p. 380). the court would conclude, “the ordinance [was] facially unconstitutional in that it [prohibited] otherwise permitted speech solely on the basis of the subjects the speech addresses” (p. 381). similarly, in virginia v. black (2003), the high court struck down a state statute prohibiting all forms of cross burning. justice o’connor writing for the majority acknowledged the “hypothetical” association (p. 357) between cross-burning and violent threats, but stopped well short of categorically condemning cross burning as an unprotected classification of speech. while the court has accorded considerable speech protection to the ordinary citizen, the speech rights of students have been treated somewhat differently. considered by many to be the watershed case in student speech jurisprudence, the u.s. supreme court in tinker v. des moines (1969) ruled that forms of student expression should be protected by the first amendment but limited at the occurrence of material and substantial disruption or when the rights of others are infringed upon. per tinker, the court upheld students’ right to passively and symbolically express their disapproval of the vietnam war on school grounds. as the tinker court surmised, current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 schools “may not be enclaves of totalitarianism” (p. 511) nor suppress speech solely upon the “mere desire to avoid the discomfort and unpleasantness that always accompany an unpopular viewpoint” (p. 509). in sum, the school failed to justify its actions in prohibiting the speech. fifteen years later, the court would further clarify the contours of student speech in favor of school official discretion. in bethel school district v. fraser (1986), the court ruled that student speech is subject to censorship when it violates standards of civility. shortly following bethel, the court in hazelwood v. kuhlmeier (1988) would determine that schools may regulate content of school-sponsored student newspapers. two recent cases however, saxe v. state college area school district (2001) and morse v. frederick (2007), epitomize the present day complexity of student speech. in saxe, the u.s. circuit third circuit court reversed a district court ruling holding that a district “antiharassment” policy was unconstitutional because it violated the student’s first amendment right to “speak out about the sinful nature and harmful effects of homosexuality” (saxe, p. 203). according to the district policy, harassment was defined (in part) as: verbal or physical conduct based on one’s perceived race, religion, color, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, disability, or other personal characteristics, and which has the purpose or effect of substantially interfering with a student’s educational performance or creating an intimidating, hostile or offensive environment (saxe, p. 202). the third circuit court found the language overbroad and inexact, as it “[prohibited] a substantial amount of non-vulgar, non-sponsored student speech” and would further inappropriately classify forms of speech as materially and substantially disruptive (saxe, p. 216). furthermore, it concluded that “emotive impact” alone was insufficient grounding. the court was not persuaded by the district’s contention that the policy suppressed a form of speech that students’ first amendment rights 9 would by its very nature create a material and substantial disruption.2 while the implications of saxe are far reaching, the case itself serves as a cautionary tale to school agencies that policies governing speech must be carefully developed and implemented. the u.s. supreme court ruling in morse v. frederick (2007) reveals a similar complexity. a high school student, joseph frederick, displayed a banner with the message “bong hits 4 jesus” at a school-sponsored event. when the principal asked the student to remove the banner, the student refused and was subsequently suspended for violating the school district policy prohibiting “any assembly or public expression that … advocates the use of substances that are illegal to minors…” (p. 3). the u.s. ninth circuit found in frederick’s favor holding the “banner expressed a positive sentiment about marijuana use” (p. 4) and that his entitlement to speech protection was “well established” (p. 5). in reversing, the u.s. supreme court concluded that the while the expression may be interpreted as “meaningless” or “gibberish,” it contains an “undeniable reference to illegal drugs” (p. 7). the court relied on two factors from its prior speech ruling in bethel v. fraser. first, the level of constitutional protection students enjoy in schools is less so than the ordinary citizen due to the unique function and context of schools. second, other factors besides whether a material and substantial disruption had or would have manifested should be considered when assessing the suitability of student speech, which in the present case, was not seen as an appropriate analysis. the majority was narrowly interested in the policy violation of speech that encourages illegal drug use, not whether the content of the speech should be interpreted as “plainly offensive” (p. 14). the court states in conclusion that the “first amendment does not 2 see tinker v. desmoines (1968), 393 u.s. 503; bethel v. fraser (1986), 478 u.s. 675; hazelwood v. kuhlmeier (1988) 484 u.s. 260 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 require schools to tolerate at school events student expression that contributes to those dangers” (p. 15). beyond whether the morse ruling signifies a victory for schools, both courts were cautious in avoiding language that connoted banning any speech considered “offensive.” in other words, the courts issued no ultimatum on what forms or types of speech should be made permissible. in spite of unclear criteria, schools must still make legally appropriate decisions regarding expression and be keenly aware and sensitive to religious, social, and cultural change. the extent to which school boards attend to speech and other relevant issues is not well understood. neither is the impact of politics on decision-making regarding speech policy. research demonstrates that particular factors predict greater board involvement in issues. leadership responsiveness to issues while demands intensify for board members to acquire an increasingly technical expertise of educational issues (e.g., examining test data), little is known about board engagement in student speech policy. much research, however, has examined board engagement in general policies and affairs. for instance, greene’s (1990) study of board responsiveness to constituent and policy issues found board members preferred to approach their policymaking duties as technical rather than political responsibilities. factors identified included the competitiveness of an election, opposition from a candidate, district student enrollment, and whether the district was involved in a controversy in the past year. a later study by greene (1992) revealed a greater number of students served in the district predicted greater board member political involvement while socioeconomic status was not a factor. other studies reveal similar findings. hess (2002) in a national study of school board members found board members in large school districts engaged more often in political affairs students’ first amendment rights 11 (i.e., campaigns, political platforms, interest group activity, formalized community input) than board members from smaller school districts. newman and brown (1993) found board members from larger districts were more interactive with the community on issues and were less disposed to accepting recommendations from the district superintendent. with respect to policy development and diversity, findings by hess (2002) suggest racial and ethnic concerns rate low in importance among factors school board members use to assess superintendent performance. results from hess’ survey indicated board and superintendent relationship (86%), system morale (81%), and student safety (80%) rated as most important while only 40% of members surveyed considered racial and ethnic concerns as most important. when district size was used as factor, the largest disparity existed in the racial and ethnic concern category. fifty-six percent of large district school board members compared to 32% of small district board members considered racial and ethnic concerns very important. in sum, the governance literature as a whole suggests leadership responsiveness may correlate to a fair degree with district size and diversity. in the present study, student speech policy was purposefully selected as an issue in which to evaluate district leadership action for two reasons. first, student speech policies are usually low visibility policies, which typically fail to capture widespread interest. because student speech garners less attention compared to other more pressing concerns (e.g., accountability and finance), it typically is regarded as a low stakes issue. in view of local control, the manner in which speech policies are developed and implemented hinges largely upon local educational agency policy and to some degree individual schools. minimal policy discussion afforded to speech usually results in school personnel serving as the ultimate arbiters of policy. second, increasing ethnic and cultural diversity calls for practitioners and policy-makers at every level to give added attention to difference. as the current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 orange unified school district example illustrates, board member misgivings in granting club status to a gay group violated civil provisions under the equal access act. boards can potentially face legal challenges if their stance toward a protected viewpoint appears indifferent and discriminatory. unprecedented social and cultural change demands an appraisal of leadership responsiveness to this largely unattended area. in this study, leadership responsiveness to student speech is measured according to whether districts locally tailored any of the five standardized speech policies issued by the texas association of school boards (tasb) as of october 2004 (a further explanation of tasb and its policies will follow). the researchers assessed leadership responsiveness to speech policies by probing the following two questions: (a) to what extent are school boards locally addressing student speech policies?; and (b) to what extent do district student enrollment, district minority percentage, and the geographical location of the school predict whether school boards are tailoring speech policy to meet local needs? method sources of data information regarding student speech and harassment policy was collected via a stratified random sample of school districts in texas in october 2004. approximately 10% of the 1,039 independent texas school districts were randomly selected and stratified according to district geographical indicators gathered from the common core data through the national center for education statistics (nces). the texas education agency’s academic excellence indicator system (aeis) provided data for minority representation and student population for the school district (tea, 2004). a stratified purposive approach was selected to gather a larger sampling of urban districts. this sampling method was crucial in light of the sizable disparity in number students’ first amendment rights 13 between urban and non-urban school districts in texas. in total, there are 1,039 school districts in texas and only 28% of the school districts come from “large central city” and “urban fringe of large city” metropolitan statistical areas (msa). all other districts are situated in mid-sized cities and below. to ensure an adequate amount of data, larger school districts were over-sampled. thus, 33% out of the 183 large city and urban fringe of large city school districts yielded a subsample of 61 while 6% of the 856 cases in all other geographical cases generated a sub-sample of 57. to ensure a more balanced data set, a purposive sampling technique was used to offset the large number of smaller school districts as well as to explore the urban effect more broadly. purposive sampling, according to kerlinger (1986), involves the “use of judgment and a deliberate effort to obtain representative samples…” (p. 120). of the 118 selected school districts, speech policy information was not available for 27 districts thus resulting in a final sample size of 91. treatment of data three independent variables (i.e., district geographical location, district minority enrollment percentage, and district student enrollment) were utilized in the study. note that due to sample size limitations, variables were coded into binary form. geographical location a core objective to the study was to assess responsiveness of school boards to policy under the realm of speech by district type (e.g., urban v. rural). for the variable “geographical location of the school district,” the common core data (u. s. department of education) provided locale identifiers for each district in the sample. each district was assigned to one of two geographical groups one designating urban and the other mid-sized town, small town, and rural. in the sample, 55 districts were identified as “large central city” and “urban fringe of large current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 city” while the remaining smaller districts including “mid-sized city,” “urban fringe of mid-sized city,” “large town,” “small town,” and “rural” were categorized as mid-sized and smaller (n=36). minority enrollment percentage the study also examined whether school boards serving higher concentrations of minority students would be more inclined to alter speech policy given greater diversity. the “percentage of minority students” for each school district was collected via the texas education agency website (texas education agency, n.d.). districts were then classified into one of two clusters. two reports issued by the nces were consulted to construct categorical minority school system variable. a report entitled contexts of elementary and secondary education: school characteristics and climate (wirt, j., rooney, p., hussar, b., choy, s., provasnik, s., & hampden-thompson, g., 2005, defined high minority schools as schools having minority enrollments 50% or greater (u.s. department of education, national center for educational statistics, 2005). fifteen percent of the sampled districts met this criterion. a second nces report entitled efforts by public k-8 schools to involve parents in children’s education: do school and parent reports agree? (xianglei, 2001a) identified high minority schools as having minority enrollments greater than 75% (xianglei, 2001b). only 4% of the sampled districts fit this definition for high minority district. to minimize bias, both operational definitions were utilized in the analysis. school district size a third objective was to examine whether school district size measured by student enrollment influenced district responsiveness to speech policy concerns. a report issued by the nces entitled characteristics of the 100 largest public elementary and secondary school students’ first amendment rights 15 districts in the united states: 2001-2002 (sietsema, 2003) indicated that a cumulative percentage of 52.1% of students were enrolled in 5.6% of school districts in the u.s. that served at least 10,000 students (sietsema, 2002). thus, a district size of 10,000 was used as the dividing point because of its close distance to the midpoint. based on this criterion, 21% of the districts were assigned to the large category while the remaining 79% represented the small district category. school board engagement in speech policy the present study required that student speech policies of various types be assessed for local changes or adaptations. the online policy manuals provided by the texas association of school boards (tasb) provided the most efficient means to accessing district policy. tasb develops policy manuals for most school districts in texas. nearly a third of member districts post their policy online (texas association of school boards, n.d.). online manuals utilize a standardized delivery format. thus, the presentation and organization of policy is virtually the same for every member district. policies are assigned by type to one of seven different policy categories which include “basis district foundations,” “local governance,” “business and support services,” “personnel,” “instruction,” “students,” and “community and governmental relations.” student speech policies are found in the “students” policy section. these policies include (a) school sponsored publications; (b) student expression; (c) distribution of non-school related literature; (d) use of school facilities; and (e) harassment. as a service, tasb additionally develops standardized local policies, which school districts can choose to adopt word for word depending on the policy area (see table 1 for examples of standardized policy versions retrieved). school districts have the discretion to locally modify policy if they so choose. policies are coded with a letter “x” or “w” if the policy current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 has undergone a local revision. tasb’s online localized policy manual provides information pertaining to local adaptations, which reads as follows: local policy versions have been created to reflect language common to many districts and determined by the board to be appropriate for the district. local versions have the code in the lower left corner with the designation (local) followed by a letter (or letter/number combination) that identifies the version. a unique local policy developed by the district can be distinguished from the standard local versions by the designation (local)-x or -w in the lower left corner of the page (tasb, n.d.). board engagement in student speech policy is evaluated by whether districts have locally modified the standardized versions offered by tasb. for the purposes of this study, local changes to the policy signify school board engagement in student speech issues. for instance, departing from the standardized local version of the “school sponsored publications” policy, one school district added the following to more accurately reflect its stance on student speech: student participation in the publication of school newspapers, yearbooks, literary magazines, and similar publications is encouraged by the district as an educational experience. student publications shall be directed by faculty advisors and shall strive to meet high standards of journalism (texas association of school boards, 2005). efforts at tailoring the policy to accommodate local conditions were perceived as school boards giving added attention to societal issues and perhaps a shift in board governance roles and responsibilities as well. table 1 tasb local speech policiesstandardized version a policy policy description (excerpts) students’ first amendment rights 17 school sponsored publications all publications edited, printed, or distributed in the name of or within the district schools shall be under the control of the school administration and the board. all publications approved and issued by individual schools shall be part of the instructional program, under the supervision of a faculty sponsor, and shall be carefully edited to reflect the ideals and expectations of the citizens of the district for their schools. the principal shall be responsible for all matters pertaining to the organization, issuance, and sale of such publications and any other publication procedure, subject to the superintendent's approval. student expression* students do not shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate. at school and school events, students have first amendment rights, applied in light of the special characteristics of the school environment. student expression that is protected by the first amendment may not be prohibited absent a showing that the expression will materially and substantially interfere with the operation of the school or the rights of others. distribution of non-school literature for purposes of this policy, "distribution" means the circulation of more than ten printed copies of material from a source other than the district. the district's classrooms during the school day are provided for the limited purpose of delivering instruction to students in the courses and subjects in which they are enrolled. hallways in school buildings are provided for the limited purpose of facilitating the movement of students between classes and allowing access to assigned lockers. classrooms and hallways shall not be used for the distribution of any materials over which the school does not exercise control. each school campus shall designate an area where materials that have been approved for distribution by students in accordance with this policy may be made available or distributed. campus principals may develop reasonable time, place, and manner restrictions regarding the distribution of materials at designated areas. use of school facilities for purposes of the equal access act, the board has created a limited open forum for students attending the district's secondary schools. district secondary schools shall offer an opportunity for noncurriculumrelated student groups to meet on school premises during noninstructional time. each principal shall set aside noninstructional time before or after actual classroom instruction for meetings of noncurriculum-related student groups. students wishing to meet on school premises shall file a written request with the campus principal. the request shall contain a brief statement of the group's purposes and goals, a list of the group's members, and a schedule of its proposed meeting times. requests shall be approved by the principal and superintendent subject to availability of suitable meeting space and without regard to the religious, political, philosophical, or other content of the speech likely to be associated with the group's meetings. notices of meetings may be posted in a manner determined by the principal. harassment students shall not engage in harassment motivated by race, color, religion, national origin, or disability and directed toward another student. a substantiated charge of harassment against a student shall result in disciplinary action. * tasb provides only a “legal’ not ‘local’ policy for student expression current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 method of analysis a chi-square analysis was employed to measure the association between two categorical variables. using a 2 x 2 contingency table format, the researchers gauged the strength of the association between the one dependent variable (i.e., whether any of the speech policies were locally modified) and three independent variables by computing phi. the statistic phi is useful in assessing a relationship’s strength in a 2 x 2 table format (healey, 1999). the following relationships were examined in order: test 1: is district minority enrollment related to whether school boards are locally modifying speech policy? x= district minority enrollment y= whether any of the speech policies were locally modified test 2: is district student enrollment related to whether school boards are locally modifying speech policy? x= district student enrollment y= whether any of the speech policies were locally modified test 3: is district geographical location related to whether school boards are locally modifying speech policy? x= geographical location y= whether any of the speech policies were locally modified limitations and assumptions to the study because tasb school district policy was not retrievable for every school district in the original sample, the reduced size may have resulted in sampling bias. lack of available information for smaller school districts resulted in uneven representation, which may students’ first amendment rights 19 inadvertently bear on the accuracy of the findings. in all, speech policies for 91 of the 118 districts originally sampled (77%) were gathered and reviewed. also, the researchers assumed for exploratory reasons that policy modification may be a direct or indirect consequence of effort on the part of school boards to adapt speech policy to meet local needs. in other words, local changes of any sort to the speech policies developed by tasb might suggest greater attention to students’ speech rights. the researchers concede that while changes may occur in the absence of substantive school board discussion and deliberation, it is nonetheless important to specifically identify factors that lead districts to become more active in student speech governance. the possibility critical events or patterns of undesirable activity prompt more intense board engagement deserves greater scrutiny indeed and is beyond the scope of the current research. furthermore, it is important to acknowledge the data could largely reflect the inevitable outcomes of socioeconomic and cultural difference as opposed to a greater or lesser commitment to address student speech concerns. with more diversity in urban areas, there is likely greater conflict. this factor alone could be a fairly strong predictor of board engagement and responsiveness. results in all, 23% of the school districts opted to locally tailor versions of their speech policy. the remaining 77% chose to adopt standardized versions of policy created by the texas association of school boards. when the dependent variable was cross-referenced by school district geographical locale, 86% of the 23% (18/21) of school districts modifying policy were situated in large central city and urban fringe of large city school districts. of the 18 small town and rural school districts examined (outside the msa), none had locally modified their speech policy. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 to test the association between minority student enrollment (percentage of minority students in a school district) and the district’s modification of the speech regulation, a chi-square statistic was used. two cut points, 50% and 75%, were used as low minority student enrollment or high minority enrollment of the school. the pearson chi-square results are shown in table 2 and table 3 and indicate that both cut points for minority student enrollment of the school are not significantly different on whether the schools modified the regulation (χ2= 1.489, df = 1, n = 91, p = .222, for 50% cut point; and χ2= 1.255, df = 1, n = 91, p = .263, for 75% cut point). table 2 summary of chi-square analysis for local modified by minority student enrollment (50%) locally modified? variable n yes no χ2 p minority (50%) low 77 16 61 1.489 .222 high 14 5 9 totals 91 21 70 note. minority: low < 50%; high >=50%. phi= .128. table 3 summary of chi-square analysis for local modified by minority student enrollment (75%) locally modified? variable n yes no χ2 p minority (75%) low 87 21 66 1.255 .263 students’ first amendment rights 21 high 4 0 4 totals 91 21 70 note. minority: low < 75%; high >= 75%. phi= -.117. a chi-square statistic was also employed to investigate whether district size (total student enrollment equal to or greater than 10,000 considered as large, less than 10,000 considered as small) was related to the district’s modification of speech regulations. the pearson chi-square results in table 4 indicate that small and large district size are significantly related to speech policy modification (χ2=7.982, df = 1, n = 91, p = .005. phi = .296). large districts are more likely than expected to make modification to the regulation than are small schools districts. phi, which indicates the strength of the association between the two variables, is .296 reflecting a small to medium effect size. table 4 summary of chi-square analysis for local modified by district size locally modified? variable n yes no χ2 p district student # small 72 12 60 7.982 .005** large 19 9 10 totals 91 21 70 note. total district student #: small < 10,000; large >= 10,001. phi= .296**. **p <.01. again, a chi-square statistic was used to examine the association between geographical location of school (urban and other) and whether districts modified speech policy. as the pearson chicurrent issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 square results suggest in table 5, urban and schools in other locations are significantly different on whether the district modified the regulation (χ2=7.294, df = 1, n = 91, p = .007. phi = .283). urban school districts are more likely than expected to make modification of the regulation than are school districts in other locations. the strength of the association (phi) between the two variables is .283 thus reflecting a small to medium effect size. table 5 summary of chi-square analysis for local modified by location locally modified? variable n yes no χ2 p geocode urban 55 18 37 7.294 .007* * other 36 3 33 totals 91 21 70 note. phi= .283**. **p <.01. in sum, the findings suggest the geographical location of the school district and size of the district student population have significant influence on the decision of school districts to make local adaptations to student speech policies (see table 6). these two factors, student population size and geographical location, proved influential in prior studies in the area of school governance (hess, 2002; newman & brown, 1993). table 6 summary of all chi-square analyses students’ first amendment rights 23 variable χ2 p minority (50%) 1.489 .222 minority (75%) 1.255 .263 district student population 7.982 .005** geographical location of school district 7.294 .007** **p <.01. discussion a review of school board policy indicates texas school districts vary little with respect to student speech policies, which may suggest minimal attention to speech. because most school districts are members of the texas association of school boards (tasb), member districts, as a service, are issued policy in standardized form reflecting yearly changes in federal and state law. this is an important development because school districts may not be independently engaging in conversation and dialogue about critical legal issues. tasb describes itself as a “voluntary, nonprofit, statewide educational association that serves and represents local texas school districts” (texas association of school boards, n.d, about tasb). it serves 1,042 school districts and represents the “largest group of publicly elected officials in the state” (texas association of school boards, n.d, about tasb). the membership fee includes services in the areas of training, legislative and regulatory information and support, legal services, timely publications, risk and cash management services, and cooperative purchasing (texas association of school board, n.d., products and services). in addition, the organization markets paid services such as policy development, personnel current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 administration, and superintendent searches. there is a tacit overlapping of the free and paid services. for example, free legal advice is available as part of the membership but only in order to answer questions and review policy. there are also paid legal services. the result is a large organization with a large number of employees. given the deference to tasb, it is not surprising that school boards generally prefer to abstain from modifying policy in general. however, the results from this analysis suggest to some degree that context may be influential. the findings suggest districts in urban settings as well as districts serving high student enrollments modified speech policy to a significantly greater degree. this could be interpreted as greater board attention and responsiveness, which would be consistent with prior research on urban boards (hess, 2002; newman & brown, 1993) and boards representing districts with high student enrollments (k. r. greene, 1990; kenneth r. greene, 1992). the non-influential impact of district minority representation was also consistent prior findings (kenneth r. greene, 1992). for the large urban school district, issues naturally attract greater public attention and require school board members to address political implications. urban board members, as the research suggests, seem to be more oriented to serving as “politicians” and “negotiators” (kenneth r. greene, 1992; lutz & gresson, 1980; merz, 1986; tucker & zeigler, 1980) especially in circumstances where greater social volatility exists and when policy in inherently values laden. but what is noteworthy from the findings is that not a single small town or rural school district within the sample locally modified a single speech policy. perhaps, such issues are trivial in relation to other pressing demands facing rural schools such as meeting accountability requirements and balancing district budgets. if such issues truly generate minimal responsiveness in small town/rural school districts, administrators become the final arbiters of law and policy. students’ first amendment rights 25 should anyone in a district be responsive to speech concerns, it should be the superintendent. working with the board on policy is one of their major responsibilities. while superintendents are immersed in the day-to-day operation of the district, their involvement relates to the “big” issues, such as managing the budget and their role as communicator to the community at large. boards are dependent upon campus administrators to tell them when free speech issues arise. whether or not they are informed will depend on the sensitivity of campus administrators to this issue. consider the following scenario: a student appears on campus wearing a confederate flag t-shirt, a teacher notifies the office that this might be a problem, a vice-principal quietly talks with the student whom he or she knows well, and the shirt is replaced with another one without incident. the entire episode may take no more than 15 minutes early in the morning and is not ever reported to the superintendent. the result is that the educator responsible for the policy is unaware of the need until a significant incident involving free speech occurs. even in small schools where the superintendent may be the only district level administrator and serve as the principal of one or more campuses, there are pressures that work against addressing free speech issues in policy. in these districts, reliance on a policy service is seen as a necessity. since the board hires and fires the superintendent, there is also a need and obligation to address the board’s interests and needs. the superintendent is aware of the obligation to protect the democratic rights of students through policy, but this issue is rarely, if ever, brought to their attention to the board or the public. it is therefore, rarely addressed by the superintendent and is likely not to be brought forward as an issue without a critical incident that makes addressing the issue compulsory. prior research has uncovered a similar form of role “variety,” “autonomy,” and informal “power” in decision-making within rural and small schools current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 (pearson & sutton, 1999) as well as a considerable amount of role “socialization,” especially for rural school leaders, in terms of role expectations and problem solving (hurley, 1992). conclusion although dependence on external policy services may be a necessity, school districts could face challenges to speech policies if content and viewpoints are being censured inappropriately. actions such as those taken by the orange county unified school district are likely neither isolated nor uncommon and serve as cautionary examples of minimized board involvement in systematic legal education and policy development. increasing diversity in the form of race/ethnicity, wealth, political thought, and religious faith, to name a few, demand school leaders reassess policy domains and perhaps in some instances issue clarifications or render substantial revisions. the need for greater responsiveness, particularly in rural communities, is further substantiated by a report issued by the rural school and community trust policy program (johnson & strange, 2007), which indicates a considerable increase in rural student enrollment as a percentage of the national enrollment along with massive increases in minority populations (i.e., american indian/alaskan native, asian pacific islander, black, hispanic) in rural areas nationally -an increase of 55% between 1995 and 2005. clearly, the issues of administrative discretion and policy attention/implementation warrant further scrutiny. future research should more closely examine factors that lead to greater school board involvement in policy/legal areas, particularly in circumstances when school districts outsource policy development. for instance, one might examine whether critical incidents (e.g., crises) or board member level of education impact the level of board engagement in developing local policy. studies may also broaden their analysis of district codes of conduct relative to speech to include a greater geographical diversity of school districts or explore the impact of poverty on students’ first amendment rights 27 board involvement. a future study may also explore school board member role types (i.e., political v. professional) and their relationship to various forms of policy. in sum, the findings of this exploratory analysis suggest that while district leaders in urban communities and districts serving large student populations may be locally tailoring student speech policy to a greater degree, a considerable number of districts seemingly do not. cases such as saxe and morse illustrate the evolving complexity of speech litigation and student protections and serve as reminders to school leaders at every level that continuing legal education and substantive conversations around diversity and civil liberties are fundamentally important and necessary to sustaining an effective government. whether over-dependency on external policy-making organizations leads school government to be less responsive to student speech policy is a question beyond the scope of the study. yet, the findings seem to suggest that this dependence could be inhibiting thoughtful deliberation of important topics to some degree. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 28 references american 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(2001a). efforts by public k-8 schools to involve parents in children's education: do school and parent reports agree? (u.s. department of education, nces 2001-076). washington, d.c.: u.s. department of education. xianglei, c. (2001b). efforts by public k-8 schools to involve parents in children's education: do school and parent reports agree? (u.s. department of education, nces 2001-076). retrieved on march 7, 2006 from http://nces.ed.gov/programs/quarterly/vol_3/3_4/q21.asp wasby, s. l. (1973). toward impact theory: an inventory of hypotheses. in t. l. becker & m. m. feeley (eds.), the impact of supreme court decisions (2nd ed., pp. 214-217). new york: oxford university press. students’ first amendment rights 31 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain jeffery johnson seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word building new identities in teacher preparation for inclusive education in ghana.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x building new identities in teacher preparation for inclusive education in ghana joseph a. agbenyega monash univeristy and prosper k. deku university of cape coast, ghana citation agbenyega, j. & deku, p. (2011). building new identities in teacher preparation for inclusive education in ghana. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract “we want our classrooms to be just and caring, full of various conceptions of the good. we want them to be articulate, with the dialogue involving as many persons as possible, opening to one another, opening to the world” (greene 1993 as cited in nieto & bode, 2008). these words sum up inclusive education as a multifaceted practice that deals with value and belief systems, invites and celebrates diversity and difference arising from family background, social class, gender, language, socio-economic background, cultural origin or ability with human rights and social justice at its core. in this paper we reflect critically on current pedagogical practices in ghana in relation to inclusive education. using a critical post-colonial discursive framework the paper takes up the challenge to problematise the existing pedagogical practices, which are intensely oppressive. it examines the impact of colonial and cultural practices (beliefs, values, norms) on teaching and learning, using data obtained from three focus groups with 21 student teachers, a total of 42 hours of non-participant observation of their classroom teaching and existing research commentaries. we found that current pedagogical practices are prescriptive, mechanistic, and do not value student diversity and different learning styles. we conclude with new directions for teacher education programs in ghana that value and celebrate diversity, and difference. keywords: ghana, inclusion, teacher preparation about the author(s) author: joseph a. agbenyega affiliation: monash university address: department of early childhood education, faculty of education monash university, mcmahons road peninsula campus, frankston email: joseph. agbenyega@monash.edu biographical information: dr. joseph s. agbenyega is currently a lecturer in inclusive education and teacher professional inquiry in the department of early childhood education in monash university, australia. he has served on the victorian state department of education and early childhood development workforce advisory board in 2010 and is currently a member of the international inclusive research expert panel and victorian curriculum and assessment authority early childhood advisory board. author: prosper deku affiliation: university of cape coast, ghana biographical information: mr prosper deku is a senior lecturer in inclusive education at the department of educational foundations at the university of cape coast, ghana. he was a former head of the department of early childhood education in the same university. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 building new identities in teacher preparation for inclusive education in ghana in ghana, government and teacher training institutional initiatives have aimed to contribute to the quality design and conduct of preservice teacher education, and inclusive teaching (amedeker, 2005; anamuah-mensah, n.d.; republic of ghana, 2002). this paper aims to contribute to the knowledge base for the design and implementation of preservice teacher education to enhance teachers’ professional knowledge and identity to support diverse learners’ needs. the paper draws on data obtained from 21 preservice teachers in three focus groups, 42 hours of non-participant observation of these teachers’ professional placement experience, public commentaries and previous research to highlight the issues associated with inclusive teaching and learning in ghana. using a critical post-colonial discursive framework, the paper highlights the need to construct new teacher knowledge and identity forms for inclusive education to be successful in ghana. a critical post-colonial discursive framework there is no space in this paper to provide a comprehensive account on a critical postcolonial discursive framework; therefore, we present key components of this theoretical framework to guide our analysis. historically and intellectually, post-colonial theory deals with the examination of the impact and continuing legacy of the european conquest, colonisation and domination of non-european lands, peoples and cultures (mcleod, 2000). integral to this is a critical examination and analysis of the inherent ideas of european superiority over noneuropean peoples and cultures that such imperial colonisation implies (childs & williams, 1997). post-colonial work also seeks to uncover the debilitating effects of such ideas on both the self-identity of the colonised and the instability of the conceptual underpinnings of the colonizers, for instance, the role of representation in establishing and perpetuating such notions inclusive education in ghana 5 of european superiority (ashcroft, griffiths, & tiffin, 1989, 1998; childs & williams, 1997). dirlik (1994) and slemon (1990) present three reference points of post-colonial theory: a literal description of conditions in formerly colonial societies; a description of a global condition after the period of colonialism; and a description of discourse informed by an epistemological orientation. in this paper, we draw on the third reference point to critically examine and analyse discursively, how information, knowledge, belief and value systems are structured to create dominating meaning for everyday school practices. our main framing of critical post-colonial theory in this analysis is a gradual disengagement with the colonial experience of pedagogy not necessarily the foreign but also local forms that are dominating, exclusive and elitist with little accommodation for students’ creative thinking in school and teacher training institutions. we used post-colonial theory as a pathway towards exploring the complexities of teacher identity, policy dimensions, inclusive education and the constructs that maintain or uphold the current pedagogical system in ghana. we believe that a critical post-colonial analysis of pedagogical archetypes in ghana offers possibilities for arguing for educational and pedagogical change, and for supporting social and educational inclusion. true change that supports inclusion must start from teacher training institutions (mclaren, 2007). teacher identity studies on teacher identity formation have identified teaching as a complex process of socialization (carrington, deppeler, & moss, 2010; murrell, 2001; proweller & mitchener, 2004; wenger, 1998). with this complexity is the tension between philosophy of teaching underpin by the teacher’s self (values, beliefs, behaviours) which influences what is taught, the policy and curriculum, and the structural constraints of school ethos (goodson, 1992; helms, 1998). teacher identity development and change is shaped by the interrelationship between personal current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 and experience, and professional knowledge linked to the teaching environment, students, curriculum and culture of the school (proweller & mitchener, 2004). according to proweller and mitchener (2004), “early functionalist frameworks dominating research on teacher socialization provided linear models of teacher identity development and change” (p. 1045). fullan (1993) argues, ”the way that teachers are trained, the way that schools are organized, the way that the educational hierarchy operates, and the way that education is treated by political decision makers results in a system that is more likely to retain the status quo than to change” (p. 3, italics in the original). lortie as far back as 1975 posited that the school as a society shapes and alters the teacher, reconstructs teacher socialization more in terms of structural accommodation than individual agency. agency here implies giving opportunity to learners to produce themselves in the world of their learning, to socially interact and reflect back through the independent behaviours of their interaction and knowledge they have produced. without agency teacher development practices remain traditional, and “legitimate and institutionalize dominant beliefs and values; a process that both undermines critical thinking as a democratic educational and social practice” (armstrong, 2006, p. 8). however, new theoretical insights into strong and effective teacher professional identify formation relevant for inclusive education have highlighted the importance of multidimensional framings within interrelationships and community (britzman, 1991; munby & russell, 1994) and professional knowledge linked to the teaching environment, students, curriculum, policy and ethos of the school (hargreaves, 1994). what does inclusive education involve? inclusive education is “a process intended to respond to students’ diversity by increasing their participation and reducing exclusion within and from education” (unesco, 2009 p.1). this definition considers inclusive education beyond disability issues and includes quality inclusive education in ghana 7 teaching, the attendance, involvement and achievement of all students, especially those who, for different reasons, are excluded or at risk of being marginalized (unesco, 2009). our own understanding and concept of inclusive education intersects with established multifaceted scholarship that deals with value and belief system, invites and celebrates diversity and difference arising from family background, social class, gender, language, socio-economic background, cultural origin or ability with human rights and social justice at its core. thus far, our definition is grounded in gardner and kelly’s (2008) view that educators must “…foster learning environments that are integrally attentive to issues of meaning-making, critical reflection, social justice, diversity, care, collaboration, and community” (p. 1). therefore, teachers who promote inclusive education are caring. they consider a school as a community, value good interpersonal and personal relationships and create optimum learning opportunities for all students (lindsay, 2003; sweetland, 2008). inclusive education requires something more than the binary divide between teachers as the givers of knowledge and the students as receivers (freire, 1973). freire (1998) posits, … our relationship with the learners demands that we respect them and demands equally that we be aware of the concrete conditions of their world, the conditions that shape them. to try to know the reality that our students live is a task that educational practice imposes on us: without this, we have no access ‘to the way they think, so only with great difficulty can we perceive what and how they know (p. 58). this affirms that positive attitudes from the whole school community and changes to the concept of pedagogy, structure and policy are perpetuities for successful inclusion (elkins & grimes, 2009; hooker, 2008; loreman, 2007; peterson, 2004; sweetland, 2008). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 in relation to inclusive practice student achievement can be compromised unless teacher training programmes change course to embrace a new wave of pedagogical practice that value all learners (carrington, deppeler, & moss, 2010). learning to teach in an inclusive setting is a highly complex and dynamic activity, and much to do with context that uses a ‘whole school approach.’ a whole school approach to inclusive education involves using multiple strategies that have a unifying purpose and reflect a common set of values. it requires that policy makers, teacher educators, teachers parents, students, and the community working together to create education environment that promotes equal opportunity for learning and wellbeing on social and emotional levels (avramidis, 2005; elkins & grimes, 2009; fullan, 2007; peterson, 2004). while we cannot claim a definitive form of inclusive pedagogy an attempt can be made to stir up a rich and diverse knowledge base that informs the preparation of teachers for inclusive education. the education policy framework the first post-independence policy initiative in ghana to provide a comprehensive equal access to education for all children was the 1961 education act, which sought to provide a free, universal and compulsory basic education (of 6 years duration) for all children from 6 years of age. the act mandated that: every child who has attained the school going age as determined by the minister shall attend a course of instruction as laid down by the minister in a school recognised for the purpose by the minister (ges, 2004, p. 2). this act was followed by a free compulsory universal basic education (fcube) policy which was the ministry of education’s response to the 1992 fourth republican constitution of ghana article 39 (2) which states: inclusive education in ghana 9 the government shall, within two years of parliament first meets after coming into force of this constitution draw up a programme for implementation within the following ten years, for the provision of free, compulsory and universal basic education (gov, 1992, p. 40). in line with this the special education division of ges developed a policy in 2004 that sought to adhere to the challenges of marginalization, segregation and inequality that students with additional needs experience in ghanaian schools. essential components of the policy outlining inclusive initiatives were presented at the international conference on education in geneva in 2004. these included: the mandating of special education division of ges to carry out policies that will ensure the social inclusion and quality education for children with disabilities; the provision of equal educational opportunities for children with special needs at pre-university levels to promote access and participation, quality and inclusion; and the mobilization of financial and human resources towards the provision of educational opportunities for children with special needs and its efforts towards inclusive education in ghana (ges, 2006, pp. 14 & 16). the ministry of education’s strategic plan (2003 – 2015) envisions the achievement of quality inclusive education system by 2015 (ges, 2003; hooker, 2008; kuyini, 2010). this is reflected in the support provided by both government and ngos such as voluntary services overseas (vso), sight savers international (ssi), and united states agency for international development (usaid) in inclusive education in the last decade (agbenyega, 2005; kuyini, 2010). the government also initiated pilot inclusive education programs in 2003 in 30 schools in central, eastern and greater accra regions with the aim of rolling out the outcomes nation-wide (see agbenyega, 2005 for details). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 the ghanaian persons with disability (pwd) act 2006 reinforced the rights of (pwd) and gave the impetus for their inclusiveness in education and all aspects of social life in ghana. although the policies demonstrate the government of ghana’s commitment to equity for all children, researching from insider perspectives, we would argue that ghana’s education system is essentially arbitrary, dualist in nature with good education policies on one side and poor implementations on the other side (avoke & avoke, 2004; kuyini & desai, 2006, 2009; ocloo & subbey, 2008; yarboi-tetteh, 2008). whereas the education policies advocate for inclusive teaching, we found through our observation that curriculum and assessment requirements are essentially prescriptive and rigid, leaving little room for teachers to modify it to meet individual student’s needs. the main concern for teachers was to finish the curriculum as stipulated by policy. post-colonial theory provides a framework which helps to address questions of why so many curriculum practices appear still so far away from reaching or even recognising the goals of individual differences. the inclusive elements of the education policy thus remain on paper without its real meaning being experience in schools. a post-colonial view of the policy-practice divide as it currently exists would see it as an outdated dysfunctional colonial institution in many ways, including the way in which it promotes inclusive policy on one hand and a curriculum steeped in the traditional assumption that the highly structured examination driven and teacher centred approach is the best. it is argued that the traditional school almost inevitably promotes and reinforces socio-economic inequity (hickling-hudson, 2002; ladwig, 2000) because they are unsuitable for meeting the learning needs of diverse student populations but rather drill the bodies of students into a regimented and stultified approach to learning through regimented curriculum (tait, 2000). post-colonial educators argue that it is vitally necessary to teach inclusive education in ghana 11 students to critique policies and practices that reproduce privilege and dominance for some children, and disadvantage others (dei & shahjahan, 2008). current teacher education in ghana teacher training in ghana has a checkered history yet space will not allow us to present a detailed historical account in this paper. currently, teacher training is offered at two types of institutions in ghana, teacher training colleges and universities. prior to 2004, the training colleges offered a 3 year post-secondary teachers certificate a. due to low teacher salary levels compared to other sectors of the economy, students who do not qualify to enter public universities mostly enrolled in the training colleges, and some brilliant but needy students who could not afford university fees also find their way into the training colleges. the training colleges pay allowances to the preservice teachers as a form of motivation. as part of a national improvement strategy to raise teachers’ entry level skills the 38 public and three private post secondary teacher training colleges, which formerly offer a three-year ‘certificate a’ to teachers were upgraded in 2004 to offer diploma courses. students spend two years on campus learning theory and in the third year, are assigned to classroom mentor teachers to undertake a one year professional placement while they continue to study through a distance mode. education studies, cultural studies, physical education, english, basic science, basic mathematics, ghanaian language and basic agricultural science form core course components of study with little emphasis on inclusive education. ghana education service (ges) exercises supervisory responsibilities over the work of the teacher training colleges, and qualified teachers from the programs are eligible to teach in primary and junior secondary schools. primary school teachers generally teach all subjects in a class, and junior secondary teachers teach subjects according to their specializations but this is not always the case in areas with teacher shortage. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 the university of education, winneba (uew) and the university of cape coast are both public universities and provide university level training for teachers, awarding diplomas and degrees. currently, uew has replaced the four-week per year teaching practice with a new programme that seeks to enhance the efficiency of teacher-trainees. this involves teachertrainees spending the final year of their training period out of campus to undertake teaching practice in selected schools with the aim of infusing greater professionalism into the students before they graduate. professional placement is supervised by the university lecturers (amedeker, 2005). the university of cape coast is currently reviewing its current structure of practicum experience. there are departments of special education in both universities that teach courses in inclusive education and an introduction to special education as a core unit for all students undertaking education related courses for a semester. the pedagogical landscape this section theorizes pedagogical practices in ghana. by using a critical post-colonial discursive lens we examined the power dynamics inherent in ghanaian pedagogical practices and histories represented in the education system. this approach enabled us to explore the complexities of oppressive pedagogy (freire, 1973) so as to become emancipated of the embedded colonial pedagogical archetypes. emancipation is foundational for developing a new pedagogical landscape that values and supports all learners. perhaps the major challenges facing teacher education in both the training colleges and the universities are the approach to pedagogy and entry level scores for admission into the teacher training colleges. in an international teacher education conference in 2008 in ghana, prof. joseph kingsley aboagye, director of the institute of education of the university of cape coast, (ucc), advocated strongly for a review of the entry requirement for admission into inclusive education in ghana 13 ghana’s teacher training colleges to be raised from aggregate 24 to 22 or better to make it comparable to what pertains in the universities. he indicated that some of the students admitted into the teacher training colleges were sometimes of sub-quality standard (yarboi-tetteh, 2008). similarly, prof. emmanuel adow obeng, the former vice chancellor of ucc, posited that there is absence of coherent policies in teachers’ professional training and development, and content of many teacher training programmes lacked reflective practice, active learning, innovation, creativity and partnership building. pervasive of these are severe disjuncture between the training provided and the realities of the classroom, schools, their communities and the world of work affect teaching quality and learning for all (yarboi-tetteh, 2008). as some of the teachers stated in focus groups: the issue is the lack of support systems for pre-service teachers in training colleges or universities. if you struggle with academic work the only option available for you is expulsion from the academic program. the moment you enter you are on your own unless you have a critical friend who can support you…because rigid examinations are more favoured than any other forms of assessment, it makes teaching and learning mechanistic, prescriptive, we don’t think this support inclusion (transcript, 2/10/2009). this situation depicts the student teachers as colonised bodies with limited opportunities to thrive in learning environment. we observed similar practices in the student-teachers’ professional placement, they were subjective, rigid in their pedagogy without provision for individual differences. foucalt’s (1977) point illustrates this more vividly: the body now serves as an instrument or intermediary: if one intervenes upon it to imprison it, or make it work, it is in order to deprive the individual of a liberty that is current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 regarded both as a right and as a property…now the body is caught up in a system of constraints….obligations and prohibitions (p. 11). while the gloomy picture of the lack of support and regimented assessment practices are giving way to generic assessment practices such as portfolios in many advanced education systems these students are still caught up in the transcendental pedagogy of colonialism. similarly, a ghana education service report card on inclusion found that critical challenges facing educational inclusion highlighted curriculum inflexibility and inadequate pre-/posttraining in additional education needs for regular teachers (ges, 2004, p. 15). further evidence suggests that a large number of children are in school as a result of fcube policy but a significant number do not stay to finish and those who stay on produce poor results because of the hostile school communities, poor teaching, regular corporal punishment and the lack of care expected in inclusive classrooms (agbenyega, 2006; dei & shahjahan, 2008; kuyini, & desai, 2007). it appears the form of oppressive pedagogy in ghana has its roots in her colonial history and traditional cultures. colonialism under the former imperial power (great britain) was based on a social and economic construction of "otherness", a conscious oppression, exclusion and marginalisation of native ghanaians from the white minority. by this construction ghanaians were considered unequal to their former colonial masters, and consequently, were subjected to master-servant relationships accompanied with severe sanctions and punishment. formal schooling, which started as a colonial endeavour in the castles, the symbols of white supremacy, adopted oppressive pedagogical practices. the traditional ghanaian system, which operates on the culture of submissive absolutism, reinforces the oppression experience through colonialism (deppeler, moss, & agbenyega, 2008). inclusive education in ghana 15 for instance, the traditional kinship system in ghana resonates around subject-master ideology. it precludes mutually constituted relationships and legitimises authoritative relationships. a king must exercise his authority over his subjects to demonstrate how powerful he is. invariably, it can be explained that the dualist experience (culture and colonialism) were precursors to the formation of excessive control identities and the ways in which teaching and learning are currently legitimated and practiced in ghana. without the experiences of mutually constituted learning it would be difficult for an educator to do same for his/her learners. research points to the direction that the ghanaian learning spaces (from preschool to the university level) depict a hegemonic colonial rationalist way of organizing educational practice (agbenyega, 2006; deppeler, moss, & agbenyega, 2008). researchers of inclusive education practices in ghana consistently found that despite the majority of teachers’ support for inclusive education, they had limited knowledge of inclusive practices and their approaches to pedagogy remain punitive (agbenyega, 2006; deppeler, moss, & agbenyega, 2008; kuyini & desai, 2007, 2009). for example our observation of pedagogy during field works in some primary schools show: some of the children with tears in their eyes so we asked the teacher, what is wrong with the children? the teacher replied, i caned all of them…i taught them well then i gave them work to do but they all failed… it is shocking…they don’t know anything so i caned them. i am going to cane them again for this disgrace. we saw most of the kids very timid, some unable to express themselves for fear of making mistakes that could attract punishment from the teacher (field observation, 5/11/2009). this is a demonstration that the colonial-culturally blended pedagogical practice is still ripe in the ghanaian classrooms. by culture we imply, the self in relation with others to which current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 the individual belongs. this self is made up of beliefs, values and behaviours. by colonial we mean anything that is imposed. thus colonial-culturally blended pedagogical practice is pedagogical practice that imposes beliefs, values, behaviours and knowledge on learners. in noninclusive learning spaces learners’ voices and agency are submerged in the authoritative pedagogy of teachers (deppeler, moss, & agbenyega, 2008; kanpol, 1994; mprah, 2008). the colonial pedagogical practice considers the learning relationship as simply a ‘novice’ receiving knowledge from a higher authority. other comments made by the classroom teachers during focus groups are quite illuminating of the power dynamics they experienced during their professional preparation: the entire university system operates on the false belief that we the students are ignorant and that the professor is the one who has knowledge and is the one to whom everybody should listen…if you question a lecturer that might be your license to losing your student status or your certificate because… you just need to keep your cool and salute them if you want to guarantee your successful exit (teachers’ focus groups). mprah (2008), a ghanaian quoting paulo freire’s baking concept of education to illustrate the pedagogical situation in ghana states: the teacher teaches and the students are taught, the teacher thinks and the students are thought about, the teacher knows everything and the student knows nothing, the teacher talks and the students listen and meekly, of course. the teacher is the subject of the learning process, while the students are mere objects. the teacher confuses the authority of knowledge with his or her own professional authority, which is set in opposition to the freedom of the students (p. 1). inclusive education in ghana 17 it appears from this extract that teachers often privilege their position over their learners through a replication of their previous experiences. because their own training silenced them similarly, they are also likely to silence their students. it can be argued that preservice teachers who form their identities through the experience of tyranny and exclusion are likely to accept that tyranny is good to be meted out to other learners. thus, the ‘colonial’ should not be perceived simply as only ‘foreign and alien’, but as broadly to imply any pedagogic behaviour that is ‘imposed’ and ‘dominating’ (dei & asgharzadeh, 2001; dei, & opini, 2007; foucault, 1980). a colonised pedagogy considers teaching as a mere collection of strategies of what works and what does not work for the teacher; the authoritative knower must pass on what works to his or her students whether that knowledge is contextually relevant or not. further focus group comments from preservice teachers reflect this: during a lecture we all sat quiet as the lecturer dictated her notes on language acquisition…the only time she paused was when she thought there was a difficult term she needed to explain to us... she went on like that and everybody was silent. i took the courage to ask a question, madam, i read in another book which contested noam chomsky’s version of innate language abilities, what is your…i did not finished the statement when she attacked me verbally…are you here to teach me or who is in control here? it went on for some five minutes but i was the looser as my fate was decided by the final grade that was awarded me for what was considered challenging the lecturer’s authority (transcript, 2/10/2009). this account further confirms the practice of pedagogy as simply the transmission of information through fear. it is an approach that rejects knowledge construction through mutual meaning making (vygotsky, 1987; daniels, 2001). such approaches to pedagogy current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 neither make connections with learners nor engage them so that they want to be at school. it mirrors the banking concept of education where knowledge is perceived as a gift bestowed by those who consider themselves knowledgeable upon those whom they consider to know nothing (freire, 1973). it demonstrates a departure from a school as a community of individuals learning and sharing knowledge together (rogoff, 1994). in inclusive learning, all students, teachers and policy makers belong to the school community and therefore, value the differences embodied in various elements of the school (keddie & churchill, 2005). colonial form of schooling on the other hand, considers schooling as simply receiving knowledge from a superior authority for replication (dahlberg & moss, 2005). if the pedagogical landscape of the ghanaian schooling systems privilege teachers’ authority and knowledge over learners then individuals with learning difficulties will be further subjugated. dewey (1938) cautions that: education is essentially a social process. this quality is realised in the degree in which individuals form a community group…as the most mature member of the group, [the teacher] has a peculiar responsibility for the conduct of the interactions and intercommunications which are the very life of the group as a community…when education is based upon experience and educative experience is seen to be a social process,…the teacher loses the position of external boss or dictator but takes on that of leader of group activities (pp. 65-66). dewey’s comments are consistent with rogoff’s (1994) idea of a learning community and a whole school approach where all elements of the school must be brought together to make inclusion effective (rinaldi & stuart, 2009). similarly, teacher education and pedagogy in ghana need to shift a focus from sheer transmission of knowledge to a more inclusive approach that inclusive education in ghana 19 actively involves learners in producing knowledge. this approach values active engagement where the voice of teacher trainees are valued and respected. current inclusive practices challenged traditional frameworks of pedagogy that view learners as receptacles. it embraces a new discourse of education where appropriate support is the key (loreman, 2007). given this new direction post-colonial theory signals a new interest in education, a renewed interest in the colonial legacy and its aftermath in ghana. by applying a post-colonial theory to current pedagogical practices in ghana we place centre stage the continuing implication of colonial legacy of pedagogy on inclusive education which has little changed since independence in 1957. our main framing of post-colonial theory in the analysis of teacher education in ghana is a gradual disengagement with the colonial and the aversive forms of cultural reproduction of pedagogy. teachers need a new way of thinking about educational practice as a collective social and cultural endeavour (daniels, 2001; fleer, 2006). teachers will not support inclusive education if they do not understand it. we therefore consider teacher education as the primary task in addressing the challenges facing inclusive education in ghana. reframing teacher preparation for successful inclusion in ghana we conclude this paper by proposing a new framework for teacher education in light of the presidential committee on the review of education reform in ghana which stated the objective of teacher education in ghana as the training and development of the right type of teacher who is competent, committed and dedicated who should be able to: • develop attitudes, values and dispositions that create a conducive environment; for quality teaching and learning in schools; • apply, extend and synthesise various forms of knowledge; • facilitate learning and motivate individual learners to fully realise their potential; current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 • promote inclusive education at all levels; • adequately prepare the learner to participate fully in the national development effort (anamuah-mensah, n.d; republic of ghana, 2002). deconstructing the pedagogical experiences reported in this paper provided insights into how teacher training must be reconstructed and the factors instrumental in reshaping teacher identities or core beliefs consistent with the above statements. it appears that if current teacher preparation continues to reproduce teachers in the traditional practice of knowledge transmitters, inclusive education will be hard to achieve. teacher education in ghana needs to be infused with content that includes instructional and curricular techniques appropriate for the development of cognitive, social, cultural and physical needs of diverse learners in the inclusive environments. the implementation must be swift, decisive and dramatic in the wake of ghana’s education reforms that characterised the education enterprise. the pedagogical archetypes in practice in current teacher training institutions and schools in ghana lacked the complexity of teaching required in inclusive classrooms. effective teachers know their role and do effective teaching, and this begins with effective training (fullan, 2007; norwich, 2000). teacher training institutions in ghana need to design inspiring preservice and inservice programs that engage learners in problem-based learning communities, transforming their understanding and experience of learning, teaching and inclusive practice. current approaches should inspire transformational learning in student teachers by structuring learning opportunities and experiences that respond to the student’s home culture. there should be both a solid foundation in the course content, and its application to problem solving in classrooms and society. course development should be based on these core beliefs: • vibrant learning communities; inclusive education in ghana 21 • respect and a positive attitude influence learning; • a high level of content knowledge and expertise on subject matter to influence teaching; • strong and continuous support of students’ learning; and • empowerment to encourage students to become critical thinkers who can take risks to question normalisation and marginalisation processes which will lead to broader understandings of the broader historical, cultural, political and educational context in which they are part of (curran, 2007). vibrant learning communities. inclusive education is full of complexities in regard to policy and implementation. the course units in teacher training should lead students to identify and understand these complexities, and find practical ways of implementing inclusion practice in their schools. an important way to do this is to make learning spaces vibrant communities that allow preservice teachers to reflect on their own experiences of inclusive education (mclaren, 2007) and consider why inclusion matters and for whom it is important. they would then reflect on how their own experience of inclusion in education and learning compares with what they now believe inclusion should be about and look like. course units should incorporate requirements for students to conduct research as part of their ongoing learning and assessment which they must discuss in groups. teaching methods and teacher behaviours that are needed to facilitate context specific quality inclusive education should form core components of course delivery. through this approach, students are not only learning content but are also building their identities as effective teachers with extensive knowledge in using research to inform practice. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 respect and positive attitude influence learning. the extracts provided in this paper demonstrated that colonial pedagogy does not respect students and as such is counterproductive to inclusive education. for a transformation to occur pedagogical practices in ghana must be based on respect and positive attitude as these play important role in students’ survival in their academic learning (keddie & churchill, 2005; rinaldi & stuart, 2009). teachers cannot motivate diverse learners without earning their respect. this can be achieved by designing the professional development course structures that take learner’s feelings, needs and thoughts into consideration (rogoff, pradise, arauz, correa-chavez, & angelillo, 2003). for example, teaching and learning must encourage open discussion both in lectures and tutorials on what qualities and capabilities the students want to attain at the end of their qualifications. this implies that ghanaian teacher educators must listen non-judgmentally and non-defensively, and allow students to come out with innovative suggestions other than those provided by their lecturers. a high level of knowledge and expertise on subject matter influences teaching. research shows that the pedagogy of talking, where the lecturer dominates the teaching and learning situation, dampens students’ enthusiasm and leads to exclusion (dahlberg & moss, 2005). for this reason, the nature of the material to be delivered to preservice and inservice teachers must be based upon constructivist learning incorporating a community of learners approach (rogoff, 1994; rogoff et al., 2003) whereby real world, classroom, family and societal problems are incorporated into developing course units. the constructivist approach to learning derives its name and power from the belief that knowledge is best constructed when the learner actively interacts with the environment and, hence, constructs meaning from that experience (vygotsky, 1987; daniels, 2001; hausfather, 2001) implying that learning should be meaningful inclusive education in ghana 23 and related to real life situations. educators following the constructivist perspective base their instruction on what the students already know as a foundation (duhany & duhany, 2000) and active learning is an important facet. when students are actively involved in the lesson, they learn and retain information (harris & graham, 1996). according to bruner (1997), the teaching of theoretical concepts must be inextricably linked to its application. this kind of teacher training is required if teachers are to assist all children in inclusive settings to apply their learning to a useful purpose. similarly, prospective teachers must understand the relationship between the ideas they are taught and the applications they will encounter. one way to develop this skill is to arrange for this connection to be made in the context of real life situations (hughes, 2006). such learning in context will provide the preservice teachers the opportunity of questioning what they do or think (brookfield, 1995). it is during this process of inquiry, thinking about their practice that teacher transformation and new identity forms occur (hughes, 2006). the community of learners approach (rogoff, 1994) ensures that the lecturer and the students have no fixed position but where everybody is a learner and an educator. there should be a focus on setting interesting but challenging assessment tasks. students can be motivated for learning through assigning tasks that are neither too easy nor too difficult, and which incorporates research activity for individual or group investigation. to counter students’ apathy to engagement and learning, rigorous steps and time must be spent to develop a well-organized unit that is integrated, and incorporates real life situations and events into assignment tasks. teacher professional preparation should aim at liberating the individual and must move away from unidirectional to a community of learners’ relationship (rogoff, 1994). this calls for collaborative teaching and dialogicity the essence of education as freedom in practice (freire, 1973). this interactive approach is important for working with varying learning styles. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 preservice teachers need to know from the onset what they are learning, why they need to learn it and what is expected of them as well as how this applies in real classroom or world context. to facilitate the preparation in a more unified fashion, the field experience would have to be constructed and take place in classrooms and settings that are inclusive and representative of the range of students one would expect to teach after completing training (fleer, 2008; hedegaard, 2008). further, field experience would have to be structured to provide regular and consistent opportunities for reflection since experience alone would not be enough to clarify the knowledge and meanings derived from practice (pugach, 1996). this type of reflection forms the basis by which students can question what they think or do (brookfield, 1995). constructive timely feedback. quality inclusive teachers are those that provide prompt and timely response on students’ work. research suggests that timely constructive feedback can be a powerful tool for learning ad contributor to building student’s identity (black & william, 1998). feedback is critical to preservice and novice teachers’ professional development. newmann and wehlage's (1983) writes, “the professional cultures into which new teachers are inducted are critically important because the early years not only confirm new teachers' choice of occupation in life, but also lay a base for future professional development” (p.255). we should not assume that full blown teachers emerge from preservice programs capable of implementing all that they learnt from their professional preparation programs (russell & mcpherson 2001), which suggested that, failure to acknowledge the effects of experience and further professional development on professional growth could result in teachers losing their core identities as good teachers. thus, frequent, timely, positive feedback that supports preservice teachers' beliefs that they are either doing well or what they need to do to be successful in their programs should form a core component of the teacher training programs. inclusive education in ghana 25 reflections for professional development. of particular importance is personal measurement of preservice teacher’s own work. many ghanaian teachers know a lot about children with additional needs however, they do not incorporate reflection in their teaching. the lack of reflection about children with additional needs can push teachers into ineffective programming, rejection and abuse (allen, 2000, horn, 2000). thus reflective practice needs to form a core component of preservice teacher education in ghana. our analysis demonstrate a pattern of schooling that reflects ongoing teacher education models based on what freire (1973) described as oppressive educational practice and creates further barriers to inclusive education that continue to reinforce a technical approach to the professional practices of teaching (giroux, 1981). carrington, deppeler and moss (2010) argue strongly that “if we want to progress education reform and change, then the importance of value positions that are grounded by social and cultural beliefs about education, learning and difference need to be acknowledged” (p. 1). a critical post-colonial framework requires that teachers use selfreflection to form their identities through communities of practice that promote active and critical dialogue, and questioning of historical and traditional notions about education and pedagogy. kumashiro and ngo (2007) writes succinctly, “anti-oppressive education requires us to be continuously reflexive about how any of our perspectives on teaching and learning are partial, necessarily so” (p. xix). to confront oppression involves teacher educators and teachers discerning and critically positioning themselves in ways that allow them to actively question ideologies about how professional beliefs and knowledge are understood and enacted in professional preparation and practice. as teachers reflect, construct and adopt identity positions for themselves (bucholtz & hall, 2005) that are grounded in equity and social justice transformational teaching and learning can occur (gur-ze’ev, masschelein, & blake, 2001). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 conclusion what we have discussed so far provides a framework for teacher education that prepares teachers to be responsive to individual differences. it moves beyond the mechanistic prescriptions of pedagogy and conformity expected in dominant traditional classrooms. a postcolonial teacher preparation and pedagogy applies a multilogical reasoning and meaning making that draw on individual strengths, and not on their shortcomings (kincheloe, 2008). teacher education within this theoretical space will re-position pedagogy in ghana that rejects the notion of transmission (dahlberg, moss, & pence, 1999; nsamenang, 2008). inclusive teaching does not set boundaries and or lock children into rigid categories of ‘deficits and normals’ (ashby & causton-theoharis, 2009; rossetti, ashby, arndt, chadwick, & kasahara, 2008). inclusive teaching is an ethical practice that brings to the educational table multiple ways of learning and knowing (dahlberg, moss, & pence, 1999). it is only when teachers achieve such transformations that they would no longer view different cognitive abilities in children as markers of deficiency, and need to fix them (ashby & causton-theoharis, 2009; daniels, 2001; rossetti et al., 2008). society and school systems would come to view all children as knowledgeable individuals who are developing in different cultural contexts and thus need culturally appropriate support and not criticism and punitive pedagogy that is based colonial rationality. inclusive education in ghana 27 references agbebyega, j. s. 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(2008). review entry requirement of teacher training colleges, the ghanaian times, wed, 23 jul 2008. inclusive education in ghana 37 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt cie template volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x the de-emphasis on social studies in elementary schools: teacher candidate perspective amy j. good university of north carolina at charlotte tina l. heafner university of north carolina at charlotte tracy c. rock university of north carolina at charlotte katherine a o‟connor east carolina university jeff passe towson univeristy scott m. waring university of central florida sandra byrd university of north carolina at asheville citation good, a.j. et al (2010). the de-emphasis on social studies in elementary schools: teacher candidate perspective. current issues in education, 13(4). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the de-valuing of social studies is becoming prevalent as schools shift emphasis to other subjects addressing national and state accountability. the teacher candidate perspective is presented from an original study regarding the de-emphasis of social studies in elementary schools (rock, heafner, o‟connor, passe, oldendorf, good, & byrd, 2006). teacher candidates gathered data current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 during their clinical experiences, from five teacher preparation programs in north carolina. teacher candidates recognized difficulty in finding instructional time for the entire curriculum, conveyed social studies is de-valued in the elementary curriculum, stated integration is important to social studies instruction, and recognized it is their responsibility social studies is taught. keywords: social studies, elementary, teacher preparation, marginalization, instructional time, integration, social studies instruction teacher candidate perspective 3 about the author(s) author: amy j. good affiliation: university of north carolina at charlotte address: 9201 university city blvd., charlotte, nc 28223 email: agood5@uncc.edu biographical information: amy j. good is an associate professor in the department of reading and elementary education at the university of north carolina at charlotte. author: tina l. heafner affiliation: university of north carolina at charlotte address: 9201 university city blvd., charlotte, nc 28223 email: tina.heafner@uncc.edu biographical information: tina l. heafner is an associate professor in the department of middle, secondary, and k-12 education at the university of north carolina at charlotte. author: tracy c. rock affiliation: university of north carolina at charlotte address: 9201 university city blvd., charlotte, nc 28223 email: tracy.rock@uncc.edu biographical information: tracy c. rock is an associate professor in the department of reading and elementary education at the university of north carolina at charlotte. author: katherine a. o‟connor affiliation: east carolina university email: oconnork@ecu.edu biographical information: katherine a. o‟connor is an associate professor in the department of curriculum and instruction at east carolina university. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 author: jeff passe affiliation: towson university email: jpasse@towson.edu biographical information: jeff passe is professor and chair of the department of secondary education at towson university. author: scott m. waring affiliation: university of central florida email: scott.waring@ucf.edu biographical information: scott m. waring is an assistant professor and program coordinator of social science education at the university of central florida. author: sandra byrd affiliation: university of north carolina at asheville email: sbyrd@unca.edu biographical information: sandra byrd is the assistant provost and associate professor for graduate and continuing education program at the university of north carolina at asheville. teacher candidate perspective 5 the de-emphasis on social studies in elementary schools: teacher candidate perspective in a social studies methods class, a future teacher was assigned to observe social studies lessons in a school setting, as part of the clinical field experience requirement. the veteran clinical teacher, leading the clinical field experience, let the teacher candidate know, “i do not teach social studies; therefore it would be hard to observe. i will teach a lesson for you, if you need to just observe the subject being taught”. the de-valuing of the social studies is becoming prevalent as schools shift their emphasis to science, math, and language arts addressing national and state accountability. researchers (burroughs, groce, & webeck, 2005; center on education policy, 2008; gross, 1977; hahn, 1977; heafner, lipscomb, & rock, 2006; lintner, 2006; ochoa, 1981; rock et al., 2006; stecher & chun, 2001; vanfossen, 2005; vonzastrow & janc, 2004) raise concerns about the diminishing emphasis spent on elementary social studies instruction. according to owen (1997), there are five challenges when educating preservice social studies teachers 1) negative past experiences, 2) lack of interest, 3) confusion over the definition, 4) world view taught in a short time, and 5) finding clinical placements where social studies is taught. in what ways can teacher candidates obtain a substantive social studies clinical experience, when social studies is missing from elementary classrooms? will teacher candidates not see the value of social studies and not teach the subject in their future classrooms? the purpose of the original longitudinal north carolina initiative was to gather information regarding the de-emphasis of social studies in elementary schools (rock et al, 2006). in this study, most teachers reported that students received social studies instruction in 30 to 45 minute lessons for two to three days per week. the authors present the argument that the high current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 stakes standardized testing of reading and math in north carolina has diminished instructional time in elementary social studies. it was also found, however, that the more teachers valued social studies the more instructional time they devoted to it. the study recommends that solid actions in the form of research, advocacy, and professional development with in-service and preservice teachers is needed if social studies education is to be revitalized in our elementary schools. the purpose of this paper is to share the teacher candidate perspective, while in their social studies clinical classroom, of the devaluing and de-emphasis of social studies. the impact of the de-emphasis of social studies instruction on teacher candidates and attempt to validate teacher reported responses from the structured interviews are outlined. the following three areas will be reviewed from the teacher candidate‟s perspective: a) the amount of instructional time allowed for social studies in the elementary classroom, b) corresponding responses from cooperating teacher regarding the nature of the social studies in their classrooms, and c) the impact of the social studies clinical on the teacher candidate‟s teaching and learning of social studies. method to explore teacher candidate perspectives of social studies within their c linical experiences data were collected from the following sources. at the beginning of the clinical experience, preservice teachers interviewed cooperating teachers using a structured questionnaire consisting of 20 closed-ended and open-ended questions in which teachers were asked to explain their responses [see appendix]. interviews were conducted face to face and the teacher candidates transcribed cooperating teacher responses. candidates then observed their cooperating teaching and documented comparisons between the initial interviews and actual classroom observations. the teacher candidates were students enrolled teacher candidate perspective 7 in social studies methods classes within the unc system. the amount of time the teacher candidates spent in the clinical placements varied between 15-30 contact hours over the course of the semester depending on their program‟s requirements. the nature of the clinical experience varied in minor ways at each institution as well. all teacher candidates were required to observe social studies instruction, plan at least one lesson, teach the lesson, and receive feedback from their cooperating teacher. at the conclusion of preservice teacher candidates‟ clinical experiences, preservice teachers provided written reflections to the following three questions: 1) did the amount of instructional time used for social studies as conveyed by the clinical teacher in the interview, correspond with what you observed in the classroom this semester? explain. 2) were you surprised by any of the responses your cooperating teacher shared with you? explain. 3) how did the time you spent in this elementary school classroom impact your thinking about the teaching and learning of social studies? data from teacher candidate written reflections are the focus of this article. seventy-one (n=71) teacher candidate reflections were reviewed. the teacher candidates were students enrolled in social studies methods classes within the unc system. qualitative responses were evaluated by four university researchers using a combination of content analysis (silverman, 1999) and the constant-comparative method (glaser & straus, 1967) to determine patterns or themes in the data. teacher candidate reflections were coded to guarantee anonymity. individual question responses were evaluated, grouped, and categorized based on themes that emerged. each researcher conducted three independent readings of these data with subsequent collaborative meetings to compare themes, categorical grouping, and discuss implications. findings current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 overall, the following findings were conveyed. the teacher candidates: a) recognized the difficulty in finding time to teach the entire curriculum, b) conveyed social studies is not valued in the elementary curriculum, c) stated that integration is important to be able to teach social studies, and d) recognized it is their responsibility to make sure social studies is taught. teacher candidates also noted cooperating teachers felt their students were well prepared for the next grade level in social studies but indicated limited instructional time provided for social studies instruction. the focus of this research was to examine the teacher candidate perspective, and to give the teacher candidates a voice related to this topic. the following section will highlight the themes found in the qualitative responses. based on their responses, it is difficult to ascertain whether the teacher candidates are valuing the social studies because they are not seeing it taught. on the contrary, their responses reveal they value the social studies even more following this experience, in spite of what their clinical teacher valued or taught. some of the teacher candidates observed wonderful social studies instruction while others observed no social studies instruction at all, not even an integrated lesson. when asked about the time spent in the clinical and the impact on teaching and learning social studies, a teacher candidate responded: i will work hard to be an advocate for social studies. i didn‟t realize this was such a problem. i think it is crucial to student‟s academic and social development and i will work harder to push it in my classes, since i know it is so overlooked! difficult to find time for the subject the majority (53/71=75%) of the teacher candidates reported the amount of instructional time used for social studies conveyed by the cooperating teacher corresponded with what was observed in the classroom. with only 14/71 (20%) not corresponding with what was observed in teacher candidate perspective 9 the classroom, and 4/71 (5%) were not able to report because they felt they were not there long enough to determine correspondence of answers. the 20% who responded “no” to the first question reported their cooperating teacher would teach lessons mainly focused on math and reading. the “yes” responses included the following themes of what was observed: a) social studies taught through „integration‟ everyday, when possible, b) social studies, science, and health were taught on a three-week rotation c) social studies was taught 1 hour per week or not at all, and d) teachers were ordered to spend more time on other subjects and leave social studies behind. one teacher candidate wrote: i think i was most surprised by the fact that the school system tells you what you are to concentrate on most. a lot of the time it is not up to the teacher even though you may think you have a lot of freedom. i was totally baffled by the amount of time she spends on the social studies. there are four nine-week terms in one school year. therefore, this means she covers all of the social studies standards in less than 12 weeks! social studies under pressure a majority, 55/71 (77%) of the responses revealed the teacher candidates were surprised by the clinical teacher responses. a large portion (47%) of those 55 teacher candidates were surprised about the actual amount of time the teachers claimed to teach social studies. other themes from the responses included when the cooperating teacher reported no familiarity with the standard course of study for social studies and when the school systems allow certain standards to be ignored, so focus can be placed on the tested subjects and when clinical teachers did not seem to value the social studies more than other subjects or enough to teach it anyway, in spite of the pressure to teach other subjects. in current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 some cases, the teacher candidates could not believe that even if the teacher valued the subject of social studies, they would still not teach it, due to administration pressures. confusion over integration even though the teachers reported „integration‟ was used to teach social studies, the teacher candidates may not have been able to see this integration or may not know what to look for in an integrative lesson. for example, one teacher candidate reported: i was surprised that she put social studies as her last priority, even below science. she also said that all of the subjects were „covered‟ through integration, but i never once saw her doing this. maybe she did it on days i was not there? another teacher candidate reported: i am shocked that the school system allows the social studies curriculum to be „left in the dust‟ like it is. thankfully, i observed social studies being integrated in the classroom, without compromising the quality of the other objectives being taught. this experience inspired me to do what i observed: teach social studies, throughout the whole curriculum using integration and technology… of the 71 teacher candidates surveyed, the importance of learning how to integrate was explicitly mentioned in thirty-two (45%) responses. they stressed the desire to learn proper integration methods for their own class of the future. planning to teach social studies in the future the teacher candidates‟ self-report responses revealed themes implying they would take responsibility to teach the social studies to their classes of the future. perhaps with more training and experience, they will teach the subject regardless of pressures. other common themes included: a) the importance of making time for the social studies b) the realization that social teacher candidate perspective 11 studies can be taught in a powerful, innovating, and dynamic manner, while involving the children in the learning process, and finally, c) the emphasis on social studies should not be neglected because it is a natural part of our lives. even though there is pressure to teach other subjects, the teacher candidates point out the teachers, ultimately, make the decisions of what is taught and valued in the classroom. the teacher candidates report they plan on teaching the subject in some manner in the future. one teacher candidate reported, “i know now that social studies is much easier to include when it is integrated with other subjects. i am no longer frightened of teaching social studies; i am looking forward to it”. while another participant stated: the clinical teacher‟s classroom was really cool. you could tell she spent a lot of time on social studies integrated with the arts. there were student made mexican hats and artifacts in her classroom and displayed in the hall because they were studying mexican culture. i did not get to observe the lessons on mexico, but there was evidence integration has occurred. i am just not sure how to do it. discussion as teacher candidates reflected on their clinical observations, they expressed frustration with the lack of time dedicated to the subject of social studies and their own inability to differentiate social studies instruction from other content areas. one student wrote, “how can i observe social studies when it is not being taught?” the teacher candidates are required to teach at least one lesson in their clinical experience; however, they indicated barriers to their own course requirements of teaching social studies lessons. many were unable to teach social studies because of time devoted to other content areas, like reading and literacy (boyle-baise, hsu, johnson, serriere, &stewart; 2008), and the shared current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 time with science. teacher candidates reported a concern with a lack of understanding fo r how to integrate social studies, based on their observations. the level and definitions of integration varied among teachers indicating a need for university instructors to provide models for effective integration. there is, oftentimes, a hidden curriculum or camouflaged social studies being taught (character education, citizenship, classroom management, classroom community, etc.). if preservice teachers cannot recognize social studies instruction then how can we expect k-6 students to know they are learning social studies? as teacher educators, we need to help our teacher candidates to identify social studies in various settings. the data point to another important role for teacher education promoting the value of social studies. teachers who value social studies claim to be more prepared to teach it (duplass, 2007). plus, they tend to believe their students are prepared for subsequent levels of study. a methods course that is devoted to social studies seems to be an effective strategy for promoting teachers‟ valuing of social studies goals (mccall, 2008). the teacher candidate responses reveal they recognized, as they observed and participated in their clinical placements, that social studies is not an equally valued component of the elementary school curriculum. for example, one teacher candidate wrote: i am very disappointed… social studies and the skills and information learned by studying our world are imperative to one‟s personal and academic development. however, it is not being learned and taught. i spent numerous hours in this classroom and was very disappointed that a teacher of such caliber feels so much time constraint that her students are not learning about their world. it‟s disheartening that students are graduating high school and have little or no understanding of the world and how it works teacher candidate perspective 13 but they are quite skilled at bubbling a multiple-choice test. as a result of this methods course, i am determined to change this pattern of preparing effective test takers rather than effective citizens. the role of the social studies methods course becomes one of not only teaching the social studies curriculum and content pedagogy, but that of advocating for teaching social studies (pascopella, 2005). with the external constraints on time and the focus on standardized testing, teachers must have a strong grounding in the importance of social studies or they will surrender to these external pressures and omit social studies from their instruction, (willis &sandholtz, 2009), as observed by many of our teacher candidates. those teachers who remained steadfast and continued to seek ingenuous methods for integrating social studies were those who had a robust training in the social studies (vanfossen, 2005). in addition, the teacher candidates demonstrated through their reflective writing that they valued the social studies by emphasizing the importance of providing a balance between integrated and stand-alone instruction in social studies and that it was their responsibility as a professional teacher to ensure that students receive instruction in the social studies. these areas are addressed in the social studies methods course and appear to have impacted the teacher candidate‟s perspectives as they interacted in the clinical schools. the purpose of the social studies methods course is to provide the teacher candidate with the opportunity to experiment with various social studies teaching methods in the clinical placement. such assignments allow teacher candidates to see that students can engage in and even enjoy learning social studies and may lead to a greater valuing of the social studies curriculum. if the opportunity to try the methods and theories supporting social studies best practices is not available, it is possible the teacher candidates will not value the subject. the results of this study show that the teacher current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 candidates value the subject at this time but what about when they are under the same pressures and constraints of time and testing that clinical teachers are currently experiencing? there are limitations to this study. the teacher candidates could have framed their answers to be „pro‟ social studies, knowing their methods instructor was reading the responses. another limitation of this study might be the teacher candidate participants may have reported valuing the social studies because they thought it was an expectation of the course. there is also a construct issue, related to a need for common definitions of integration, social studies instruction, and social studies powerful teaching. perhaps this study will allow educators to continue to re-examine how we discuss and deliberate issues surrounding social studies instruction. the main and immediate concern for the authors was how can teacher candidates obtain a substantive social studies clinical experience, when social studies is „missing‟ or not clearly seen often in elementary classrooms? also, in what ways is the de-emphasis on the subject impacting the teacher candidate‟s experience? following this study, those questions remain for each new class of teacher candidates. from the responses, it appears the teacher candidates, who participated, will be teaching social studies in their classrooms in the near future. conclusion in the elementary grades, social studies has been and continues to be marginalized within state curriculum standards, and a continued de-emphasis has been placed upon it by some administration and classroom teachers alike (gross, 1977; hahn, 1977; heafner, et.al, 2006; ochoa, 1981; rock, et al, 2006; vanfossen, 2005). this does not mean the teachers and administrators are “wrong,” it just means the pressures of standardized tests and yearly progress have almost forced schools to reprioritize subject matter. consequently, many teacher teacher candidate perspective 15 candidates enter the higher education classroom with a lack of content knowledge and very little interest for the subject. with the lack of coursework dealing with social studies methods and poor modeling occurring in content related courses, many of the students graduate with the same low level of interest and the ability to teach as they were taught. it appears the social studies clinical course can make a difference: now that i have seen social studies taught in such a way that the students were directly involved with the decision of their learning was so amazing. my previous idea of teaching social studies strictly from a textbook is completely shattered. to me, learning social studies is a part of our everyday lives as we interact with others, work in groups, meet new people, etc. i do not think i am nearly as intimidated or insecure about teaching social studies as what i originally expected i would be. faculty in teacher preparation programs and clinical teachers, especially at the elementary level, have an obligation to instill the passion for social studies and empower teacher candidates with the knowledge and skills to teach social studies in an effective and powerful manner (heafner et al, 2007). with increased usage and availability of technological resources, educators have access to more resources than ever to help make instruction more meaningful and enjoyable for elementary students. there is also a need for increased collaborative efforts with local school districts and community resources, so that an environment of interest in social studies is fostered. a change in the status-quo is greatly needed. it must begin with a triad approach of teacher educators, clinical teachers, and teacher candidates working together to not only emphasize the importance of the social studies in the classroom, but to develop strategies for instruction and planning, and advocate for social studies (mccall, janssen, & riederer, 2008). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 references american psychological association. 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(2009). constrained professionalism: dilemmas of teaching in the face of test-based accountability. teachers college record, 111(4), 1065-1114. http://music-forall.org/documents/cbe_principal_report.pdf current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team teacher candidate perspective 19 executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo peer functioning in children with ad/hd and new directions in the application of interventions peer functioning 1 peer functioning in children with ad/hd: a review of current understanding and intervention options selda ozdemir, phd gazi university, turkey address: gazi university, gazi education faculty special education department teknikokullar 06500 ankara turkey email seldaozdemir@gazi.edu.tr peer functioning 2 abstract this review critically evaluates the existing research literature on the peer relationship problems of children with attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder. empirical evidence suggests that children with the disorder are severely impaired in the social area and strongly rejected by peers. the purposes of this article are to provide a review of key contributing factors to the peer relationship problems of children with ad/hd and to outline intervention options that have been supported as beneficial for children with the disorder. finally, the article provides a framework to understand and address the complex social problems of children with the ad/hd. key words: attention deficit hyperactivity disorder; peer relationship problems; peer rejection; social skills; emotion regulation; interventions. peer functioning 3 peer functioning in children with ad/hd: a review of current understanding and intervention options attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder is the most commonly diagnosed childhood disorder characterized by symptoms of inattention, hyperactivity, and/or impulsivity (dsm-iv; american psychiatric association, 2000; blachman & hinshaw, 2002). international epidemiological studies using standardized diagnostic criteria suggest that 3 % to 7 % of the school-aged population is affected by the disorder (barkley, 2006; peterson, pine-cohen, & brook, 2001). this prevalence estimate means that almost 1 in every 20 children, or at least 1 child per general education classroom, is likely to be identified as having ad/hd (barkley, 2001; barkley, 2006; mcgoey, eckert, & dupaul, 2002; peterson, et al., 2001). in addition to the primary symptoms of the disorder, increased rates of comorbid psychiatric conditions including oppositional defiant disorder (odd) and conduct disorder (cd) (barkley, 2006) and secondary impairments such as academic underachievement and learning problems are commonly reported in ad/hd (dupaul, 2007; farone et al., 1993). social deficits in peer relations including social skills and social performance deficits (maedgen & carlson, 2000; wheeler & carlson, 1994) have been widely noted, as have difficulties in aggression (hodgens, cole, & boldizar, 2000) and emotion regulation (southam-gerow & kendall, 20002). empirical evidence suggest that long term effects for some children with ad\hd include attending fewer years of school, achieving lower overall occupational status such as being ranked significantly lower than control groups (mannuzza, gittelman-klein, bessler, malloy, & lapadula, 1993; weiss & hechtman, 1993) and displaying worse job performance (weiss & hechtman, 1993), and experiencing greater range of social maladjustment and personality problems such as lower self-esteem depressive symptoms, antisocial and criminal status (barkley, 2006; treuting & peer functioning 4 hinshaw, 2001; young, 2002). even those children with ad/hd who are monitored into adolescence and found to be free of psychiatric disorders appear to have some social problems, such as significantly less community and school activity involvement (mannuzza, klein, bonagura, konig, & shenker, 1988). although earlier research has focused primarily on the attentional, academic/learning, and behavioral problems associated with this disorder (dupaul, 2007; farone et al., 1993; treuting & hinshaw, 2001), the social domain is being increasingly accepted as one of critical importance for these youngsters (blachman & hinshaw, 2002; hinshaw, & melnick, 1995; mikami & hinshaw, 2003; stroes, alberts, & van der meere, 2003). the difficulties in the social domain are so common that some investigators have claimed that the phenomenon of disturbed social relations itself should serve as a classifying characteristic of the disorder (landau & moore, 1991; whalen & henker, 1991). indeed, erhardt and hinshaw (1994) argued that social problems of children with ad/hd might be central to an understanding of the psychopathology of these children. the interpersonal behaviors of children with ad/hd are often described as more impulsive, intrusive, excessive, disorganized, engaging, aggressive, intense, and emotional (bagwell, molina, pelham, & hoza 2001; mikami & hinshaw, 2003; stroes, alberts, & van der meere, 2003). thus, they are disruptive to the smoothness of the ongoing stream of social interactions, reciprocity, and cooperation, which is an increasingly essential part of the children’s social lives with others (barkley, 2006). problems caused by inattention and impulse control effect negatively the social performance of children with this disorder in a number of areas. first, they may enter ongoing peer activities in a sudden, disruptive manner. second, their communication style often differs than their typically developing counterparts. children with peer functioning 5 ad/hd have difficulty in following the implicit rules of good conversation (stroes, et al., 2003). they are likely to interrupt others, talk more during spontaneous conversation, pay minimal attention to what others are saying, and respond in an irrelevant fashion to the queries or statements of peers (landau & milich, 1988; stroes, et al., 2003; zentall, 1988). further, studies of language fluency and discourse organization indicate that children with ad/hd are likely talk less and be more dysfluent in response to confrontational questioning (tannock & schachar, 1996).third, these children frequently approach interpersonal problems in an aggressive manner, lose their temper, and become angry quite easily (blachman & hinshaw, 2002; hinshaw, & melnick, 1995; mikami & hinshaw, 2003). thus, arguments and fights with peers are very common among children with the disorder (dupaul & stoner, 2003). being inflexible if another child appeals, having a need to take control of play situations, becoming intimidating, and being stubborn about having things occur the way they want them to happen are other common observable behaviors of children with ad/hd (barkley, 2006). it is not surprising then, that children with ad/hd are rejected at higher rates than are their non-ad/hd peers (blachman & hinshaw, 2002; guevromont & dumas, 1994; johnston, pelham, & murphy, 1985; mikami & hinshaw, 2003). although peer rejection does not, in itself, indicates an externalizing behavior disorder, it is well known that low social status with peers significantly predicts a host of negative outcomes in later life (parker & asher, 1987) and covaries positively with disruptive and particularly aggressive behavior. it is essential to note that, when tracking children diagnosed with ad/hd into adolescence and adulthood, those who ultimately experience the most serious clinical problems (e.g., substance abuse, criminal arrests and incarceration, psychiatric hospitalization) were previously identified as having difficulties with aggression or social relations (mannuzza, klein, bessler, malloy, & lapadula, 1998; parker & asher, 1987; peer functioning 6 young, 2002). researchers have shown that from 45% to 84% of children and adolescents with ad/hd meet full diagnostic criteria for odd alone or with cd (barkley& biederman, 1997; pfiffner et al., 1999; willens et al., 2002). thus, most of these risks seem to be increased further by the coexistence of hostile, conduct disordered behavior patterns, or oppositional defiant disorder (odd), with early onset hyperactive-impulsive behavior (anastopoulos, guevremont, shelton, & dupaul, 1992; barkley, 2006; barkley, fischer, smallish, & fletcher, 2004; stormont-spurgin & zentall, 1995). to make the case worse, researchers have found that children with high ratings in kindergarten on hyperactivity and aggression were more likely than those initially rated average or low on hyperactivity and aggression to have third and fourth grade outcomes of peer rated aggression and self-reported delinquency (vitaro, tremblay, gagnon, & pelletier, 1994). studies reveal that the early onset and persistence of cd symptoms such as lying, stealing, truancy and physical aggression are the hallmark of the later ad/hd+odd/cd (barkley, 2006). overall, evidence suggest that impaired peer relationships is already set into motion by the early years of elementary school and is evident across various measures of peer functioning (hoza et al., 2005). further, impairment in peer relations has been found to persist into adolescence (bagwell, molina, pelham, & hoza, 2001) and young adulthood (murphy, barkley, & bush, 2002). in general, extant data suggest that social problems of children with ad\hd are pervasive and put these children at heightened risk for future social maladjustment (barkley, 2006; landau, milich, & diener, 1998; young, 2002). such children are more likely to develop conduct disorder, to participate in more delinquent or illegal acts as adolescents, and to engage in greater substance experimentation and eventual dependence and abuse than are purely hyperactive or impulsive children (barkley, fischer, edelbrock, & smallish, 1990; biederman et peer functioning 7 al., 1996). indeed, follow-up studies suggest that early peer problems not only indicate concurrent difficulties for the child, but also represent a significant "at risk" marker for later emotional and behavioral disturbance (landau & milich, 1990; macdougal, hymel, vaillancourt, & mercer, 2001). even if the long-term outcome measures did not reveal subsequent adjustment problems, one is left to wonder if children with ad/hd experience the same quality of life as other children (landau & moore, 1991). given protracted nature of the disorder and the attendant long-term risks for a large percentage of children with ad/hd, there is an emerging consensus that peer relationship problems of children with ad\hd should be a crucial target for interventions. this article review the research relevant to the peer relationship problems of children with ad\hd including, emotion regulation deficits, social performance and social knowledge deficits, and aggression. following section provides an overview of the various interventions that have been supported as beneficial for children with the disorder. finally, this paper proposes a system perspective as a framework to understand and address the complex social problems of children with the disorder. emotion regulation deficits cole, michel, and teti (1994) define emotion regulation as processes or strategies used so that successful interpersonal functioning is possible. the construct of social competence is inexorably tied to emotion regulation (saarni, 1999) and emotion regulation skills are essential to healthy social adaptation (eisenberg, 2001; gross & munoz, 1995). eisenberg (2001) argues that more important than having the cognitive ability to understand others’ expression of emotion, social competence involves the ability to adequately manage one’s own experience of emotion while interpreting signals from another. accordingly, children who regulate emotion constructively are rated by their teachers as socially competent and by their peers as attractive peer functioning 8 playmates (eisenberg, fabes, bernzweig, karbon, poulin, & hanish, 1993). the social behaviors of children with ad/hd are suggestive of underlying difficulties with emotion regulation (maedgen & carlson, 2000; melnick & hinshaw, 2000; southamgerow & kendall, 2002). children with ad/hd frequently exhibit increased emotionality, displaying greater degrees of explosive, unpredictable, and oppositional behavior (dupaul, mcgoey, eckert, & van brakle 2001; hinshaw & melnick, 1995). over reactions to minor inconveniences are common, and such children may seem overly aroused when in stimulating situations (guevremont & dumas, 1994; waschbusch, pelham, jennings, greiner, tarter, & moss, 2002). cole, zahn-waxler, and smith (1994) found that levels of negative affect were significantly correlated with symptoms of ad/hd. likewise, peers tend to view these children as more aggressive, inflexible, intrusive, disruptive and annoying (taylor, 1994). in an experimental design, maedgen and carlson (2000) examined emotion regulation problems of children with ad/hd along with their social skills problems. the researchers used an emotion control task that assesses children’s expressive responses to receiving a disappointing prize. findings from the study indicated that children with ad/hd were more intense in their emotional displays (positive and negative) and displayed more positive behavior than children in the other two groups displayed during both a nondisappointing and disappointing period. interestingly, melnick and hinshaw (2000) found that impairment in emotion regulation in children with ad/hd was related to comorbid aggression rather than simply ad/hd symptomatology alone. the researchers reported that children with ad/hd in the highaggressive groups used a less constructive pattern of emotional coping, including overresponsive emotionality and diminished problem solving, than ad/hd children in the low-aggressive groups or non-ad/hd diagnosed children. while more research is needed, the apparent peer functioning 9 differences in emotion regulations skills between aggressive and non-aggressive children with ad\hd has led to the hypothesis that there may be an important distinction in underlying emotion regulation deficits (sandstrom & cramer, 2003). specifically, children characterized by aggression display a distinct profile of social information processes (sandstrom & cramer, 2003). studies have consistently found support for deviant social information encoding, response generation, response selection, and enactment in children with aggressive behavior (dodge & feldman, 1990; dodge & pettit, 2003; sandstrom & cramer, 2003). these distinct social information processes appear to be linked in transactional fashion with problems with emotion recognition, emotion regulation, and aggressive behavior. in a comprehensive review of both biological and psychological factors contributing to aggressive behavior, dodge and pettit (2003) noted that deficient social information processing (sip) likely develops from a series of additive life events that gradually shape a child’s mental representation of the world. early harsh and negative interactions with parents and peers might result in the amplification of social cognitive difficulties. consistent negative interactions with parents and peers, coupled with the gradual alteration of the child’s environment lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy whereby emotional disturbances and aggressive behavior result from biased social cognitive processes and biased environmental factors (dodge & tomlin, 1987). overall, deficits in emotion regulation signify one of the primary areas of impairment in ad/hd which eventually result in various problems in peer relationships (barkley, 1997; hinshaw & melnick, 1995). even though a link has been demonstrated between deficits in emotional competence and the presence of social problems in general (eisenberg, et al., 2001; lemery, essex, & smider, 2002), less work has been done addressing the emotional functioning of children with specific types of psychopathological difficulties (southam-gerow & kendall, peer functioning 10 2002). according to barkley (2006), most children with ad/hd have a disinhibitory deficit, which causes secondary impairments in domains of self-regulation such as emotion. barkley (2006) emphasized that children with the disorder display greater prepotent emotional reactivity to “charged” events and less capacity to regulate emotion/arousal states in the service of goaldirected behavior. certainly, there is a great need to move forward in our understanding of how emotion regulation develops in normative populations and how this process may become atypical in children with ad\hd (southam-gerow & kendall, 2002). information generated by research on children’s emotion regulation strategies eventually may yield reformulated interventions for children with the disorder. such interventions could foster children’s abilities to reinterpret situations cognitively, build awareness of their acts on the negative or uncontrollable aspects of situations, and teach helpful ways of signaling distress (melnick & hinshaw, 1999). social knowledge deficit versus social performance deficit social relationship problems of children with ad\hd can results from two types of deficits: social knowledge and social performance deficits, either of which may be accompanied by inferring problem behaviors such as anxiety and aggression. social knowledge deficit refers to whether an individual knows the appropriate behavior that is called for in a given social situation (landau, milich, & diener, 1998). in contrast, social performance deficit represents the presence of the social skills in a behavioral repertoire but failure to perform these skills at acceptable levels (landau, milich, & diener, 1998; maedgen & carlson, 2000). social performance deficit in children with ad/hd-combined subtype is based on research findings showing that children with ad/hd interact with other people as much as their peers (wheeler & carlson, 1994). because children with ad\hd frequently interact with peers, they arguably have similar opportunities to learn appropriate social behaviors (whalen & henker, 1985; wheeler & peer functioning 11 carlson, 1994). evidence also suggests that children with ad\hd are able to initiate appropriate prosocial behavior. further, according to dupaul and stoner (2003) children with ad/hd-c are able to state the rules for appropriate social behavior as well as their typically developing peers. however, what makes them have problems in social situations is that they often do not act in accord with these rules. this performance deficit is consistent with the hypotheses that children with ad/hd-c are impaired in delaying responses to the environment (barkley, 2006). in his theory, barkley (2006) proposes that children with ad/hd act before they have a chance to think. in fact, studies have found that children with ad/hd-c engage in higher rates of unmodulated behaviors that are often inappropriate in the given context and insensitive to social expectations (e.g.,yelling, running around, or talking at inappropriate times) both as verbal (teasing, commanding) and physical (hitting) (barkley, 2006). evidence suggests that impulsivity and hyperactivity can be the reasons that obstruct a child with ad/hd-c from displaying social knowledge properly (maedgen & carlson, 2000). specifically, impulsivity may effect the social interactions of children with ad/hd negatively by causing them to act without thinking and to have a difficult time waiting their turn in games. consequently, this behavioral style is expected to meet with dislike and subsequent peer rejection (wheeler & carlson, 1994). although it appears that children with ad\hd-i have less severe social problems than children with ad\hd-c, they do present difficulties in social relationships (bachman & hinshaw, 2002; faraone, biederman, weber, & russell, 1998; maedgen & carlson, 2000). rather than being rejected by peers for disruptive or aggressive behaviors, children with ad\hd-i are more likely to be socially isololated, neglected, ignored, and teased by peers (hinshaw, 2002; hodgens et al., 2000: mcburnett et al., 1999). according to wheeler and carlson (1994), children with ad/hd-i may have deficits in both social performance and peer functioning 12 knowledge, whereas children with ad/hd-c type have performance deficits. the researchers further argued that these deficiencies might be differentially mediated by the symptoms typically co-occurring with each subtype. impulsivity and hyperactivity may prevent a child with ad/hdc from using social knowledge appropriately, whereas the anxiety and disorganization that characterize children with ad/hd-i may limit social interactions and thereby restrict acquisition of adequate social knowledge (maedgen & carlson, 2000). if such a pattern is the nature of children with ad/hd-i, they may be too fearful to experience social interactions and therefore have fewer opportunities to learn appropriate social behaviors than children with ad/hd-c (landau, milich & diener, 1998). overall, the distinction is important because it suggests that different interventions may be necessary, depending on whether a child presents with knowledge or performance deficits. if a child lacks competency in the basic skills necessary for social interactions, remediation approaches will focus on skill acquisition. on the contrary, if one finds that child knows, but is unable to judge when to or what specific skills to apply, interventions will emphasize performance. in general, direct instruction, modeling, coaching, and behavioral rehearsal frequently are used to remediate social skills deficits whereas contingent reinforcement, token economies that manipulate antecedents and consequences are beneficial for children with social performance deficits (landau, milich, & diener, 1998). interventions targeting social performance deficits are designed to increase the frequency with which children display the appropriate social behaviors typically by manipulating antecedents and consequences. providing immediate feedback to children with social performance deficits is an especially important part of intervention design. to sum, the distinction between children with ad\hd’s social knowledge and social performance deficits can directly address the risk factors of social failure and rejection peer functioning 13 by peers before children become attached to deviant peer groups that promote antisocial personality disorders (landau, et al., 1998; ozdemir, 2009). aggression aggression has been a popular focus of research for developmental psychology and special education (melnick & hinshaw, 1996). researchers have shown that children with ad/hd display social behavior that is described as disruptive, controlling, trouble-making, and frequently aggressive (melnick & hinshaw, 1996; reid, 1993). the primary features of ad/hd combined with aggression often interfere negatively with a child’s ability to interact effectively with peers, family members, and others (bagwell, molina, pelham, & hoza 2001; dupaul, mcgoey, eckert, & van brakle, 2001). temperamental and behavioral deficits observed in young children with ad/hd interfere with typical social interactions. they demand a great deal of attention from others, with their behaviors often being more intense or forceful than the situation requires (sheridan, 1998). researchers have found that at least one-half of all children with ad/hd are known to have comorbid problems with aggressive conduct (hinshaw, 1987; hodgens et al., 2000; maedgen & carlson, 2000). these children are more likely to propose aggressive solutions to a problem situation and are less able to anticipate negative consequences when compared to non-ad/hd peers (matthys, cuperus, & van engeland, 1999; waschbusch et al. 2002). they frequently misinterpret neutral behaviors as hostile and confrontational, which may prompt an aggressive response (hinshaw, 1987). similar self-distortions were also found in aggressive rejected children (dodge & pettit, 2003). sandstrom and cramer (2003) proposed that aggressive rejected children are particularly prone to engage in biased encoding processes that “protect” them from negative peer feedback. moreover, research has described that children with aggressive behavior not only misinterpret intent but also the degree of aggressive behavior in a peer functioning 14 social situation (dodge & feldman, 1990; hubbard et al., 2001). for example, when involved in an aggressive interaction, children with aggressive tendencies are more likely to underestimate their own level of aggression than are other children. these results suggest that aggressive children misjudge their level of aggression possibly because they over-attribute hostile intention to their peers’ actions thereby justifying aggressive behavior. to make the case worse, aggression is one of the most pervasive social problems for children with the disorder (landau, et al., 1998). researchers showed that 67% of preschoolers at risk for ad/hd with aggression at age 3 continued to have behavior problems when they reached 9 years old (campbell & ewing, 1990). it is also important to note that in various studies, children with ad/hd were rated by their peers as starting fights and arguments more than non-ad/hd children (hodgens, et al., 2000; maedgen & carlson, 2000). in fact, research documented that children with ad/hd tend to be aggressive without an obvious aim except to inflict harm on a peer and are also more likely to be aggressive to obtain something valuable for them, such as to come first in a game (atkins & stoff, 1993). the overlap of ad\hd with oppositional defiant disorder (odd) and conduct disorders (cd) has probably received the most attention of all in the literature on comorbidity in ad\hd (barkley & biederman, 1997; pfiffner et al., 1999; wilens et al., 2002). the comorbidity of odd\cd with ad\hd is often associated with a poorer outcome than either disorder alone. this comorbidity is also a marker for increased levels of symptomatology within each of the disorders making up the comorbid group, and with increased levels of impairment in functioning. for example, individuals with both ad/hd and odd or cd have higher levels of cd/odd symptoms than children with pure cd (hinshaw, lahey, & hart 1993; maughan, rowe, messer, goodman, & meltzer, 2004), greater levels of parental psychopathology, conflictual interactions peer functioning 15 with parents, peer rejection, school problems, and psychosocial adversity (fletcher, fisher, barkley, & smallish, 1996). overall, research suggests that the majority of children with ad/hd experience either social incompetence or aggression, or a combination of both problems (barkley, 2006). it is important to note that the more a child exhibits aggressive behavior or related comorbid disorders, the more challenging the treatment will be (barkley, 2006). although medications may decrease aggressive behavior, children with ad\hd need interventions that promote social competence because medication does not “normalize” the behaviors that lead peer rejection (landau & moore, 1991). hence, practitioners need to understand these comorbid conditions to plan and implement effective interventions. interventions improving behavior in children with ad\hd depends on addressing a range of interrelated issues at the family level, in the classroom and in relation to individual children. in general, most current evidence based treatments for ad\hd include: behavior modification procedures, stimulant medication, the combination of behavior modification and stimulant medication (american academy of pediatrics, 2001), parent training, and social skills training (stormont, 2001). various intervention programs exist but all strive to promote more positive, compliant, and generally prosocial behavior while decreasing negative, defiant, and disruptive behavior in children (shelton et al., 2000). these programs typically include antecedent modifications, skill development, and consequent strategies and focus on peer and family relations, classroom conduct, and school achievement (arnold et al., 1997; bierman, miller, & stabb, 1987; dupaul & weyandtb, 2006). in general, evidence suggests that most of these approaches appear to be acutely effective interventions for children with ad\hd in reducing the peer functioning 16 symptoms of the disorder (dupaul & eckert, 1997; pelham & fabiano, 2007; pelham, wheeler, & chronis, 1998). however, for the majority of children, a long-term intervention that requires the support and commitment of all people who have a close relationship with the children is crucial (dupaul & weyandtb, 2006). despite the increased understanding and awareness about the nature of the disorder, many professionals face the challenges of designing programs that can be easily integrated into children’ life and are practical in use. there remains, therefore, a pressing need to further develop long-term multimodal interventions that are intended to address the complex problems exhibited by this population. behavior modification interventions behavior modification interventions is probably one of the most commonly used interventions in ad\hd (dupaul & eckert, 1997; dupaul & weyandtb, 2006; pelham, wheeler, & chronis, 1998). these interventions focus on manipulating the environment to decrease inappropriate behavior and increase appropriate replacement behaviors (reid & maag, 1998). behavior modification interventions typically involve a functional behavior assessment to determine the target behaviors, training parents and\or teachers in behavior management techniques, reinforcement contracts for home and school, and daily reinforcements and consequences. token reinforcement and response cost procedures are the most universally employed set of classroom management techniques in reducing disruptive, off task behavior and enhancing work productivity (fiore, becker, & nero, 1993). token reinforcement involves awarding or removing tokens or points to children contingent upon specified desirable behaviors. these tokens or points are collected and exchanged later for activities, objects, or privileges (carbone, 2001). a token economy may or may not include a response cost procedure (barkley, 2006), which involves the loss of privileges, tokens or points contingent upon inappropriate peer functioning 17 behavior. it is widely accepted that behavior modification interventions can be of great value for children with ad\hd because children with the disorder need more structure, more frequent and powerful reinforces to act appropriately, more consistent and immediate negative consequences to avoid a fine, and accommodations of school work to address slow work style (dupaul & eckert, 1997; dupaul & stoner, 2003; maag, 1999; pelham, et al., 1998). pertinent to this point, existing empirical support for token programs and the practical use of these programs with a wide range of problem behaviors have led to their widespread use in school settings (rowland, umbach, stallone, naftel, bohlig, & sandier 2002; mcgoey & dupaul, 2000; dupaul & eckert, 1997). according to barkley (2006), behavioral interventions can be effective in managing the ad\hd symptoms, because the severity of the symptoms and that of comorbid conditions are very sensitive to environmental variables. medications in addition to behavior modification interventions, pharmacological interventions with stimulant medication are also widely used to treat ad\hd. it is estimated that over 1.5 million school age children in the u.s. annually may be using stimulants for behavior management (zito et al., 2003). interestingly, research suggests that adolescents and adults meeting criteria for ad\hd are being increasingly prescribed for stimulants due to the persistence of the symptoms across multiple domains of life into adolescence and adulthood (conner & steingard, 2004). not surprisingly, the use of medication in children with ad\hd has been the subject of some controversy and increased public concern. despite remarkable popularity of pharmacological treatment of the disorder, not all children benefit from medication, and even those who do still do not “normalize” in their social relationships (barkley, 2006). in fact, many professionals are hesitant to medicate young children and often remind that the use of psychostimulant drugs for peer functioning 18 the treatment of ad\hd symptoms in young children necessitates serious consideration of risks relative to potential positive effects (kern et al., 2007). supportive of this view, some data suggest that the nature and severity of side effects may vary and be more intensive in young children (kouins & greenhill, 2006; wigal et al., 2006). a related concern is that little can be said about the effects of medications on the developing brain as well as long-term side effects (rappley, 2006). although, serious concerns raised by many practitioners and parents remain to be addressed about medicating children with ad\hd, it is particularly challenging to design interventions that will effectively control the symptoms and treat the disorder without using stimulant medications. some practitioners wisely discuss that behavioral interventions, structured preschool experience (kouins & greenhill, 2006; rappley, 2002) social skills training, and parent education are attractive alternatives to medication (dawson, 2007). clearly, this is an area that requires considerable attention and further research. social skills training one of the most widely used psychosocial interventions that directly targets peer relationships is social skills training (sst). social skills training was originally developed for the purpose of enhancing the peer relationships of rejected and neglected children. it is based on the social skills deficit model, which posits that a child’s lack of social skills results in less positive peer interactions and lower social status (bierman & greenberg, 1996; durlak, 1997; grossman et al., 1997; kavale, mathur, forness, rutherford, quinn, 1997; mrug, hoza, & gerdes, 2001; pfiffner, calzada, & mcburnett, 2000). although short-term effects of sst are positive, longterm outcomes reveal discouraging results on social, vocational, and academic measures when it is applied to children with ad\hd (carlson & bunner, 1993; kavale et al., 1997; pfiffner et al., 2000). apparently, the nature of the disorder requires certain changes in both the content and the peer functioning 19 form of the interventions (mrug, et al., 2001). in particular, evidence exists that children with ad/hd-c display performance deficit rather than a skill deficit. in other words, children with ad/hd-c are able to express the socially appropriate rules and behaviors, but they often do not act accord with these rules (dupaul & stoner, 2003). it is important to note that social performance deficits are more complicated to ameliorate than social skills deficits. first, existing sst’s focus on deficits in skills rather than deficits in performance. second, because social performance problems exist across settings, interventions addressing performance problems must be carried out by different individuals in a child’s natural environments (dupaul & stoner, 2003). the other main problem is that most sst programs are designed for children who are apparently rejected without considering the unique topography of each child's performance in the social domain. as hinshaw (1992) noted, social skills problems of children with ad/hd are quite heterogeneous and are not likely to respond to one-size fits all approach. for example, social needs of children with ad/hd-i who are withdrawn and isolated are different than children with ad/hd-c who display hyperactive and impulsive symptoms (wheeler & carlson, 1994). thus, a social skills deficit approach may be applied to the children with ad/hd-i whereas both skills and performance deficit approach may work with children with ad/hd-c when conducting any sst programs. another important area to review is related to the structure of social skills interventions. social knowledge and the acquisition of prosocial behaviors are thought and practiced generally in group therapy formats. however, research indicates that traditional group therapy format do not lead to stable changes in social relationships of children with ad/hd in “real-world” environments (dupaul & eckert, 1994; gresham, 2003). the lack of maintenance and generalization of social skills training become a major problem because of the fact that peer functioning 20 appropriate social behaviors are not essentially prompted by adults and peers on a consistent basis (dupaul & weyandt, 2006; gresham, 2003). indeed, the generalization of the newly acquired skills to other contexts requires their reinforcement across different settings in the child’s natural environment for an enough period of time (mrug, hoza, & gerdes, 2001). essential components of environmental programming may involve teaching parents and teachers to reinforce children to perform the behaviors trained in the social skills sessions and developing contingency management programs at home and at school to prompt trained skills (dupaul & eckert, 1994). therefore, it is critical to accomplish the inclusion of parents, teachers, and peers as crucial members of the “social skills treatment team” for generalization. however, individuals within the child's natural environment such as parents typically have not been involved in intervention programs. providing parents with necessary knowledge and training not only increases the continuity of the program but also, the intensity. indeed, parents are generally with their children more than are teachers; this puts parents in the top position to create difficult behavior environments, or, more constructively, to provide long-term interventions. overall, research supports that parents who are educated in the description, causes, prognosis, and treatment of ad/hd are better able to facilitate behavioral change in their children (dupaul, guevremont, & barkley, 1991). likewise, interventions can be more effective especially with respect to generalization of improved behavior across settings, when parental involvement is combined with social skills training programs. in addition, inclusion of parents in the sst program establishes consistency between the school and home environments (dupaul & stoner, 2003). discussing behavioral strategies, rewards, and limits with parents to ensure continuity of approach to dealing with challenging behaviors between home and school is crucial. in that way, parents can encourage the same skills peer functioning 21 and performance at home and in different peer groups. indeed many children with ad/hd appear to need very strong and intense levels of reinforcement to produce appropriate behavior in certain settings (barkley, 1997; landau & moore, 1991). parents must learn to identify the specific behaviors they want to substitute and then by giving rewards for the new more appropriate behavior, teach the child how to control his actions and reactions (barkley, 2006). this is particularly important for children who have difficulty with anger management. an anger management program focused on adaptive ways of managing anger in children with ad/hd and a behavioral skills training program focused on both social skills and motivation can be used to help children with ad/hd experience more positive social outcomes (stormont, 2001). the other considerable problem is that once a child is rejected, peers cognitive processing of the child behavior becomes biased. in other words, the peers may develop a negative stereotypical perspective of the child, and as a result of their view, the peers may selectively perceive and respond to the stereotype-consistent behaviors (mrug, et al., 2001). thus, social skills interventions not only should work on changing the negative social behaviors of children with ad/hd, but also the interventions should attempt to increase peers awareness of positive changes in a child’s behaviors (mrug, et al., 2001). in order to do that, peers should be allowed to play active roles in every phases of social skills intervention (ang & hughes, 2002). specifically peers can participate in the social skills training sessions as role models and encourage the enactment of positive social behaviors of children with ad/hd (dupaul & stoner, 2003). indeed, research supports that including diverse peer group rather than using only children with disturbed behaviors increases the success of social skills training (ang & hughes, 2002). parent training peer functioning 22 another most widely used form of psychosocial interventions for young children is parent management training (barkley, 2006). studies have shown that parent management training alters parental disciplinary practices, including reducing the frequency of coercive exchanges between parents and children, reduces parenting stress, enhances parental confidence, and improves family relationships (anastopoulos, shelton, dupaul, & guevremont, 1993; bor, sanders, & markie-dadds, 2002; chronis, chacko, fabiano, wymbs, & pelham, 2004). in addition, parents are encouraged to consistently monitor their children to prevent antisocial behavior (e.g., physical aggression) and to prevent accidental injuries associated with impulsive behavior (dupaul & stoner, 2003). positive future outcomes for all children has been associated with stable family environments, consistent discipline, positive parental expectations for their future, positive parents-child relationships, perceptions of competence perceived by parents, and low rates of parental criticism. research indicates that behavioral treatment that teaches parents to modify their reactions to the child’s primary symptoms, should directly alter parental negative responses, and also train parents to increase their positive responses to children (barkley, 2006; wells et al., 2000). however, it is also important to recognize that the use of family relationship as a positive corrective experience in changing the relationship patterns of the child requires insight and support over time (dupaul et al., 2001; podolski & nigg, 2001). family members should learn necessary skills to apply behavioral interventions in a supportive environment and gain knowledge to identify indicators of emerging negative manifestations that will need assessment and intervention modifications (barkley, 2006). observing the child/parent interaction and then coaching parents in providing corrective behavioral interventions can be used via home visits while utilizing an empathic approach to the child and parents. even though extensive research documenting the importance of positive parenting practices in remediating peer functioning 23 children with ad\hd’s social relationship problems (barkley, 2006; dupaul et al., 2001; podolski & nigg, 2001), there is undoubtedly more to the etiological chain. in fact, research has shown that despite the success of training programs for parents of children with ad/hd, improvements in child behavior within the family do not significantly transfer to school or to other environments (anastapoluos, barkley, & shelton, 1996). anastopoulos and colleagues (1996) posit such programs work because they lower parental stress by teaching them to regard disruptive behaviors as less severe than previously thought. for example, the teaching of skills to ignore minor missteps is a common element in parental training programs (barkley, 1997). furthermore, parent training only treats one of the many environments of which a child is a part. research suggests that the key to change is connecting conduct at home with conduct at school while creating a system of communication between the two (goldstein & goldstein, 1998). discussion from an ecological perspective, behavior inextricably interviewed in the complex network of persons and environment (cook & plas, 1984). interventions are most effective when key players from each ecology of the child’s world are involved in the treatment team. according to noam & hermann (2002), an important dynamic in selecting an intervention for at risk young children is that we specifically need programs placed directly in the natural ecology and developmental context where children grow up and that bridge the different worlds that children inhabit. therefore, a key to developing effective interventions for children with ad\hd may be to adopt an ecological perspective, collectively addressing all of the factors that impact a child’s life. within this perspective, it is viewed that three major dimensions of a child’s life may likely to determine the degree of ad\hd symptoms. these dimensions include family, school, and child related characteristics and risk factors. indeed, many researchers strongly argue that the peer functioning 24 use of multiple treatment modalities in ad\hd produces therapeutic benefit greater than the sum of each modality’s contribution (barkley, 2006, stormont, 2001). for example, ozdemir (2006) have examined the effectiveness of the first step to success program on decreasing social emotional and academic problems of turkish children with ad\hd. her findings are particularly important for the current paper because of the focus on implementing a multi-component early intervention program with children with ad\hd. study results revealed that all participant children displayed increased levels of academic engagement behavior and decreased levels of social emotional problems with the introduction of the program and at three months and two years follow-ups. the results of this study indicate compelling evidence that implementing a multi-component early intervention program can yield important benefits for children with ad/hd. in general, research supports that some current treatment approaches, if rigidly applied, could dramatically decrease certain symptoms of ad\hd in short term (barkley, 2006). a multicomponent approach, however, would result in an overall remission of the ad\hd symptoms which could serve as the basis of positive social emotional development (ozdemir, 2006). such an approach would remind us that risk factors to peer relationship problems of children with ad\hd are by no means simple or linear. bowen’s concept of triangles (bowen, 1978) can be used to articulate the dynamic shifts of alliance and discordance that occur among persons and systems. the systems theory implies that all the interior angles of the triangle will influence and be affected by transactional relationships within the triangle. specifically, peer relationship problems of children with ad\hd appear to be in part mediated by family relational variables, school variables, and child related variables and the dynamic relationships between these elements. thus, interventions that link different variables in the family-school-child triangle will peer functioning 25 benefit from a focus on the interactive nature of child problems. conclusion various intervention approaches to ad\hd are reviewed in this study. even though these treatment approaches are all evidence based treatment approaches for treating ad\hd in different settings such as classroom and home, the research findings establishing these interventions generally contrast one of the treatment against a control group, rather than comparisons of their combination. thus, critical questions remain to be answered regarding how different treatment approaches might be best combined into a more meaningful package. furthermore, there is a compelling argument in favor of an increased emphasis on primary prevention efforts because of the heavy burden of suffering of ad/hd and the short-term effectiveness of the interventions (kern et al., 2007; mcgoey et al., 2002). unfortunately, until recently, minimal research has been conducted to help practitioners in identifying and supporting young children at risk for this disorder. it is essential to note that these two critical research gaps emphasize the importance of continuing program of research to develop interventions that better meet the needs of children with ad\hd. further advances in helping children with the disorder in having relationships that are more satisfying with peers depend upon the continued research efforts to address these critical research questions. finally, consideration of a systems perspective may lead to refinement of current intervention models. narrow conceptual models miss the complex nature of the disorder. in contrast, the systems perspective emphasizes that the systems interface and what happens in one system is likely to affect the child’s behavior in the other from such a perspective, interventions would be implemented most effectively with reference to a wider family, school, and child framework. without intervention, children with ad/hd will likely remain frustrated, angry, peer 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(1988). production deficiencies in elicited language but not in the spontaneous verbalizations of hyperactive children. journal of abnormal child psychology, 16, 657-673. zito, j. m., safer, d. j., dosreis, s., magder, l. s., gardner, j. f., & magder, l. s., soeken, k., et al., (2003). psychotropic practice patterns for youth: a 10-year perspective. achieves of pediatrics and adolescent medicine, 157, 17-25. cie template 1 volume 14, number 3 september 28, 2011 issn 1099-839x redefining curriculum integration and professional development: in-service teachers as agents of change sharon price schleigh michael j. bossé tammy lee east carolina university calls for curriculum integration in k-12 mathematics and science have seen nominal results. numerous factors including cycles of practice in teacher development and professional development practices have inhibited the development, dissemination, and implementation of integrated curriculum. this paper examines the characteristics of the professional development standards of both disciplines; considers inherent hindrances to the implementation of integrated curriculum; generates a novel definition for integrated curriculum; argues that the most effective change agent is in-service professional development; and provides guiding notions for effective in-service professional development. keywords: teacher professional development, curriculum integration, teacher education, math education, science education, teacher standards educational discussions, particularly in mathematics and science education, are continually abuzz regarding student learning, classroom pedagogy, and the need for integrated curricula to support both (frykholm & glasson, 2005; furner & kumar, 2007; koirala & bowman, 2003). educational organizations such as the school science and mathematics association [ssma], national council of teachers of mathematics [nctm], american association for the advancement of science [aaas] and national research council [nrc] provide educational leadership to researchers and classroom practitioners in the call for an integrated math and science curriculum. much of the literature and research supporting the integration of mathematics and science curricula is based on real world applications of both subject areas (frykholm & glasson, 2005; rutherford & ahlgren, 1990), the affect of integrated mathematics and science investigations on student motivation and learning through relevant investigations (e.g., frykholm & glasson, 2005; jacobs, 1989; koriala & bowman, 2003) and the belief that integrated investigations promote deeper understandings in both fields (berlin, 1994; george, 1996; mason, 1996). summarily, most rationales in support of integrated mathematics and science curricula argue either that mathematics and science are in some ways similar or that they are complementary. this latter argument is often stated in one of two ways: either “mathematics is the tool through which science is done and science brings a context to mathematics” or “mathematics enhances scientific understanding and vice versa.” in a more recent argument, bossé, lee, swinson and faulconer (2010) state that mathematics and science curricula should be integrated because people learn mathematics and science through similar learning processes. thus, the concern becomes less one of the content of mathematics and science and more about how people learn in the two fields. despite which rationale or call for reform is selected in support of integration, the integration of mathematics and science curricula and instruction are still not commonly seen in our k-12 classrooms and rarely current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 2 attempted in post secondary education courses. a major stumbling block for creating integrated learning opportunities is the environment in which teachers find themselves. the educational community needs to work together to better offer students integrated math-science curricula. unfortunately, multidimensional factors continually hinder the development and application of integrated curricula. herein, many of these factors are considered and, in so doing, this article argues that, to make the change toward integration in mathematics and science curriculum, the fields must first address teacher education through professional development. teaching & learning in integrated curriculum the importance placed upon the need for integrated curricula in mathematics and science has been a consistent theme since the 1930s (lake, 2003). this is evidenced in the abundance of professional publications touting strategies for integration, projects promoting integration, and research indicating effective learning through integrated curricula. for example, research suggests that: by integrating mathematics and science, students are more likely to find relevance in their learning and are thereby more likely to be interested and motivated to engage in classroom learning events (friend, 1985; wolfe, 1990); students will develop a deeper understanding of both subjects as they use science to contextualize mathematics and they use mathematics to explain and model science (mcbride & silverman, 1991); and instructional practices of both mathematics and science education include implementation of inquiry-centered instruction (hamilton et al., 2003) resulting in many similarities in the way that science and mathematics are generally taught. more recently, it has been demonstrated that there are extensive similarities among the processes through which mathematics and science are learned (bossé et al., 2010), including principals of argumentation, models, discovery, exploration and problem solving. these shared processes leading to the doing and learning of mathematics and science lead to the development of deep conceptual understanding of the topic. according to how people learn (nrc, 1999) there are three essential components of powerful teaching and learning: active inquiry; in-depth learning; and performance assessment. exemplars and discussions provided in how students learn (nrc, 2005) also support an integrated curriculum. these exemplars specifically demonstrate that while the teaching of abstract principles does not provide a bridge for changing misconceptions, abstract principles taught along with quantitative relations or applications in observation and exploration can effectively teach science and math concepts. the totality of these publications argues that integrated curriculum is effective in student learning. addressing these concerns, many national organizations leading the charge in educational reform of mathematics and science have focused on the implementation of integrated curricula. this call is manifested in documents such as the national science education standards (nrc, 1996) and project 2061 (aaas, 1990, 2009). integrating mathematics and science instruction mathematics and science are most often thought to be the easiest of subjects to be integrated in instruction as the two disciplines are typically viewed as logically connected (aaas, 1990; mcbride & silverman, 1991; pang & good, 2000). related literature has revealed four dimensions of mathematics and science learning and discusses how these dimensions can be used as lenses through which to view professional development programs and revise such into models which more effectively address the integration of mathematics and science. first, recent research has determined that the respective standards for mathematics and science demonstrate significant similarities in learning processes among both disciplines (bossé et al., 2010). this is based on the analysis of the five process standards from mathematics (problem solving, reasoning and proof, communication, connections, and representations) (nctm, 2000) and the 5-es from science (engagement, exploration, explanation, elaboration or extension, and evaluation) (nrc, 1996, 2000). second, the development of a community of learning is identified in each respective domain as crucial for teachers involved in the teaching of science and mathematics (hiebert, gallimore, & stigler, 2002). commonalities in discussions within the nctm and nrc texts regarding social and affective dimensions to learning (bossé et al., 2010), reinforce the importance of student learning through social interaction and community. third, since science and mathematics can both be learned through problem-solving opportunities, the well established four-step problem solving heuristic (understanding the problem, devising a plan, carrying out the plan, and looking back) promoted in the work of polya (1957) can be expanded upon and be applied to reinforce the importance of problem solving in an integrated curricula. problem solving and problem posing are shared core learning experiences within math and science that transform lessons into critical thinking experiences (nrc, 2005) and transforms students into active learners and investigators (nrc, 2005; xia, lu, & wang, 2008). within mathematics and science instruction and learning, problem posing and problem solving are neither separate nor linear; similarly, within integrated mathematics and science instruction, the content of a particular lesson may not have a designated linear path; one transforms into the other and can easily transform back (brown & walter, 2005). while these dimensions may argue that the integration of mathematics and science may be somewhat easier than the integration of other topics, and nearly a century of calls for this integration can be recognized in the literature, there remains a dearth of integrated mathematics and science curricula and educational experiences in the redefining curriculum integration and professional development: in-service teachers as agents of change 3 classroom. two primary reasons may be ascribed to this disconnect: inconsistent definitions for integrated curriculum and environmental factors inhibiting the implementation of integrated curricula. these issues are considered in the following discussions. definition of integration since the 1930s, progressive educators have advocated for an integrated curriculum, sometimes identified as the “core curriculum” (vars, 1987). their arguments were often based on the work of piaget, dewey, bruner and others who held holistic views of learning and constructivist theories (lake, 2003). in an argument for an integrated curriculum to improve education, dressel (1958) defined integrative curriculum as planned learning experiences which provide learners with solid instruction in one field while developing their understanding of new relationships through other topical structures. unfortunately, the term “integrated curriculum” is generally not well defined, even among organizations who tout the importance of curriculum integration. no particular global definition for integrated curriculum seems to have taken sufficient hold to support the efforts of individual groups. therefore, identifying what curriculum integration means for any dimension of education is not readily accomplished. compounding the difficulty of defining integrated curriculum are the myriad of seemingly synonymous terms used in the place of “integration” (lederman & niess, 1997); among others, these include: interdisciplinary, multidisciplinary, transdisciplinary, thematic, integrated, connected, nested, shared, webbed, threaded, immersed, networked, blended, unified, coordinated, and fused (bossé et al., 2010). the employment of such extensive vocabulary regarding integrated curricula has made the discussion, development, and implementation of integrated curricula in the schools unnecessarily complex and may have significantly hindered the progress of educational reform in this direction. a novel definition berlin and white (1992) report on the difficulty of the consensus in defining integration. in an interest to improve science and math education, the national science foundation (nsf), the school science and mathematics association (ssma) and the johnson foundation, invited community members, experts and leaders in science, math and education to develop a single working definition. after several days of deliberation, and without complete consensus, berlin and white report on the working definition of integration as the fusion of “…mathematical methods in science, and scientific methods into mathematics, such that it becomes indistinguishable as to whether it is mathematics or science (p. 341).” unfortunately, this definition seems overly philosophic to be educationally pragmatic in either curriculum development or instructional practice. recognizing when a classroom learning experience “becomes indistinguishable as to whether it is mathematics or science” may be nonsensical to most curriculum developers and classroom teachers. thus, while the expert’s definition may be philosophically dense and provocative of rich and valuable discussion regarding integration, it may be educationally unusable, manifesting a disconnect between practitioners and curriculum developers. it may be argued that a definition of this form leads to greater confusion, lack of coherence, and a stymieing of the efforts it hopes to promote. in this paper we pose a new definition for curriculum integration which we argue is more usable by educators: recognizing the strengths, weaknesses, commonalities, and distinctiveness among two or more fields of study, an integrated curriculum uses each field in the experiential learning of the other(s). integrated curriculum is designed to allow students to simultaneously experience these fields of study in such a manner that students both do and learn important content and concepts in each of the respective subjects and glean further understanding from the gestalt formed among the subject matters. notably, this generic definition can be beneficial to educators interested in integrating any number of subject matters. to make this definition more specifically directed to the integration of mathematics and science, we offer the following working example of the preceding definition: in respect to mathematics and science, integration is not simply recognition that mathematics and science are complementary or that mathematics is a tool for science and science is a context for mathematics. integrated mathematics and science should not always begin with a scientific investigation which is then solved mathematically. truly integrated instruction may begin with a problem scenario posed in either subject, pass through either subject in investigatory phases, and find a resolution in either subject all the while ensuring that neither subject is subservient to the other and that the level of content and conceptual coverage in both areas is at least commensurate with that which would be covered in standalone subject matter courses. to exemplify this definition, we offer the following scenario of a professional development workshop offered to math and science middle grade teachers. the classrooms reaching enquiry through astronomy & telescope education (create) workshop focuses the learning on an integrated approach for math and science. teachers build a 4.5 inch mirror telescope from scratch as they learn about the concepts of light. as an introduction, they are given several kinds of lenses and mirrors and asked to observe how they each provide a different kind of observation. teachers talk about the properties of light and discuss the placement and relationship of the lenses and current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 4 mirrors in order to build telescopes. they are then introduced to two types of telescopes (reflecting and refracting). teachers are directed to think about how they might build a reflecting telescope with the mirrors and to determine how they would need to redirect light from a secondary mirror to an eyepiece (science concept). they discuss methods of determining the length of the focal point (science concept), the exact placement of the eyepiece (math concept) and have to convert units between inches to metric (math concept) because the materials are manufactured and sold in different units. the lesson is simultaneously about focal length, the behavior of light in respect to mirrors, performing mathematical calculations and conversions, and algebraic and geometric concepts. the teachers make their plans as to where to cut holes and locate the mirrors in the tubes and argue in support of that placement based on their methods of determining the cut (science and math processes). the discussion is both mathematical and scientific in nature. as the teachers discuss the cuts and placement, they argue over what is actually measured and how that is represented in the equations that they decide appropriately model their understanding. they argue about what it means for the focal length to meet at a given point and why the light should bend or reflect on the secondary mirror at a given point. they argue how the positioning of the mirror changes the calculations for the placement of the eyepiece and the length of the tube. before any actual cutting takes place, they find several ways to model their ideas and try to convince others of the soundness of their measurements and understanding of light and mirrors. when the teachers have agreed and completed their task of placing the eyepiece, they are asked to explain what to do if the tube was shorter or if the mirror had a different focal length (a combined math and science conceptual confirmation). differentiating both this generic definition of integrated curriculum and the mathematicsand sciencecentric concretization of such from the nsf’s definition is an issue of distinguishability. while the nsf’s definition for curricular integration denotes that the subjects in question become so thoroughly integrated that one becomes indistinguishable from the other, the definition and example provided in this discussion embraces the fact that any two subject areas have sufficient distinctiveness such that one subject can accentuate the interaction with, and learning of, the other subject. furthermore, rather than simply stating that methods from two subjects can become indistinguishable, this new definition seeks to emphasize that instructional investigations in integrated curricula between two subjects may be initiated alternately with an inquiry from one or the other subject, use either subject in the investigation of the problem scenario, and be finally resolved in either one of the subject areas. altogether, denoting the two subjects as a and b, this can lead to the following variations in the problem posing-problem solving-solution sequence of the process: aaa, aab, aba, abb, baa, bab, bba and bbb. thus, from only two subjects, at least eight scenarios are possible in solving a problem in an integrated curriculum – although some may argue that combinations such as aaa and bbb fail to exemplify integrated models. if the problem solving process is understood to include a greater number of processes, the possible combinations of these sequences grow very rapidly. the previous scenario (create project) is an example of a sequence of aabbab; a reflection of a nesting of integration (fogarty, 1991). with a solidified understanding of, and unified definition for integration, curriculum development and applications have a greater possibility of affecting education reform, curriculum development, and classroom practices. this understanding of integrated curriculum can be the foundation upon which future professional development can be launched. perpetuation of traditional learning environments & approaches numerous factors work in tandem to further inhibit the development and implementation of integrated curricula in k-12 schools. among others, these include environmental factors, the current framework of state standards and high stakes testing in k-12 schooling, and collegiate pre-service educational programs. most importantly is the issue of pragmatic compartmentalization in the learning and teaching of mathematics and science. some of these dimensions are expanded upon in the following discussions. teacher experiences as with students, what teachers bring to the classroom is built upon prior knowledge (bramald, hardman, & leat, 1995; carin, bass, & contant, 2005); what teachers have previously learned, their own beliefs and ideas, and their previous experiences in education will affect what they will learn and what they will teach (loucks-horsely, love, stiles, mundry, & hewson, 2003). like all learners, teachers need to have their knowledge integrated (davis & krajcik, 2005). however, virtually all teachers are the products of educational systems in which mathematics and science were compartmentalized and segregated. thus, k-12 students envisioning entering education as a career are already programmed and predisposed to recognizing the separation of mathematics and science in the schools and curricula. upon entering the teaching profession, novice teachers return back to an environment where segregation of mathematics and science instruction is prevalent. unless participating in relatively unique projects, most teachers will only see minimal examples of science and mathematics integration throughout their entire careers. intensifying the problem, state standards in all subject areas are written in isolation with no reference or use of common language regarding integration. teachers are mandated to teach their individualistic state standards under the pressure of high stakes testing. this forces teachers to focus their redefining curriculum integration and professional development: in-service teachers as agents of change 5 curriculum on their tested content, causing teachers to adopt instructional strategies to increase student test scores (cimbricz, 2002; marchant, 2004; paris & urdan, 2000), increase their instructional time spent on test preparation, use instructional and assessment approaches more likely to resemble the tests (marchant, 2004), and avoid both topics that are not covered by the tests and innovative teaching methods (cimbricz, 2002), such as integration. teachers, especially novice teachers, are likely to perceive subject integration as impractical in light of accountability to standards and high stakes testing. drake and burns (2004), argue that teachers’ misperceptions of their inability to work with integrated curricula to meet the requirements of high stake testing while addressing student standards is partially attributable to their unfamiliarity of other disciplines’ content and standards: teachers who teach math are not likely to have a strong understanding of science or science teaching standards. however, if teachers were exposed to learning about content and teaching standards in multiple subjects and to understanding those subjects, they could more easily identify how to chunk the standards into meaningful clusters both within and across disciplines (drake & burns, 2004). some might argue that integration is occurring in elementary schools, since elementary teachers are responsible for teaching all subjects. while the elementary grades may seem like an optimal opportunity to teach through integration, elementary teachers almost universally teach segregated topics, aligning discrete class times to discrete subjects (e.g., english, math, and science) each day (lewis, 2010). many elementary teachers teach science only once a week or during one quarter and even when elementary teachers think they are integrating science and math, they are most likely lacking the conceptual connections between subjects and instructional strategies that promote integration (douville, pugalee & wallace, 2003). altogether, the status quo for teacher experiences creates a block to teachers having the experiences necessary for them to understand and implement integrated curriculum in their classrooms. pre-service teaching experiences sandwiched between these two k-12 educational experiences of student and teacher are the few years of preservice teacher development programs. unfortunately, preservice programs rarely do much to foster an understanding of the core processes (i.e., the nature of science) (lederman, 2006). the value and application of integration of mathematics and science instruction, when addressed in a pre-service program is likely to be perceived as contrived (cady & rearden, 2007). when pre-service teachers begin their collegiate pursuits, identification of mathematics or science is placed on respective plans of study. each plan of study is usually heavily weighted in content and methods specific to either field. while some pre-service programs allow students to be certified in one subject area and encourage students to choose a concentration that requires more content and methods in another subject, this is not a universal programmatic design. a query for integration and course requirements for elementary teacher programs in a national association for research in science teaching [narst] and association of science teacher educators [aste] listserv returned a rare case when integration was purposefully designed and in which content courses were heavily loaded in the program requirements for elementary pre-service teachers. many certification programs for elementary education require little more than a single mathematics or science content course with one methods course. exacerbating the balkanization of mathematics and science seen in the k-12 educational setting, collegiate preservice content courses are even more emphatically segregated. mathematics and science content areas are generally in different departments and the rare purposefully planned integrated courses are not likely to be effectively integrated experiences by students (cady & rearden, 2007). additionally, dual certification in math and science was rarely connected to the notion of integration; rather students were required to complete disjointed coursework to increase the disconnected understanding of science and math content. returning to the premise that the greatest majority of teachers are predisposed to teach in a manner similar in which they have themselves experienced learning, it is dubious if our future teachers will implement integrated curricula. since few classrooms or programs actually engage students in an integrated learning environment, those entering into our teacher education programs will not have the experiences upon which to build their teaching skills and pedagogy in a manner that includes integration. most teachers enter the profession experiencing approximately seventeen years in classrooms where learning has been compartmentalized and science and mathematics instruction has been lecture-based or teacherdemonstrated. during student teacher internships, preservice teachers visit the classrooms of expert teachers, observe topically segregated instruction and curriculum, witness lecture-based instructional techniques, and infrequently observe integrated curricular practices. without some change in the experiences and preparation of teachers, future teachers cannot be expected to teach in an integrated manner. based on factors which perpetuate the status quo and the fact that both the k-12 system and university pre-service system are simultaneously monolithic and immutable, it seems unlikely that efforts to make changes in our educational curricula will occur at the k-12 and pre-service education levels. although research continues to demonstrate that integration of math and science are important in teaching and learning, this research does not seem to be reaching and affecting students, classrooms, and practicum experiences of pre-service teachers (beck & kosnik, 2002) and the philosophy of teaching and learning supported by research current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 6 is not reaching campus programs and practicum experiences (darling-hammond, 1999; zeichner, 1996). these educational institutions (k-12 education and preservice teacher programs) have historical relationships to philosophies, politics, procedures and structures that are difficult to change. on the other hand, institutions for professional development remain less formalized in their relationships with political bodies, such as professional organizations and accreditation agencies, and are consequently easier to evolve and change. therefore, in order to break this perpetuation of the traditional cycle of teaching and learning, educational designs need to provide teachers with the necessary experiences to promote integrated thinking and practices. it seems most reasonable that in-service teacher professional development be targeted as the primary point of intervention to provide teachers these pro-integration experiences. in addition, it has become more acceptable for research faculty to be involved in professional development designs (darling-hammond, 1999) which further promote opportunities for the research supporting integration to reach the practice of teachers. the remainder of this paper addresses in-service teacher professional development and provides ideas to promote the integration of mathematics and science instruction. focus on professional development at this point, it may seem that professional development is being promoted as the solution to increasing integration of mathematics and science in k-12 education. however, professional development itself also contains inherent hindrances to the dissemination of integrated curriculum. thus, before considering the benefits of professional development in this goal, its weaknesses are investigated. weaknesses of professional development prior to considering the nature of professional development needed to promote integrated curricula in mathematics and science, the authors thought it appropriate to investigate the recommendations, standards, and goals for professional development provided by various leading organizations which are recognized as pertinent to this discussion. standards are lists and descriptions of benchmarks and milestones which form the specifics of goals that lead to the vision or mission (loucks-horsley et al., 2003). the standards documents included in this investigation are: nctm (1991), nrc (2000) from the developers of the science standards for teachers through the national science teachers’ association [nsta], nbpts (2004), and nsdc (2001). altogether, these documents consider mathematics, science, pre-service, and in-service teacher education and hold the imprimatur of their respective organizations. therefore, throughout this paper, the association is considered synonymous with its respective publication. although other organizations address standards for teacher education (e.g., mathematical sciences education board [mseb] and interstate new teacher assessment and support consortium [intasc]), analysis was delimited to these four documents and organizations as they specifically offered standards for teacher professional development, are highly respected among math and science education fields, and are a fair representation of the guidelines used to structure and design professional development in math and science. the national council for accreditation of teacher education [ncate], another leading organization that offers standards for teacher education related to professional development, provides guidance for teacher education entities and professional development schools which paralleled recommendations from the four selected documents. since this study intended to evaluate professional development in respect to integrated curriculum rather than professional development schools, the simultaneous finding of redundancy and the misalignment of professional development schools versus professional development itself allowed for this investigation’s omission of ncate’s standards without the loss of the study’s integrity or completeness. loucks-horsley et al. (2003) identify four areas of goals which are essential for professional development, if professional development is to be linked to student achievement: student learning, teacher learning, teaching practice, and the organization. among all standards from the four documents investigated, these four themes, along with an additional theme related to community centered goals (found in nbpts and nsda), were readily recognized. however, analysis found that the goals for teacher learning and teacher practice were often combined in such a way that discerning a distinction was difficult. for example, the nbpts standard that “teachers think systematically about their practice and learn from experience” is focused on both teacher learning and teacher practice. therefore, this study combined teacher learning and teacher practice goals to form a teacher-centered goal. each of the four sets of documentary standards were analyzed and compared regarding their respective emphasis on four foci (student-centric, teacher-centric, programmatic-centric, and community-centric) according to the number of individual goals described by each set of standards. a synthesis of this analysis is represented diagrammatically in figure 1. while the standards from the four organizations display a broad panorama of the many concerns which must be filled in order for professional development to be successful, the inconsistency among organizations and the varying emphases of foci may make it difficult for professional developers to create programs which will accomplish all these goals. table 1 provides an alternate summary of the findings in figure 1. together, figure 1 and table 1 indicate that each organization focuses their standards more toward one theme than any of the other themes and that none of the organizations agrees entirely with the emphases of goals redefining curriculum integration and professional development: in-service teachers as agents of change 7 nctm the teacher’s role in professional development nctm developing as a teacher of mathematics nctm knowing students as learners of mathematics nctm experiencing good mathematics teaching (modeling) nrc the coherence and integration of professional development programs nrc the development of the understanding and ability for lifelong learning nrc the learning of science content through inquiry studentcentric goals programmatic goals nbpts teachers are committed to students and their learning nbpts teachers know the subjects they teach and how to teach those subjects to students nctm knowing mathematics and school mathematics knowing mathematical pedagogy nrc the integration of science knowledge w/learning, pedagogy, and student knowledge nbpts teachers are responsible for managing and monitoring student learning nbpts teachers think systematically about their practice and learn from experience teachercentric goals nsdc content deepens educators’ content knowledge, provides them with research-based instructional strategies to assist students in meeting rigorous academic standards, and prepares them to use various types of classroom assessments appropriately nsdc content prepares educators to understand and appreciate all students, create safe, orderly, and supportive learning environments, and hold high expectations for their academic achievement nsdc process uses disaggregated student data to determine adult learning priorities, monitor progress, and help sustain continuous improvement nsdc content provides educators with knowledge and skills to involve families and other stakeholders appropriately nsdc process prepares educators to apply research to decision making nsdc process uses multiple sources of information to guide improvement and demonstrate its impact nsdc process uses learning strategies appropriate to the intended goal nsdc process applies knowledge about human learning and change nsdc context organizes adults into learning communities whose goals are aligned with those of the school and district nsdc context requires resources to support adult learning and collaboration nsdc process provides educators with the knowledge and skills to collaborate nsdc context requires resources to support adult learning and collaboration nbpst teachers are members of learning communities nsdc context requires skillful school and district leaders who guide continuous instructional improvement communitycentric goals figure 1. foci of respective organizational recommendations for professional development. table 1 numeric breakdown of foci in professional development standards for respective organizations goals _____________________________________________________ organization teacher student communityprogram centric centric centric centric___________________________________________________________________ nctm 5 2 0 1 nrc 1 3 0 1 nbpts 2 3 1 0 nsda 2 2 6 4 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 8 proposed by the other organizations. for example: nctm has five goals that are specific to teacher-centered needs, while nrc only has one; nsdc has six goals focused on community needs, while the nctm and nrc have no goals in that theme; and nbpts has zero programmatic goals, while the nsdc has four. this inconsistency can be problematic for the developers of professional development. for instance, while professional development coordinators in mathematics will design their programs to meet the goals and emphases provided by nctm, these programs may not support the same emphases in goals for science educators who will work to design goals provided by the nrc. thus, they will feel compelled to offer separate professional development programs to meet their field’s respective needs and may miss the opportunity to design professional development which fulfills a more global set of goals. beyond the inconsistencies in foci among standards from the four organizations, curricular integration is a focus in none of the standards documents. thus, even if any educational enterprise successfully created a professional development program which fulfilled all the standards of the four organizations, curriculum integration may still not be valued. the finding of the four foci emphasized in the standards documents may further speak to why integrated curricula are so problematic to implement in k-12 schools. for example, it may be that one organization emphasizes teacher-centric components because they feel that teachers need more development in that area than other foci; or an organization may believe that emphasis on one particular focus is more essential in positively affecting student achievement. in either case, this reflection of differing philosophies or perceived needs may interfere with subject matter integration in classroom instruction. summarily, the status quo for the vast majority of professional development for mathematics and science education may inherently possess a greater number of obstacles to curricular integration between the two fields than it does to facilitate such. only if professional development is revisioned and reconfigured can it make a positive impact on the field. this is addressed in the following discussions. the positive side of professional development while professional development may necessarily differ across k-12 grade levels, it is herein argued that inservice professional development provides a sufficiently positive and nuanced platform to appropriately meet respective needs of classroom teachers and break the cycle of experience and teaching that has previously prevented integration between science and mathematics education. in-service professional development is the point of intervention that is most likely to have an effect in changing teaching practices and experiences and change the nature of k-12 mathematics and science instruction toward a model which includes greater curricular integration. however, to alter professional development into successful models, new frameworks and rationales must be considered upon which to create these professional development projects. a number of these rationales are addressed sequentially. promoting educational change through inservice professional development. it was previously mentioned that altering either the k-12 educational system or pre-service teacher education programs toward integrated curricular models is extremely difficult. thus, no opportunity for promoting the changes in teacher understanding, skills, and beliefs, may be as ripe for actualizing these changes as is the in-service professional development of mathematics and science teachers. while practicing mathematics and science teachers have most likely learned how to teach math and science in a compartmentalized manner, using their in-field experiences, professional development programs can address what these teachers recognize is working and what is not. pre-service teachers rarely have sufficient experiential bases to recognize instructional strategies which are more or less successful. in-service professional development leaders can introduce an integrated teaching approach to practitioners, demonstrate a correlation between integrated learning experiences and student outcomes, and address teacher beliefs about the importance of integrated curricula and instructional practices. teachers acquire new knowledge by constructing it for themselves (carin et al., 2005; hiebert et al., 2002; loucks-horsely et al., 2003) and when they can share their knowledge with colleagues and the public (hierbert et al., 2002). professional development can situate teacher learning and experience regarding integrated curricula in their own classroom contexts which they find to be more meaningful and relevant (hiebert, et al., 2002; louckshorsely et al., 2003). thereby, as a result of in-service professional development, practicing teachers are able to experiment with different instructional strategies in their classrooms. possessing experience in assessing student learning, in-service teachers can identify what changes students may experience when the instructional approach changes and in-service teachers will have experience in implementing, interpreting and addressing results from assessments; this affords them the expertise to identify apparent changes in teaching effectiveness and learning, further confirming or denying the effectiveness of the implementation of an integrative curriculum. novice teachers. another rationale for focusing educational change through in-service professional development is related to teacher experiences with classroom management. novice teachers focus most of their attention in their decisions for instructional practice based on classroom management (berliner, 1988; veenman, 1984). although they may be taught to implement strategies that promote inquiry and integration, they will not transfer this knowledge into practice because they are uncertain as to how to address classroom redefining curriculum integration and professional development: in-service teachers as agents of change 9 management while simultaneously focusing on novel instructional practices (feiman-nemser, 2001). in-service teachers are more likely to have developed strategies that allow them to have a strong classroom management plan which permits them an opportunity to focus on the instructional decisions that impact their instructional delivery. some novice science and mathematics teachers feel that, when implementing instructional techniques which focus on either inquiry-based instructional or the integration of mathematics and science, they don’t sacrifice classroom control, removing themselves from the focus of instruction (fogarty, wang, & creek, 1983). more experienced teachers are less likely to be discomforted by these experiences. the teaching cycle. due to the impact and connection that practicing teachers have on both grade school students and pre-service teachers, addressing a change in practice with practicing teachers affects the entire cycle of teaching. because teachers learn by watching other teachers (feiman-nemser, 2001), most pre-service teacher education programs require an internship through which pre-service teachers observe how experienced educators teach, write, implement lesson plans, and use curricula. as pre-service teachers observe effective and experienced in-service teachers employ integrated curricula and instruction, greater possibility grows that pre-service teachers will later use the skills and techniques associated with integrated curricula which they observed. this cycle of teaching practice impacts the grade school students who may later decide to enter into education. if teachers are not providing an integrated learning experience, k-12 students become trained to think compartmentally and may have difficulty thinking about teaching and learning in an integrated manner. some studies suggest that students cannot transfer their learning from one subject to another (perkins, 1991) and they may resist the change of learning from the compartmentalized teaching to the integrated teaching. students may be even more resistant to change from compartmentalized instruction to integrated learning if they had previously found some degree of success in the former. with these forces in place, while novice teachers may abandon implementing the changes needed to implement integrated curricula, experienced teachers are more likely to feel confident about their teaching, make necessary modifications of such, and find support strategies as needed to help their students through the stress they may feel with a new learning environment. although experienced teachers often do not conduct research on student misconceptions (hiebert et al., 2002), with the support of researchers providing professional development and the teachers’ classroom experience, in-service teachers are more likely to be able to identify student misconceptions. in-service teachers can draw upon their experiences to know what kinds of strategies to implement to address and challenge those misconceptions. this knowledge and skill are developed through improving a teacher’s pedagogical content knowledge (pck). studies show that pre-service programs do little to change a teacher’s pck and their pck does not change for the first three years of practice (luft & roehrig, 2004). this is primarily because the early career teacher is focusing on the stresses of the job and because pck is developed with teaching experience, not through instruction (lee, brown, luft, & roehrig, 2007). to be able to teach an integrated curriculum, a teacher would need to have pck specific to both mathematics and science. while it is unlikely that a teacher would have a well developed pck for both mathematics and science (since they are most likely trained in either but not both), it would be less difficult for an expert, practicing teacher with a well developed pck of at least one of these areas to integrate the lesson and learn to develop the other area of pck. in addition, it is unlikely that novice teachers will be comfortable teaching what they do not feel they know. many researchers suggest that beginning teachers tend to rely more heavily on one domain of knowledge rather than drawing simultaneously from all domains, as is the case with in-service or expert teachers (ball & bass, 2000; davis & krajcik, 2005; grossman, 1990). this supports that inservice teachers are more likely comfortable with trying new approaches, and are more likely to implement an integrated curriculum that requires more than one domain. a new model for professional development having argued that integrated mathematics and science curriculum is both needed and woefully lacking in k-12 schools and that the most effective timing of teacher support which will most positively affect the implementation of integrated curriculum takes the form of in-service professional development, it must be questioned what unique features or characteristics this professional development must take. the following bullets provide some guidance for a novel framework for in-service professional development which will lead to the integration of mathematics and science instruction. general recommendations for all in-service professional development ■ professional development should utilize teachers’ classroom experiences in school settings while developing a community of learning among the participants. ■ professional development should be student-centric, teacher-centric, program-centric, and communitycentric. it should not simply consider how it affects classroom teachers, it should consider how the students and community are affected through the professional development and consider the effectiveness of the professional development as a whole. ■ professional development should attempt to affect the teaching cycle. whenever possible, experienced teachers should be partnered with pre-service teachers in authentic instructional and practicum scenarios. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 10 this assists in molding the next generations of teachers and showing them the best instructional models as understood through the eyes of the classroom teacher. ■ professional development should occur after teachers are no longer novices and before they become professionally unalterable. recommendations for professional development in respect to integrated curriculum ■ professional development should focus on problem posing and problem solving in both areas of study. ● investigations should not always begin in one field and be solved in the other. ● problem scenarios should be posed in either subject, pass through either subject in investigatory phases, and find a resolution in either subject. ● problem scenarios should ensure that neither subject is subservient to the other. ● the level of content and conceptual coverage in both areas should be at least commensurate with that which would be covered in standalone subject matter courses. ■ mathematics and science must be understood as both separate and interconnected fields. professional development must help teachers develop pck in both fields. ■ employing the definition for curriculum integration previously espoused, professional development should: ● recognize the strengths, weaknesses, commonalities, and distinctiveness among two or more fields of study; ● use each field in the experiential learning of the other, and ● allow the teachers and their respective students to simultaneously experience these fields of study in such a manner that they both do and learn important content and concepts in each of the respective subjects and glean further understanding from the gestalt formed among the subject matters. conclusions according to our educational leaders, and to the calls for reform in education, our current educational system is broken. the calls for reform suggest that the system be improved upon by developing curricula that is integrated. current research supports similarities among how mathematics and science is learned. in our educational system exists a cycle of teaching which includes students, pre-service teachers, and in-service teachers; each is an important component in enacting changes in the educational system. the most effective change agents in instigating educational reform through curriculum integration rests with experienced teachers for three reasons: (1) k-12 students may someday be educators and will need the experience of this sort of learning environment. (2) preservice educational programs often rely on the internships to help new and upcoming teachers to develop skills, experiences and models of good teaching. if pre-service teachers do not observe and experience integrated curricula, they will have great difficulty in this environment. later in their practice, after becoming comfortable in traditionally segregated curricula, they will become even more reluctant to make changes. they need a contextual view of curriculum while they are learning how to teach math and science (frykholm & glasson, 2005). (3) expert teachers have an understanding of assessments and pck and have developed skills in classroom management that will support their willingness to try new things and their ability to implement new ideas into practice. similarities in learning processes among mathematics and science open new dialogues concerning professional development regarding integrated curriculum. investigations capable of being integrated when necessary and yet distinguishable as distinct pieces, is the most pragmatic approach to view the integration of mathematics and science based on the similarities in learning processes. decisions of distinction should be determined by the best interest of the discipline in respect to learner needs and student achievement in the existing paradigm. it is hoped that educational leaders will collaborate on revising professional development standards that are consistent in meeting essential components of teaching and learning: addressing the importance and value of integration; the issues of high-stakes and standardized testing; and infused opportunities for in-service teachers to engage in and add to educational research. we recommend that the starting point for promoting integrated mathematics and science instruction and curriculum and the necessary supporting professional development should begin in small incremental steps. historically, the greatest success in changing curricular practices has consistently been found to occur when the change desired requires noticeable, sustained effort, but is not so massive that typical users must adopt coping strategies that seriously distort the change (crandall, eiseman, & louis, 1986). references american association for the advancement of science [aaas]. 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(2008). research on mathematics instruction experiment based problem posing. journal of mathematics education, 1(1), 153-163. zeichner, k. (1996). designing educative practicum experiences for prospective teachers. in k. zeichner, s. melnick, & m.l. gomez (eds.), currents of reform in preservice teacher education (pp. 215-235). new york: teachers college press. redefining curriculum integration and professional development: in-service teachers as agents of change 13 article citation schleigh, s. p., bossè, m. j., & lee, t. (2011). redefining curriculum integration and professional development: in-service teachers as agents of change. current issues in education, 14(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/693 author notes dr. sharon price schleigh east carolina university 1001 e 5 th st, flanagan rm 317 greenville, nc. 27834 schleighs@ecu.edu dr. sharon price schleigh is an assistant professor of science education at east carolina university, dept. of mathematics, science & instructional technology education. she was a classroom teacher for over 15 years and has been involved in teacher professional development for 9 years. her research interests include teacher professional development, teacher education, argumentation in science, curriculum development and understanding of the nature of science. dr. michael j. bossè east carolina university 1001 e 5 th st, flanagan rm 329 greenville, nc. 27834 bossem@ecu.edu dr. michael. j. bossé is an associate professor of mathematics education at east carolina university. his research interests include, curriculum, learning, and instruction in mathematics, multiple representations, and mathematics learning connected to language acquisition. ms. tammy lee east carolina university 1001 e 5 th st, flanagan rm 342 greenville, nc. 27834 leeta@ecu.edu ms. tammy lee is a teaching instructor of science education at east carolina university. her research interests include professional development, elementary science education, microbiology, and neuroscience education. manuscript received: 2/01/2011 revisions received: 7/24/2011 accepted: 9/13/2011 mailto:schleighs@ecu.edu mailto:bossem@ecu.edu mailto:leeta@ecu.edu current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 14 volume 14, number 3 september 28, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editor melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors hillary andrelchik joy anderson meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy carol masser leslie salazar jennifer shea alaya swann faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers microsoft word building democratically active citizens through the prefectship system in botswana schools.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x building democratically active citizens through the prefectship system in botswana schools zibisani edwin morapedi batanani secondary school agreement lathi jotia university of botswana citation morapedi, z. & jotia, a. (2011). building democratically active citizens through the perfectship system in botswana schools. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/ abstract the goal of education in countries which regard themselves as democracies is to help develop citizens who can actively participate in the democratic process. today, more than ever before, schools face the challenge of aligning their philosophies to the democratic national principles of the nation-state in order to produce citizens who are active in the democratic process. therefore, this study was undertaken to explore the relationship between democracy and education by investigating the efficiency of the prefectship system (student leadership system where students choose their leaders) in botswana secondary schools. keywords: prefectship system, democracy, education, botswana, democratically active citizens, voter apathy, student representative council (src) current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 about the authors author: mr. zibisani edwin morapedi affiliation: senior teacher-sports, batanani secondary school, mapoka, botswana address: batanani secondary school, private bag 005, ramokgwebana, botswana email: zmorapedi@yahoo.com biographical information: zibisani edwin morapedi is a senior teacher at batanani secondary school who teaches social studies and setswana language. his research interests are in the area of civic education, democracy and education as well as in languages and multicultural education. author: dr. agreement lathi jotia affiliation: lecturer, department of languages and social sciences, university of botswana address: university of botswana, department of languages and social sciences, private bag 00702, gaborone, botswana email: agreementjotia@yahoo.com biographical information: dr. agreement lathi jotia is currently a lecturer at the university of botswana in the department of languages and social sciences education. he has previously taught at ohio university in athens, ohio, usa as well as at the university of central florida in orlando, florida, usa. his research interests are in the areas of democracy and education, education and globalization, politics of developing areas as well as in education and cultural diversity. building democratically active citizens 3 building democratically active citizens through the prefectship system in botswana schools this was a study on the prefectship system in the botswana’s junior secondary schools and how it contributes towards the development of democratically active citizens. the study was influenced by the issue of voter apathy in our general elections as well as the issue of student leadership in schools. according to the independent electoral commission (iec) (2002), youth are not interested in voting during national elections. they do not give the elections or political participation the seriousness it deserves. this therefore raises the feeling that this might be due to the fact that youth are not given enough exposure to be involved in the democratic process at a tender age. as a matter of fact, they are not given the chance to elect representatives or their leaders during their schooling period which ultimately impacts their participation in the democratic process. denying students a platform for political participation in schools emanates from the belief that students are children who within the african ways of child upbringing, children are only supposed to seen and not heard. this is definitely an issue that causes concern because consequently it could escalate the problem of voter apathy in the nation-state. the study therefore sought to investigate whether voter apathy among youth is directly linked to the process of electing prefects in botswana secondary schools or not. ideally, for students’ voices to be heard by school authorities, they have to be represented by their student representative council (src) or prefects. the difference between the two is that prefects are students charged with the responsibility of helping the administration to maintain a friendly and orderly atmosphere amongst the students and in the school in general through guiding and supervising other students. they are found mostly in secondary schools. the student representative council (src) is a more radical body of representatives tasked with the responsibility of representing the interests of the students in tertiary institutions such as colleges current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 and universities. the body is elected by students through the ballot. in all these settings, the representatives are supposed to come into these positions by virtue of being chosen by other students through the ballot and looking at certain qualities in their possession such as the ability to communicate, intelligence, competence and control among others. prefectship system and democratic engagement participatory citizenship demands every member of the community to participate in self governance which ultimately could lead to the building of a strong democracy (barber, 1989 in mckenna, 2000:15). election of prefects is therefore supposed to make students have a feeling of being part of the school organization as well as being exposed to the functions of the democratic process through participation. under such circumstances, it could be argued that the prefectship system can be an ideal mechanism of developing democratically active citizens who do not only hear about democracy but also live it. the situation at hand in botswana secondary schools is that nomination of such students is done by teachers without the input from students. in instances where students are given the chance to submit names of colleagues who they wish to be prefects, teachers usually screen those names and reject those that they think do not possess the right qualifications. this violates the operations of a true democracy and this is certainly a matter that needs attention. such a scenario contributes towards the development of apathetic citizens since they do not partake directly in the ultimate election of their leaders. democracy is about participation. jotia (2008) indicates that the scenario in botswana schools is that the prefects are not representatives of the student body. the student body does not have a last say on who should become their leader. the administration has absolute power to refuse or accept a student leader building democratically active citizens 5 despite the fact that the student body might be having confidence in that individual (p.152). such practice is detrimental to the production of rational and democratic leaders and suppresses the students’ potential to develop into leaders as well as partaking in the national political process. in a sense, under such circumstances, prefects become more of police officers than functionally active democrats representing the student body. jotia (2008) further contends: the prefectship system in place violates democratic practice and is toothless since the students are not involved in the running of the affairs of the institution other than the fact that they supervise meals, studies, cleaning of school environment and reporting wrongdoers to the administration. it is for this reason that i contend that prefects are the eyes and ears of the administration but do not have any powers whatsoever. their decision-making potential is suppressed and generally the school authorities strangle their voices and deny them full exposure to how democracy functions. (p.155) the purpose of having student leadership is to involve the students in the running of the school organization and the consequences should be an improved discipline and helping in the building of a democratically active society. according to thorburn & jenkins (2003, p.37) democracy incorporates strong participatory and deliberative elements in which citizens are engaged at local and national levels in a variety of political activities and regard discourse, debate and deliberation as essential conditions for reaching common ground and arbitrating differences among people in a large multicultural society. in a strong democracy, citizens actually participate in governing themselves, if not in all matters all the time, at least in some matters at a time. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 it is on the basis of the above assertions that we believe this study was crucial in that it addressed some of the key weaknesses regarding the prefectship system in schools and how it affects democratic participation. it is also hoped that this study would contribute towards finding modalities which would help prompt youth’s participation in the national politics through voting. structure of botswana’s education system: junior secondary soon after independence in 1966, botswana focused on the development of a sound and robust education system that fosters the intellectual maturity of citizens so that they could develop identities which will enable them to partake actively in the evolving democratic process. taking into account the fact that the country had just been freed from the chains of colonization, botswana’s education system at primary, secondary and tertiary levels was premised on the principle of education for kagisano (social harmony) which literally meant that the state wanted to build a society different from that of the colonizers which promoted oppression, domination, corruption, greed and socio-economic and political disparities. therefore the education system was driven by a set of national principles (democracy, development, unity and self-reliance) and a combination of these four principles produces the national philosophy of kagisano (social harmony) which embraces the concepts of social justice, interdependence and mutual assistance (national commission on education (nce), 1977: 24). during the early 1990s, the government of botswana added the fifth national principle of botho (humane/good personality) as a guiding principle which will help produce morally and ethically sound citizens. as such, botswana’s education system today is driven by these five national principles and the goal is to develop selfreliant, democratically active and conscious citizens who are development-oriented, morally and ethically good, as well as being able to cherish unity at the same time remaining loyal and patriotic to the state. it is an education system which promotes principles of national building democratically active citizens 7 development, rapid economic growth, economic independence, social justice and a desire for continued learning (curriculum development and evaluation, 2002:1). the basic education programme includes ten years of education (standard 1 through 10 or form 3) and thereafter students have two years of senior secondary school. just to indicate botswana’s zeal to produce educated citizens, in 1985 the government embarked on a large scale programme to increase access to form 1 and increased the number of junior secondary schools from 33 in 1984 to 146 in 1991 and this enabled the enrolments in junior secondary schools to rise from 23 500 in 1984 to 52 866 in 1991 (national commission on education, 1993:140). as of now, there is automatic promotion from standard 7 to form 3, which means even those students who have failed standard 7 are allowed to go on to form 1 through form 3 so that they can attain the basic 10 years of education. however, those who fail to perform well at form 3 do not automatically progress to form 4. according to teaching service management (2004), an ordinary junior secondary school class size ranges from the ratio of 1:45 to a maximum of 1:50 in some extra-ordinary circumstances. currently, the ordinary teacher at a secondary school can teach between 30-45 lessons (periods) per week, senior teachers teach 20, 25 or 30 periods per week depending on their rank of seniority. heads of departments, deputy school heads as well as school heads are not required to teach, their duties are purely administrative. at junior secondary school, students are expected to pay p300.00 (about $42.00) per annum. a normal school day for both boarding and day schools starts at 7:30am and ends at 4:30pm and within that time-period both academic and extra-curricular activities are supposed to be covered. the extra-curricular activities cover inter alia sporting activities, clubs, societies, in-service activities, committee activities and remedial teaching (teaching service management, 2004:10). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 students are provided with meals within the school in most cases and the non-teaching staff are the ones responsible for the preparation of meals. in fact, the prefects play a crucial supervisory role when it comes to meal times and in most cases they are paired with the teachers who are on duty. the idea behind the introduction of prefects in schools therefore was highly influenced by national educational philosophy-education for kagisano and the goal is that children should be able to identify with the national principles of democracy, self reliance, unity, development and botho at a tender age so that they can become actively engaged democrats in the future. in a sense, the introduction of the prefectship system in schools was meant to nurture the development of citizens who can participate in botswana’s democratic process. the noble goal of this system is to empower students although what we see practically in schools defeats the whole purpose of the system. purpose of study the purpose of this study was to investigate the extent to which the prefectship system in botswana schools develop and nurture students democratically. the study also investigated why and how the schools in botswana embark on such a system and finally the study evaluated whether the system was bringing good results for both the students and the school organization on issues of democratic engagement. significance of the study according to lebuso (2003) the purpose of the prefectship system can be seen as twofold. firstly, it is to serve the school’s immediate need for effective management and maintaining discipline and order and implementing the school’s development projects. secondly, it is preparing the students for future citizenship as prescribed by education systems of most countries (p.14). given lebuso’s observations, we can deduce that the prefectship system can serve the building democratically active citizens 9 school organization in many ways and at the same time instilling citizenship education in the minds of the students. this study can therefore be used by the schools to improve or re-align their prefectship systems and it can also influence government to introduce civic education in schools. the study is quite essential in that it provides a lens on the evaluation of the effectiveness of the prefectship system in so far as it produces vocal, vibrant and active leaders. moswela (1995) states that since students are the most extensive users of the school facilities they could be a good source of information and ideas on how to improve school facilities if given the opportunity to do so (p.26). in other words, prefects should not just be used for the interest of the school authorities, but should also be used to involve students in the running as well as in infrastructural development of the school. through their prefects, students should be able to come up with suggestions on how they want their school to be run; the involvement of students in the decision-making process can smoothen the general running of the school and take away a lot of tension. more often than not, tensions between the school administrators and students results in strikes and absolute commotion in the institution. this state of affairs can be ameliorated by putting in place an effective and efficient prefectship system. methodology research design this research is a multiple and instrumental case study which focused on choosing a limited number of cases to investigate the problem (yin, 2003). eisenhardt (1989) in yin (2003) states that a case study is a research strategy which helps the researcher understand the dynamics which exist within a single setting and in this case our focus was in the junior secondary school environment. since the study focused on searching for responses on the “how” or “why” questions, the case study approach was deemed favorable in order to demonstrate the results current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 (yin, 2003). yin subscribes to the notion that a case study approach in research is favorable especially when investigating contemporary issues. the issue of democratizing schools in botswana is a contemporary issue. our analysis of the school setting or what geertz (2000) would call the analysis and interpretation of cultural webs, helped us get meaning in as far as the operation of the prefectship system is concerned. in this qualitative study, we documented real events, recorded what people said (with words, gestures and tone), observed specific behaviors, studied written documents, and examined visual images (neuman, 2007). yin (2003) posits that case study research often includes the use of multiple methods to collect data and the use of multiple methods constitutes data triangulation which enhances the validity of the study. glense (2010) observes that the use of multiple-datacollection methods in most cases contributes towards the trustworthiness of data under a practice called triangulation. data from this study came from interviews with students, teachers, heads of departments, school heads and prefects. research sites the research settings were batanani junior secondary school in mapoka and ramoja junior secondary school in ramokgwebana in the north east district of botswana. batanani catchment area includes mapoka, masukwane and kgari villages while ramoja catchment area covers ramokgwebana, moroka and jakalasi no. 1 village. some of these areas are between four to seven kilometers from the schools. both the schools are “twelve streams,” that is they have four form three classes, four form two classes and four form one classes, hence the term “twelve streams.” batanani is a boarding school while ramoja is a day school. the schools were chosen because of their accessibility since one of them (batanani) is located within the home village of one of the researchers. ramoja also became ideal in the study since it is not far distanced from building democratically active citizens 11 batanani and it is one of the old schools within the north eastern region, hence its rich history was considered very essential to the study. selection of participants as earlier reflected, this was a case study which involved a detailed examination of two different settings. bogdan & biklen (2003) charge that under a case study researchers scout for possible places and people who may be subjects or possible sources of data and then cast a wide net in their attempt to judge the feasibility of the site or data source. one factor that determines the participation of subjects in a study is feasibility or willingness to participate in a study (yin, 2003). the research data was collected through interviewing and observing participants. the interviews were carried out on a population of fifty eight participants that is heads of departments (n =6), teachers (n =10), students (n =20), prefects (n =20) and school heads (n =2). heads of departments, school heads and teachers were interviewed individually; students and prefects were interviewed in groups. prefects were observed on duty within stipulated times such as study time, meal hours, sports times and assembly times. in conducting the study, we used semi-structured interviews whereby we used an interview guide and also prompted and probed the participants to get more information. focus groups were used in this study where we discussed the topic on democratization of schools through the use of prefects. morgan (1997) states that through focus groups, different types of data can be gained because of pronounced interaction of different people within a social group. one advantage of using focus groups in a study of this nature is that they encourage communication and provide insights into how others think and talk about the problem under investigation (morgan, 1998). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 theoretical framework democracy the word democracy has its origins in ancient greece. it comes from two greek words “demos” and “kratos”. the word “demos” means people while “kratos” refers to power. so democracy therefore is people power or power by the people. democracy is widely defined as a government of the people by the people and for the people. it is a state in which the power of government resides in or is exercised by the people and for the people. power can be exercised by the people directly or indirectly (unafas & istp, 2009). under democratic discourses especially in schools each individual matters and should be given a platform to exercise their democratic rights by being allowed to participate in the decision-making process. waldron (2003) in mcdonough & feinberg (2003) observes that civic education in schools should focus on building learners who are going to develop the willingness to play a role as well as taking responsibility in all issues that affect their life. waldron further contends that in democratic schools, a good citizen is the one who shoulders his share of the burdens of departmental administration, who is willing to advise and supervise students as well as being available to help during a time of a crisis (p.41). given this assertions, it could be argued that schools are supposed to train students to become active role players within the school system and even beyond. berstein (1996) observes that within a social class, education is supposed to help promote communication, cultural and functional codes whereby consensus within a social structure is promoted rather than promoting dominance and privilege. undemocratic schools cherish dominance and social repression which can consequently produce frustrated citizens. citizenship education and democracy in schools under liberal democratic set-ups educational institutions should adopt a philosophy of education whereby citizenship education becomes part of the educational entitlement of young building democratically active citizens 13 people so that they can develop intellectually and reflect on the need to participate in democratic processes (mclaughlin, 2000). in the case of botswana, the national commission of education (nce) (1977) stipulates that the focus of education in the school and in the classroom should be on enabling learners to acquire knowledge, skills, attitudes and behaviors that will give them a full successful life and continued personal growth, equipping them to participate effectively in a rapidly changing society (p.23). citizenship and the teaching of democracy are so important for schools and society and all schools are supposed to expose students to democratic engagements (mclaughlin, 2000:545). taking into account the advent of the globalization process, it is essential that citizens in every global society be equipped with knowledge, attitudes, and skills required to function not just in their cultural communities but to able to function productively even beyond their borders. banks (2006) records that students within the global society need to acquire the knowledge and skills required to become effective citizens in the global community (p.25). davies (1999) contends that the fundamental principle of democracy in schools should be that sovereignty should be vested in the people. schools therefore need to decentralize power from the center of the administration to the periphery of student community whereby the student community through their prefects could be seen to be playing a fundamental role in the running of all the affairs affecting the students directly or indirectly. according to davies, attempts to democratize schools should embrace strategies such as developing processes of decision-making whereby constantly students and teachers can come together on the basis of the school mission to set rules, code of conduct and any other school governing policy. political education programmes and education for citizenship should be introduced in schools so as to foster current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 participation as well as helping students to directly experience grassroots democratic involvement (davies, 1999). one troubling scenario regarding the prefectship system in botswana schools is that although the prefects are supposed to be the official management representatives of the students, their powers and involvement in school affairs continue to dwindle. molosiwa (2005) reflects that the “prefectorial government” in botswana schools has never been based on democratic principles since their “election to power” is basically spearheaded by school authorities without much involvement of the student body. sybouts & krepel (1984) in molosiwa (2005) make a case: one of the fundamental assumptions of democracy is that people are competent to govern themselves and their efforts will result in organization ‘of the people, by the people and for the people.’ …however, these tenets are not automatic but must be developed. this development comes appropriately through practice and philosophy of ‘learning by doing’ in a setting resembling that of ultimate citizenship. participation by students in school government truly represents such a setting (p.3). models of citizenship in many academic circles within the modern nation-state, citizenship is often looked at in terms of identity or common identity thereof. williams (2003) in mcdonough & feinberg (2003) reflects that instead of looking at citizenship from the model of citizenship-as-identity, we should move toward an idea of citizenship as membership in a community or shared fate…whereby one becomes involved with others in such a way that one’s future could be seen to be tied to the future of others (p.209). in a sense, citizenship is linked to pragmatic actions where individuals have to act, account for their actions vis-à-vis democratic principles and building democratically active citizens 15 relations. much of contemporary democratic theory begins from the suppositions that meaningful democratic citizenship requires citizens to share a subjective sense of membership in a single political community (williams, 2003: 209) in mcdonough & feinberg (2003). kiwan (2008) states that when addressing the conception of citizenship, it is vital that it be looked at in terms of four models/categories which are moral, legal, participatory and identity based. with reference to the moral dimension, kiwan argues that is important since it will train citizens within a democratic society to know the importance of valuing justice as well as working towards building close relationships with others which will ultimately lead to the construction of just societies. haydon (2000) in kiwan (2008) also adds that citizenship education should help citizens to understand morality issues which cut across the public and private spheres. regarding the legal conception of citizenship, the argument is that education should help citizens to broaden their scope of understanding pertaining to issues that have to do with human rights discourses. citizenship education in schools focuses on making learners understand the nature and practices of participation in a democracy as well as having an understanding of their rights, roles and responsibilities as members of a community (qualifications and curriculum authority, 1998). the development of informed citizens in a democracy is nurtured by the promotion of their participation in the socio-economic and political spheres of society. as such, the conception of participation within any education system is important since it arms the learners with knowledge regarding the importance of participation in all government businesses as well as playing a fundamental role in the development of their communities. blunkett (2008) quoted in kiwan (2008) indicates that it is crucial in every democracy for people to be informed so that current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 they can actively participate at the same time understanding the importance of taking part in both civil and civic activities. finally, as suggested earlier, identity-based conceptions of citizenship help build citizens who can function productively within multicultural societies by respecting diversity and the identity of others. when schools promote the teaching and practice of citizenship within their parameters, they are likely to end up with democratically informed learners who can participate effectively within the local, national and global environment. identity-based conceptions of citizenship prepares citizens to be anti-racism, respect multiculturalism as well as being able to accommodate those whose background differs from theirs ( kiwan, 2008). education that focuses on producing citizens who can build good societies should help the learner understand the importance of good relationships between the individual and the group so that they live together harmoniously despite their diverse political and social ideologies ( durkheim, (1911) cited in filloux, 2001). the practice of democratic education in schools is meant to socialize learners to become functional citizens in diverse multicultural societies. schools which cherish democratic principles within multicultural societies are supposed to produce citizens who can challenge existing discriminatory practices in school and society which compromise educational equality and social justice. research questions in addressing the objectives of the study, the researchers used the following questions: 1. do you think the prefectship system is relevant to the democratic process in schools? 2. what mechanisms are in place within the school that are used in the promotion of students’ democratic participation? building democratically active citizens 17 3. does the prefectship system in schools have an influence on students’ active participation in the national elections? findings and discussions the purpose of having student leadership in the school is to involve the students in the running of the school organization since this will result in improved discipline and the building of a democratically active society. botswana’s philosophy on education, education for kagisano, sees democracy as a very important element of the country’s education system. monyatsi (2005) contends that the first commission on education of 1977 took further the principle of democracy and emphasized that the structure and organization of education must reflect the four national principles (democracy, development, self-reliance and unity) and that any features of the education system which impaired democracy should be changed. botswana schools therefore should be seen to be using the prefectship system as one way of teaching or advancing democratic values for robust citizenship. democracy through the prefectship system: easier preached than practiced although some of the interviewees acknowledged the presence of democracy in the prefect election process, this study has revealed that there is still a lot to be done in terms of the duties of the prefects in the schools. schools are supposed to empower students through the creation of little democratic pockets where the students can put their hearts and mind in the decision-making process but apparently the prefectship system acts towards the disempowerment of students. below is a presentation of the analysis of data from school heads, department heads, teachers, prefects and students on the issue of the prefectship system in schools. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 heads of departments’ views when asked about what specific duties one thinks prefects should carry out in schools, a head of department at batanani responded: prefects should continue doing what they have been doing all along. they should supervise others during meal times and extracurricular activities. help teachers in the supervision of study and general cleaning. (interview excerpt) a head of department at ramoja responded by saying: here prefects, dish food during meals times, conduct assembly, supervise afternoon and saturday studies, help teachers in supervising general cleaning and sometimes help teachers in organizing “june 16” (the day of the african child) commemoration.(interview excerpt) when asked whether the issue of electing prefects has an influence on the active participation of students in the general elections as future citizens, a head of department at batanani answered: yes, i strongly agree that it has a great influence looking at the fact that during the three days of campaigning and manifesto presentation the school was lively. students showed a lot of enthusiasm. (interview excerpt) another head of department at ramoja responded to the same question by saying: not much, i think we need to do more like conducting an induction workshop for elected leaders and put in place a coherent system which will nurture and coach them. (interview excerpt) still on the same question, another head of department at batanani outlined that according to his views, their school is nurturing participation of students in the democratic building democratically active citizens 19 process since their prefects were democratically elected through the ballot-box after declaring their interests on various positions. the question that springs to mind is whether the duties reflected above really empower students democratically in the decision-making process or they are basically just about policing other students. school heads’ views when responding to a question on whether the prefectship system in his school is meeting the intended objectives of trying to live and practice democracy, the school head at ramoja said: not 100% but there is progress, students learn and practice leadership skills, but i would like to see more and more involvement of students in issues that pertain to their well being. (interview excerpt) the school head at batanani responded to the same question by saying; ‘not much, i think we need to involve them in almost all our decision-making processes but you know, it is just practically impossible.’ pearl & knight (1999) add: the executive function of a student government is to administer a variety of programs (e.g. students’ assemblies, excursions, dances, sports days, science and art fairs, safety and security and supervision of community service). the legislative function, in addition to the aforementioned fiscal responsibilities, includes establishing rules by which students must line. the judicial responsibility is to provide due process and to determine consequences for rule infractions (p.106). schools are key means through which we can promote democracy and yet they are also part of an education system in which anti-democratic values continue to flourish. to achieve democracy within a school we need to change our approach to education. schools should help current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 pupils in decision-making and get them involved in decisions that concern them through the prefectship system. on a positive note, it was good learning that students’ leadership at the two research sites were brought to power by students through the ballot box although the electorates’ names were screened by the school administration. the big question now is, are the prefects being used for the intended purpose? the answer becomes a big no! the interviewees revealed that they are used in those activities that advance the interest of the school authorities, especially on discipline issues and spying on wrong doers. prefects should not be seen as a radical group advocating students’ strikes (as often alleged by school authorities) but as a body which is used to facilitate dialogue and exchange of ideas and concerns between students, school authorities and parents, which will manifest improvement of facilities, students’ welfare and the general running of the school. jotia (2008) correctly argues, “prefects are the eyes and ears of the administration that do not have power whatsoever. their decision-making potential is suppressed and generally the authorities strangle their voices and they deny them full exposure to how democracy functions (p.155). when responding to the question on whether the selection of prefects in schools had any influence on students’ active participation later in the national general elections, the school head at ramoja responded by saying: yes, i agree that there is direct correlation here. the way the students campaigned and presented their manifestos was very interesting. those who were voting did it with much zeal. they didn’t mind the long queues they were subjected to. the way they celebrated after the announcement of the results showed that in future the country should forget about voter apathy. (interview excerpt) building democratically active citizens 21 given the above assertion, it could be argued that giving students a chance to play various roles in school produces a set of principles which make students understand democracy as a value system, as well as a method of associating with one another and learning how to solve or confront problems together within the boundaries of solidarity and validating human dignity (henderson & kesson, 1999). students who are accorded an opportunity to embark on democratic practices at an early stage in school will develop habits of human efficiency as well as developing proper habits which are productive in the national democratic project. students’ views when asked about what they think the role of prefects should be within the school system, one student at batanani charged: our prefects are supposed to report those teachers who never mark our work. they should also be involved in the school’s decision-making process. for instance, we need a better tuck-shop and a good library, our prefects are supposed to be discussing this issues with the administration. we also need better food at our school and if our prefects cannot represent us, who else will? unafas & istp (2009, p.5) posit that prefects assist in maintaining discipline, by guiding and supervising other students, they therefore help to manage, guide and lead all school matters in a smooth manner. prefects ought to be debating and discussing key fundamental and controversial issues especially given cogan’s (1989) observation that in a democratic process people have to thrive on controversy through the consideration of a multitude of perspectives so as to reach a consensus which will benefit all of them. on a comparative note, when asked whether the prefectship system in their school is meeting the intended objectives, one teacher at ramoja simply said, “no” and elaborated that the current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 prefects are used by the school administration for a wrong purpose. the teacher lamented that in their orientation programme, prefects are told that they are responsible for ensuring the smooth functioning of the school in matters of peace, order and discipline and strict respect of school rules without fear or favor. nothing is ever mentioned on representing the interests of the student body on a full force and that on its own is problematic. a student at the same site said he was disappointed with the prefects because they “elected” them with the hope that they will take their voices to the school administration but it seems they are afraid of talking to the teachers and administration about their problems. the student further contested that the fact that prefects remain silent on issues that matter certainly verifies the fact that prefects are just puppets and stooges of the school administration. a student at the same site charged: no, what we see in our school is that prefects are taking responsibility in areas which do not suit them. they do work for the kitchen people instead of representing us. basically they are more of mere messengers of the school administration than anything else. this is really terribly. (interview excerpt) the prefectship system has to be used to transform the schools towards democracy. in a democracy there should be consultation and active public participation in the decision-making processes. if schools can see prefects as stakeholders in the running of the schools and involve them in their decision-making processes, then they can achieve functional and rewarding democracy which can benefit the country in future. schools should refrain from using prefects as puppets of the administration or school’s watchdogs and should instead involve them in matters of paramount importance such as academics and general issues of institutional development and critical decision-making. building democratically active citizens 23 the prefects can also come together with other stakeholders in an attempt to resolve problems that are faced by the students in their everyday lives and coming up with solutions to such problems. jotia (2008) notes: the src (prefects) need to be used as a democratic structure that helps solicit student’s voice and be a mouthpiece between school administration, parents and the student body… src will provide meaningful platforms for student’s leadership opportunities by engaging in discussions with the schools authorities on matters related to school management, curriculum and the general welfare of the student community. to further enhance development of future leaders, the src can also liaise with teachers, parents and school administrators to organize and facilitate workshops that benefit youth on topic such as hiv/aids, teenage pregnancy, drug and alcohol abuse, sexual harassment, environment, gender equity, citizenship, voter education to mention only a few (p.164). on the basis of the above, it could be concluded that prefects need to work hand in hand with parents, teachers and administrators on matters deemed paramount to the academic environment as well as those linked to the general wellbeing of the student body. the top-down management style which school administrators use to run schools compromises the existence of sound democratic habits. although there was a general claim from school heads and heads of departments that prefects were elected democratically to their “offices” most of the students held a different view. one student at batanani contended: may be i do not understand what democracy means. although people claim that we elect our own leaders, i was shocked to learn that the person i voted for was not part of the student government although he won the elections and i understand the school current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 administration took him out of the list because they say he is troublesome. i do not think that is fair because that person is going to represent the student community and not the administration. (interview excerpt) teacher’s views when asked about the correlation between national elections and the election process for prefects, an assistant teacher at batanani indicated that the student body and the candidates were much interested in what was happening during the campaigning and manifesto presentation during the prefect’s selection period. another teacher also reflected that students were much interested in the whole election process and many of them were seen queuing to cast their votes. she went further to say she thinks the enthusiasm was an influence from the previous national general elections thus making us contend that national elections and “democratic practices” in schools do influence one another. another teacher at ramoja said students liked the idea of voting and think in future when they become eligible voters in the national elections; they won’t miss the chance to vote. he further said though it wasn’t a party affair (based on political parties), some students were happy to see those they supported becoming victorious while others were disappointed because of the losses suffered by their preferred candidates. giving students platforms for democratic participation in schools will help them grow as active and effective citizens. it also helps students to have a sense of responsibility and be in a position to make good judgments and act in an intelligent way. white & openshaw (2005) in jotia (2008) share: as indicated by dewey in his address to american school administrators in 1937, democratic principles are essential to educational institutions, if political democracy is to survive. schools need to embrace and practice democratic habits so as for students to building democratically active citizens 25 experience and practice democracy in their daily school lives, which ultimately will motivate them to partake in national politics by having a voice in the formulation of policies that govern people. because the aim of education is to free individuals from barriers that would prevent them from cooperating and supporting each other as members of inclusive communities, it is necessary for the institutions of learning to also be inclusive democratic communities (p.117). surprisingly another teacher at ramoja dismissed the existence of democracy by contending: we are in an institution where the school administration wants to create an intimidating platform for both students and teachers. communication is absolutely horrible and at times we just hear about things in the corridors and the poor prefects are just used as messenger boys and girls for the administration. the school administrators at times just announce things to the entire school community without firstly engaging us and the student leaders in the decision-making process. democracy does not work like that. in a democracy, students’ leaders, teachers and the administrators are supposed to come together and caucus on issues that matter so as to promote everybody’s welfare within the school arena. unfortunately, i do not see that happening and is real sad more so we claim to be a democratic institution. (interview excerpt) an assistant teacher at batanani also contended that prefects’ supervision of study, dishing of food to other students and helping with the supervision of toilet cleaning and the general cleaning of the school was not enough evidence to justify the existence of democracy in school. another teacher at ramoja observed that it was essentially crucial for prefects to be involved in decision-making committees, supervision in different areas such as general cleaning current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 and study time so that they can be empowered. she suggested also empowering prefects to punish by way of detaining students for some hours after school, sweeping of the classroom after study and cleaning of the toilets which most students abhor. one teacher at batanani testified that prefects at their school do obvious jobs such as study supervision, supervising during meal times, general cleaning and generally maintaining order in the school. another teacher said prefects should supervise meals and study time and act as intermediaries between the teachers, the administration and the students. he added that prefects should communicate with teachers and school administration about the welfare of the students, citing issues such as food (menu), toilets and dress code. discussing citizenship and democracy in schools, osler (2006) states: students usually appear to be much more interested in quality of life issues than in curriculum issues. toilets, food, lockers, dress code, travel, safety, rights, privileges, rules are all perennial items for discussion, suggestion and complaint (p.138). from what the respondents have said, it clearly shows that prefects in secondary schools are used as the wheels of the administration in maintaining a friendly and orderly school instead of advancing the interests of the students which include ascertaining that students are not abused through the use of corporal punishment as well as reporting teachers who fail to pursue their duties properly. a social studies teacher at ramoja charged that prefects are not doing enough in their duties as representatives of the student body. the teacher argued that the administration’s failure to empower prefects is tantamount to abandoning democratic principles which they advocate in social studies lessons. the general feeling is that in order for prefects to become active and building democratically active citizens 27 efficient leaders in school and even beyond, they ought to be given a platform where they can autonomously partake in the decision-making process. prefect’s views although the school authorities appear to be happy with operations of the prefectship in school, a student who is a prefect at ramoja held a different opinion: in as much as we are involved in the voting process, i do not really think that the student body has much of a say regarding who becomes a prefect at the end of the day because the school authorities screen down the names of the elected students leaders and bring in their own favorites. that is not democracy. the other worrying issue is that prefects are supposed to implement imposed rules and regulations from the administration which basically make them feel useless because they are not allowed to be innovative. (interview excerpt) another prefect at batanani had a perplexing view regarding the issue about the existence of democracy in schools: for me i think democracy can only prevail if both teachers and the administration can stop using us as their school police officers. it appears as though all they want is for us to report the so-called trouble makers to them and they never give us a chance to come up with ideas which could help improve the running of the school. so for me i am not stupid, i am not going to run around reporting my colleagues so that they become subjected to corporal punishment. (interview excerpt) when responding to the question on what they would do given a chance to change the manner in which the school was run under the prefectship system, a prefect at ramoja stated: current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 28 firstly the school authorities should have their hands-off especially when it comes to the selection of prefects because at times they reject some of the students who have been elected by the student body just because they feel that the students can cause trouble. secondly, i want to see myself developing into a leader by being involved in the decision-making process rather than supervising meals and writing down the names of trouble makers. i want to attend serious meetings and have my voice heard. (interview excerpt) contrary to the views of the school heads and heads of departments regarding the efficiency of the prefectship system in schools, a prefect at batanani charged: i personally feel that as a prefect i would feel valued only if both teachers and the administration gave me the freedom to use my mind especially on issues which affect students. i am really disappointed that we are never given a chance to run the affairs of the students, instead we are expected by the school head to always side with him on issues and i do not think that is fair. some of us were hand-picked by the teachers and the administration to be prefects and it looks as though we are just servants who are serving the master without question. (interview excerpt) given the above assertions, it could be concluded that the understanding and the interpretation of the concept of democracy in schools differs especially when taking into the perspectives of school administrators, teachers, ordinary students as well as the students’ leaders themselves (prefects). giving every member of the school community especially the students a voice in the running of the affairs of the schools should be a prerequisite for promoting democratic platforms in educational institutions. schools are supposed to promote democratic engagements by giving students a chance to act on critical issues so that they can develop skills building democratically active citizens 29 and attitudes which will help them to become independent and responsible leaders. critical analysis, practical skills, value clarity, and self confidence lead to empowerment and participation in the democratic process and also help students to develop the political courage to work towards the resolution of their real life problems (campbell, 2004). limitations the study limited itself to junior secondary schools. time as well as financial constraints hampered the researchers from covering a large area. some students and teachers did not feel free to disclose information to the researchers as they were skeptical about divulging internal information to outsiders especially information pertaining to the general administration of the school. the topic was also political in nature and made both teachers and students to be uncomfortable in discussing supposedly “political issues.” since teachers are regarded as members or servants of the public service, according to their code of conduct document, they are not supposed to be seen to be actively involved in political issues. therefore, naturally when a study of this nature is presented before teachers some automatically distance themselves from the study so as to avoid being victimized by their employer in case they share information which could be deemed political in nature. it is for this reason that most of the teachers prefer to share their voices through the teachers’ unions which are the bodies mandated to represent them in both the socio-economic and political matters. summary this study reveals that students’ leadership in schools to some degree does exist but the students are not given the opportunity to fully participate, represent and serve the interests of the student body. school administrators use student leadership structures to their benefits. it is high time that school authorities realize that if used properly, student leadership could current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 30 enable students to develop skills and processes needed for independent enquiry and civic decision-making throughout their lifetime. these are capacities needed if at all constitutional democracy is to work which will in turn impact on the production of democratically active citizens under the goals of education for kagisano. this study certainly was an eye opener in as far as exploring the interrelationship between democracy, the prefectship system, education as well as active citizenship engagement in the democratic process. the study definitely opens more avenues to interrogate further those issues pertaining to education, democracy, the prefectship system or student’s leadership as well as the general ways in which schools could be turned into platforms for democratic engagement in botswana. gutmann (1999) shares that schools are the legitimate and proper institutions which are supposed to teach children civic culture as well as democratic politics so that eventually they can actively participate in the running of democratic governments. botswana junior secondary schools ought to create conducive spaces for the practice of democracy so that students can leave school having acquired skills and attitudes as well as behaviors which nurture continued existence and survival of a democratic culture. building democratically active citizens 31 references jotia, a.l. (2008). educating for deep democratic participation in the post colonial botswana. suarbrucken: vdm, verlag dr. muller. banks, j.a. (2006). cultural diversity and education: foundations, curriculum and teaching. new york: pearson. bernstein, b. (1996). pedagogy, symbolic control and identity: theory, research, critique. london: taylor and francis. bogdan, r.c. & biklen (2003). qualitative research for education: an introduction to theories and methods. boston: ally and bacon. campbell, d. (2004). choosing democracy: a practical guide to multicultural education. columbus: pearson. cogan, j. (1989). the continuing vigil for democracy. social education 63 (1) 341. curriculum development and evaluation. (2002). curriculum blue print: ten year basic education programme. gaborone: government printers. dahl, r. a. (1991). democracy and its critics. boston: yale university press. davies, l. (1999). comparing definitions of democracy in education. a journal of comparative and international education, 29 (2) 127-140. filloux, j.c. (2001). emile durkheim (1858-1917). unesco: international bureau of education 23 (2) 1-15. geertz, c. (2000). an interpretation of cultures. new york: basic books. glesne, c. (2010). becoming qualitative researchers: an introduction. (4th ed.). boston: pearson. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 32 gutmann, a. (1999). democratic education with a new preface and epilogue. princeton: princeton university press. henderson, j., & kesson, k. (1999). understanding democratic curriculum leadership. new york: teachers college press. independent electoral commission (iec) (2002). democracy in botswana: gaborone: government printers. kiwan, d. (2008). citizenship education in england at the cross-road? four models of citizenship and their implications for ethnic and religious diversity. oxford review of education, 34 (1) 39-58. lebuso, w.c. (2003). student involvement in school governance: the case of maseru district high school in lesotho. gaborone: macmillan. mcdonough, k. & feinberg, w. (2003).citizenship and education in liberal-democratic societies: teaching cosmopolitan values and collective identities. new york: oxford university press. mckenna, m. (2000). building tomorrow’s citizens in today’s classroom. ann arbor: bell & howell information and learning company. mclaughlin, t. (2000). citizenship education in england: the crick report and beyond. journal of philosophy of education, 34 (4) 541-570. molosiwa, p. (2005). the principal’s police? prefectship and law enforcement in botswana’ public secondary schools. unpublished conference paper, gaborone. monyatsi p.p. (2005). transforming school into democratic organization: the case of secondary schools management development project in botswana. international education journal, 6 (3), 354–366. building democratically active citizens 33 morgan, d. (1998). the focus group guidebook. london: sage. morgan, d. (1997). focus groups as qualitative research. london: sage. moswela, b. (1995). decision-making in botswana senior secondary schools. gaborone: macmillan. national commission on education. (1977). education for kagisano. gaborone: government printers. national commission on education. (1993). education for kagisano. gaborone: government printers. neuman, w.l. (2007). basics of social research, qualitative and quantitative approaches. boston: pearson education, inc. osler, a. (2006). citizenship and democracy in schools, diversity, identity, equality. london: trentham books. pearl, a. & knight, t. (1999). the democratic classroom. new jersey: hampton press qualifications and curriculum authority (qca) (1998). education for citizenship and the teaching of democracy in schools (crick report). london: qca unafas & istp (2009). school elections–notes for students. http://www.unafas.org.uk/files/school:20elections:20for:20students.pdf.(retrieved 23/10/2009). teaching service management. (2004). the report of task force on review of teaching loads in secondary schools. gaborone: government printers. thorburn, d. & jenkins, h. (2003). democracy and new media. cambridge: the mit press. yin, r. (2003). “discussing case studies:” case study research: design and methods, (4th ed.) thousand oaks: sage. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 34 appendix a interview questions for students and prefects 1. what is your understanding of the term democracy? 2. what do you think a democratic school would look like? 3. do you think your school is democratic? explain. 4. how do the student leaders get to office? 5. what is your reaction to the manner in which student leaders were brought to office? 6. if you were given a chance to change the way your school is run what would you change? 7. do you think schools help produce future responsible citizens? explain. 8. what do you think is the relationship between voting or being involved in the decisionmaking process in school and your involvement in the national elections? building democratically active citizens 35 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt microsoft word 699-2799-6-le.docx 1 volume 14, number 2 may 28, 2011 issn 1099-839x do schools make a difference? a study of high school effects and first year college success wade smith jason droddy louisiana state university a. j. guarino massachusetts general institute of health schools across america are being ranked for their effectiveness on a number of student criteria, among them preparation of students for a successful college experience. this study investigates the relationship between graduating seniors, their successful first year retention in college and several personal and school related factors. the study also explores the relationships between school accountability rankings and the demographics of the respective schools in an effort to assess school effect sizes for student growth, a mandate of no child left behind (nclb). nearly 11,000 high school seniors from more than 280 schools were included in the analyses. when taken collectively, results from the study indicate that school accountability rankings provide little predictive value when assessing successful first year college retention. keywords: accountability, school effects, college retention “success in college is predicated upon success in high school.” intuitively this just makes sense, and as a result, students who perform well in high school are rewarded with scholarships and are courted by colleges seeking their admission. many states in an effort to bolster the high school experience are now offering concurrent or dual enrollment courses. in these courses, students are able to receive both carnegie units and college credits simultaneously and the interest in these opportunities is growing (u.s. department. of education, 2010). these efforts reflect the belief that the high school experience contributes to subsequent success in college. beyond the high school to college expectations, no child left behind applies pressure to states and school districts to develop and implement accountability measures with the express purpose of improving student learning and achievement. in louisiana, the site of this study, the accountability system has a goal of documented improvement in student achievement and it is reasonable to conclude that one of the desired outcomes is students that are well-prepared for success in higher education. this conclusion is supported by a state constitutional requirement that requires the louisiana board of elementary and secondary education (bese) to meet semi-annually with louisiana’s higher education coordinating board to coordinate programs (louisiana constitution,1974). although the data base is unique to louisiana, efforts to affect human and social capital as well as individual productivity via schools are by no means unique current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 to this particular state. historically, america has held a strong belief that schools provide students of all social classes with the means to achieve (traub, 2000) and school accountability models are expected to provide confirmation of their successes or failures. a core goal of accountability models in general, and in the particular case of louisiana’s accountability model, is the measurement of a school’s contribution to students’ academic success. therefore, schools can be viewed as the provider of environmental stimuli that are expected to shape and facilitate productive student behaviors. or, said another way, louisiana’s accountability model attempts to categorize the extent individual schools are preparing their students. these efforts borrow heavily from tenets of environmental determinism, a view most notably associated with b. f. skinner (e.g., 1971, 1974) and can be summarized succinctly by the phrase “the school makes the student.” no one would likely argue the statement to be literally true. however, the underlying basis for the statement is indeed a powerful contributor to school accountability efforts throughout the nation. accountability models are, therefore, efforts to document school level effects as they pertain to student achievement. environmental solutions provide a practical means of attempting to facilitate and document student learning. the solutions can be applied in a rather universal fashion, providing an efficient means of attempting to improve school and student productivity. this contrasts markedly with efforts that attempt to change the individual belief systems of students. processes such as these would, by necessity, tend to be idiosyncratic and time consuming. furthermore, how exactly would an accountability system accurately recognize and reward the school for these internal shifts in motivation or perseverance? for reasons such as these, it is understandable why accountability models such as louisiana’s tend to focus on measuring school effects. that said, it is important to remember that school effects are mediated by the collective and individual results of environmental conditioning being imported to the school by its student body, not to mention the role that strongly held internal beliefs of students, faculty, and indeed all stakeholders will ultimately play in determining just how strong the school level effects actually are. for these reasons there is compelling justification to analyze how the two contexts might interact. in other words,” to what extent do the students make the school or the schools make the students?” is a valid question. research conducted by payne and biddle (1999) and berliner and biddle (1995) attest to longstanding efforts towards these ends. louisiana’s school accountability model categorizes schools into five categories and these are designated by stars. five star schools are the highest ranking school and 1 star the lowest. accountability rankings are a combination of attendance, standardized test scores, and graduation rates (louisiana department of education, 2009). because a 5 star school has documented success for the accountability parameters, it is reasonable to assume these effects will translate into the success of the students who have enjoyed the collective benefits of the opportunities afforded them. conversely, poor performing schools have strict guidelines they must follow in order to work towards improving their school scores. if these efforts do not produce results a school is designated as” academically unacceptable.” if progress is not forthcoming the school is designated as a “failed school” and is taken over by the recovery school district (louisiana department of education, 2010). if a school’s success is the order of the day for documenting school accountability, it is reasonable to infer that a school’s accountability ranking is a valid indicator of success in delivering appropriate instruction. from this perspective, it is also reasonable to infer that student success in college should be influenced by the level of success schools have been able to generate regarding these effects. it is also sensible to posit that other variables contributing to a school’s accountability score may also influence a student’s success in their first year of college (cohn, cohn, balch, & bradley, 2004; debeard, spielmans, & julka, 2004; tinto, 1993). with that in mind, the study included variables that would indicate a student’s academic preparation, socioeconomic status (ses), and the ses of the student’s school. these variables were included to provide means of assessing effects that might be primarily attributed to a school along with those that would likely be outside the scope of the school’s primary influence. the variables were operationalized through widely recognized indicators of these factors (national association for college admissions counseling, 2008), such as high school grade point average on a college preparatory curriculum (coregpa) and eligibility status for the state’s merit-based scholarship called the taylor opportunity program for students (tops). additionally, in an effort to determine whether school effects might be extending to disadvantaged students pell grant status was also included as a study variable. finally, with the question of school level effects being raised, we believe it is essential to investigate the extent (if any) that school accountability rankings might be a function of a school’s attendant student demographics. this study has three primary objectives. first, this study investigates the predictability of school accountability status (star) upon first year college retention for students. a second concern is the nature of the relationships of successful first-year college retention to pell grant status, core gpa, tops eligibility, and proportion of students on free/reduced lunch. finally, the study investigates the relationships between school accountability rankings and attendant student populations. collectively, these analyses do schools make a difference? a study of high school effects and first year college success 3 table 1 number and percent of students in star status schools, tops, and pell eligibility variable status n percent 1 3229 29.7% 2 4969 45.8% 3 2308 21.3% 4 354 3.3% stars total 10860 100.0% no 3715 34.2% yes 7145 65.8% tops total 10860 100.0% no 6799 62.6% yes 4061 37.4% pell total 10860 100.0% table 2 at-risk students by star mean percents, sd, and n stars mean std. deviation n 1 62.7788 15.34221 3250 2 43.1878 12.18475 4988 3 31.2507 15.17589 2324 4 20.0289 10.73974 355 total 45.7258 18.60767 10917 table 3 mean core gpa and percent of at-risk students in sample n minimum maximum mean std. deviation core gpa 10860 .33 4.00 3.1004 .61332 covariate atrisk 10860 2.09 100.00 45.6965 18.57601 are belived to provide a picture of the interactions between school level effects and subsequent student success in the first year of college. methods the louisiana board of regents, the state’s higher education coordinating body, provided a dataset of 17,123 student-level records of students who graduated from a louisiana high school in 2006 and enrolled in a public fouryear university the same year. the sample was refined to 10,935 due to obvious data entry errors, missing data, and graduates of private and parochial schools that are not subject to the state’s accountability system. retention is defined as a 2006 louisiana public or non-public high school graduate who began at public fouryear university in fall 2006 and enrolled at any public postsecondary institution, twoor four-year. students who were retained in the public postsecondary system were identified with a “1”, and students were not retained or transferred out of the public system were assigned a “0”. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 the louisiana school accountability system assigns a baseline school performance score (sps) comprised of data from three statewide student assessments, two subject area tests, attendance, drop-out rates, and graduation data (louisiana department of education, 2009). schools with higher baseline sps earn a higher rating from the state, and we assigned a value (star) equivalent to the number of stars each school achieved. a baseline sps of 140 or greater is equivalent to five stars, four stars to 120-39 points, three stars to 100-119 points, two stars to 80-99, and one star to an sps of 60-79. schools scoring below 60 are considered “academically unacceptable,” and we coded those as “0” (louisiana department of education, 2009). given the small number of schools designated as 4 and 5 star schools, it was decided to collapse these schools into one category (star4). unacceptable schools (o stars) and 1 star schools were also collapsed into one category for the same reason, providing the categories of star1, star2, star3, and star4 respectively. noting nclb’s stated interest in improving student performance across all sub-populations, it was deemed necessary to use a variable indicative of community wealth which could also imply social capital. heller and rasmussen (2002, august) created a “school ses” variable using the proportion of students at each school who qualified for freeor reduced-lunch and they used the term “at risk.” an atrisk variable was included to provide a means of analyzing relationships between a school’s demographics and its accountability ranking. at-risk is the proportion of students in each school who qualify for the free and reduced lunch program. the mean at-risk proportion in this sample is 45.73%, indicating that at the average louisiana public high school; nearly half of the student population qualify for free or reduced lunch (louisiana department of education, 2006). results data were analyzed using pasw (18) employing the following statistical tests, (a) multi-level modeling, (b) generalized estimating equation (gee) with ordinal logistic regression, (c) gee with binary logistic regression, and (d) trend analysis with simple contrasts. prior to analyses, descriptive statistics for the sample were collected. of interest were the disproportionate levels of students in 3 star or lower schools (96.7%) and the small number of students attending four or five star schools (3.3%). approximately 65% of the students in the sample were tops eligible while over 37% were pell eligible, suggesting that many of the students who are tops eligible could also be categorized as “at-risk.” it is also worth noting that the mean core gpa for the group was 3.10. this information is provided in tables 1-3. analysis 1: predictors of first year success in college to assess retention rates among the school districts, an unconditional multi-level model analysis revealed that there was significant variability among the districts in retention rates, indicating that a conditional model could explain additional variability. the conditional model included the following predictors, (a) pell grant (1= yes, 0 =no), (b) tops (1 = yes, 0 =no), and (c) star status (4 = highest level to 1 = lowest level) with free/reduced lunch and core gpa as covariates. results indicated that holding all other predictor variables constant; students attending star4 schools were more likely to persist compared to stars1 or 2 classified schools with odds ratios of 1.38 and 1.62 respectively. there were no statistically significant differences in retention between star 3 and 4 schools. pell grant recipients were less likely to persist with an odds ratio of 0.87. students achieving tops demonstrated no statistically significant differences in retention in this model, regardless of their school’s accountability ranking. this conditional model demonstrated a substantial improvement in model fit by reducing the quasi likelihood under the independence model criterion (qic) value from 48521.73 to 37609.37. analysis 2: predicting tops recipients by school accountability status generalized estimating equation (gee) with ordinal logistic regression was conducted to assess the effects tops status (1=yes, 0=no), pell grant status (1=yes, 0= no), core gpa, and atrisk values on star classification (1=poor to 4=highest rating). although previous analyses indicated no significant difference for the retention rates of tops students from high or low performing schools, the data indicate there is a significant relationship between a school’s accountability status and the likelihood of students receiving tops. data analysis indicate star 4 schools compared to star 1, 2, and 3 schools were more likely to produce tops recipients 1.66, 1.26, and 1.14 times respectively. analysis 3: predicting pell recipients by school accountability status results suggest that star 1 schools compared with star 2, 3, and 4 schools (while holding all other predictors constant), were more likely to produce pell recipients 1.81, 2.62, and 2.40 times respectively. analysis 4: is there a relationship between atrisk students and star classification? results indicated a statistically significant trend, f(3, 10917) = 2969.22, p < .001, eta-squared = .45. simple contrasts supported the linear trend that lower rated schools do schools make a difference? a study of high school effects and first year college success 5 reported higher levels of free/reduced lunches. these results are represented in figure 1. discussion taken collectively, our analyses provide little evidence to suggest that any of our findings confirm a substantive school level effect is translating into subsequent student success in the first year of college. in fact, the totality of our analyses suggests that neither school accountability models nor any of the other attendant variables in this study are accurate predictors of first-year college success for students. we did find that a school’s accountability ranking was predictive of the likelihood of astudent receiving tops, but one must wonder what the importance of this finding is when faced with data that indicate students achieving tops demonstrated no statistically significant differences for first year college success. furthermore, retention rates for students receiving tops from a one star school demonstrated no significant difference for retention rates than students from high performing schools. one could reasonably infer that a school’s higher ranking would indicate the likelihood of a school level effect providing some advantage to their students, but our analyses failed to document this possibility. with regard to predicting first year college success via a school’s accountability ranking, the analyses again demonstrated a statistically significant effect. students from higher performing schools do indeed tend to be successfully retained at a higher rate than those who graduate from 1 or 2 star schools. however, this too must be tempered with the findings that nearly 45% of a school’s accountability ranking can be accounted for by the level of atrisk students that attend. it seems possible (likely?) that the findings for school accountability rankings are operating as proxy measures for levels of human and social capital present in a school, at least as it pertains to first-yea college success. this possibility seems to be supported by the findings for pell grants that indicate pell recipients are less likely to persist when compared to those who do not receive the grant. in short, our initial analyses provided little evidence to advance an argument that a school’s accountability status has significant predictive value for their students’ first year college retention. we are not altogether surprised by this finding. there is a year of distance between the last direct influence a high school has upon a senior and the culmination of the freshmen year in college. a tremendous amount of variables beyond those included in this study can influence first year success in college, and those that are part of the first-year college experience seem to be far more important. additionally, the small sample size for high performing schools may also limit our conclusions. it should be noted that none of our data provide any personal profiles so we do not know how motivated these students were to attend college or the degree to which they are inclined to persevere. finally, and perhaps most importantly, we do not know the levels of attention colleges are providing to their incoming freshmen in an effort to maximize first-year retention. figure 1. simple trend analysis of at-risk populations vs star classification current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 6 it seems to us however that a broader issue emerges regarding school accountability. school accountability models are expected to discriminate between levels of school performance and the information about these schools is expected to inform public opinion regarding the quality of education received from a school. linn (2000) recognizes this reality and notes that the ready accessibility of accountability rankings is a major factor in their popularity. because of this ready access, innumerable parents have received accountability results and scrutinized high schools searching for the best possible educational experience with a belief that this decision will have a large bearing on subsequent college success for their child. in these cases parents are behaving rationally, using information provided to them via a state accountability model to maximize their child’s future educational opportunities. however, these decisions do not seem to be supported by the real world evidence. we are not arguing that choice of school decisions are without merit. there are obvious differences in instructional efficacy in louisiana schools subject to the state accountability model. to argue otherwise would be absurd. we return however to a foundational issue at this point: accountability models represent a concerted effort to document school level effects regarding student success. they posit that “schools make the student.” if that position is held regarding first-year success of graduating students it will be difficult to defend, given the results of this study. finally, no child left behind requires states to develop school accountability models. nclb also pays close attention to disadvantaged populations, requiring that data be disaggregated for this specific sub-population. our findings suggest that something far different may be happening from the outcomes nclb anticipates with atrisk populations. in spite of the considerable attention being paid to this sub-population in school accountability models there remains compelling empirical evidence indicating much work is left to be done. we do not want to overreach with our conclusions. however, this we know: in our study, nearly 280 schools with an average at-risk population of nearly 46% have individually tackled the problem of affecting substantial educational progress for their at-risk populations. yet, after all of these efforts we are still left with compelling collective evidence suggesting that at-risk students are dramatically less likely to succeed in their first year of college, regardless of how their school is rated in the accountability model. that this trend is evident so clearly after nearly a decade of nclb should give one pause when seeking solutions to the problem of elevating the educational advantages attained by students at-risk. our data also indicate that nearly 45% of the variance in school accountability scores can be explained by the percentage of at-risk population found at a particular school. this finding should be tracked over time to see if this trend changes or if it is reinforced. also, similar analyses should be conducted in different states to assess whether results generalize. as noted previously, at-risk students demonstrated no significant differences in retention rates regardless of their high school’s accountability ranking. essentially, there was nothing in the data to suggest that at-risk students from high performing schools were more likely to succeed in their first year of college. there is, however, compelling evidence that higher performing schools tend to have lower percentages of at-risk students. but, when we looked for any evidence that there was a school level effect facilitating this phenomenon none was demonstrated in our analysis. this finding supports traub’s conclusion that, in general, schools are not (cannot?) providing effects that effectively mediate for the myriad of external issues associated with atrisk populations. this implication, if it is borne out by further investigation, is significant. some states, louisiana included, are now designing or utilizing accountability systems that take performance scores from students as the primary component of a school accountability assessment (2 the advocate, 2010). in essence, the level of analysis is being extended from the school level to the teacher level. and, at least in the case of louisiana, the weight being assigned to variables other than assessment scores will “barely register in the assessment model,” as stated by the designer of louisiana’s model in the aforementioned newspaper article. if this is the case, it will be interesting to see if the trend analysis conducted for this study varies significantly. perhaps more important will be the retrospection that occurs regarding whether these efforts to document school level effects are, in fact, translating into subsequent student success. references 2 the advocate (2010). new law changes teacher evaluation. retrieved from http://www.2theadvocate.com/new/100953239.ht ml berliner, d. c., & biddle, b. j. 1995. the manufactured crisis: myths, fraud, and the attack on america’s public schools. reading, ma: perseus books. cohn, e., cohn, s., balch, d., & bradley, j. (2004). determinants of undergraduate gpas: sat scores, high-school gpa and highschool rank. economics of education review, 23(6), 577-586. deberard, m. s., spielmans, g. i., & julka, d. l. (2004). predictors of academic achievement and retention among college freshmen: a longitudinal study. college student journal, 38(1), 66-80. do schools make a difference? a study of high school effects and first year college success 7 heller, d. e., & rasmussen, c. (2002, august). merit scholarships and college access: evidence from florida and michigan. in d. e. heller & p. marin (eds.), who should we help? the negative social consequences of merit aid scholarships. linn, r. l. (2000). assessments and accountability. educational researcher, 29(2), 4-16. louisiana constitution. (1974). article viii, section 5(d). retrieved april 4, 2010 from http://www.legis.state.lsu.us/lss/lss.asp?doc=2065 76 louisiana department of education (2006). multiple statistics by site code for mfp and other public school funded student membership may 2006. may db: may 01, 2006 multi-stats by site-4 (funded membership). retrieved from http://www.louisianaschools.net/lde/pair/2289.html louisiana department of education (2009). 2006-2007 accountability summary results: a user guide for the state and district table. retrieved from http://www.louisianaschools.net/lde/uploads/1147 5.pdf louisiana department of education (2010). accountability page. retrieved august, 18, 2010 from http://www.doe.state.la.us/lde/portals/accountabilit y.html payne, k. j., & biddle, b. j. august-september 1999. poor school funding, child poverty and mathematics achievement. educational researcher 28(6), 4-13. skinner, b. f. (1971). beyond freedom and dignity. new york: knopf. skinner, b. f. (1974). about behaviorism. new york: knopf. tinto, v. (1993). leaving college: rethinking the causes and cures of student attrition (2nd ed.). chicago: the university of chicago press. traub, j. (jan. 16, 2000). schools are not the answer. the new york times magazine. cambridge, ma: harvard university. u.s. department of education (2010). high school students using dual enrollment programs to earn college credits, new reports say. retrieved from http://www2.ed.gov/news/pressreleases/2005/04/0 4062005a.html current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 8 article citation smith, w., droddy, j., & guarino, a.j. (2011). do schools make a difference? a study of high school effects and first year college success. current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/699 author notes wade smith, phd louisiana state university 14255 dalrymple drive baton rouge, la 70803 smithwa@lsu.edu wade smith is the superintendent of the louisiana state university laboratory school. he maintains an active research agenda related to school level effects on student learning and social cognitive theory. jason droddy, phd louisiana state university 156 thomas boyd hall baton rouge, la 70803 jdroddy@lsu.edu jason droddy serves as director in the chancellor’s office at lsu, specializing in external relations. his research interests include higher education funding and successful retention of college students. a. j. guarino, phd massachusetts general institute of health 36 first avenue, charlestown navy yard boston, ma 01880 ajguarino@mghihp.edu a. j. guarino is a professor of inter-disciplinary studies and nursing at the massachusetts general institute of health. he has co-authored the following statistics textbooks: applied multivariate research design and interpretation (2006), analysis of variance designs with spss and sas (2008), and data analysis using sas enterprise guide (2009). do schools make a difference? a study of high school effects and first year college success 9 volume 14, number 2 may 28, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors krista adams melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp angela hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy angeles maldonado carol masser john michael tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers research into_final volume 13, number 2 issn 1099-839x research into factors contributing to discipline use and disproportionality in major urban schools caven s. mcloughlin kent state university amity l. noltemeyer miami university citation mcloughlin, c. & noltemeyer, a. (2010). research into factors contributing to discipline use and disproportionality in major urban schools. current issues in education, 13(2). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract major urban high poverty schools frequently use exclusionary discipline (i.e., out of school suspensions) and apply these consequences disproportionately to african american students. we explored school demographic variables predicting these two outcomes using data from 433 major urban, high poverty schools. results suggest a different set of predictors for the overall use of suspensions than for disproportionality. specifically, four variables significantly predicted overall suspension use (office disciplinary referrals; the proportions of african american teachers, economically disadvantaged students, and african american students) whereas only one variable significantly predicted disproportionality (percentage economically disadvantaged students). implications, limitations and future directions are provided. keywords: disproportionality; suspension; expulsion; discipline; urban; african american current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 2 about the author(s) author: caven mcloughin affiliation: kent state university address: 405 white hall, kent state university, kent, oh 44242 email: caven@kent.edu biographical information: caven mcloughlin is professor of school psychology at kent state university with a specialty in delivering services to infants and toddlers with disabilities and their families, and in policy and implementation practices for related services. author: amity noltemeyer affiliation: miami university email: anoltemeyer@muohio.edu biographical information: amity noltemeyer is an assistant professor in school psychology at miami university. her research interests include disproportionality (in special education identification and discipline), response-to-intervention, and systems change. discipline use and disproportionality 3 exclusionary discipline is frequently utilized in today’s schools. in 2006 approximately 3.3 million students in the united states received out of school suspensions (planty et al., 2009), and data suggest the practice is increasing. for example, in the state of maryland a 58.7% increase in suspensions was documented from 1995 to 2003 (krezmien, leone, and achilles, 2006). these practices are concerning considering the documented relationship between exclusionary discipline and a variety of unfavorable student outcomes (e.g., costenbader & markson, 1998; deridder, 1990; gersch and nolan, 1994; rausch & skiba, 2004; safer, heaton, & parker, 1981). also concerning is the overrepresentation of minority students as recipients of such exclusionary discipline. evidence of this phenomenon – referred to as disciplinary disproportionality – is abundant. for example, constenbader and markston (1998) found that african american students composed 23% of the student population but 45% of those receiving disciplinary actions. even more startling, mendez and knoff (2003) found that african american males in a large florida school district experienced approximately 2.5 times as many suspensions per 100 students as white males, and african american females in the same district experienced approximately 3.6 times as many suspensions per 100 students as white females. other researchers have documented similar findings of disciplinary disproportionality (garibaldi, 1992; skiba, peterson, & williams, 1997; skiba, michael, nardo, & peterson, 2002; thornton & trent, 1988; wu, pink, crain, & moles, 1982). because the use of exclusionary discipline and the overrepresentation of minority students as recipients have both been thoroughly documented, recent research has become more specifically concerned with identifying factors that predict each phenomenon. for example, school administrator philosophy and beliefs (christle, nelson, & jolivette, 2004; mukuria, 2002; current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 4 wu, 1980), ambiance of the physical school setting (christle et al.), per pupil spending (christle et al.), district ses (fowler & walberg, 1991), and public-versus-private school status (farmer, 1999) are school-level variables that have been shown to impact disciplinary practices. in addition, several student-level variables have been linked to discipline use, including gender, (mendez & knoff, 2003; skiba et al., 1997; skiba & peterson, 2000), student socioeconomic status (wu et al., 1982), and student grade-level (mendez and knoff, 2003; arcia, 2008). school typology (urban, suburban, rural) is another factor that has recently been considered. noltemeyer and mcloughlin (in press) conducted a study to examine differences in disciplinary usage and disciplinary disproportionality based on school typology. results suggested that, when compared to other school typologies, major urban districts with ‘very high poverty levels’ evidenced greater reliance on disciplinary techniques overall as well as higher levels of disciplinary disproportionality for african american students (even when controlling for student poverty level). we suggested a need for further research to identify the unique contribution of various characteristics of major urban, very high poverty schools that increase their likelihood of utilizing exclusionary discipline and disproportionally for african american students. we further recommended additional research aimed at determining the degree to which overall differences in exclusionary discipline rates explain differences in disciplinary disproportionality, as well as the degree to which differences in discipline rates can be explained by the ethnic composition of the student population. this follow-up study addresses these issues using school-level demographic variables as predictors. specifically, the purpose of our study is: (1) determine which of five variables significantly predict overall suspension usage in major urban, very high poverty schools, and identify the relative contribution of each variable; (2) determine which of six variables discipline use and disproportionality 5 significantly predict suspension disproportionality in major urban, very high poverty schools and identify the relative contribution of each variable. methods first, the district identification numbers for all major urban, very high poverty schools in the state of ohio (usa) were obtained using the “school typology” database, available at http://www.ode.state.oh.us/. “major urban, very high poverty” is one of nine school typologies identified by the ohio department of education. this typology describes school districts in major cities with high population density, very high poverty, and a very high percentage of minority students (ohio department of education, 2007). next, data on predictor variables were obtained using the ohio department of education’s power users tool. this ‘tool’ allows for access to all schools in all public school districts in ohio, disaggregated by desired characteristics (e.g., ethnicity). the following data were obtained for each of the 433 schools from the 12 major urban, high-poverty school districts in ohio for the 2007-2008 school year: percent african american teachers in the school (%aat); total suspensions per 100 students at the school (susp); percent economically disadvantaged students at the school (%ed); percent african american students attending the school (%aas); instructional expenditures per student (instr); suspensions per 100 white students; suspensions per 100 african american students; and, office disciplinary referrals per 100 students (odr). these predictor variables were selected for inclusion due to previous research suggesting a possible relationship to suspension use or disciplinary disproportionality. data for each predictor variable were exported to microsoft excel and then transferred to spss. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 6 once these variables were in spss, a new variable—called the relative risk ratio (risk) —was created by dividing the suspensions per 100 african american students by the suspensions per 100 white students. the relative risk ratio is a metric that compares an ethnic group’s risk of receiving an exclusionary discipline action to the risk of a comparison group (donovan & cross, 2002). in our investigation, this number represents the risk of african american students compared to white students. white students were selected as the comparison population because they represent the majority of students attending school in ohio. a relative risk ratio of 1.0 indicates that african american students and white students in the school are equally likely to receive an out-of-school suspension; in contrast, a relative risk ratio of 2.0 indicates african american students were twice as likely as white students to receive an out-ofschool suspension. ratios have frequently been used as used metric for assessing disproportionality (e.g., krezmien et al., 2006; mcnulty, eitle & eitle, 2004; noltemeyer & mcloughlin, in press; rausch & skiba, 2004). latino, asian american, native american, and students from other ethnic groups were not included in any analyses due to small sample sizes. some schools did not have any values for suspensions per 100 african american students or for suspensions per 100 white students because (a) no white or african american students attended the school, or (b) white or african american students did attend the school, but none were suspended during the 2007-2008 school year. if either of these variables was empty or had a value of zero, the relative risk ratio was not calculated. as a result, the relative risk ratio was available for 206 schools. analyses were conducted to determine how the participating schools differed from the non-participating schools. most notably, results suggested that participating schools had a higher number of suspensions per 100 students (white, african american, and discipline use and disproportionality 7 total) as well as a higher number of odrs per 100 students than non-participating schools. these findings should be considered when interpreting the results of the study. multiple regression analyses were run to answer each of the two research questions. multiple regression was selected as the analysis technique because it allows for an examination of the effect of several predictor variables on a dependent variable. stepwise procedures were used because there was no theoretical foundation for the relative contribution of each predictor variable to the dependent variable. the first multiple regression analysis examined the effect of five predictor variables on the overall number of suspensions per 100 students in the 346 schools for which all data were available. the second multiple regression analysis examined the effect of six predictor variables on the relative risk ratio in the 206 schools for which all data were available. this analysis included one more variable because the outcome variable from the first analysis (total suspensions per 100 students) was also used as a predictor. descriptive statistics and pearson correlations were also calculated to provide more information about the variables in each of the analyses. in addition, partial eta squared – an estimate of effect size – was used to determine the percentage of variation in the dependent variables explained by the predictor variables in each analysis. ohio data comprise the data-set for this study because the state is a bellwether that reflects national educational and political trends (noltemeyer, brown, & mcloughlin, 2010; rubin, 1997) and the percentages of white and african american individuals statewide are approximately equal to national averages based on census data (united states census bureau, 2008). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 8 results examination of the tolerance and vif values for each of the two analyses indicates no concerns with multicollinearity of data. additionally, because the η2 and adjusted η2 were close in value, both multiple regression models were judged to be reliable. results of the first regression analysis indicated that the best set of predictors for overall use of suspensions included the following variables: office disciplinary referrals per 100 students; percent african american teachers; percent economically disadvantaged students; and percent african american students, f (4, 341) = 18.51, p <.001. this suggests that the linear combination of these variables significantly predicted the number of suspensions per 100 students in the sample of ohio’s major urban, high poverty schools during the 2007-2008 school year. specifically, this set of variables predicted nearly 18% of the variability in suspension use (η2 = .18). when considering the unique contribution of each of these predictor variables to total suspensions per 100 students, the number of office disciplinary referrals per 100 students explained 8.4% of the variability. the percent of african american teachers, the percent of economically disadvantaged students, and the percent of african american students each explained 3.5%, 3.9%, and 2.1% of the variability, respectively. see table 1 for descriptive statistics. as evidenced by these data, the participating schools averaged over 32 suspensions per 100 students and over 33 office disciplinary referrals per 100 students. in addition, the majority of students in the schools were economically disadvantaged and african american, whereas less than 25% of teachers were african american. table 2 reveals a summary of the relationships between the predictor variables and total suspensions per 100 students. these results indicate the strength and direction of the relationships between each of the variables using pearson correlations. discipline use and disproportionality 9 table 1. descriptive statistics for variables in the first multiple regression analysis m sd n total suspensions 32.51 46.24 346 %african american teachers 21 17 346 %economically disadvantaged students 75 19 346 %african american students 59 31 346 office discipline referrals per 100 students 33.08 72.08 346 instructional expenditures per student ($) 6945.47 1893.43 346 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 10 table 2. pearson correlations between variables in the first multiple regression analysis susp %aat %ed %aas odr instr suspensions per 100 students 1.000 % african american teachers -.207 1.000 %economically disadvantaged students .108 .139 1.000 % african american students .126 .266 .207 1.000 office discipline referrals per 100 students .289 -.072 -.210 .008 1.000 instructional expenditures per student ($) .035 .218 .243 .261 -.085 1.000 results of the second regression analysis suggested the best set of predictors for disciplinary disproportionality (i.e., the relative risk ratio) included a single variable: percentage of economically disadvantaged students f (1, 205) = 10.48, p =001. this variable explained almost 5% of the variability in the relative risk ratio during the 2007-2008 school year (η2 = .049). see table 3 for descriptive statistics on all variables in this analysis, and table 4 for a summary of the relationship between the variables and the relative risk ratio. discipline use and disproportionality 11 table 3 reviews descriptive statistics for this second analysis. the participating schools averaged over 42 suspensions and over 37 office disciplinary referrals per 100 students. in addition, over 75% of the students in the schools were economically disadvantaged, 47% were african american, and 17% of teachers were african american. like table 2, table 4 summarizes the relationships between the predictor variables and the relative risk ratio using pearson correlations. table 3. descriptive statistics for variables in the second multiple regression analysis m sd n relative risk ratio 2.88 2.32 206 total suspensions 42.45 49.48 206 %african american teachers 17 15 206 %economically disadvantaged students 76 19 206 %african american students 47 26 206 office discipline referrals per 100 students 37.18 79.01 206 instructional expenditures per student ($) 6672.56 1727.88 206 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 12 table 4. pearson correlations between variables in the second multiple regression analysis risk %aat %ed %aas odr instr susp relative risk ratios 1.000 %african american teachers -.036 1.000 %economically disadvantaged students -.221 .191 1.000 %african american students -.116 .109 .120 1.000 office discipline referrals per 100 students -.045 -.180 -.243 .082 1.000 instructional expenditures per student ($) .047 .284 .240 .135 -.119 1.000 suspensions per 100 students -.127 -.143 .016 .341 .460 -.038 1.000 discussion compared to other school typologies, major urban high poverty schools have been documented frequently to use exclusionary discipline (e.g., adams, 1992; noltemeyer & mcloughlin, in press), and apply these techniques disproportionately to african american students (e.g., noltemeyer & mcloughlin, 2010). our study sought to explore school discipline use and disproportionality 13 demographic variables that predict suspension use and disciplinary disproportionality. results suggest a different set of predictors for the overall use of suspensions than for disproportionality. overall suspension use four variables were found to predict overall suspension use: office disciplinary referrals per 100 students; percent african american teachers; percent economically disadvantaged students; and percent african american students. the finding that office disciplinary referrals was a significant predictor of overall suspension use makes intuitive sense considering referrals that lead to suspensions begin in the classroom setting and typically require an initial referral to a school administrator. skiba et al. (1997) found that most behaviors prompting an office disciplinary referral occurred in the classroom and were made by teachers. they also found that nearly half of the referrals were written by small percentage of teachers who made high numbers of referrals. these findings along with results of our investigation suggest that schools seeking to minimize exclusionary discipline techniques – and thus its negative and unintended consequences – should aim to provide teachers with professional development and supports to prevent and handle behaviors within the classroom. the finding that the percentage of economically disadvantaged students in a school significantly predicts suspension use is also logical given previous research demonstrating a positive relationship between the percentage of economically disadvantaged students in a district and suspension use (e.g., christle, nelson & jolivette, 2004; fowler & walberg, 1991; mendez, knoff, & ferron, 2002;). poverty can increase stressors on a child and his or her family, which may in turn increase the risk of poor behavioral outcomes. in addition, children living in poverty may bring different experiences and beliefs than their middleor upper-class teachers. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 14 the ethnic composition of both teachers and students also predicted overall suspension rates. specifically, a positive relationship emerged between the percentage of african american students and suspension rates, and a negative relationship emerged between the percentage of african american teachers and suspension rates. the relationship between african american students and suspension is expected given the documentation of disciplinary disproportionality over the past several decades (e.g., constenbader and markston, 1998; garibaldi, 1992; mendez and knoff, 2003; skiba et al., 1997; skiba et al., 2002; thornton & trent, 1988; wu et al.,1982). although the negative relationship between african american teachers and suspension use remains unexplained, speculations can be made based on other research. for example, when examining preservice teachers’ perceptions about characteristics of effective teachers, witcher and onwuegbuzie (1999) found that minority preservice teachers less often endorsed behavior management skills (e.g., authoritative, good disciplinarian) as characteristic of effective teachers than did white preservice teachers. at the same time, they more often endorsed ethical behaviors (e.g., impartial, fair, unbiased) as characteristic of effective teachers than did their white counterparts. these results suggest there may be cultural differences in views on discipline and its application. in addition, saft and pianta (2001) found that when children and their teachers have the same ethnicity, teachers rated the relationships more positively. because of the positive correlation between the percentage of african american teachers and students in this sample of urban schools, these more positive relationships and reduced potential for cultural incongruence could contribute to the findings. finally, instructional expenditure per student was not a significant predictor in the model. christle et al. (2004) found that in one state higher per-pupil spending was linked to higher discipline use and disproportionality 15 suspension rates; however, they indicated these findings needed replication. in our study, a positive relationship was noted; however, it was extremely weak and not statistically significant. disproportionality in suspension use our findings related to disciplinary disproportionality provide less insight into factors contributing to the phenomenon. the only significant predictor of disproportionality in suspensions was the percentage of economically disadvantaged students in the schools; however, the relationship was opposite that found when considering overall suspension use. specifically, as the percentage of economically disadvantaged students increased, disproportionality decreased. in addition, this variable explained very little of the proportion of variance in disproportionality. this weak and contradictory role of poverty is interesting, yet perhaps unsurprising; skiba & peterson (2000) in a study on the factors contributing to disproportionality in special education identification, found that poverty made a weak and inconsistent contribution, having a positive effect in some disability categories and a negative effect in others., using multiple regression, they found that a district’s level of poverty did not predict its overall disproportionality rates nor disproportionality in two disability categories; in two other disability categories it was a significant negative predictor, and in the final disability categories it was a significant positive predictor. additionally, a more recent study (pelham, 2007) suggested that professional development efforts aimed at increasing teachers’ understanding of student poverty had no significant effects on disciplinary disproportionality, and in some cases actually led to a greater discrepancy in suspensions between african american and white students. when considering the findings of our study, it certainly appears that poverty level positively predicts overall suspension use and negatively predicts disproportionality rates. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 16 it is surprising that reliance on suspensions and office disciplinary referrals did not significantly predict disciplinary disproportionality, particularly given evidence that suspension rates do predict disproportionality in special education identification (e.g., skiba et al., 2004). also, the percentage of african american teachers and the percentage of african american students did not significantly predict disciplinary disproportionality. together, the failure of any of these variables to significantly predict disciplinary disproportionality – while they concurrently predict overall suspension rates – suggests that a different mechanism may explain overall discipline rates and disciplinary disproportionality. limitations these data derive from a single midwestern state in the usa; the degree to which our results accurately generalize to other states and other settings is unknown and should be considered with caution. in addition, we examined only major urban, very high poverty schools. previous research has suggested predictors may vary based on school typology. it is important to conduct similar analyses on other school typologies to avoid generalizing the results to nonurban schools. many schools in the sample had to be eliminated due either to an insufficient population of african american students or to an insufficient number of suspensions. it appears that the eliminated schools engaged in less exclusionary discipline than the participating schools; therefore, the analyses are really generalizable only to a circumscribed set of urban schools. finally, the study relied on existing data and the degree to which suspensions were administered and documented consistently between schools is unknown. future research we anticipate these results contributing to the growing understanding of factors that contribute to exclusionary discipline and disciplinary disproportionality. multiple avenues for discipline use and disproportionality 17 future research emerge from the study. given prior contradictory results, coupled with our results, it is reasonable to assume that future research needs to move beyond an examination of poverty and attempt to capture the primary force behind disproportionality. in the case of overall suspension rates, it appears that although some contributing factors have been identified, there are further unstudied explanatory factors. with regard to disproportionality, it appears that none of the primary explanatory factors were captured using simple school-level demographic variables as predictors. future research should explore other predictors. most notably, it seems wise to move beyond demographic variables to explore the effect of process and attitudinal variables. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 18 references american psychological association. 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(1982). student suspension: a critical reappraisal. the urban review, 14, 245-303 discipline use and disproportionality 21 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 2 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word empowering parents choice of schools.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x empowering parents’ choice of schools: the rhetoric and reality of how hong kong kindergarten parents choose schools under the voucher scheme fung, kit-ho chanel the chinese university of hong kong and lam, chi-chung the hong kong institute of education citation fung, k. & lam, c. (2011). empowering parents’ choice of schools: the rhetoric and reality of how hong kong kindergarten parents choose schools under the voucher scheme. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract school choice gives parents greater power over their children’s education. but ever since the pre-primary education voucher scheme (pevs) was introduced in hong kong in 2007, school choice has become a hotly debated topic. the scheme was introduced to empower kindergarten parents in choosing a school for their children by offering them direct fee subsidies that, in return, could propel education quality forward. parents in the private kindergarten sector, however, have long enjoyed the privilege of choice, and they have been preoccupied with an intense interest in their children’s academic upbringing, even if it means compromising the holistic development of their children. this runs counter to the principles of a quality education. therefore, the urge to further promote parental kindergarten choice will likely allow parental academic interests to continue to prevail and hence invalidate the pevs’ promise to improve current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 education quality. the result is a unique dilemma between school choice for parents and the promise of education quality within hong kong’s unique private kindergarten sector. keywords: school choice, parental school choice, voucher scheme, kindergarten education, hong kong empowering parents’ choice of schools 3 about the author(s) author: fung, kit-ho chanel affiliation: the chinese university of hong kong address: rm. 308, ho tim building, department of curriculum and instruction, faculty of education, the chinese university of hong kong, shatin, new territories, hong kong email: kithofung@cuhk.edu.hk biographical information: assistant professor of the department of curriculum and instruction, faculty of education, the chinese university of hong kong author: lam, chi-chung affiliation: the hong kong institute of education address: department of curriculum and instruction, 10 lo ping road, tai po, new territories, hong kong email: lancc@ied.edu.hk biographical information: professor of the hong kong institute of education current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 empowering parents’ choice of schools: the rhetoric and reality of how hong kong kindergarten parents choose schools under the voucher scheme strengthening parental school choice is not a new idea; indeed, in the past three decades it has become a global trend in education management. gordon (2008) observed that giving more power to parents in choosing schools is “a powerful rallying cry for reform” (p. 177). on the academic side, studies of parental school choice have not been restricted to the philosophical rationale that supports parent rights in education; empirical research has also generated evidence that school choice increases parent satisfaction and student performance. in hong kong, this has become a hot issue ever since the launch of the pre-primary education voucher scheme (pevs) in 2007.1 the scheme aims to empower kindergarten parents to choose a school for their children by offering them direct fee subsidies, which in theory could exert pressure on schools to improve education quality. yet, kindergarten parents in hong kong have long had a choice of schools, because the kindergarten sector has always been privately run. so to what extent would increasing parental choice of kindergartens help propel education quality within the private kindergarten sector in hong kong? since little research has been done to address the question the new scheme raises, this study focuses on this question. through survey questionnaires and focus-group interviews with parents, the study (a) identifies the school choice preference of kindergarten parents, and (b) documents the concerns underpinning parental choice. in addition, the findings will facilitate discussion about the tension between empowering parents in school choice and the promise of the pevs to improve education quality in hong kong’s private kindergarten education sector.2 1 the pre-primary education voucher scheme introduced to the hong kong preprimary education sector in 2007/2008 aims to “increase investment, enhance quality.” parents of young children who attend kindergartens that have registered with the scheme are offered a direct fee subsidy, which then empowers them with the financial ability to choose a school. 2 kindergarten education in hong kong has never been recognized as part of the formal education system. prior to the pevs, government subsidy of kindergarten education was very limited. instead, kindergartens have been run by a large number of service providers with different backgrounds under the private education sector. in hong kong, kindergarten education is offered at three levels: kindergarten level 1 (k1) is for children aged 3–4, kindergarten level 2 (k2) is for those aged 4–5, and kindergarten level 3 (k3) is for those aged 5–6. most kindergartens run a half-day service, with some offering full-day classes. empowering parents’ choice of schools 5 school choice: how is it perceived? school choice is an issue that has attracted much attention in the education realm. the promises of school choice have been widely discussed in the literature and have been articulated from different perspectives. school choice under the parents’ purview: a philosophical justification parents are prominent stakeholders in the upbringing of their children. the philosophical justification for school choice says that parents should have exclusive authority over educational decisions. it argues that permitting parents a good deal of power and control over how their children are educated is the right of parents in a democratic society (reich, 2008). lubienski (2008) further made sense of the philosophical rationale of assigning parents the primary school decision role for a number of reasons: (a) parents know the strengths and weaknesses of their children best and will act in their children’s best interest, so it is right for them to exercise responsibility over their children’s education; (b) families are interested in reinforcing their values in their children, and so it is appropriate for a family to look for schools that serve the values they practice at home; (c) parents are proxy consumers for their children in school, and rolling back the decision about schooling within the parents’ purview will strengthen the institution of the family; and (d) parental choice is encouraged simply because it is the divine right of parents, who place the best interests of their children at the forefront of their concerns. in short, school choice empowers the voices of parents and protects the family’s desire to give their children the best education possible (cohen & farrar, 1995; wise & darling-hammond, 1995). at its roots, school choice is a manifestation of social trust. parents are trusted to make their own sensible educational choices among a variety of options, and families are drawn back into the education system (leone, 2003; paulu, 1995). empirical grounds for the benefit of expanding parental choice some empirical work has supported the argument that parents should be respected with the right to decide which school to send their children to. houston (2004) argued that expanding current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 parents’ right of school choice made them more inclined to invest themselves in their children’s education. because parents would be more involved, there would be more collaboration between home and school. at the same time, godwin, kemerer, and martinez (1998) and teske, fitzpatrick, and kaplan (2007) found that parents who had some say over the choice of schools reported higher levels of satisfaction with school performance in both how their children were educated and the effectiveness of school discipline. after being given more choice, fewer parents raised complaints about their schools (bracey, 2008; raty, kasanen, & laine, 2009). naismith (1994) found a link between this satisfaction and feelings of greater involvement and the feeling of pride of ownership; moe (2001) correlated parents’ satisfaction with having a greater degree of choice over the kind of education service they used. children’s academic achievement has also shown the positive effects of parental choice. studies have shown that school choice can benefit children in multiple ways. weinschrott and kilgore (1998) stated that “increasing parents’ choice over how and where their children are educated gives parents a sense of ownership and enthusiasm that contribute directly to improvements in students’ performance” (p. 307). raywid (1995) added that the concept of school choice recognizes that learners are individuals with unique talents and specialized needs, and choice gives parents the freedom to find a school that will design curricula to accommodate their needs. in the same way, when school choice can help with student diversity, it can also improve learning motivation and academic progress (perkins-gough, 2008). howell and peterson (2006) found that school-choice students, on average, demonstrated fewer disruptive behaviors, including fighting, property destruction, racial conflicts, truancy, and absenteeism. school choice for education quality: a market theory perspective school choice that empowers parents to decide which schools their children attend injects the education system with “a degree of consumer-driven, market-style competition” (feinberg & lubienski, 2008, p. 2). weidner and herrington (2006) argued that “market theory applied to educational settings postulates that parents are the best judge of which school their children empowering parents’ choice of schools 7 should attend and that parental choice among schools will lead to increased competition” (pp. 27-28). from an economic perspective, competition in a market economy creates incentives for schools to provide services and goods that fulfill the needs of the market, and so schools should improve their service and quality (kahlenberg, 2003). similarly, school choice forces schools to compete for student enrollment. if schools are to survive in a competitive education market and attract families, they will have to improve the quality of the education they offer in order to truly reflect parental wishes. in this way, schools become more accountable to parents (lips & feinberg, 2007). heid and leak (1995) listed the various ways in which school choice can improve schools: “bringing about needed structural changes, recognizing student diversity, fostering competition and accountability, improving educational outcomes, and increasing parental involvement in the educational process” (p. 390). freedom of choice for parents and market competition become a promise for better schools. and when school administrators are forced to be responsive to parent preferences, the locus of control shifts and changes in school governance are brought about. parental choice and market competition further reform the consumer-provider relationship between parents and schools, replacing it with a collaborative partnership (ball, 2007). parental preferences and school choice what factors do parents consider when choosing a school for their children? weidner and herrington’s (2006) study on the florida mckay choice program found that parents based their decisions on a school’s academic quality, teacher quality, special education, curriculum, and class size. weinschrott and kilgore (1998) found that most parents in the educational choice charitable trust choice program in indianapolis, indiana, took into account academic performance, financial aid, religious values, and school safety. a series of studies spanning the us, new zealand, chile, and great britain all found that the academic performance of a school was central to parent decisions (armor & peiser, 1997; fiske & ladd, 2000; gauri, 1998; gewirtz, ball, & bowe, 1995; glatter, woods, & bagley, 1997). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 parents in asian countries have the same concerns, as found in a number of studies on early childhood education programs. a cross-cultural study carried out by zhou, ma, and aoyagi (2007) on parental expectations for early childhood education found that parents in china, japan, and korea held high expectations for their children’s academic achievement. among them, “chinese parents had the highest expectation of their children’s education” (p. 145). hewitt and maloney’s (2000) work on malaysian parents’ perceptions of preschool education revealed that parents saw preschool education as “a formal academic preparation” (p. 86) for their children, and their most preferred school activities were those that improved their children’s academic development. studies of hong kong’s early childhood education sector have found similar results. a large-scale study organized by opper (1994) on early childhood education and services in hong kong in the 1990s showed that parents “expect preschools, both kindergartens and day nurseries, to prepare children for primary schooling by learning precisely those skills that children will be learning at the primary one level” (p. 50). ebbeck (1995) found that hong kong parents had extreme visions of the purpose of early childhood education and expected their children to be assigned large amounts of homework each day, even at the very young age of three. parents in cheng, lau, fung, and benson’s (2009) study made it clear that they preferred schools where teachers used traditional academic drills and rote learning to ensure the academic readiness of their children for primary school. the findings of these studies across nations have a great deal in common: the predominant interest of parents in their children’s academic well-being. economists would likely argue that parents worldwide are primarily interested in high-performing schools because those schools are thought to be better able to “enhance the economic prospects for their children” (lubienski, 2008, p. 107). if this is how parents handle school choice at an individual level, to what extent do their overwhelming academic concerns serve to stimulate quality improvement in the education realm? while economists and market theorists have argued that empowering empowering parents’ choice of schools 9 parents is a vehicle for creating incentives for schools to improve performance and thus promise education quality, might there not be pitfalls that come with school choice, particularly when parents are focused mainly on developing their children’s intellect at the cost of other skills? the situation is even more complex in hong kong’s private kindergarten education sector, where the voice and choice of parents have always been highly respected and kindergartens have long marketized their services to fit with parents’ desires (fung, 2007; fung & lam, 2009). in such a case, what dilemma arises between expanding parental school choice and improving education quality, both of which are the initiative behind the pevs? the current study aims to answer this question. method this research, split into two consecutive phases, used (a) self-administered questionnaires first to capture an overview of the considerations embedded in parental choice in the first phase (between may and july, 2009), and (b) focus group interviews with parents to document their school choice preferences in the second phase (between july and october, 2009). this is a mixed approach, bringing together quantitative data in the first phase and qualitative data in the second. the qualitative interview data supplemented the quantitative questionnaire data and enhanced the overall richness of the field data gathered. collectively, both sets of data supported an empirical analysis of the characteristics of parental school choice after implementation of the voucher system in hong kong. parents as key informants parents of kindergarten children were the key informants in the study. they were selected by a three-step process of stratified quota sampling. first, government statistics were examined to identify and select 30 of the 758 kindergartens from all 18 districts of hong kong that had registered with the pevs (education bureau, 2008) in academic year 2008/2009. coverage of all districts ensured that families from the upper, medium, and lower social classes were included in the study. special care was also taken in the selection to ensure that no two schools chosen were current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 run by the same service provider. second, with participation consent obtained from the kindergartens, the present study was introduced to the parents of these schools, who were invited to fill out a parent questionnaire. it was hoped that 30 parents (10 from each of the three kindergarten grades, i.e., k1, k2, and k3) from each school would agree to take part in the questionnaire survey. this design ensured that the data would broadly represent the perceptions of parents from all three kindergarten levels. it was clear to all participating parents that their participation was voluntary. lastly, upon completion of the questionnaire survey, invitation was once again extended to the parents who had taken part to participate in focus group interviews. in the end, nine groups of parents from nine kindergartens expressed willingness and so were interviewed. the anonymity and confidentiality of the identity of individual parents were guaranteed. research instrument parent questionnaire: a quantitative tool to gather an initial impression of concerns in parental choice the parent questionnaire focused on parental considerations when choosing a school. the questionnaire listed 24 items, including education quality and ancillary school characteristics (table 1 shows details of the list). respondents were requested to tick the factors they considered in choosing a school. they were also asked to rate the importance of the factors by ranking them in order and completing a 4-point likert scale survey. the second section of the questionnaire covered respondent demographic data. empowering parents’ choice of schools 11 table 1 kinds of kindergarten (kg) school information education quality of schools ancillary school characteristics 1. academic content school missions and visions teaching methods and strategies 2. academic performance academic achievement of other children in the school primary school allocation for kg graduates 3. program-related data professional qualification of teaching staff choice of extracurricular activities program offerings (half-day/full-day) background of the kindergarten service provider members of the school board records of school board meetings and decisions school organization and the management team monthly salary range of principal and teaching staff school fee school financial information link with parents no. of teaching staff quality review: results and report kgs’ self-evaluation report no. of classes no. of students school facilities outdoor playground and facilities additional charges for extracurricular activities network with other kgs and primary schools of the 900 questionnaires distributed to the parents of the 30 participating kindergartens, 862 were returned. of these, 841 were found completed and regarded as effective questionnaires; the remaining 21 were incomplete with missing data and so were discarded, giving a satisfactory response rate of 93.4%. this high response rate reflected not only the interest of the participating parents in the study, but also their interest in issues relating to the practice of the pevs, being a milestone of the kindergarten sector. the parents who filled out the questionnaires had different educational backgrounds with different total monthly household incomes. table 2 lists details of the parents’ demographic particulars. table 2 demographic particulars of parents who filled out the questionnaires education background total monthly household income form 5 level matriculated level university degree or above less than hk $10,000 between hk$10,000 and hk$20,000 between hk$20,000 and hk$40,000 over hk $40,000 k1 parents 157 40 88 52 91 94 48 k2 parents 153 31 89 40 88 79 66 k3 parents 180 35 68 41 96 74 72 total 490 106 245 133 275 247 186 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 each completed questionnaire was coded individually and grouped under one of the three kindergarten levels to form three data sets (k1, k2, and k3). to classify into various categories parental considerations when choosing a school, an exploratory factor analysis was conducted. after the major underlying factors were identified, a one-way anova was conducted to test for significant differences in these factors among parents from different kindergarten grades. in addition, to test whether education and income levels affected parental school choice, a correlation analysis was carried out to check for a relationship between these two variables. since both were ordinal variables, pearson’s correlation was selected to recognize the correlation. pasw (predictive analytics software) statistics 18 was adopted to perform the statistical analysis. focus group interviews: a qualitative means to invite parental sharing of choice preferences to complement the data derived from the questionnaires, focus group interviews with parents were conducted to gather more in-depth information and the views of parents on choosing a school. the interviews were designed to be natural, conversational, and semistructured with “grand tour questions” (goodwin & goodwin, 1996). the guide was refined and revised upon reflection on the pilot interviews conducted with another three groups of parents who had also filled out the parent questionnaires. all interview questions were openended and framed mainly around the criteria that parents had considered when deciding on a kindergarten for their children. the aim was to invite them to share their “deep” and internal perspectives (gorman & clayton, 2005). ceja (2006) remarked that “this data collection method allows the researcher to obtain data in the participants’ own words from which the researcher can then develop insight on how participants interpret a particular phenomenon” (p. 91). of the 81 parents from the nine schools who initially showed an interest in the focus group interviews, some could not attend the interview meetings for various personal reasons. ultimately, 49 parents, consisting of 46 mothers and 3 fathers, with 17 from k1 classes, 15 from k2 classes, empowering parents’ choice of schools 13 and 17 from k3 classes, were interviewed. the length of the interviews varied from 40 to 77 minutes. all interviews were conducted by the chief investigator at the kindergartens and were audiotaped with permission. the audio recordings were later transcribed. parent responses collected at the interviews were examined, coded with corbin and strauss’s (2008) “open coding” method, and categorized into groups by making reference to the nature of their responses. the systematic management of the qualitative interview data facilitated comparisons and contrasts across categories, the addition of new phenomena to the research areas, and the discard of materials falling outside the research focus. in the end, the interview findings were cross-analyzed with the statistical data to enrich the interpretation and articulation of findings. results factor structure of parental choice of a school from the 841 questionnaires filled out and returned, all responses of parents to the 24 items on school information were analyzed using factor analysis. the analysis sought to reveal groupings, if any, of the numerous concerns hidden within the parents’ choice of a school. the analysis extracted six factors from the parents’ responses, which explained 64.36 of all variance. these six factors included school hardware, school software, school background, school administration, school performance, and finance and charges (table 3). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 table 3 factor loadings of the structure underpinning parental choice of a kindergarten (kg) school factor loadings items 1 school hardware 2 school software 3 school background 4 school administration 5 school performance 6 finance & charges no. of students 0.795 no. of classes 0.771 no. of teaching staff 0.690 outdoor playground and facilities 0.644 school facilities 0.612 choice of extracurricular activities 0.565 professional qualification of teaching staff 0.492 teaching methods and strategies 0.678 program offerings (half-day/full-day) 0.650 link with parents 0.611 quality review: results and report 0.507 school missions and visions 0.739 background of kindergarten service provider 0.674 school organization and management team 0.612 kgs’ self-evaluation report 0.452 records of school board meetings and decisions 0.850 members of the school board 0.710 monthly salary range of principal and teaching staff 0.614 primary school allocation for kg graduates 0.788 network with other kgs and primary schools 0.763 children’s academic achievement in the school 0.691 school fee 0.770 additional charges for extracurricular activities 0.589 school financial information 0.581 empowering parents’ choice of schools 15 group differences underpinning parental school choice upon derivation of the factor structure, a one-way anova was conducted to explore whether significant group differences prevailed among the k1, k2, and k3 parents. the anova analysis revealed significant group differences across all six factors; therefore, a posthoc tukey analysis was further applied to delineate these differences. they are reported as below. school hardware. the post-hoc tukey analysis on significant group differences for school hardware, f(2, 829) = 29.26, p < 0.01, revealed that whereas the k2 parents (m = 3.19) and the k3 parents (m = 3.16) considered school hardware similar in importance when choosing a kindergarten, their perceived level of importance was below that of the k1 parents (m = 3.48), although all means were higher than the midpoint of 2.5. school software. the post-hoc tukey analysis on significant group differences for school software, f(2, 832) = 9.92, p < 0.01, showed again that whereas the k2 (m = 3.36) and k3 (m = 3.32) parents perceived the importance of school software similarly, their perceived level of importance was lower than that of the k1 parents (m = 3.48), although the means were unanimously higher than the midpoint of 2.5. school background. similar post-hoc comparison results were found for the factor school background, f(2,826) = 9.09, p < 0.01. this showed that the k1 parents’ ratings (m = 3.20) were significantly higher than those of the k2 parents (m = 3.08) and the k3 parents (m = 3.07), with a midpoint at 2.5. finance and charges. the post-hoc tukey analysis on significant group differences for finance and charges, f(2,800) = 17.39, p < 0.01, once again disclosed a similar difference in group patterns as with school hardware, school software, and school background. that is, the k1 parents (m = 3.02) regarded finance and charges a piece of school information vital to their current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 school choice decision more than the k2 parents (m = 2.81) and the k3 parents (m = 2.72), with a midpoint at 2.5. worth noting, the k1 parents consistently rated the above four factors as higher in importance compared with the k2 and k3 parents, though the latter groups also recognized the importance of these four factors at a level higher than the midpoint. perhaps the findings suggest that the k1 parents, being new to a school, were relatively more eager than their k2 and k3 counterparts to familiarize themselves with the different aspects of a school when deciding on one. this information also possibly informed them as to whether they needed to choose a different school for their children for k2 and k3. school administration. the post-hoc tukey analysis unfolded a different pattern with respect to significant group differences for school administration, f(2, 775) = 8.51, p < 0.01. for this particular factor, both the k2 (m = 2.51) and the k3 (m = 2.45) parents rated it with a mean higher than that of the k1 parents (m = 2.29); the means calculated from the k1 and k3 questionnaire data, however, were below the midpoint 2.5, whereas that of the k2 data was just slightly above the midpoint. indeed, the overall mean (m = 2.41) of this factor was below the midpoint of 2.5. such results actually portrayed an interesting picture for this factor, suggesting that school administration was not a crucial element in determining school choice. school performance. the post-hoc tukey analysis exhibited yet another group difference pattern in the factor school performance, f(2,825) = 3.57, p < 0.05. both k1 (m = 3.32) and k2 (m = 3.23) parents shared similar views concerning the importance of this factor, the mean of which was higher than that of the k3 parents (m = 3.20). nevertheless, all means were still higher than the midpoint of 2.5. the relatively low rating for school performance derived from the k3 data can likely be explained by the point of time at which the k3 parents were asked to fill out the questionnaires. the questionnaires were distributed to the parents in the last month (june) of the 2009 academic year. this was also the time when all k3 children had been centrally assigned a primary school empowering parents’ choice of schools 17 place, to which the children would move on with their primary school education the following year. thus, it was understandable that when the k3 parents no longer needed to make further kindergarten choices for their children, a kindergarten’s performance might not be as relevant to their interests, although the observed mean (3.20) was still higher than the midpoint. parental interest shown in a wide spectrum of school information despite the significant group differences in how parents across the three kindergarten levels observed the importance of a factor with respect to their school choice, the statistical means derived from the parent questionnaires revealed that all parents rated all factors as central to their choice of a school, with most associated means higher than 2.5 (table 4). these sets of descriptive findings suggest that all parents took into consideration a wide spectrum of school features when choosing a school for their children. in other words, the parents were very serious about their children’s education and made their school choice cautiously. table 4 descriptive data of the six factors of all parents n m sd school k1 parents 282 3.48 0.44 hardware k2 parents 269 3.19 0.46 k3 parents total 279 830 3.16 3.28 0.45 0.47 school k1 parents 285 3.48 0.45 software k2 parents 270 3.36 0.46 k3 parents total 278 833 3.32 3.39 0.43 0.45 school k1 parents 279 3.20 0.44 background k2 parents 268 3.08 0.44 k3 parents total 280 827 3.07 3.12 0.43 0.44 school k1 parents 268 2.29 0.54 administration k2 parents 247 2.50 0.53 k3 parents total 261 776 2.45 2.41 0.48 0.52 school k1 parents 278 3.32 0.57 performance k2 parents 267 3.23 0.48 k3 parents total 281 826 3.20 3.25 0.46 0.51 finance and k1 parents 278 3.02 0.50 charges k2 parents 254 2.81 0.56 k3 parents total 269 801 2.72 2.85 0.46 0.52 * midpoint = 2.5 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 prevalence of academic concerns in parental choices although parents were interested in a large number of school characteristics, crossexamining the descriptive data with the qualitative data gathered from the parent focus-group interviews uncovered a prevalence of academic concerns when choosing a school. of the six factors characterizing parental school choice, school software, with an overall mean of 3.39 (midpoint = 2.5), was rated the most important factor of all. making up this particular factor were four items on school information, namely, “teaching methods and strategies,” “program offerings (half-day/full-day),” “link with parents,” and “quality review: results and report.” table 5 lists the mean of each item; teaching methods and strategies had the highest mean calculated across all three groups of parents. in terms of the mean derived statistically from the questionnaire responses, the k1, k2, and k3 parents all weighted teaching methods and strategies as the most important item determining their school choice compared with the remaining 23 items on school information. table 5 means of the five school information items in the school software factor k1 k2 k3 m sd m sd m sd teaching methods and strategies 3.64 0.54 3.43 0.53 3.44 0.55 program offerings (half-day/full-day) 3.57 0.54 3.40 0.54 3.36 0.55 link with parents 3.41 0.59 3.38 0.58 3.28 0.55 quality review: results and report 3.30 0.64 3.21 0.62 3.19 0.62 * midpoint = 2.5 keen parental interest in the kinds of teaching methods and strategies used by schools was reflected in the parents’ sharing at the focus group interviews: empowering parents’ choice of schools 19 this kg [kindergarten] assigns lots of homework and delivers a curriculum that drills the children … i don’t mind drills … it can secure a smooth transition to primary school studies. (k1, ds-021-i/6/8)3 this school designs plenty of worksheets for children and assigns them chinese and english writing exercises every day … i have confidence that my daughter is going to benefit from its primary school-type learning and teaching. (k2, ch-010-i/1/29) this school delivers the hardest curriculum in the district … frequent dictations … it helps to prepare my child for future primary studies … and i find this a desirable school. (k1, ds-021-i/2/24) given the choice between didactic learning and child-centered, activity-based learning (advocated as the best professional practice to promote quality learning; curriculum development council, 2006), 28 of the 49 parents interviewed opted for didactic learning. of these 28 parents, 17 had children who were in the final year of kindergarten and would be moving up to primary school the following year. many of these parents stated in the interviews that they expected kindergartens to prepare their children for a smooth transition to primary school study by ensuring they were academically ready. this school equips children well for the demanding learning in primary schools … and the school is my first choice. (k1, sv-011-i/5/19) i do think that kgs should teach to the primary school curriculum … develop children’s readiness for primary school studies … primary level 1 holds high expectations of the children … if kgs can follow the primary school curriculum, the children would then be guaranteed a smooth transition to their primary school learning. (k2, tm-008-i/7/25) i find that what my daughter is learning at k3 can prepare her well for primary school studies … and so i find this kg a desirable school. (k3, ch-010-i/1/30) 3 (k1, ds-021-i/6/8) is an interview transcript entry code. it is made up of five parts. “k1” refers to a parent from a k1 class; “ds” represents the name of a kindergarten; “021” is the voice file of the interview; “i” stands for “interview data”; “6/8” indicates the page and entry number, respectively, of an interview transcript. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 this kindergarten stresses language learning heavily and training in both mandarin and english … a good foundation in language proficiency and usage is vital to my son’s future learning; in particular he is going to primary school level one next year … and so i made no school choice other than this one. (k3, wk-007-i/1/20) these interview transcripts implied that most parents thought that “the principal aim of kg education is to lay a solid foundation for the children for subsequent primary school learning” (k2, wk-018-i/4/4). with this personal perception in mind, parents did not limit their academic concerns to “teaching methods and strategies,” but extended them to “academic achievement of other children in the school” and “primary school allocation for kindergarten graduates,” which were enfolded in the factor school performance. this factor, with an overall mean of 3.25 (midpoint = 2.5), was another one perceived by parents as influential in their choice of a school, and parents with children in all three levels rated highly the items “academic achievement of other children in the school” and “primary school allocation for kindergarten graduates” (table 6): most of the graduates of this kindergarten are placed in a prestigious primary school … some are even assigned to the “gifted” class. (k1, sv-011-i/5/19) i find this kindergarten gets a satisfactory academic record in terms of both the intellectual readiness of its graduates and the kinds of primary schools where its graduates are placed … it secures for my daughter a smooth transition to the subsequent primary school studies, and so i have chosen it. (k2, ds-021-i/2/1) table 6 means of the items “academic achievement of other children in the school” and “primary school allocation for kindergarten graduates” k1 k2 k3 m sd m sd m sd academic achievement of other children in the school 3.27 0.70 3.19 0.58 3.19 0.56 primary school allocation for kindergarten 3.49 0.62 3.34 0.60 3.29 0.59 empowering parents’ choice of schools 21 graduates * midpoint = 2.5 parental academic interest did not stop after parents had decided on a school; instead their interest kept up throughout the course of their children’s kindergarten study. in another question asking parents, “which aspects of school information would you like to learn more about in the future through the schools’ dissemination of information?”, 63% of k1 parents, 62% of k2 parents, and 52% of k3 parents said they would continue to be interested in the kinds of teaching methods and strategies delivered in school (appendix 1). similarly high percentages of the k1 (64%) and k2 (61%) parents showed eagerness to learn about primary school allocation for kindergarten graduates when answering the same question, even though they were not equally interested in the “academic achievement of other children in the school” after deciding on a school. again, fewer k3 parents responded to this question with a curiosity toward the “primary school allocation for kindergarten graduates” of their children’s school in the future. as articulated earlier, when the k3 parents were asked to complete the questionnaires (june and july, 2010), their children had already been officially assigned a primary school placement. any further information regarding primary school allocation would not be of great interest to them because their children would shortly be leaving kindergarten. analyzing the questionnaire data alongside the interview transcripts made it obvious that a majority of kindergarten parents shared a common concern about the quality of teaching, in particular the academic content delivered by the schools and that related directly to their children’s academic learning. they were desperate to choose a kindergarten that practiced a “pre-” primary learning curriculum and that gave their children a primary school mode of teaching and learning. parents believed that preprimary learning would equip their children with the essential qualities for a smooth transition to primary education, and could further guarantee success in their children’s primary school learning. the overwhelming concern of parents over their children’s next stage of academic learning appeared to have inhibited their awareness of the current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 arguments against early academic instruction. they were also unable to recognize the undesirable effects of premature academic drilling. this view is in contrast with the government’s and most preprimary educators’ preference for student-centered education. for some time, both academics and the government have argued that young children should be encouraged to be “active constructivists” and that schools should provide them with a rich learning experience to enable them to experiment and explore. this approach encourages them to construct knowledge actively and go through progressive developmental stages at their own pace (chan & chan, 2003; curriculum development council, 2006; dupree, bertram, & pascal, 2001; vygotsky, 1978). pragmatic concerns in parental choice the questionnaires and interviews suggested that academics were not the only concern of parents. the data also revealed their pragmatic and nonacademic concerns, such as “the teaching team of the school is very caring” (k3, tm-008-i/4/18), “the school offers nutritious snacks freshly prepared by the school cook everyday” (k1, wk-020-i/2/2), “the school gets a regular cleaning routine” (k2, wk-019-i/1/10), and “the school is spacious, with an outdoor playground and a number of special rooms for activities” (k3, pl-002-i/1/23). among the myriad of pragmatic and nonacademic aspects that parents mentioned, the geographical proximity of a school, fullversus half-day program offerings, and religious affiliation were the most common ones named in the interviews. school location the influence of school location was exemplified by the parents’ intention in picking a neighborhood school for the sake of convenience. although school location was not an item given to parents to check in the questionnaires, 40 of the 49 parents interviewed referred to choosing kindergartens located “close to where i live” (k1, an-009-i/1/6); “on the ground floor of the building” (k2, an-009-i/1/6); “downstairs in my building” (k2, al-012-i/2/2); “within walking distance of the housing estate” (k3, pl-002-i/1/8); and “across the road” (k1, ch-010empowering parents’ choice of schools 23 i/2/15). other parents added that the proximity of a kindergarten “saves a child the trouble of traveling” (k2, ds-021-i/2/11); “accommodates the family routine of dropping off their children to school and picking them up after school, in particular for a working mother” (k2, wk-019i/1/28); and “facilitates a mother of three children to cope with the hectic schedule of caring” (k1, al-012-i/2/17). to parents, proximity meant convenience (hsieh & shen, 2000); they identified a school within their local, residential district. in a sense, parental choice of a kindergarten was geographically defined. full-day versus half-day programs another pragmatic ground influencing parent decisions was the choice between fulland half-day programs. most parents were highly interested in information on the kinds of program offerings available. the statistical means that parents gave to “program offerings (half-day/fullday)” showed that k1-k3 parents all considered this variable equally important, and their ratings were significantly higher than the midpoint of the scale (see table 5). indeed, this item was considered by the k2 and k3 parents as second only to the most important item, “teaching methods and strategies,” among the 24 school information items listed in the parent questionnaire. in addition to the survey, 29 parents explicitly stated in the interviews that they wanted full-day programs because “i have to work” (k1, wk-020-i/1/14), “it fits with my working schedule better” (k2, tm-008-i/3/8), and “i am a working mother” (k3, pl-002-i/1/8). traditionally, the family offers the first socialization setting for young children, and parents are their primary caregivers and educators. these functions, however, have been increasingly supplemented by other socialization agents as a result of the rapid increase in the number of families where both parents work (opper, 1992). more and more parents in hong kong have thus become consumers of kindergarten services as a way to compromise between their parental and work roles. this was a major reason these parents wanted full-day programs for their young children. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 religious affiliation in the interviews, 21 of the 37 parents whose children attended religious schools cited this affiliation as another important reason for their selection. they were inclined to pick a kindergarten because “of its religious background” (k1, pl-002-i/1/16) or “the protestant background of the school” (k2, tm-008-i/3/6). these parents were religiously observant, which was reflected also in their responses to the survey item labeled “background of the kindergarten service provider.” all ratings of this particular item were over 3.00, which was significantly higher than the midpoint (table 7). table 7 means of the items “background of the kindergarten service provider” k1 k2 k3 m sd m sd m sd background of the kindergarten service provider 3.10 0.59 3.11 0.55 3.03 0.52 * midpoint = 2.5 in short, parents explored and chose religious schools in order to select one that possessed a religious background compatible with the religious values of their family. goldring, hawlety, saffold, and smrekar (1997) noted that “when parents choose schools, their choices reflect value-based preferences” (p. 370). as lubienski (2008) added: “families have an interest in reproducing their values in the next generation” (p. 104). obviously, schools present young learners with a vital socialization setting outside the home and are one of the first and key microsystems that surround children (bronfenbrenner, moen, & garbarino, 1984). as such, parents who hold high aspirations for the development and upbringing of their young children make careful school choices for their youngsters on behalf of their family. they therefore choose schools that affirm their family values and beliefs (weidner & herrington, 2006). furthermore, these schools continue to nurture these family beliefs and values outside the home (wringe, 1994). prioritizing academic over pragmatic concerns empowering parents’ choice of schools 25 although parents expressed their concerns about the academic and nonacademic aspects of kindergarten education services in the questionnaire, a thorough scrutiny of the interview transcripts made it clear that, when academic desires conflicted with pragmatic desires, academic interests always ranked above all other considerations. although parents were prone to choose a kindergarten in their neighborhood, many maintained their focus on academic performance. as a strategy, parents first considered several of the kindergartens near their home, and among them preferred the one that delivered a curriculum that was heavily weighted academically: there are three kindergartens located on the ground floors of different buildings in our housing estate … but this school delivers the hardest curriculum in the district … frequent dictations … it helps to prepare my child for the future primary studies … and i find this a desirable school. (k1, ds-021-i/2/24) there is a kindergarten underneath the block where i live, but i did not put my daughter there … instead, i chose to enroll my daughter in this school and walk her to school every day for five minutes … because i find this kindergarten has a satisfactory academic record in terms of both the intellectual readiness of its graduates and the kinds of primary schools where its graduates are placed … it secures for my daughter a good preparation for her subsequent primary school studies, and so i have chosen it. (k2, sv-011-i/5/21) likewise, when parents opted for a full-day program, it was not merely because “the fullday program keeps my child at school for most of the day … it means more free time for me [the mother] … to make my life easier” (k1, sv-011-i/1/ 29). also, a full-day program “means engaging my son longer in formal learning” (k2, sv-011-i/2/13). a sense of academic concern was a vivid underpinning in parents’ preferences for full-day programs. one parent made this point clear: to select a kindergarten that offers a full-day program is indeed one of my concerns … but to enroll my child in a school that teaches to the primary school curriculum to secure him a current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 smooth transition to the subsequent primary school studies is even more important … and this school delivers a curriculum close to that of the primary school … so even though i have to bus my child to school every day, i still find this school my best choice. (k2, sv011-i/5/11) lastly, when parents chose a school for its religious background, it seemed at first glance to reflect their desire for a school with the family’s religious values. but a closer look into the parents’ hearts told another side of their intention. such a choice may not necessarily mean that the parents wanted their child exposed to a particular religious creed. one k3 mother, for example, shared her reasons for choosing a catholic school despite herself being protestant. i ultimately decided on this kindergarten because it is a catholic school … though i myself am protestant … studying in a catholic kindergarten makes it easier to get into a catholic primary school because they are administered by the same catholic school board … catholic schools are often academically better than other schools … if i can get my girl into a good catholic primary school … she probably has a higher chance of being placed in a good catholic secondary school in the future, and then getting into a good university afterwards. (k3, sv-011-i/4/5) this mother was willing to compromise her religious preference in order to obtain an academic start that would secure her child a smooth transition from kindergarten through to primary, secondary, and even university education. this example vividly illustrates the overwhelming concern for academic performance among parents of kindergarten-age children in hong kong. kindergarten parents seemed to combine their acute academic values with many other pragmatic and nonacademic values, but when the pragmatic concerns conflicted with academic interests, the latter almost always came first and determined their school choice. indeed, the overwhelming academic concern of parents found in this study echoes much of what previous empowering parents’ choice of schools 27 research has found (cheng, lau, fung, & benson, 2009; ebbeck, 1995; opper, 1994). it suggests once again that a long-standing, overwhelming academic concern is central for most parents. academic consideration as a shared and overriding concern in parental choice across different socioeconomic groups the academic concern of parents revealed in the study was found to be shared by parents from different socioeconomic backgrounds. a pearson’s correlation analysis on the demographic data collected in the questionnaires examined whether a relationship prevailed between parental education levels and income levels. the results showed that education levels were significantly related to income levels in a positive direction (r = 0.326, p < 0.01), suggesting that the more education the parents had obtained, the higher their income levels. to facilitate subsequent analysis, parents of each kindergarten level were categorized into four socioeconomic groups: high (group 1), medium high (group 2), medium low (group 3), and low (group 4). that is to say, all k1 parents were divided into these four socioeconomic groups, as were the k2 and the k3 parents. by the same token, parent responses to the questionnaires were reorganized and compiled into separate data sets according to the socioeconomic groupings. this facilitated analysis of any differences in school choice concerns among parents from different socioeconomic groups. the statistical means derived from the parent questionnaires on these reorganized data sets divulged that parents from all socioeconomic groups shared a concern over school education quality. whether quality was reflected in the academic content, the academic performance, or the program-related data of the kindergartens making up the construct of the parent questionnaire, parents across the four socioeconomic groups rated each item related to education quality with a mean higher than the midpoint 2.5 (tables 8, 9, and 10). these items were also the ones occupying most of the top positions when all 24 items of school information listed in the questionnaire were ranked by their means. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 28 the descriptive statistical data further showed that parents from the same kindergarten levels but of different socioeconomic backgrounds gave each education quality item a fairly similar rating. despite the observed range in the means, all ratings were over 3.0 on a 4-point likert scale, implying the importance of these items to the parents’ choice of school. among the diverse items of school information mirroring the education quality of schools, “teaching methods and strategies” was rated by parents from all socioeconomic groups with the highest mean of all, between 3.39 and 3.84. in a sense, whether the parents belonged to the high or the low socioeconomic group, they all were concerned with the pedagogical practices adopted by the kindergartens. these statistical analyses, together with the parent views documented in the interviews, made it explicit that academics was a shared concern among the kindergarten parents and was not restricted to a particular socioeconomic group. whether they were well-educated or not, whether they had a high income or not, parents in general bore a keen concern over the academic preparation and the intellectual development of their children. this specific concern then drove them to choose a kindergarten based upon the school’s academic performance, thinking that it could ensure their children’s academic readiness for the subsequent primary school studies and help them confront the competitive educational context in hong kong. table 8 means of all four socioeconomic groups of k1 parents rating items related to school education quality group 1 (high socioeconomic group) group 2 (medium-high socioeconomic group) group 3 (medium-low socioeconomic group) group 4 (low socioeconomic group) school education quality m sd m sd m sd m sd academic content school missions and visions teaching methods and strategies 3.34 3.59 0.57 0.56 3.33 3.84 0.63 0.44 3.45 3.80 0.54 0.40 3.54 3.78 0.50 0.42 academic performance children’s academic achievement primary school allocation for kg 3.30 3.52 0.69 0.60 3.44 3.53 0.61 0.61 3.34 3.48 0.68 0.62 3.42 3.63 0.62 0.53 empowering parents’ choice of schools 29 graduates program-related data professional qualification of teaching staff choice of extracurricular activities program offerings (half-day/fullday) 3.50 3.48 3.50 0.62 0.57 0.57 3.57 3.49 3.68 0.50 0.51 0.47 3.64 3.57 3.75 0.53 0.52 0.43 3.43 3.51 3.80 0.62 0.55 0.40 * midpoint = 2.5 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 30 table 9 means of all four socioeconomic groups of k2 parents rating items related to school education quality group 1 (high socioeconomic group) group 2 (medium-high socioeconomic group) group 3 (medium-low socioeconomic group) group 4 (low socioeconomic group) school education quality m sd m sd m sd m sd academic content school missions and visions teaching methods and strategies 3.25 3.47 0.55 0.53 3.32 3.39 0.54 0.52 3.23 3.49 0.68 0.56 3.29 3.50 0.53 0.50 academic performance children’s academic achievement primary school allocation for kg graduates 3.21 3.33 0.59 0.62 3.16 3.29 0.54 0.63 3.20 3.45 0.61 0.53 3.22 3.40 0.56 0.59 program-related data professional qualification of teaching staff choice of extracurricular activities program offerings (half-day/full-day) 3.37 3.23 3.43 0.54 0.55 0.53 3.30 3.15 3.35 0.57 0.61 0.56 3.34 3.31 3.49 0.51 0.58 0.53 3.32 3.28 3.45 0.54 0.52 0.50 * midpoint = 2.5 table 10 means of all four socioeconomic groups of k3 parents rating items related to school education quality group 1 (high socioeconomic group) group 2 (medium-high socioeconomic group) group 3 (medium-low socioeconomic group) group 4 (low socioeconomic group) school education quality m sd m sd m sd m sd academic content school missions and visions teaching methods and strategies 3.13 3.40 0.56 0.56 3.18 3.41 0.49 0.56 3.32 3.54 0.63 0.53 3.42 3.63 0.53 0.49 academic performance children’s academic achievement primary school allocation for kg graduates 3.13 3.23 0.56 0.58 3.17 3.19 0.51 0.53 3.23 3.44 0.58 0.61 3.32 3.42 0.57 0.53 program-related data professional qualification of teaching staff choice of extracurricular activities program offerings (half-day/full-day) 3.22 3.17 3.33 0.62 0.54 0.56 3.15 3.08 3.32 0.62 0.55 0.56 3.41 3.23 3.44 0.60 0.52 0.50 3.30 3.19 3.57 0.50 0.51 0.50 * midpoint = 2.5 discussion “bounded rationality” in parental school choice as revealed in the data analysis, parents’ interest in the education of their children focused primarily on the academic status of the kindergarten, and particularly on how well the school prepared their children for primary school learning. this academic interest is justified by the influence of china’s confucian heritage culture. confucianism holds that effort and willpower are the essence of successful learning (lee, 1996). parents thus uphold a belief that equates hard work with academic success (lam, ho, & wong, 2002), and they expect their children to take learning seriously. and in the competitive and exam-dominated educational environment of hong kong, people generally see academic achievement as a road to future success and a ladder to a better life (chan, 2004; lam, 1999). so it is not surprising to find that parents are highly concerned about their children’s academic performance. parents make every effort to train their children to study diligently and do well in their schoolwork. and with this strong academic value, parents choose schools for their kindergarten-aged children by looking for programs that deliver instructional curriculum, that practice didactic teaching, and that adhere to rote learning. these are the pedagogical practices that parents in hong kong generally believe can equip their children with the intellectual readiness needed to succeed later in the formal education system (fung & lam, 2009). in market theory, parents are ambitious consumers of education services. they are assumed to be rational judges in choosing a school in the best interests of their children (goldring, hawlety, saffold, & smrekar, 1997). moreover, these rational choices should “increase their children’s likelihood of success” (willms & echols, 1993, p. 64). beyond a doubt, all parents in the study very much wanted to get the best education for their young children. yet the way they defined “best education” was restricted to their personal perceptions current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 32 of how to succeed in hong kong’s competitive academic environment. ultimately, school choice was determined by the parents’ very subjective definition of the best education. this makes the rationality of their school choice a “bounded rationality,” according to the framework of simon (1983) and march (1986). wells (1993) describes the concept of bounded rationality: the theory of bounded rationality acknowledges that the decision maker’s perception of the real world affects his or her decisions, whether it is an accurate perception or not. such constraints on the decision making process lead to … “satisfying” as opposed to maximizing … in other words, decision makers choose the satisfactory school given the amount of information they have on the available options and their perception of where they fit into the society, but it may not be the same school they would choose given more information or experience. (p. 32) in other words, parents are not irrational. they make rational choices for their children to secure for them a good academic start and a place on the fast track to success. but their rationality was based on their overriding concern for drilling their children to prepare for subsequent primary school studies. this sidetracked concerns for the holistic and balanced development of their children, as continually denounced in the quality assurance inspection (qai) annual reports4 (hong kong education commission, 2000/2001, 2001/2002, 2002/2003, 2003/2004, 2004/2005, 2005/2006, 2006/2007). if such is the case, what is likely to happen when the pevs further empowers parents to make school choices based on such a narrow academic focus? to what extent will the expansion of parental school choice actually improve education quality, an official intention of the pevs? the dilemma between school choice and the promise of education quality 4 the quality assurance inspection (qai) is conducted annually by the quality assurance division of the education bureau of hong kong. the annual qai focuses on four key domains: (a) management and organization, (b) learning and teaching, (c) support for children and school ethos, and (d) children’s development. empowering parents’ choice of schools 33 school choice and education quality are dominant topics in contemporary education reform. the concept of school choice as a means to improve education quality is “carried primarily through the language of vouchers” (tannenbaum, 1995, p. 12). the idea behind education vouchers is that when the key consumers of education (parents) decide where and how to educate their children, their desires will become the market demands. these demands are channeled through market forces, pushing schools to undertake “new educational ventures, which would presumably succeed only if they truly reflected the wishes of parents” (cohen & farrar, 1995, p. 43). the result is that schools become market-driven. under this theory, school choice guarantees education quality by strengthening market forces. this positive effect of school choice on education has been widely discussed (brighouse, 2008; feinberg & lubienski, 2008; heid & leak, 1995; kahlenberg, 2003; lips & feinberg, 2007; weidner & herrington, 2006). hong kong’s kindergarten sector, however, is quite peculiar. it has never been recognized as part of the formal education system or incorporated into the government subsidies for free education. rather, it has long been run as a kind of private education business by individual parties and nongovernmental organizations, such as churches. so the status of kindergartens as a private business has not changed with the introduction of the pevs. resembling instead the operation of businesses in the commercial sector that are driven by market forces, kindergarten services are run like private businesses that are inevitably marketoriented to ensure their survival. as the major consumers in this private education market, parents enjoy total freedom of school choice. they are free to buy whatever kind of education best fits their preferences. and kindergartens have always seen the power and control parents have as the dominant “invisible current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 34 hand.” parental school preferences may even have come to overshadow the authority of kindergartens in determining which learning and teaching strategies to use (fung, 2007). kindergarten curricula are thus often designed to meet parental expectations. although kindergartens are well aware that they should observe official government curriculum guides (curriculum development council, 2006; curriculum development institute, 1996), many opt to adjust their service mission to fit parental preferences. this way, many schools end up formulating their policies and culture to satisfy parents and so compromise their professional stance because of the intense competition in the private kindergarten market. in the power struggle between parents and kindergartens, parents always have the upper hand. if parents have been enjoying the privilege of school choice and kindergartens have been operating in line with parental preferences, any further expansion of parental school choice by the pevs will only magnify the one-sided power struggle between parents and kindergartens. the influence of parental preference will become more acute. parental choice dictates pedagogical practice and undermines the autonomy of kindergartens. this sort of parental influence on the pedagogical practice of kindergarten teachers was documented in an earlier study conducted by the authors in academic year 2006/2007 (fung & lam, 2009): “the pedagogical decision making of kindergarten teachers in hong kong: professional autonomy versus market orientation.”5 to secure enrollment for their programs, teachers in the study had 5 the study was a qualitative research, conducted in academic year 2006/2007, investigating what kindergarten teachers in hong kong did in class, how they planned their lessons, and what they considered in making pedagogical decisions. field observations and interviews were used. four kindergarten teachers with the pseudonames marlene, laura, nelson, and carmen were invited to be the teacher informants of the study. they were invited not only because they all had a basic professional qualification to work in kindergarten, but also because they came from schools that fell within the two major categorizations of kindergartens in hong kong. among them, both laura and marlene worked in religious, nonprofit kindergartens, whereas nelson and carmen were teachers in a private independent kindergarten. each teacher informant was observed three times. on average, each observation visit lasted over 2 hours, with some approaching 3 hours. the teacher informants were also interviewed before and after each observation, in addition to a round-up interview at the end of the data collection process. in total, each teacher informant was observed three times and interviewed seven times. empowering parents’ choice of schools 35 to compromise their own professional beliefs and values about how children should learn. in other words, the ability of parents to choose a school and their concerns about their children’s academic upbringing were intruding on the professional mission and vision of kindergartens, as well as the pedagogical practice of teachers. this kind of market-driven education service runs counter to the education style that the government advocates. it is in opposition to child-centered, play-based curricula that treat children as active learners, respect them as owners of their learning, foster their holistic development, and nurture their motivation for life-long learning. the influence of parents’ traditional education values could explain the criticisms documented in the qai annual reports since 2000/2001, which have criticized kindergartens for placing undue emphasis on intellectual matters, limiting the diversity of developmentally appropriate learning opportunities, and not allowing children to learn skills naturally. yet if the pevs further expands parental school choice, it will only make these problems worse, which in turn will undermine its promise to improve education quality. the above analysis of hong kong’s unique kindergarten sector makes it clear that the good intentions behind the pevs are not feasible in hong kong’s already market-driven kindergarten sector. any attempt to further empower parents in school choice increases the adverse parental influence on the pedagogical choice of schools. the current situation calls for attention, especially when many parents are unaware of the arguments against early academic instruction and premature academic drilling. many studies and local schools have noted the influence of parents on kindergarten education. but the urge to promote school choice through the pevs and to intensify the marketization of kindergarten education has probably overlooked the undesirable effects that parental influence can have on the professional quality of current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 36 kindergarten education services. and so there has emerged a unique dilemma between school choice and education quality within hong kong’s distinctive private kindergarten sector. conclusion in general, parents try to get the best education for their young children. therefore, it makes sense philosophically to argue that “permitting parents to select a school for their children is crucial” (reich, 2008, p. 21). family advocates have also argued that entrusting parents with school decisions is to respect the liberty, rights, and interests of parents in a democratic society (feinberg & lubienski, 2008). libertarians argue explicitly that giving parents control over school choice encourages them to play a proactive role in the education of their children (bell, 2008). it invites parents to communicate their desires and needs to the schools. in return, schools and families are more likely to collaborate smoothly. and parents become more satisfied with the education they have chosen for their children. furthermore, economic theory argues that, when school choice turns parents into education-service consumers, their choices become a powerful market force to push schools—in particular the schools not chosen—to improve their education to fit the needs and wants of parents. school choice thus benefits the different stakeholder parties in children’s education through the motivating force of parental control. when parental choice is central to school decisions, parental preference becomes crucial and cannot be neglected. care should be taken, however, when parents focus primarily on their children’s academic outcomes and the schools’ academic excellence without considering the holistic and balanced development of their children. also, the problem of allowing parental preference to dominate the pedagogical autonomy of kindergartens should be resolved. on the contrary, schools should take every possible and potential opportunity to educate parents about their children’s developmental levels and learning needs. schools should teach parents the basic empowering parents’ choice of schools 37 educational principles of early learning and development and encourage them to adopt proper, developmentally appropriate expectations for the education of their young children. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 38 references armor, d., & peiser, b. 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(2007). parental expectation of early childhood education: comparison between china, japan, and korea. frontiers of education in china, 2(1), 140-147. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 46 appendix 1 ratings given by all parents to school attributes they would like to know more about in the future from the school which aspects of school information would you like to learn more about in the future through the schools’ dissemination of information? k1 parents k2 parents k3 parents yes no na* yes no na* yes no na* background of the kindergarten service provider 24% 75% 1% 38% 59% 3% 36% 61% 3% school mission and vision 41% 59% 0% 45% 53% 2% 41% 57% 2% members of the school board 6% 93% 1% 17% 81% 2% 15% 82% 3% records of school board meetings and decisions 13% 87% 0% 34% 64% 2% 29% 68% 3% school organization and the management team 31% 68% 1% 36% 62% 2% 29% 67% 4% monthly salary range of principal and teaching staff 9% 91% 0% 23% 74% 3% 17% 79% 4% school fee 29% 71% 0% 36% 62% 2% 27% 69% 4% school financial information 15% 85% 0% 34% 63% 3% 26% 71% 3% link with parents 56% 44% 0% 48% 49% 3% 37% 59% 4% no. of teaching staff 40% 59% 1% 38% 59% 3% 30% 66% 4% professional qualification of teaching staff 53% 47% 0% 60% 37% 3% 48% 49% 3% quality review: results and report 56% 43% 1% 73% 25% 2% 72% 25% 3% kgs’ self-evaluation report 45% 54% 1% 49% 48% 3% 46% 50% 4% no. of classes 41% 59% 0% 39% 59% 3% 28% 68% 4% school capacity 45% 55% 0% 44% 53% 3% 30% 66% 4% school facilities 66% 34% 0% 48% 50% 2% 38% 58% 4% outdoor playground and facilities 68% 32% 0% 48% 49% 3% 36% 60% 4% choices of extracurricular activities 58% 41% 1% 48% 49% 3% 40% 57% 3% additional charges for extracurricular activities 26% 74% 0% 33% 64% 3% 28% 69% 3% program offerings 58% 41% 1% 61% 37% 2% 42% 54% 4% teaching methods and strategies 63% 36% 1% 62% 36% 2% 52% 45% 3% academic achievement of other children in the school 42% 58% 0% 46% 51% 3% 33% 63% 4% primary school allocation for kindergarten graduates 64% 35% 1% 61% 36% 2% 47% 49% 4% network with other kindergartens and primary schools 41% 58% 1% 52% 45% 3% 35% 61% 4% * na = no answer. empowering parents’ choice of schools 47 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt microsoft word 731-3048-2-le.docx 1 volume 14, number 3 october 4, 2011 issn 1099-839x quality assurance in private higher education in china osman ozturgut university of the incarnate word the economic modernization drive of the 21st century has not only fostered the growth of a market economy [in the people’s republic of china] but has also created the need for a structural change in education (zha, 2006). mok (2009) explained that when the chinese government realized that the state alone could not keep up with the increasing demand for higher education, it allowed non-governmental institutions to get involved. however, with the fast expansion of the private higher education system, maintaining educational quality and integrity has not been a priority. administrators have been rather incompetent in hiring qualified faculty and staff. they have minimum or no experience in curriculum and program development. laboratory facilities and technological services are insufficient while living and learning conditions for students, staff, and faculty are far from satisfactory. china’s private higher education needs a major overhaul even from the start. keywords: chinese education, quality assurance, private higher education. although the growth of the private sector has been important in supporting the overall expansion in higher education, there is increasing anxiety about the ability of the sector to deliver appropriate quality in the light of problems in attracting suitably qualified teachers and students. (lin, 2005) the economic modernization drive of the 21st century has not only fostered the growth of a market economy [in the people’s republic of china] but has also created the need for a structural change in education (zha, 2006). traditionally, china’s higher education sector had been relatively disengaged from the international arena and the appropriate forms of quality assurance methods. however, with the entrance into world trade organization (wto) and the increasing need for the higher education services within the country, the need for developing quality assurance methods gained urgency. this study looks at the current situation of the private higher education in china and highlights the challenges to initiate a discussion on quality assurance strategies. mok (2009) explained that when the chinese government realized that the state alone could not keep up with the increasing demand for higher education, it allowed non-governmental institutions to get involved. this occurred not only because of the demands of the rapidly globalizing economy and interdependency among nations, but also because of the conventional governmental institutions’ lack of structural, political, and financial ability to provide the much needed education for the growing population. from the opening up in 1978, china’s private higher education has had several phases: • 1978-1991: the 11th communist party committee allowed the establishment of private higher education institutions. • 1992-1996: with deng xiaoping’s travel to southern china, diploma programs have been created. • 1997-2003: the regulations for private higher current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 2 • education institutions were formulated, which led to a faster growth for private higher education institutions. • 2003-2020: with the law on private education promotion, private higher education institutions receives recognition from the central government. • 2020-beyond: this is the period when private education in china will reach its maturity with quality assurance systems in place with recognition from the higher education field abroad. china’s intent in establishing private higher education institutions (pheis) was to give more responsibility to its own entrepreneurs to help develop the education system in china. for a genuine development, local initiatives had to be supported as these would focus on the problems of the communities surrounding these initiatives. it was not simply an attempt to increase the number of higher education institutions (heis) to close the gap within the system but also to give more responsibility and accountability to these institutions with multidimensional development model to improve the social, political, educational, and economic quality of life. with all the good intentions to provide access to the masses, it still remains to be seen how effective these pheis are and will be for the development of the country. it is imperative that a method be developed to assure the quality of such institutions before the privatization of higher education gets out of control. theoretical framework: human capital theory with china already a key player in the world market, officials as part of their economic development plan placed emphasis on human capital. human capital theory explains that a large gradation in earning by level of education reflects to returns to individuals’ investment in education (becker, 1993; mincer, 1974). human capital theorists view humans as economic resources. for them, the idea of education is a form of “capital” and the notion of education, a form of “human capital” (little, 2000, p. 287). for any given economic enterprise, regardless of what is being produced and of where, how and under what conditions it is being produced, “more educated workers will always be more productive than their less educated counterparts” (baptiste, 2001, p. 189). baptiste further explained the pedagogical implication by claiming that “human capital theorists treat people as homo economica: radically isolated, pleasure-seeking materialists who are born free of social constraints or responsibility, who possess no intrinsic sociability, and who are driven, ultimately, by the desire for material happiness and bodily security” (p. 195). when today‘s students reach adulthood, their children will gain by virtue of the informal education received at home. much learning takes place at home, where the child’s attitude towards school is also largely shaped. better educated parents are more likely to raise children who recognize the value of education, in terms of job opportunities, as well as in terms of cultural opportunities (weisbrod, 1971). properly conceived, education produces a labor force that is more skilled, more adaptable to the needs of a changing economy, and more likely to develop the imaginative ideas, techniques, and products which are critical to the process of economic expansion and social adaptation to change. “by doing so— by contributing to worker productivity—the education process qualifies handsomely as a process of investment in human capital” (weisbrod, 1971, p. 74). if one pursues education because knowledge is desired for its own sake, or if one considers that education can enrich one‘s life through increasing the variety and depth of intellectual pursuits, then educational services can be treated as consumption good. in this sense, education is an end itself. however, if one obtains educational services solely because of their impact upon future occupational choices and earnings, then educational services can be treated as an investment good (hu, lee, & stromsdorfer, 1971). education is, after all, much more than a means of raising productivity or otherwise bringing financial returns. china currently spends about 2.5% of its gross domestic product (gdp) on investment in education. at the same time, roughly 30% of its gdp is devoted to physical capital investment. in comparison, the figures for the united states are 5.4% and 17% respectively. in south korea, they are 3.7% and 30% (heckman, 2003). china is below average among comparable countries in expenditure on investment in people. heckman (2003) further argued that education and skills are important determinants of economic growth and investment in education and this is part of the solution for china‘s development. first of all, human capital is productive because of its immediate effect on raising the skills levels of workers. that is to say, if a mechanic is trained to repair cars, the mechanic will be more productive in repairing cars. investment in human capital, through investing in education in this case, has direct effects to the growth of the economy. ruth hayhoe, an expert on chinese education, argued against the position that most scholars are trying to explain the present changes and transformation of the chinese higher education through dependency and modernization theory. little (2000) claimed that “theories of economic and social modernization became central frameworks for the analysis of economic growth and societal development, and became influential also in determining national economic and social policy and policy implementations” (p. 286). kang (2004) further confirmed that, “modernization means that chinese higher education should remain at the forefront of contemporary development of sciences (including natural sciences, social sciences and humanities) and technology in both ideas and practice” (p. 149). hayhoe (1996) further argued that the theory of modernization presented an optimistic model for quality assurance in private higher education in china 3 development of those societies that were not yet modern and industrialized. however, the transformation in chinese higher education cannot be explained by means of a single scientific concept. even though hayhoe (1989) suggested that dependency theory and world systems theory have been valuable in raising the question of why modernization has not worked in china, she leaves out human capital theory in the justification of her argument. hayhoe (1989) argued that, for modernization, “knowledge interaction is conceived as a technical contribution to progress along a defined economic continuum involving the rationalization of educational provision to create as efficiently as possible the types and levels of manpower needed for rapid economic growth” (p. 17). for dependency, international educational relations appear to consolidate pressures to conform to the political-economic interests of the capitalist world by “co-opting a compliant elite and reinforcing educational structures that favor capitalist development strategies” (p. 165). dependency theory as suggested by little is that “poor countries are conditioned by their economic relationships with rich economies to occupy a subordinate and dependent role that inhibits development by expropriating investible surplus” (p. 287). even though china’s emphasis on developing human capital is not the single explanation why the private higher education institutions were allowed in china, it is still a significant reason. private higher education in china throughout the late ming period, private learning academies had been in abundance (ding & liu, 1992). chen (1981) reported that there were about 12 hundred private learning academies in the ming era (1368-1644). from the end of the opium wars in the mid-1880s to the formation the people’s republic in the early 1950s, private higher learning institutions were an integral part of society. following the footsteps of the soviet model, all private institutions of higher education were transformed into public ones by the year 1952. with this, the long history of private education in china had closed its first part (borthwick, 1983; zhu, 1994; lin, 1994; mok, 1997). since then, there have been attempts to privatize higher education in china—though markedly inefficient and ineffective. since the late 1990s, the number of private heis in china has been increasing steadily. zhou and xie (2007) reported that in 1996 there were 1,219 private higher education institutions (including vocational colleges). most of them had enrollments of hundreds of students and a few with over a thousand. hua (2009) reported that “the total number of private schools of all levels and categories increased 52%, from 61,200 in 2002 to 93,200 in 2006, and the corresponding number of students in these schools also rose, from 11.16 million in 2002 to 23.13 million in 2006, a 107% increase” (p. 40). in order to respond to the needs of the public for more higher education accessibility, but to also limit the establishment of private educational institutions, the ministry of education established a more controlled alternative. public universities were give permission to establish second-tier colleges that used their names and credentials. these second-tier affiliated colleges are selffunded institutions and are considered a more reputable substitute to non-public-university-affiliated private universities. table 1 the number of private/minban institutions in china 1999 2000 2001 2002 2004 minban vocational colleges 950 999 1040 1085 1633 minban higher education 37 43 89 133 228 institutions adapted from mok, k. h. (2009). the growing importance of the privateness in education: challenges for higher education governance in china. compare. 39(1), 35-49. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 4 initial steps for privatization of higher education in china article 19th of the national constitution stipulates that “the state encourages the collective economic organizations, state enterprises and other social forces to set up educational institutions of various types in accordance with the law” (article 19). this was the first official step towards privatization of higher education in modern china. later in 1993, when the chinese communist party (ccp) issued guidelines for the reform and development of education in china, it acknowledged that the central government could not alone cope with the increasing demand for higher education. it provided information regarding how different educational structures and funding models were needed in order to meet the needs of higher education (ccpcc, 1993). this policy report outlined a formal private education development plan and the overall structure of governance for such institutions. in 1997, chinese government released its first official regulatory plans and in 2002, passed a law on promotion of private higher education in china, updating the regulations. by then, there were 133 non-governmental institutions granting diplomas per ccp regulations. 2003 was a significant year for private higher education in china. the law on the promotion of nongovernmental education and regulations of the people's republic of china on chinese-foreign cooperation in running schools (moe, 2003) was finally approved. the state began to move away from the financing and provision of higher education towards the role of “regulator, enabler, and facilitator” (mok, 2005, p. 236). driven by the desire to modernize higher education, to build a strong science and technology base as well as to learn from the more advanced educational systems in the west, chinese higher education underwent a major reform process which introduced a stronger market based element into its management and delivery (cai, 2004). the reform process has been characterized by four key components: table 2 key components of the reform process commercialization education introduced a co-funding model in which students (and/or parents) shared its cost with the state. (wu & zheng, 2008): decentralization focusing investment in higher education in the areas where the impact was likely to be greatest, this approach also helped the government to control some of the costs associated with the expansion of the sector. (cai, 2004) expansion demand for higher education in china increased rapidly as the economy developed, driven by both the demand from individuals and the economy’s need for a skilled and educated workforce. (ennew & fujia, 2009) marketization an equally important part of the process was the increased involvement of non-state sectors in higher education. this constitutes the fourth strand in the reform process, namely marketization and the development of private (non-state) institutions (usually described as minban). these minban institutions are typically of three types, private universities, private colleges and other private institutes. (ennew & fujia, 2009) quality assurance in private higher education in china 5 the central government intended to distribute its responsibility of providing education resources and opportunities for citizens to local governments and any individual or group who was capable of running schools and universities, including foreign investments (yang & gale, 2004). unfortunately, there has been increasing anxiety about the ability of the sector to deliver appropriate quality in the light of problems in attracting suitably qualified teachers and students (lin, gao, & liu, 2005). because of the speedy and somewhat unregulated system, there has been a lack of stability in this market. ding (2008) argued that “ it remains to be seen whether profit motives can be aligned with improving educational standards, or whether these universities can attract enough able and qualified teachers to deliver a decent education to their growing number of students” (p. 1). according to a 2001 survey conducted by private higher education committee of china nearly half of the 1,134 private heis set up had shut down their operations. overall, there were only forty private higher education institutions in the survey that were operating without major concerns (zhou & xie, 2007). furthermore, there were 13 pheis in beijing, of which only two survived in early 1990s. by 2004, only 35 of the pheis were allowed to admit students. in henan, out of 118 pheis, only ten of them had survived as of 2004. by 2005, there were only 50 pheis operating of the total 280 in late 1980s (see jiang, 2005; peng, 2004; guo, 2002; zhou & xie, 2007). zhuoda tourism career college was the first phei in hainan province. it was established by zhuoda corporation in 2001, a hebei province based real estate company, and began recruitment in the same year. in the first year, zhuoda recruited about 300 students. these students arrived on campus only to find that the infrastructure was only being constructed. they gradually left the school, leaving only 190 students. in 2003, zhuoda was only able to recruit 26 students for the associate’s degree program. in 2004, they invested 40 million chinese yuan to transform a holiday village into a temporary campus. the students, therefore, finally were able to have an official site for class meetings. zhuoda welcomed its largest class freshmen in 2005—600 incoming students. however, because of the lack of facilities, poor management, and lack of teachers, zhuoda had to merge with guangzhou chaoshan vocational college (zheng, 2006). existing frame work for quality assurance in higher education physical facilities in china are simple and backward compared to the united states, but what constitutes adequate educational facilities is a matter of subjective definition. expectations in china are low. even in a public school, a chalkboard, a desk and a chair for each student, and a roof over their heads often have sufficed. (kwong, 1997, p. 250) higher education can be viewed as a service industry, and as such, it needs to provide the same service quality as any other type of service provider (ruben, 1995). in order to provide quality service, organizations must put customers first and evaluate how well the needs and expectations of their customers are being met. they must also identify what improvements are needed and make progress towards those goals. ruben explained that “an emphasis on quality in academics, management, and interpersonal relationships accompanies corporate concerns with competitiveness, operational efficiency, productivity, service orientation, and cost effectiveness” (p. 7). in the context of higher education in china, with the understanding that higher education is a service industry, there is minimal concern in identifying and meeting the educational and service expectations/needs of the students, parents, faculty, administrators, and staff. this disregard paired with inefficiency and strong cultural emphasis in bureaucracy that controls the public arena has fostered a private higher education system that is not necessarily promoting a “quality” education. as mok (1997) put it, “the flourishing of private education on the mainland has challenged traditional approaches to education in terms of its quality, relevance and applicability to contemporary society” (p. 56). to resolve the old and new problems and to pursue the goal of legislation, the private education law established four general criteria as a framework for national policy on private education (pan & law, 2006). however, the implementing regulation discourages investors by establishing four criteria to determine what constitutes a ‘reasonable return’ (fan, 2004; wang, 2004), including: 1. making profit: the school makes a profit in that year and is found not to have issued any misleading advertisements, cheated the students out of any money or used the school’s money for anything other than education. 2. rate of return with poor quality: if a school charges high fees but shows poor input into educational activities and school facilities and is found to provide a poor quality of education in comparison with other private schools the investors cannot claim a higher return than other similar private schools. 3. transparency: the school demonstrates transparency relating to its quality of education and accounting before the investor can claim a return. 4. compliance with minban: investors must follow the law for the promotion of private (minban) education or face confiscation of the return, an end to student admissions, annulment of the school’s operating permit or even prosecution. (articles 45_47 & 49, p. 277) “law is used by the state as a new social game rule intended to govern original intent of the law” (pan & current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 6 law, 2006, p. 278). for example, one intention of the law was to increase incentives to put more money into private education by allowing them to realize a reasonable return on their investment. legislation of private education: issues and resolutions the 1997 regulation on schools run by social forces issued by the ministry of education (moe) tightened the state’s governance over private education. to rectify these irregularities the 1997 regulation adopted a policy of “‘active encouragement, vigorous support, right guidance, and strengthening governance’ of private education” (p. 275). the 1997 regulation marks a tightening of the state’s control over private education as a means of rectifying irregularities generated by the private sector in education reform. the law for the promotion of private education was enacted by the national people’s congress (npc) with the intent of using legislation to achieve four main goals: 1. to provide a common legal framework for the regulation of both new private education practices and government’s administration over private education; 2. to recognize and protect the legal rights and benefits of private schools, their teachers and students; 3. to protect private education providers’ legal rights and freedom to own and use their private property as private schools; 4. to increase investor interest in putting more capital into education. (lu, 2003; ye, 2003) in 2002, the task group of the study on development strategies for non-governmental tertiary education in china found that the continued establishment of private heis is unnecessary. the issue is not whether to have more private heis or to legislate on the operations, but the key to advancing the higher education in china is to have more efficient admissions and operation system for public heis. furthermore, the current job market in china makes it difficult for public hei graduates to find employment and it is even more difficult for private hei graduates to secure employment. the task group further stated that the private heis are motivated by profits therefore are not inclined to improve the quality of teaching and management. discussion regulations tightened government control over private institutions. with this, government had the power to audit institutions in regards to their internal administration, including financing and teaching, and external relations, such as recruitment of students and competition with other schools (pan & law, 2006). to develop healthy private higher education: 1. a correct understanding and awareness of private higher education should be set up among proprietors, 2. teaching facilities and campus infrastructure construction should be timely upgraded and educational quality should be focused at any time, 3. proprietors of private heis need to avoid family business management and seek a sensible mechanism, 4. educational specialties ought to be highlighted at their own level. (p. 116) further, pan and law explained that the private higher education institution must establish a base of fulltime and part-time instructors with necessary qualifications and professionalism. administration must be selected among the qualified candidates who could be held accountable for the academic and administrative success of these institutions. this can be achieved through a proper system of personal responsibility that will allow greater standardization and systematization. further, an academically sound in-service training needs to be provided to the instructors. incomplete law and ineffective implementation, cultural barriers (meritocracy and minban) and improper coordination among institutions has hindered the delivery of quality education. private schools driven more by commercial motives than academics violated chinese consumer law (chaocheng, 2009). for policy implementation to be successful, it must involve the collaborative effects of political will, adequate resources, institutionalized structures, adequate time and minimal stages and strategy (yang & gale, 2004). in addition, inadequate internal governance system with international associate schools fosters unquestionable disparities and contradictions (chaocheng, 2009). there are certain core values of higher education which may, in certain circumstances, be assisted by the market yet cannot totally rely on it. these include a certain degree of job stability and security, necessary to accumulate research and teaching experience and develop long-term, basic research (this is threatened, for example, by an excessive reliance on short-term contracts or too much pressure to generate revenue from applied research). teachers are very mobile; and the teacher base is unstable. market forces do not necessarily produce positive results. they may be for better or for worse. how to ensure a wholesome development of market forces, how to maximize their positive effects while minimizing their accompanying hazards, is perhaps the greatest challenge that chinese higher education faces today. there is great urgency in facilitating an expansion of access to higher education in china, both to sustain the growth in the economy, and to support the extension of economic opportunity and social mobility. therefore, it is urgent to establish and maintain a quality assurance system, which the chinese education system needs desperately. quality assurance in private higher education in china 7 references baptiste, i. 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(1994). perspectives on minban schools in china. paper presented to the shanghai international house for education. 15-20 august. quality assurance in private higher education in china 9 article citation özturgut, o. (2011). quality assurance in private higher education in china. current issues in education, 14(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/731 author notes osman özturgut, ph.d. university of the incarnate word 4301 broadway cpo #293 san antonio, texas 78209 ozturgut@uiwtx.edu dr. osman özturgut is currently an assistant professor of education in the phd program at uiw. dr. özturgut has worked in the field of international and comparative education for over a decade. he has been an administrator and faculty member in various higher education institutions in turkey, china, and the united states. he has conducted research in china, south korea, japan, norway, singapore, turkey, south africa, and the us. he is an expert in international and comparative higher education and leadership studies and has numerous publications and presentations in these areas. his current research interests include international students in the u.s., internationalization of higher education, multicultural education, sinou.s. joint-venture campuses, and private higher education in china manuscript received: 1/22/2011 revisions received: 9/22/2011 accepted: 9/22/2011 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 10 volume 14, number 3 october 4, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editor melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors hillary andrelchik joy anderson meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy carol masser leslie salazar jennifer shea alaya swann faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers microsoft word pre-service teachers’ perception and beliefs of readiness to teach mathematics.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x pre-service teachers’ perception and beliefs of readiness to teach mathematics clarissa rosas and mary west college of mount st. joseph citation rosas, c. & west, m. (2011). pre-service teachers’ perception and beliefs of readiness to teach mathematics. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/ abstract this study explored pre-service teachers’ perceptions regarding their readiness to teach mathematical concepts and their preparation to integrate mathematical topics in instruction. participants consisted of pre-service teachers who agreed to participate in a state-wide survey. for the purpose of this study, data was disaggregated into two groups: pre-service teachers who attended a private teacher education program and pre-service teachers who attended a public teacher education program. results of this study indicate that pre-service teachers from both private and public colleges felt adequately prepared to teach mathematics and were indifferent in their perception of their ability to integrate mathematical concepts. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 keywords: teacher preparation; mathematical readiness; teacher perception; integration of topics; private teacher preparation; public teacher preparation; higher education teacher preparation; mathematical integration; mathematic education; and mathematical education preparation. readiness to teach mathematics 3 about the author(s) author: clarissa rosas, ph.d. affiliation: college of mount saint joseph address: 5701 delhi road, cincinnati, ohio 45233 email: clarissa_rosas@mail.msj.edu biographical information: dr. rosas is the director of the graduate multicultural special education program at the college of mount st. joseph. her research interests include multicultural special education, teacher education and effective online course delivery. dr. rosas has extensive experience in curriculum development for both pre-service and in-service teachers at the school, district and higher education level. dr. rosas holds a ph.d. in multicultural/bilingual special education and an ed.s. in school administration from the university of new mexico. studies, etc.). author: mary west, ph.d. affiliation: college of mount saint joseph address: 6701 delhi road, cincinnati, ohio 45233 email: mary_west@mail.msj.edu biographical information: dr. west is the director of the graduate adolescent & young adult graduate program at the college of mount saint joseph. dr. west earned her doctorate at ohio state university. her research interests include issues in science education, educational technology and teacher thinking. she is an ohio board of regents math and science teacher fellow and recent recipient of a two-year teach ohio grant from the team aya program. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 pre-service teachers’ perception and beliefs of readiness to teach mathematics in an effort to raise the academic achievement of all children, the no child left behind act of 2001 (nclb, 2001) mandates that all teachers be highly qualified in the content area they teach and that all student subgroups meet the academic standards set forth by individual states. at the heart of this mandate is the requirement that teacher preparation institutions graduate teachers who have the subject content knowledge to instruct all children in grades k-12. this type of mandate reflects the increased concern in recent years of the failure to adequately staff schools in grades k-12 with qualified teachers. a review of the literature also indicates that there is a heightened concern for both the quantity and quality of teachers to fill mathematics teaching positions (ingersoll & perda, 2009; boe, 2006; u.s. department of education, 2002; national commission on mathematics and science teaching, 2000). institutions of higher education (ihes) that provide teacher training programs are faced with the challenge to ensure that graduates are prepared to teach mathematics to students in grades k-12. two bodies of research warrant consideration from institutions of higher education that provide teacher training programs: (1) teachers’ mathematical background and (2) pedagogical knowledge. mathematical background the literature indicates that teachers’ background subject knowledge directly influences student achievement (barth, 2002; ingersoll, 2003; darling-hammond & bransford, 2005; heritage & vendlinski, 2006; hill, rowan & ball, 2005; national mathematics advisory panel, 2008). this view is supported by studies which spans over several decades documenting that many teachers enter the classroom without a comprehensive understanding of mathematics (hill, rowen, & ball, 1995; ball & bass, 2000; ball, 1990; usiskin, 2001). such findings claim that the lack of teachers’ mathematical understanding significantly impact students’ opportunities for readiness to teach mathematics 5 learning, as teacher content knowledge is a vital component for academic success (darling hammond, 2000). in order to explain mathematical concepts and provide connections and rationales behind mathematical operations, teachers need a profound understanding of the subject (ma, 1999). rosas & campbell’s (2010) study found that pre-service teachers had a limited understanding of mathematics. their study, which focused on mathematical achievement of preservice teachers at a small private ihe in southwestern ohio, revealed that these graduate students completed an average of three undergraduate mathematic courses (m = 3.5; sd= 2.09), with the majority (77%) of the coursework at the basic level. this finding of a basic level of mathematic coursework supports floden & meiketti’s (2005) literature review, which found that teachers only had a cursory understanding of mathematics and lacked the ability to elucidate important concepts. “if the ability to explain basic concepts is important for teaching, then the subject matter courses teachers now typically take leave a large fraction of teachers without important subject matter knowledge” (p. 283). rosas & campbell’s (2010) study found that pre-service teachers in the graduate program had an inadequate, basic mathematics background to prepare k-12 students for ohio’s required standardized tests. when pre-service teacher participants were given the ohio achievement math practice test at the 8th grade level, the majority of the pre-service teacher participants (69%, n=26) correctly answered 50% or less of the math questions, which covered concepts of measurement, data and probability, patterns/algebra, and number sense. the belief that student achievement is directly linked to teachers’ subject knowledge and their understanding of how individuals learn is based on intuition and logic. a reasonable assumption would be that teachers must know the subject content they teach. however, according to floden & menikeetti (2005), there is little empirical research to support such a claim. floden & meniketti (2005) reviewed current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 the literature and found few empirical studies that conclusively affirmed the common belief that teachers’ background knowledge directly impacts student achievement. of the forty empirical studies reviewed by floden & meniketti (2005), the majority used classroom assessments to measure student achievement, severely limiting the generalizability of the findings. the few empirical studies that linked teachers’ mathematical content knowledge to student achievement were vague. there was a lack of specific information which linked mathematical coursework and content completed by the teachers during their teacher preparation programs to students’ mathematical achievement. this inability to specifically identify the mathematics content courses can be attributed to two main issues: (1) the variability of college courses within and across ihes and (2) the fact that student data on mathematic achievement was not established until the 1990s. the shortage of empirical studies to define the relationship between content knowledge from ihes’ teacher preparation courses and k-12 student achievement compounds the issue further. pedagogical knowledge in addition to the research on mathematical background knowledge, institutes of higher education that provide teacher training programs also must be cognizant of teacher candidates’ pedagogical background and its effect on teaching performance. it is important to note that while content knowledge represents a general aptitude, pedagogical content knowledge refers to an understanding of how to teach the subject (shulman, 1986). several researchers (usiskin, 2001; conference board of mathematical sciences, 2001; shulman, 1986; darling hammond, 2000) stress that pre-service teacher education programs need to focus on distinctive courses that expand upon future teachers’ conceptual and pedagogical knowledge in mathematics. teacher readiness to teach mathematics 7 training programs typically require pre-service teachers to complete methods of teaching coursework and field experiences. in an effort to determine the effectiveness of methodology coursework and field experience, clift & brady (2005) reviewed the research from 1995 through 2001and found that most studies focused on pre-service teachers’ beliefs and perceptions of teaching. in general, the reviewed research indicated that teacher candidates who participated in mathematics methodology courses and field experiences reported confidence in their ability “to write lesson plans,… to focus on learning as exploratory rather than rote, …the importance of the teacher’s role, and … method and understandings of problem-solving process and skills (p.318)”. however, clift & brady (2005) found studies which indicated that while methodology courses focused on instruction that included national council of teachers of mathematics (nctm) standards, in practice there was little evidence that pre-service teachers included the standards in instruction during field experiences. even more confounding, clift & brady found that cooperating teachers understanding of standard-based instruction improved through their experiences with pre-service teachers, their. the research further indicated a consistent theme of a paradigm shift from the teacher as the “authority and provider of knowledge to teacher as facilitator” (p.319). such contrasting findings obviously indicate that more in-depth research, which directly connects teacher preparation to student achievement, is needed in the field of mathematics instruction. the first step to this type of research requires an investigation into the pre-service teachers’ perception about their readiness to teach mathematics. in summary, the literature revealed that the research on teachers’ mathematics content knowledge and teaching methodology was limited and therefore inconclusive. the purpose of this study was to provide more specific information about pre-service teachers’ perceptions of current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 their readiness to teach mathematics, their mathematical knowledge base, and their ability to integrate mathematics in the curriculum. this study will add to the body of knowledge on mathematics teacher training. the research questions that guided this study were as follows: 1. what are pre-service teachers’ perceptions of their readiness to teach mathematical concepts? 2. what are pre-service teachers’ beliefs on the integration of mathematical topics in instruction? methodology this study explored ohio’s pre-service teachers’ perceptions regarding their readiness to teach mathematical concepts and their preparation to integrate mathematical topics in instruction. data was disaggregated from an ohio 2006-2007 statewide survey and analyzed using descriptive statistics. participants participants for this study consisted of pre-service teachers who agreed to participate in the teacher quality partnership (tqp, 2007). in 2003, 50 institutes of higher education formed a partnership known as the teacher quality partnership (tqp) to identify effective teacher preparation practices and their impact on students. the participating ihes consisted of thirtyeight private colleges and/or universities and twelve public universities which offered teacher preparation programs. during the final semester of coursework, pre-service teachers at each participating institute were asked to volunteer in the tqp study by completing an eleven-page survey regarding their beliefs about the quality of their teacher preparation program and their concerns regarding teaching. data from each institution was compiled and a data base was formed. for the purpose of this study, the data was divided into two groups: 1) pre-service readiness to teach mathematics 9 teachers who attended a private ihe and 2) pre-service teachers who attended a public ihe. demographic questions on the survey revealed that the majority of the participants from both private and public ihes were white and non-hispanic females. table 1 presents the demographics of the pre-service participants. table 1 demographic data of pre-service participants by percentage ____________________________________________________________________________ institutes of higher education participant percentage of percentage of n male female white other _____________________________________________________________________________ private 2559 20.75 75.89 91.48 4.37 public 2747 21.59 76.52 91.01 6.71 ______________________________________________________________________________ tqp, 2008 (2006-2007 data set) instrumentation the pre-service survey was developed by a team of ohio faculty representatives from ihes participating in tqp. the survey measure has been used each semester since 2004 with pre-service teachers and since 2005 for in-service teachers in ohio. the pre-service survey consisted of 167 questions/statements regarding teachers’ perceptions of their preparation programs, professional knowledge and skills, teacher efficacy, and concerns about teaching. using a 5-point likert type scale, participants were asked to rate each question or statement. researchers who coordinated the development of the survey asserted that the survey was a reliable measure of teachers’ perceptions, as responses from approximately 7,000 teachers yielded similar mean scores (loadmen, 2007). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 for the purpose of this study, data generated from the survey pertaining to mathematics were disaggregated for the academic year of 2006-2007. the data was then categorized into two groups. the first group consisted of pre-service participants from ohio’s private ihes and the second group was pre-service teachers from ohio’s public ihes. descriptive statistics was used to examine pre-service teachers’ perceptions about their background mathematical knowledge and their beliefs on the integration of mathematical topics in instruction. t-tests were completed to determine if there was a significant difference between the responses of pre-service teachers trained at public versus private ihes. results disaggregated data from the survey was analyzed to determine pre-service teachers’ perceptions of their readiness to teach mathematics. using a 5point likerttype scale, preservice teachers were asked to rate ten statements regarding how well their program prepared them to teach mathematics (on a scale from 1not at all;2poorly; 3adequately; 4well; to 5very well). the pre-service teachers from private ohio ihes rated all ten questions related to their preparation to teach mathematics as adequate (m=3.31, s.d. = 0.15). the pre-service teachers from public ohio ihes also rated all ten questions/statements regarding their preparation to teach mathematics as adequate (m=3.29, s.d. = 0.14). table 2 provides the preservice teachers’ response to the ten questions regarding their preparation to teach mathematics. readiness to teach mathematics 11 table 2 ohio pre-service teachers’ perception on readiness to teach mathematics ______________________________________________________________________________ survey response to: how well teacher public institutes private institutes preparation prepared them to… n mean (sd) n mean (sd) ______________________________________________________________________________ use mathematical problem solving processes 2702 3.35 (1.27) 2506 3.32 (1.27) in teaching. teach mathematical representations 2700 3.50 (1.23) 2505 3.47 (1.26) (e.g. graphs, tables). use mathematics communication processes 2696 3.27 (1.28) 2502 3.24 (1.29) in teaching. integrate mathematics with other subject areas. 2703 3.38 (1.28) 2507 3.43 (1.28) teach mathematical concepts to student groups 2698 3.15 (1.32) 2503 3.16 (1.32) that are mixed in ability. teach connections among mathematical ideas. 2701 3.05 (1.34) 2497 3.05 (1.33) use discovery approaches in mathematics. 2698 3.19 (1.37) 2498 3.28 (1.36) use manipulatives (e.g. blocks) in mathematics. 699 3.50 (1.44) 2497 3.55 (1.44) take into account students’ prior conceptions 2696 3.34 (1.34) 2493 3.40 (1.35) about mathematics when planning curriculum & instruction. use textbook as a resource in mathematics rather 2694 3.20 (1.38) 2493 3.26 (1.37) than as the primary instructional tool. ____________________________________________________________________________ tqp, 2007 (data set for 2006-2007) 5-point likert scale type: 1= not at all; 2=poorly; 3=adequately; 4=well; 5=very well current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 a t-test was completed to determine if a significant difference existed between the responses per question of pre-service teachers trained at an ohio private versus public ihe. the survey statements regarded pre-service teachers’ perceptions of their readiness to teach mathematics. results of the t-test (α=.05) indicated that there was no significant difference in ratings between pre-service teachers’ from private and public ihes. results of the t-test are presented in table 3. table 3 t-test results of ohio pre-service teachers’ perception on readiness to teach mathematics ______________________________________________________________________________ survey response to: how well 95% ci teacher preparation prepared t df p mf sed ll ul them to… ____________________________________________________________________________ use mathematical problem 0.8517 5205 0.3944 0.03 0.035 -0.0392 0.0992 solving processes in teaching. teach mathematical represent 0.8689 5203 0.3849 0.03 0.035 -0.0378 0.0978 ations (e.g. graphs, tables). use mathematics communica 0.8411 5196 0.4003 0.03 0.036 -0.0401 0.1001 tion processes in teaching. integrate mathematics with 1.4088 5208 0.1590 0.05 0.035 -0.0500 0.0197 other subject areas. teach mathematical concepts 0.2730 5199 0.7849 -0.01 0.037 -0.0820 0.0620 to student groups that are mixed in ability. teach connections among 0.0000 5196 1.0000 0.00 0.037 -0.0728 0.0728 mathematical ideas. use discovery approaches 2.3743 5194 0.0176 -0.09 0.038 -0.1645 -.0155 in mathematics. use manipulative (e.g. 1.2505 5194 0.2112 0.050 0.040 0.1286 0.0286 blocks) in mathematics. readiness to teach mathematics 13 take into account students’ 1.6057 5187 0.1084 0.060 0.037 -0.1334 0.0134 prior conceptions about math ematics when planning curriculum & instruction. use textbook as a resource in 1.5700 5185 0.1165 -0.060 0.038 -0.1351 0.0151 mathematics rather than as the primary instructional tool. ____________________________________________________________________________ note: ci= confidence interval; ll = lower limit; ul = upper limit; α=.05; equal variances not assumed; 5-point likert scale: 1=not at all, 2=poorly, 3 =adequately, 4=well, 5=very well the second question which guided this study pertained to pre-service teachers’ beliefs on the integration of mathematics. disaggregated data from the survey was analyzed to determine pre-service teachers’ beliefs on the integration of mathematical topics in instruction. overall, participants from both the private and public institutions rated the belief statements at m=3.40 (s.d. =0.3078), which indicates a similar level of indifference (“neither agree or disagree”). using a 5point likert-type scale, pre-service teachers were asked to rate their level of agreement or disagreement for eight statements. the statement that had the lowest rating from the pre-service teachers was the statement, “in my mathematics lessons, i aim for in-depth study of selected topics, even if it means sacrificing comprehensive coverage”. the pre-service teachers from public ihes rated this statement as “neither disagree or agree” (m=3.0; s.d. = 3.0). the pre-service teachers from private ihes rated the statement as “neither disagree or agree” (m= 2.97; s.d. = 1.14). the statement which pre-service teachers rated the highest was, “my job as a teacher is to encourage students to think and question mathematically”. the pre-service teachers from public ihes rated this statement as “neither disagree or agree” (m=3.86; s.d =1.14). the pre-service teachers from private ihes rated the current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 statement as “neither disagree or agree” (m= 3.85; s.d. = 1.16). overall, the pre-service teachers from private ihes rated all eight questions as “neither disagree or agree” (m=3.4; s.d. = 0.31). the pre-service teachers from public ihes also rated all eight questions as “neither disagree or agree” (m=3.3; s.d. 0.32). table 4 presents the findings on pre-service teachers’ belief on the integration mathematics topics in instruction. table 4 ohio pre-service teachers’ belief on the integration of mathematics topic in instruction ____________________________________________________________________________ survey statements public institutes private institutes n mean (sd) n mean (sd) ____________________________________________________________________________ my primary goal is to help students learn 2670 3.13 (1.18) 2476 3.14 (1.21) mathematical terminology. my primary goal is to help students achieve a 2670 3.70 (1.28) 2472 3.67 (1.27) deep conceptual understanding of mathematics. in my mathematics lessons, i aim for in-depth 2659 3.00 (1.13) 2470 2.97 (1.14) study of selected topics, even if it means sacrificing comprehensive coverage. my primary goal is to help students master 2664 3.43 (1.10) 2468 3.47 (1.12) computational skills. i generally teach basic facts and computation 2660 3.27 (1.18( 2471 3.30 (1.18) skills before discussing underlying principles of mathematics. in my mathematics lessons i aim for 2.663 3.08 (1.09) 2470 3.12 (1.13) comprehension coverage, even if it means sacrificing in-depth study. my job as a teacher is to encourage students to 2666 3.86 (1.14) 2475 3.85 (1.16) think and question mathematically. my job as a teacher is to transmit the knowledge 2664 3.66 (1.18) 2470 3.68 (1.20) and content of mathematics. ____________________________________________________________________________ readiness to teach mathematics 15 tqp 2007 (data set 2006-2007) 5-point likert scale: 1=strongly disagree: 2=somewhat disagree; 3=neither disagree or agree: 4=somewhat agree; 5=strongly agree t-tests were completed to determine if there was a significant difference between preservice teachers’ mean ratings of statements regarding beliefs on the integration of mathematics topic in instruction. results of the t-test (α=.05) indicated that there was no difference in the beliefs between pre-service teachers’ from private and public ihes. results of the t-tests (α=.05) are presented in table 5. table 5 t-test results of ohio pre-service teachers’ belief on the integration of mathematical topic in instruction ___________________________________________________________________________________________ survey questions 95% ci t df p md sed ll ul ____________________________________________________________________________ my primary goal is to help 0.3001 5144 0.7641 -0.0100 0.033 -0.0755 0.0555 students learn mathematical terminology. my primary goal is to help 0.8420 5129 0.3998 0.0300 0.036 -0.0323 0.0923 students achieve a deep conceptual understanding of mathematics. in my mathematics lessons, 1.2904 5131 0.1970 -0.0400 0.031 -0.1009 0.0209 i aim for in-depth study of selected topics, even if it means sacrificing comprehensive coverage. my primary goal is to help 1.2904 5131 0.1970 -0.0400 0.031 -0.1009 0.0209 students master compu tational skills. i generally teach basic facts 0.9099 5129 0.3629 -0.0300 -0.033 -0.0948 0.0348 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 and computation skills before discussing underlying principles of mathematics. in my mathematics lessons 1.2907 5131 0.1969 -0.0400 0.031 -0.1009 0.0209 i aim for comprehension coverage, even if it means sacrificing in-depth study. my job as a teacher is to 0.3116 5139 0.7553 0.01000 0.032 -0.0530 0.0730 encourage students to think and question mathematically. my job as a teacher is to 0.6019 5132 0.5473 -0.02000 0.033 -0.0853 0.0453 transmit the knowledge and content of mathematics. note: ci= confidence interval; ll = lower limit; ul = upper limit; α=.05; equal variances not assumed; 5-point likert scale: 1=strongly disagree: 2=somewhat disagree; 3=neither disagree or agree: 4=somewhat agree; 5=strongly agree conclusion this study explored ohio pre-service teachers’ perceptions regarding their readiness to teach mathematical concepts and their preparation to integrate mathematical topics in instruction. historically, there is a body of research that indicates that teachers’ background subject knowledge influences their teaching (barth, 2002; ingersoll, 2003; darling-hammond & bransford, 2005; heritage & vendlinski, 2006; hill, rowan & ball, 2005; national mathematics advisory panel, 2008). however, results of this study indicate that pre-service teachers rate their perception of readiness to teach mathematics only in the adequate range (likert response of 3= adequate). the overall mean response for all ten survey questions from ohio’s public and private pre-service teachers was 3.30 (sd=0.146); the overall mean from the public pre-service teachers was 3.29 (sd=0.14), while the mean for private pre-service teachers was 3.31 (sd=0.15). an overall mean pre-service teacher perception of adequate readiness to teach mathematical readiness to teach mathematics 17 concepts, instead of a rating of well or very well on the likert scale, is noteworthy for several reasons. while there is a limited number of empirical studies that connects student achievement with teachers’ background knowledge, there is a body of research that indicates that student achievement is directly connected to teachers’ background knowledge (darling-hammond & bransford, 2005; heritage & vendlinski, 2006; national mathematics advisory panel, 2008). therefore, a rating of “adequate” in terms of readiness to teach mathematics concepts is concerning. teachers’ confidence levels to teach mathematical concepts should be at least at the well or very well prepared. further research is needed to determine if there is a connection between student achievement and pre-service teachers’ perceptions of being prepared to teach mathematics. results of this study support the research that spans over several decades documenting that many teachers enter the classroom without a comprehensive understanding of mathematics (ball & bass, 2000; ball, 1990). in particular, flodin and meiketti (2005) found that teachers only have a cursory understanding of mathematics, which could explain the perceptions of the pre-service teachers in this study. ma (1990) found that a profound understanding of mathematics is necessary to fully explain mathematical concepts and to provide meaningful connections behind mathematics in the classroom. therefore, the self-reported adequate level of readiness to teach mathematics by ohio pre-service teachers may be an indication that additional mathematics coursework is needed in teacher preparation programs. there are few empirical studies that specifically identify the mathematical content courses that pre-service teachers would require to have a comprehensive understanding of mathematics (floden & meniketti, 2005). this gap in educational research should be addressed in future studies. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 the second area of focus in this study was to determine pre-service teachers’ beliefs on the integration of mathematical topics in instruction. both private and public pre-service teachers indicated that they felt indifferent (“neither agree or disagree”) on their beliefs of the integration of mathematics. overall, participants from both the private and public institutions rated the belief statements at m=3.40 (s.d. =0.3078). this level of indifference may be more indicative of pre-service teachers’ lack of comprehensive understanding of mathematics and the critical need to integrate and apply mathematics throughout the curriculum with all k-12 subject areas. the statement that was rated the lowest by both private and public pre-service teachers which further sheds light on the participants’ beliefs was, “in my mathematics lessons, i aim for in-depth study of selected topics, even if it means sacrificing comprehensive coverage”. these findings support the body of research that stresses the importance on teacher preparation programs to focus on the expansion of pedagogical knowledge in mathematics (usiskin, 2001; conference board of mathematical sciences, 2001; shulman, 1986; darling hammond, 2000). in conclusion, the findings from this study indicate that future empirical research is needed in order to determine if pre-service teachers’ perceptions about their readiness to teach mathematics and their ability to integrate mathematical topics in instruction directly impacts student achievement. in addition, a follow-up investigation is needed to determine if the classroom teaching experiences of in-service teachers eventually change their perception of their preparation and readiness to teach mathematics. readiness to teach mathematics 19 references ball, d. 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(1986). those who understand: knowledge growth in teaching. educational researcher, v 15 (2): p. 4-14. teacher quality partnership (2007). tqp graduate survey progress report. presented at the spring ohio confederation of teacher organization (octeo) conference. columbus, ohio. usiskin, z. (2001). teachers’ mathematics: a collection of content deserving to be a field. the mathematics educator, 6 (1), 85-97 u.s. department of education. (2002). meeting the highly qualified teachers challenge: the secretary’s annual report on teacher quality. washington, dc: u.s. department of education, office of postsecondary education, office of policy, planning, and innovation. readiness to teach mathematics 23 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt education websites_final volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x education websites and their benefits to potential international students: a case study of higher education service providers in malaysia teik chooi ooi intel penang, malaysia henry wai leong ho swinburne university of technology siti amri griffith university citation ooi, t.c, ho, h., & amri, s. (2010). education websites and their benefits to potential international students: a case study of higher education service providers in malaysia. current issues in education, 13(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this paper looks at criteria on how education service providers’ websites could benefit their potential students from overseas. effective design of education website is important as web users are typically fastidious and want information fast this serves as the background of this study. the study focuses on three selected education institutions’ websites; identifying their strengths and weaknesses, followed by recommendation on how institutions can improve their websites to gain good impression or perception from potential customers, such that they will re-visit the websites to get more information. ultimately, the goal is to turn potential students to real students. three education service providers (all located in penang, malaysia) have been identified and used for this study. they are inti international college penang, kdu college penang and olympia college penang. these current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 2 websites are examined against a list of criteria: source, layout, accessibility, speed, navigability, content, accuracy, level of details, current information and appearance. based on the study done, the kdu college website is the best website compared to the other two colleges. nevertheless, further improvement can be made in terms of displaying all course fees, frequently asked questions (faq) for international and local student admission, and contact information for faculty, staff and students. keywords: education service providers, international student, webpage analysis, education in malaysia education websites 3 about the author(s) author: teik chooi ooi affiliation: intel penang, malaysia biographical information: short paragraph (department info, field, studies, etc.). if there is more than one author, start and use separate paragraphs. author: henry wai leong ho affiliation: swinburne university of technology email: hho@swin.edu.au biographical information: short paragraph (department info, field, studies, etc.). if there is more than one author, start and use separate paragraphs. author: siti amri affiliation: griffith university email: samri@csu.edu.au biographical information: short paragraph (department info, field, studies, etc.). if there is more than one author, start and use separate paragraphs. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 4 private higher educational institutions (pheis) in malaysia have equal role as the government funded universities, that is, the public universities, in the provision of tertiary education in malaysia (wilkinson & yussof, 2005). pheis are fully-funded by the private sector. a number of these educational institutions have also obtained listing in the bursa malaysia (formerly known as kuala lumpur stock exchange (klse)). these institutions of higher learning are under the jurisdiction of the ministry of higher education (mohe) malaysia, and are governed by various legislations to ensure provision of quality education. in 1995, mohe found that 20 per cent of overseas-trained malaysian students cost the country around us$800 million in currency outflow, constituting nearly 12 per cent of malaysia’s current account deficit. in order to reduce the outflows of funds, the government has intervened by increasing the capacity of public universities and expanding the capacity of local (private) higher education sector (sirat, 2008; ziguras, 2001). the mohe saw the local pheis as the key means of reducing this currency outflow and in the long term of transforming malaysia into a net exporter of higher education (ziguras, 2001). poised to be the centre of educational excellence in the asia pacific region, majority of the pheis are using english, an international lingua franca, as the medium of instruction for programmes conducted. besides offering study opportunities to the malaysian students, pheis are also the favourite choice of many international students. the advantages for international students to pursue their tertiary education in malaysia include time and cost saving, quality education awarded by foreign partners and the opportunity to explore in the country’s diverse culture and language. as of january 2005, there were about 40,000 foreign students from over 150 countries studying in malaysia (acca, 2007). the number of foreign students increased into 55,000 in 2006 (verbik & lasanowski, 2007). as education websites 5 claimed by verbik and lasanowski (2007), malaysia has an approximate 2% share of the international student market since 2006. the majority of international students came from china, indonesia, india, thailand, singapore and the middle east, and they pursued courses in business, information technology, and engineering. the target of the malaysian government is to recruit 100,000 foreign students by year 2010 (sirat, 2008). under the ninth malaysia plan (2006 – 2010), the malaysian government will double efforts to develop malaysia as a regional centre for excellence in the provision of tertiary level education (prime minister malaysia speech, 2006). malaysia intends to promote and export tertiary education through strategic marketing efforts and the branding of educational products. promotion approaches through the web is accepted to be one of new forms of technology that can contribute to the success of the plan. in june 2007, there were 521 pheis approved by the ministry of higher education malaysia. they are categorized as below: table 1: number of pheis as at 30 june 2007 categories of pheis number university status university status university college status foreign university branch campuses 16 16 4 non-university status 485 total 521 source: study malaysia.com (2008) current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 6 the four foreign university branch campuses offer foreign degree qualifications and the 32 universities provide home-grown degree programmes. a number of these institutions also offer 3+0 foreign university degree programmes. under this 3+0 arrangement, institutions are permitted by the foreign partner university to conduct the entire degree programme in malaysia for their foreign-partner university, which will then award the degree qualification). 25 of the non-university status pheis conduct 3+0 foreign university degree programmes in collaboration with overseas host universities. several pheis also have twinning degree arrangement with reputable foreign universities all over the world. at the beginning of year 2007, there were more than 320,000 students studying in pheis and about 35,000 (approximately 10% of the total) of them were international students pursuing tertiary programmes and english language courses (study malaysia.com, 2008). promoting tertiary education service providers in malaysia in order to achieve the target of 100,000 students by 2010, the government and pheis have implemented selected strategies. under the ninth malaysia plan, the malaysian government plans to promote tertiary education through marketing efforts and the branding of educational products. this included the implementation of a quality assurance system, promotional activities and the establishment of education promotion offices in beijing, dubai, ho chi minh city and jakarta (ninth malaysia plan, 2006). with these efforts, enrolment of foreign students in education institutions increased. de-regulation of visas by allowing foreign students in malaysia to work part-time also helped to recruit more foreign students (higher-edge.com, 2004). education websites 7 there are a few promotional approaches used by pheis. they are advertisements in selected education publications, education fairs and information sessions targeted at students and parents. colleges also have ambassadors like personnel and programme providers (for example, idp – individual development programme) who directly provide advice. other promotion approaches are running series of media and agent visits from targeted markets, exhibitions at conferences targeted directly at secondary schools and college counsellors, and distribution of promotional publications such as flyers (deupree, 2002). they also have partnership strategies to actively pursue dual degree programmes, which allow students to spend a year studying abroad, and awarded a degree by both the local and foreign institutions. a study on attracting foreign students also recommends that students be allowed to seek employment during and after their studies. it also suggests adapting immigration rules to make it easier for malaysia’s private tertiary institutions to hire teaching staff from abroad. it will be more attractive if study loans and scholarships (binsardi & ekwulugo, 2003) from private sectors or the government are offered to foreign students. website and promotion of tertiary education service providers in malaysia the web is important to organizations and is recognized by all industries including education. fast and easy access to millions of potential customers are the main benefits of websites (belch & belch, 2007; keegan & green, 2008). research has shown that total internet user growth in asia increased more than 406% from 2000 to 2008 (internet world stats, 2008). the web facilitates an efficient way to conduct international business (belch & belch, 2007; kotler, brown, adam, burton, & armstrong, 2007). websites can be updated often with latest promotions and course information in timely manner, with comprehensive virtual brochures current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 8 (chaffey, ellis-chadwick, johnston & mayer, 2006; strauss, el-ansary & frost, 2006). as claimed by allison (2002), access to and use of the internet is increasing rapidly: • 39% of adults claimed use of the internet in august 2001, up from 28% the previous year • 83% of potential higher education students had access the internet from home in 2001 • 81% of applicants used the internet for higher education information in 2001 compared with 50% in 2000 • 77% of applicants in 2001 had visited individual institution sites (allison, 2002) as a promotional medium, changes to the web can be quickly implemented and with limited cost. websites that are dynamic are those that get the hits. the web enables the display of photos, sound and short movie clips at lower costs. frequently asked questions on websites can address typical admission questions from customers, freeing up a lot of time for office staff. websites serve customers 24 hours a day, seven days a week, without additional costs. websites can efficiently reach target customers by presenting the right branding message at the right time, at the right place, to the right person for optimum results (belch & belch, 2007; chaffey et al., 2006; kotler et al., 2007; strauss et al., 2006). comparing the web to other mediums such as print media advertising, education fairs, exhibitions, personnel fees, information sessions and publication mails, a website is cheaper, with faster and wider audience coverage (belch & belch, 2007; chaffey et al., 2006; strauss et al., 2006). this is in line with the quote, “marketing on the internet has received substantial attention. businesses are not only able to reach a wider audience but also reduce marketing costs” (ellsworth & ellsworth, 1994). as indicated by porter (2001), "the internet is a powerful set of tools that can be used, wisely or unwisely, in almost every industry and as part of almost any strategy". he stressed that education websites 9 companies which succeed will be the ones that use the internet as complimentary to traditional ways of competing, not those who set their internet initiatives apart from their established operations (porter, 2001). in summary, although there are many advantages of having websites, tertiary education providers need to consider and overcome some common mistakes and limitations of websites. this is to ensure the institution’s website is an effective marketing tool and brings value to institution. method three higher education service providers (inti, kdu, and olympia) have been selected as a focus in this paper due to numerous reasons. firstly, they are pioneers in malaysian private education and both inti and kdu colleges have been established for more than 20 years, while olympia college started up 12 years ago. in addition, kdu and olympia are public listed companies in klse, under the subsidiary of paramount corporation berhad group and stamford group respectively. secondly, they offer a wide range of programmes at certificate, diploma, degree and masters levels. the certificate and diploma courses are internally developed while the degree and masters programmes are conducted in association with prestigious universities in australia, uk, usa, new zealand and other countries. thirdly, the institutions’ high standards of academic provision are well recognized by employers of various industries and universities worldwide, as a result of their competent graduates who excel in their workplace. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 10 most importantly, they are internationally acknowledged as institutions that are committed to providing quality education. students now come from various countries around the world including china, indonesia, middle east, africa and others. website indicators for evaluation the website evaluation criteria are designed based on two sections. first section consists of 10 criteria with their respective components. criteria are scaled depending on a number of sub-components rated ‘yes’. however, criteria at second section are rated with yes or no. for example, the first criterion in the first section has three sub-criteria located at second section. from the evaluation, if it only has one “yes”, the first section will have a score of “1”. if there are no “yes” ratings, then the first section scores “0”. table 2 provides the detail listing of the criteria and its respective component used in this study: table 2: criteria used to evaluate tertiary service providers website no criteria 1 source 1.1 more than 10 years 1.2 awards 1.3 public listed company 2 layout 2.1 center, left and right 2.2 sequence base on important 2.3 not “below the fold” 3 accessibility education websites 11 3.1 highest hits at search engine 3.2 counter 3.3 no error outage 3.4 affiliate partner, newspaper and government sponsor 3.5 cascading style sheet (css) 3.6 alt attribute 3.7 named links 3.8 contrasting background + text color 4 speed 4.1 website site (bytes) 4.2 flash (if none is there an option for flash or non-flash?) 4.3 download time (<10 seconds) 5 navigability 5.1 number of clicks ( < 4 clicks) 5.2 two minutes to find information 5.3 site map usage 5.4 button terminology – descriptive 6 content 6.1 admissions 6.2 academic programmes 6.3 faculty, staff, student, alumni 6.4 student financial assistance current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 12 6.5 welcome from the chair or programme director 6.6 news and announcements 6.7 cost of admission 6.8 frequently asked questions (faqs) 6.9 international student corner 6.10 sign in/request information 6.11 contact us 6.12 other languages used in website, besides english 7 accuracy 7.1 college affiliated with wellknown university 7.2 testimonials from students 7.3 government 7.4 author of website 8 appropriate level of details 8.1 the level of details for information 8.2 courses offered 8.3 pre-requisite to register course 8.4 credit transfer 8.5 course fees 9 current information 9.1 regular update 9.2 reliable link education websites 13 9.3 event date 9.4 semester calendar 9.5 copyright 10 appearance 10.1 good spelling 10.2 grammar 10.3 font 10.4 professional look 10.5 news flash source: develop for this research the criteria designed were implemented in these three colleges’ websites, and data collected by surfing and browsing each college website. the strategy is to use case study evaluating three identified colleges’ websites in gathering primary data. the data collection was performed within 32 days, commencing from second week of september until the third week of october, 2008. most of the time, access to respective website were performed during night time in malaysia, although evaluation of speed was done during day and night time in order to have more accurate data. after data collection, a separate analysis focusing on each individual institution calls out both available and non-available attributes at respective websites. the result and summary are presented in the following section. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 14 results webpage analysis of inti international college penang for more than 19 years, inti international college penang has maintained its commitment to uncompromised teaching excellence. this continues to benefit students in business, law, computing & it, engineering, applied science and social science (inti international college penang, 2008). figure 1 website of inti international college penang source: inti international college penang (2008) the college offers programmes wherein students complete certificates, diplomas and bachelor degrees. in the 3 + 0 programmes, students can complete their studies on-campus at inti and still obtain overseas degrees. in addition, they can select from an impressive list of education websites 15 prestigious universities and enrol in the uk degree transfer programmes, the australian degree transfer programmes, or the american degree transfer program before proceeding overseas to complete their degrees (inti international college penang, 2008). strategic links with partner universities have resulted in several exchange programmes that enable students and staff to expand their knowledge, experiences and creativity. inti encourages such exchanges as they provide unique opportunities for participants (inti international college penang, 2008). sources for this college are its 20-year history as an established education center. inti international college penang is the top-notch centre in the world for higher school certificate (hsc). the layout for page uses top center as the main menu and left hand is the sub-menu from the main menu selected. sequence of menu is based on the importance of information and length of the page is just nice, not a very long page that required scrolling down the page. accessibility is part of the quality and popularity assessment of websites. higher search engines ranking translate into greater traffic on a site and, subsequently increase its accessibility degree. practical ways to examine inti college was conducted through search engine google. the result is inti college has the highest result from search engine ranking. second factor used to measure accessibility is the site popularity. the most common of web performance is the number of "hits" a site generates. for inti college, there is no counter included in their website. the third factor used is website up time. almost all the time, the site is accessible. other factors used to measure the accessibility are the website uses css, alt attribute, named links, and contrasting background and text color. speed is important as potential customers are looking for information and they do not have much patience to wait a long time for a web page to down load. it is not advisable to use current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 16 flash site, if there is a need, should have options of flash or non-flash site. the web page is a non-flash website with reasonable download time (~30 seconds). the average number of clicks needed to access faculties or college pages < n, and to access courses information was n. however, some sites require around ten clicks to access programmes, implying a very poor organization of the information that should be improved. the average number of clicks needed to access faculties or college pages < n, and to access courses information was n. however, some sites require around ten clicks to access programmes, implying a very poor organization of the information that should be improved. navigability for inti college by potential customer is less than five, in terms of number of clicks. it took two minutes to find the information that is readily available with the descriptive buttons as a main menu and sub-menu. the content of the web page includes admissions, academic programmes, alumni testimonial, student financial assistance, welcome from the school principal, news and announcements, and online enquiry for information. however, the webpage lacks frequently asked questions, cost of admission, site map and international student corner. in addition to this, the inti college student affair information provides information about general welfare of students and provides other services to increase the quality of student life in iicp. the services are included as follows: accommodation transfer, booking of bus tickets, students’ mail, lost and found, health & emergencies, available facilities, available equipment/games, grievance report, rental of lockers, on/off-campus jobs, and notice boards. other information published at the website are map to college, contact information and campus facilities photos at library, convenience store, lecture theaters, cafeteria, and cybercafe. sports facilities include football, pool, table tennis, gymnasium, basketball, table education websites 17 soccer, tennis, chinese chess and music room. computer labs include engineering labs, physics labs, chemistry labs, biology labs. various forms of campus accommodation are provided types with reasonable prices and listed in the website. the site publishes contact information like email address, phone number and fax number. the language used in website meets the needs of their targeted market. it uses english as the official language of the internet. site accuracy is good promoting college facilities, services, and courses with reasonable price and yet not compromising quality, and good study environment through their websites. the site has short testimonials with good comments from students. the site also publishes affiliations with well-known universities in united states, united kingdom, canada, australia and new zealand, jobdb.com and industrial training center, which gives confidence to potential customers to pursue their studies in the college. courses offered by the college are also recognized by national accreditation board (nab), or better known as lembaga akreditasi negara (lan) in bahasa. the detail level of information for courses offered include description, academic pathway diagram, course structure, intake, course link with affiliated university and subjects needed to complete per semester/year. another value-added feature shows past track record of college achievement on passing score specifically on pre-university programme and it lists out the partnership of respective universities for credit transfer programme. the limitations are no course fees and credit transfer details available. for admission, it also contains the information for local student and international student requirements. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 18 respondents mentioned that sites need to be dated [x]. in order to know if the website is current, last updated date needs to be listed at the bottom of web page. furthermore, the home page can publish coming events like college open day, seminars, forums and other workshops. current information appears on the college‘s intake calendar and latest news on serving community and student achievements. an organization that regularly updates websites gives confidence to potential customers and influences them to visit the site repeatedly, while a website’s current reliable links should be available and working. the copyright year at the bottom of the website also reflects the current status of websites. there is no last updated date listed at the inti site. appearance of the site looks professional. generally, the site has short and meaningful text, good spelling and grammar, and font size and color are appropriate, usage of frame to make websites look organized, links are working, minimal animation, quality college picture, best viewed information of the website example with internet explorer & resolution (1024 x 768). there is no virtual tour to college with multimedia component that could make the website look more professional. webpage analysis of kdu college penang from its humble beginnings in 1991, kdu college penang has evolved into one of the leading higher learning institutions in the country, offering a commendable range of industrydriven courses. in a poll conducted by the star education during the star education fair 2004 in penang, kdu college was listed as one of the top four choices for higher education in the northern region (kdu college penang, 2008). education websites 19 figure 2 website of kdu college penang source: kdu college penang (2008) strategically located at jalan anson (anson road), the five-storey college building is well-equipped with state-of-the-art teaching, learning and research facilities to provide a more conducive learning environment for students enrolled in its six schools: american university studies, arts & science, business, computing & information systems, engineering, and hotel & tourism management. a new eight-storey block was also completed in october 2003 to meet the demand of increased students and to provide more facilities. with this expansion, the college now has a capacity of 5,000 students (kdu college penang, 2008). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 20 with a current student population of 2,500, kdu penang is becoming a popular higher educational institution for international students from indonesia, thailand, china, hong kong, japan, korea, mongolia, europe and many other nations (kdu college penang 2008). sources for this college are also its 20-year history as an established education center. kdu college was established as a small institution, becoming a well-known education center today. kdu college, under paramount corporation berhad group is a public listed company in malaysia. potential customers, who visit these websites, should be impressed, considering the good track record. the layout for the page has the main menu located at the top center and left hand side. menu sequence is based on the importance of information and length of the page is just nice – not a very long page that requires significant scrolling down the page. accessibility is part of the quality and popularity assessment of websites. higher search engines ranking translate into greater traffic on a site and, subsequently increase its accessibility degree. practical ways to examine kdu college was conducted through the search engine google. kdu college is the highest result from search engine ranking. second factor used to measure accessibility is the site popularity. the most common of web performance is the number of hits a site generates. kdu college does not have a counter in its websites. the third factor used, is website up time. almost all the time, the site is accessible. however there is one limitation where expand function for respective button will only work when it starts from the home button. other factors used to measure the accessibility are usage of css and alt attribute, which are not used in this web page. however the page has a contrasting background and text color and it does name the links as well. education websites 21 speed is important as potential customers are looking for information and they do not have much patience to wait a long time for a web page to download. it is not advisable to use flash site, if there is a need, one should have options of flash or non-flash site. the web page is not a flash site but has some animation and graphics with reasonable download time of ~30 seconds. the average number of clicks needed to access faculties or college pages < n, and to access courses information was n. however, some sites require around ten clicks to access programmes, implying a very poor organization of the information that should be improved. navigability for kdu college by potential customer is less than five, in terms of number of clicks. it took two minutes to find the information that is readily available with descriptive buttons as a main menu and sub-menu. site map is also available to ease finding information. the content of the web page include admissions, academic programmes, alumni testimonial, student financial assistance, welcome from the school principal, news and announcements, international student corner and online enquiry for information. however, he webpage lacks frequently asked questions and cost of admission. other links are online enquiry¸ contact information and site map. photos of campus facilities photos such as career corner restaurants, canteen and gymnasium are published. laboratories include class lab, multimedia lab, workshop lab, computer lab, internet lab, communication lab, chemistry/biology lab, electronic lab, electrical power lab, smart lecture theatre, library, resource centre, and studio. the site publishes contact information like email address, phone number and fax number. kdu college website has additional contact information, which is kdu online enquiry. besides this contact information, some value-added services provided to students are kdu 24current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 22 hours emergency assist line information for emergency assistance to staff and students. there is a kdu accommodation help-line for assistance with an accommodation or to lodge complaints about repairs to the hostel or student houses. both these services could influence potential customers to study at the college. language used in the website meets the needs of their targeted market. the site uses english as the official language of the internet. in addition, kdu college website does use mandarin in certain webpages, as china and taiwan are their targeted markets. site accuracy is good promoting college facilities, services, and courses with reasonable price and yet not compromising quality, and good study environment through their websites. the site has short testimonials with good comments from students. the site also publishes affiliations with well-known universities in the united states, united kingdom, canada, australia and new zealand, giving confidence to potential customers to pursue their studies in the college. courses offered by the college are also recognized by nab. level of details of the site and its information available are for international students, where it provides information about malaysia, climate, people and language, religion, food, currency and banking, living expenses, one-stop center for international students, accommodation, transport and shopping. apart from this, there are a few services provided to international students, such as airport pickup, accommodation check-in, banking and currency exchange, immigration matters, safe-keeping of passports, and booking air tickets. besides this, appropriate level of details for courses are available, such as course introduction (affiliated university), course description (intake and duration), structure (syllabus) requirement, study route (in diagram), and full accreditation. the limitations are no publication of course fees except for one-course and credit transfer details. education websites 23 respondents mentioned that sites need to be dated [x]. in order to know if the website is current, the last updated date needs to be listed at the bottom of the webpage. furthermore, the home page can publish coming events like college open day, seminars, forums and other workshops. current information appears on the college’s coming intake calendar and latest news on serving community and student achievements are available by utilizing the rss (really simple syndication). an organization that regularly updates websites gives confidence to potential customers and influences them to visit the site repeatedly, while a website’s current reliable links should be available and working. copyright year at the bottom of the website also reflects the current status of websites. there is no last updated date listed at the kdu site. appearance of the site looks professional. generally, the site has short and meaningful text, good spelling and grammar, font size and colour are appropriate, usage of frame to make websites look organized, links are working, minimal animation, quality college pictures, best viewed information of the website example with internet explorer & resolution (1024 x 768). there is no virtual tour of the college with multimedia component that could make the website look more professional. however, the usage of rss for coming intake calendar, latest news on serving community and student achievements contributed to the appearance of web page as well. webpage analysis of olympia college olympia college penang has a five-acre campus and has an extensive range of facilities for its students that include sports and accommodation. it has always been at the forefront of cocurricular activities where staff and students alike maintain equilibrium of academia and current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 24 recreation. perhaps it’s the typical penang culture that influenced the campus environment as it buzzes with activities, be it their work, study or otherwise (olympia college, 2008). figure 3 website of olympia college penang source: olympia college (2008) for more than 10 years, olympia college has provided quality training and education services to benefit students in secretarial, business, entrepreneurship, hotels, multimedia specialist, systems engineer, financial services, accounting, sales and marketing, human resource, administrative management, public relations or advertising, system analysis and web designing (olympia college, 2008). the college offers programmes wherein students complete pre-university/foundation, certificate programmes, diploma programmes, higher national diploma and degree education websites 25 programmes. the qualification would lead to external awards from australia, united kingdom and united states of america universities (olympia college, 2008). sources for this college are its 10-year history as an educational institution. olympia college, under raffles education group, is a public listed company in malaysia. potential customers, who visit these websites, should be impressed, considering with the good track record. apart from this, olympia college has been awarded the napei education excellence 2005 award, for the best large private education institution in malaysia. the layout for the page has the main menu located at top left hand side. sub-menus based on the selection from main menu are located at the middle left hand side. menu sequence is based on the importance of information. however, length of the page is quite long and requires significant scrolling down the page. higher search engines ranking translate into greater traffic on a site and, subsequently increase its accessibility degree. practical way to examine olympia college has been conducted through the search engine google. olympia college has the highest result from search engine ranking. the second factor used to measure accessibility is the site popularity. the most common indicator of web performance is the number of hits a site generates. there is no counter included in olympia college’s websites. the third factor is website up time. generally all sites are accessible except at the intake button, where there was an error due to microsoft ole db provider. speed is important as potential customers are looking for information and they do not have much patience to wait a long time for a web page to download. it is not advisable to use flash site, if there is a need, one should have options of flash or non-flash site. the web page is non-flash website with reasonable download time of ~30 seconds. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 26 the average number of clicks needed to access faculties or college pages < n, and to access courses information was n. however, some sites require around ten clicks to access programmes, implying a very poor organization of the information that should be improved. navigability for olympia college to potential customer is less than five, in terms of number of clicks. the content of the web page includes home (campuses, student testimonial), about us (college, country), courses (why choose olympia college, programmes available, courses faq), fees, intakes, scholarship, career opportunities, galleries (events & forum), contact us (campus facilities contact, application & scholarship form) photos with facilities such as library, classroom, computer lab and canteen, for the benefit of students. the only weakness in terms of content is the lack of a site map that will help ease the navigating perspective of a potential customer. the site publishes their contact information like email address, phone number and fax number. it uses english as the official language of the internet. site accuracy is good promoting college facilities, services, and courses with reasonable price and yet not compromising quality, and good study environment through their websites. the site has short testimonials with good comments from students. the site also publishes affiliations with well-known universities in the united states, united kingdom, canada, australia and new zealand, giving confidence to potential customers to pursue their studies in the college. courses offered by the college are also recognized by nab. for level of details, the site has information line up the main menu, such as about us, fees, intakes, scholarships, and contact. a portion for foreign potential customers lists out education websites 27 details in the following sequence: about us, followed by the country, study abroad and international student office. besides this, appropriate level of details for availability of information for courses offered, pre-requisite to register course, credit transfer and course fees are available. quality education and support, arrival and orientation, studying on-campus, study abroad and exchange, sufficient publications and forms and frequently asked questions were found. olympia college has a country introduction link, providing information about malaysia, climate, people and language, religion, food, currency and banking. the study abroad link provides information such as international passport application details, and furnished accommodation services provided by the college. the international student office offers services including airport pickup, accommodation check-in, banking and money changing, immigration matters, safekeeping of passports, and booking air tickets. there is a link to the malaysia immigration office, which is useful especially to foreign students who need to apply for visas, understand lead times and custom restriction on food and plants. respondents mentioned that sites need to be dated [x]. in order to know if the website is current, the last updated date needs to be listed at the bottom of the webpage. furthermore, the home page can publish coming events like college open day, seminars, forums and other workshops. current information appears on the college’s coming intake calendar and latest news on serving community and student achievements are found. an organization that regularly updates websites gives confidence to potential customers and influences them to visit the site repeatedly, while a website’s current reliable links should be current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 28 available and working. copyright year at the bottom of the website also reflects the current status of websites. there is no last updated date listed at the olympia college site. appearance of the site is professional. generally, the site has short and meaningful text, good spelling and grammar, and font size and color are appropriate, usage of frame to make websites look organized, links are working, best viewed information of the website example with internet explorer & resolution (1024 x 768). there is no animation or virtual college tour with multimedia component that could make the website look more professional. the following is a summarized analysis of the three colleges’ websites: table 3: summary analysis for three colleges no criteria inti kdu olympia 1 source (0 3) 2 3 3 1.1 more than 10 years (yes or no) 1.2 awards (yes or no) 1.3 public listed (yes or no) yes yes no yes yes yes yes yes yes 2 layout (0 3) 3 3 2 2.1 center, left and right (yes or no) 2.2 sequence based on importance (yes or no) 2.3 not “below the fold” (yes or no) yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes no 3 accessibility (0 – 8) 7 5 4 3.1 highest hit at search engine (yes or no) yes yes yes education websites 29 3.2 counter 3.3 no error outage 3.4 affiliate partner, newspaper and government sponsor 3.5 css 3.6 alt attribute 3.7 named links 3.8 contrasting background + text color no yes yes yes yes yes yes no yes yes no no yes yes no no yes no no yes yes 4 speed ( 0 – 3) 2 2 2 4.1 website size (bytes) 4.2 no flash (if no, is there an option for flash or non-flash?) 4.3 download time (<10 seconds) yes no yes yes no yes yes no yes 5 navigability (0 – 4) 3 4 2 5.1 number of clicks ( < 4) 5.2 two minutes to find information 5.3 site map usage 5.4 button terminology – descriptive yes yes no yes yes yes yes yes no yes no yes 6 content (0 – 13) 8 10 10 6.1 admissions 6.2 academic programmes yes yes yes yes yes yes current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 30 6.3 faculty, staff, student, alumni 6.4 student financial assistance 6.5 welcome from the chair or programme director 6.6 news and announcement 6.7 cost of admission 6.8 course frequently asked questions (faqs) 6.9 foreign student frequently asked questions (faqs) 6.10 international student corner 6.11 sign in/request information 6.12 contact us a. international number 6.13 other language used in website, besides english yes yes yes yes no no no yes yes yes no no yes yes yes yes yes no no yes yes yes no yes yes yes yes yes yes yes no yes yes yes no no 7 accuracy (0 – 4) 2 2 2 7.1 college affiliated with wellknown universities 7.2 testimonials from students 7.3 government 7.4 author of website yes yes yes no yes yes yes no yes yes yes no education websites 31 8 appropriate level of details (0 – 5) 1 2 2 8.1 the level of details for availability of information 8.2 courses offered 8.3 pre-requisite to register course 8.4 credit transfer 8.5 course fees no yes no no no no yes no no yes no yes no no yes 9 current information (0 – 5) 5 5 5 9.1 regular update 9.2 reliable link 9.3 event dates 9.4 semester calendar 9.5 copyright yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes 10 appearance (0 – 5) 5 5 4 10.1 good spelling 10.2 grammar 10.3 font 10.4 look professional 10.5 news flash yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes no total possible score 55 38 41 34 percent score 69% 75% 61% source: develop for this research current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 32 table 3 provides the results of the websites evaluation. this study shows that kdu college has the best overall scores for web content and information presentation. all three institutions have on average similar ratings. this study revealed that these institutions have perfect scores for information currency and appearance. this evaluation also illustrates where the selected institutions performed poorly, especially in areas of level of details and accessibility. the results of this study can be useful for website content improvements for better servicing of their potential students. speed is in an acceptable range, as all of them are non-flash websites. three websites have current information by through regular updates, reliable links and updated event calendars. three websites have good spelling, grammar and font, and professional outlook, especially the kdu college website which has rss feature where it could refreshed by the latest news and events. layout from three websites look good, except that olympia college has a long page that requires significant scrolling down to read the whole page. generally, the basic content are available, such as admissions, academic programmes, student testimonials, student financial assistance, welcome message, news and announcement, international student corner and contact information. however, three websites lack frequently asked questions for international students, and costs for local and international student. cost of admission is fully available at olympia college and some courses in kdu college. site map feature is only available in kdu college website. english is the language used at three websites, while chinese language is also used in the kdu college website. with existing content available, three websites are rated moderate for detailed level of content. education websites 33 accessibility and navigability for inti college are the best compared to the other two colleges. olympia college needs to improve on their accessibility and navigability, as there is an error outage encountered when a certain button is clicked, while it takes more than three clicks and exceeded two minutes to find the international student corner. therefore, it can be concluded that the kdu college website is the best website compared to the other two college websites. nevertheless, more effort can be made to further publish all course fees, faqs for international and local student admission, and contact information for faculty, staff and students. this study indicates that these web site attributes are vital to convert potential customers to real customers. in summary, the study shows that source and accuracy of the content are trusted based on prestige of higher education service providers that are established over 20 years. two are public listed companies and all of their courses are recognized by the malaysian government, and are affiliated with well-known universities from uk, usa, australia, new zealand and canada. conclusion and future research the present paper is a timely and useful report that can be used to identify the benefits of higher education service providers’ websites to potential international students. it can also be used to build competitive advantage. as previously mentioned, the study focuses on three tertiary education service providers websites from malaysia. this study illustrated a website evaluation technique for educational institutions to undertake a comprehensive assessment of their respective websites. this study also provides useful recommendations for educational institutions to integrate in the improvements of websites content and appearance. websites specific to private tertiary education promote courses offered, promoting services provided, promote the tertiary education institution, promote events, facilitate potential customer interaction 365 days, 24/7, answer frequently asked questions, improve current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 34 branding, reach targeted markets, improve communication and timely information, and support inquiry marketing. the key strategies used to promote private tertiary education were identified, and having a website is a key strategy to promote private tertiary education in malaysia. as an exploratory study of how higher education service providers’ websites could benefit their potential students from overseas, we limited our investigation into three institutions only. it would be interesting for future studies to undertake the investigation across 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(2001). the effect of gats on transnational higher education: comparing experiences of new zealand, australia, singapore and malaysia. proceedings of the australian association for research in education (aare) annual conference, fremantle, australia. retrieved february, 1, 2009 from http://www.aare.edu.au/01pap/zig01257.htm education websites 37 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo cie template volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x web-based call to listening comprehension li-mei chen valdosta state university ruiming zhang guangzhou university citation chen, l. & zhang, r. (2011). web-based call to listening comprehension. current issues in education, 13(4). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this paper reports on a study which investigated the effectiveness of web-based computer assisted language learning (call) on tertiary students’ listening comprehension. both students’ academic performance and attitudes were examined at the end of the web-based call. while t tests were used to analyze the results of students’ academic performance, descriptive statistics interpreted students’ attitudes toward this learning. although there was no significant difference between the students employing the web-based call and the students using the traditional method, the students responded to the web-based call positively, and the lower-level students, compared to their higher-level peers, were more motivated to practice listening comprehension under the web-based call environment. this paper ends with discussions of potential issues that need to be taken into account and recommendations for future implementation and studies. keywords: listening, call, web-based current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 about the author(s) author: li-mei chen affiliation: valdosta state university address: 1500 north patterson street, valdosta, ga 31698 email: lchen@valdosta.edu biographical information: li-mei chen received her phd from ohio state university. she is an associate professor of linguistics. she has published articles on technology and language teaching, teacher education for esl and efl, and testing effects on language education. author: ruiming zhang affiliation: guangzhou university biographical information: ruiming zhang is an instructor of english. his research efforts focus on language acquisition, computer-assisted language teaching, and applied linguistics. web-based call to listening comprehension 3 web-based call to listening comprehension traditional tertiary english education in china placed an emphasis on reading. the ultimate goal was to cultivate students’ abilities in reading and translating materials written in english. most college teachers implemented the grammar translation teaching method in the classroom to meet the expectations of national college english teaching syllabus. as china strengthens its economic development and accelerates its steps into the world, the function of english education is shifting from linguistic competence to communicative competence. more employers, especially those in joint-venture businesses, consider communicative competence in english as a crucial factor in hiring (huang & xu, 1999). the national syllabus for tertiary english teaching was under serious criticism for not preparing college students with an adequate level of communicative competence to meet the actual needs. the ministry of education, thus, undertook the revision of the old syllabus. the revised syllabus emphasizing communicative competence also stipulated the national standardized college english tests (cet) as a means to evaluate college students’ english levels. college students are required to pass cet level 4 (cet4) before graduation. despite many years of effort, most college english learners in china are still not able to use the language to communicate. according to zhao’s (2004) analysis, insufficient input, lack of practice, ineffective feedback, and lack of motivation are four major challenges faced by english learners in china. however, traditional face-to-face, teacher-led instruction fails to respond to these challenges. faced with the disappointing outcomes, china has launched a reform of the traditional mode in english education at all levels. one of its major efforts in the reform is to maximize modern technology in english education because it is believed that the advancement of information and communication technology should make it possible to devise a current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 language environment that delivers high-quality language education (zhao, 2004). the technology-integrated approach is also expected to remove two major teaching barriers, poor resources and lack of teaching professionals, in teaching college english listening and speaking. theoretically, web-based call seems a suitable environment for tertiary students in china to improve listening skills; its effect, however, remains unclear. in spite that many studies have reported positive effects of web-based call on language learning, successful models from one context may not produce a desirable result in another context. thus, this study was designed to investigate effects of web-based call on language learning with a focus on english listening to understand how web-based call facilitates tertiary students’ listening comprehension in the context of china and what the students’ attitudes are toward this learning. the results of this study should also provide more insight into the nature of web-based call to language learning. theoretical background web-based call computers have been used in language learning since 1960s. since its first introduction, computer-assisted language learning or simply call has involved through three major phrases: structural call (1970’s-1980’s), communicative call (1980’s-1990’s) and integrative call (21 st century). each phrase corresponds to the main language acquisition theories and advancement of computer technology. the present phrase of call, integrative call, has been made possible by the development of powerful pcs that support rapid use of the internet, lans, multimedia, and linked resources known as hypermedia (lee, 2007). a significant feature of integrative call is a shift from language-learning software and cd-roms to web-based activities that allow learners flexible, self-paced access to information (fotos & browne, 2004). web-based call to listening comprehension 5 the powerful web offers a range of new opportunities for learners to develop their language proficiency. the use of multimedia, such as sound, pictures, and video, in addition to text, facilitates language learning (al-seghayer, 2005). not only does the web make it possible for easy access to an assortment of language experience, but it also allows repeated practice with a variety of authentic materials that can supplement and transcend what students receive in class or in their local communities (hubbard, kessler, & madden, 2004). the web-based practice tools also create different learning and assessment contexts, and produce flexible approaches to instruction and evaluation (lee, 2007). such flexible approaches allow learners to receive timely feedback for their improvement and adjustment. moreover, web-based call can be a great means for achieving independent learning and better learning results in the long run because through computer technology learners can 1) access huge amounts of relevant information, 2) explore and browse through different choices, 3) expose themselves both to linguistic input and socio-cultural knowledge, and 4) eventually make their own evaluations and suggestions regarding what works for them, what can be improved and how (sheerin, 1997; sturdridge, 1997). this, in turn, increases learners’ engagement, willingness, motivation as well as autonomy (rowsell & libben, 1994). due to its wide use, effects of call and web technology on second and foreign language education have been concerned and studied. numerous researchers and practitioners (e.g., warschauer & healey, 1998; watts & lloyd, 2001; chang & lehman, 2002; cobb, 2002; bang & cantos, 2004; murray & mcpherson, 2004; breen, 2005; son, 2007) have asserted that the integration of call and web technology is beneficial in the area of second and foreign language acquisition. technology and listening comprehension current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 listening has long been labeled as the major and fundamental skill in language acquisition. not only is it a key language and communication skill in its own right, but it also provides a channel through which new language can be received and become intake (brett, 1997). the features that computer and web technology possess, in terms of their flexibility and variety of content, approach and media, provide a solid basis and platform for acquiring english listening because the integration of web-based call enables students’ learning of listening not to be restricted by time, space, content, and environment; large number of students can have access to the web-based listening learning opportunities. it allows students to practice listening in a simulated and concrete learning environment. also, web-based call promotes learning interests as the web allows students to search for the relevant information instead of being restricted in a pre-designed course model (wijekumar, 2005). a number of research studies have proved that with the utilization of computer and web technology, listening comprehension can be taught much more efficiently and effectively. for example, a research study conducted by brett (1997) to investigate the effectiveness of computer-based multimedia applications for developing listening skills shows that multimedia enhance listening comprehension greatly. in a similar study, klassen and milton (1999) demonstrate that call can be an efficient medium whereby learners can improve their listening skills significantly. smidt and hegelheimer (2004), in a study of examining how web-based video assists listening comprehension, conclude that online academic lectures supported by multimedia increase listening comprehension. corresponding to smidt and hegelheimer’s findings, zhou and yang (2004), in their study of the effects of visual aid on efl listening comprehension, support the use of multimedia in enhancing listening comprehension. they also point out that viewing-assisted functions are especially helpful to learners with low-level english web-based call to listening comprehension 7 competence. wong (2006), in her study of evaluating a web-based listening program for chinese university non-english majors, indicates that the web-based instruction, when integrated appropriately, can add a valuable dimension to face-to-face teaching. she further points out that the web-based listening program is suitable for self-access, which fully incorporates significant factors (e.g., learner differences and modified interaction) in second language acquisition into its task design. learner attitudes learner attitudes toward call play a crucial role influencing effectiveness of call to language acquisition. smith (2000), in a study examining students’ response to call as a language learning approach, concludes that students’ positive response to call helps them benefit more from technology in language learning. aacken (1999) as well as lasagabaster and sierra (2003), in their studies, report a positive relationship between student attitudes to call and effective language learning. likewise, many other studies (see klassen & milton, 1999; ayres, 2002; greenfield, 2003) also confirm the relationship between students’ reaction to call and language learning results. even though most studies prove that students have a general positive attitude toward call, a few studies question the effectiveness of call integration into language learning due to negative learner attitudes toward call. as bloom (1985) indicates, students’ resistance to the use of call into language learning is related to their anxiety or computer phobia. susses (1998) also points out that students, especially those of lower proficiency, may not have developed the navigational skills needed to find what they want or the skills for how to exploit the material. thus, they may feel call is an “unwanted” change. because engaging in call current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 requires time and commitment particularly during the transitional stage, some learners may not accept it. as learners potentially contribute to the development of the language tools, a number of researchers (e.g., hulstijn, 2000; lynch, 2000; lasagabaster & sierra, 2003) recommend taking students’ opinions into consideration when evaluating call in language learning. thus, this study also aims to identify the relationship between learner attitudes toward web-based call when examining the effectiveness of web-based call on students’ listening comprehension. methods all the first year non-english majors (n = 556) from school of humanities and school of education, who were taking college english as required courses at guangzhou university in 2005, were asked to participate in this study. they were randomly assigned to two groups. the experimental group contained 296 students and the control group consisted of 260 students. to ensure that the two groups had the same level of listening competence, both groups took the traditional english classes in the first term (about 4.5 months) in which the students learned the text first (e.g., main point, vocabulary, and structure of sentences) and listened to the text read by a native speaker of english on a tape recorder. in the end of the term, listening scores in the university’s standardized english test from both groups were analyzed by using spss, and the results are as follows. according to table 1, both the means (10.68 vs. 10.88) and standard deviations (2.46 vs. 2.51) of the two groups are very close. from the two-tailed t-test, the p-value (0.35) is greater than 0.01, which indicates no significant difference between the two groups in their first-term final english test scores in listening. in other words, the listening levels between the two groups before the experiment appeared to be the same. web-based call to listening comprehension 9 table 1: comparison of all students’ first-term final english test scores in listening between the experimental group and the control group first term (before the experiment) group n mean std. deviation t p-value df control 260 10.68 2.46 0.93 0.35 554 experimental 296 10.88 2.51 p>0.01, t-test not significant (two-tailed) students with lower listening abilities were also compared. these students were identified based on their first-term final english test scores in listening. the bottom 30% of the students whose scores in the listening test were below average was drawn. we compared the listening score differences between the students in the experimental group and those in the control group; table 2 shows the results. the means (7.89 vs. 8.13) and standard deviations (1.29 vs. 1.53) of the two groups are close to each other; and the p-value (0.26) from the two-tailed ttest is greater than 0.01 and thus is not statistically significant. all of these indicate that the listening abilities in the two groups had no difference before the experiment. table 2: comparison of lower-level students’ first-term final english test scores in listening between the experimental group and the control group first term (before the experiment) group n mean std. deviation t p-value df control 79 7.89 1.29 1.12 0.26 168 experimental 91 8.13 1.53 p>0.01, t-test not significant (two-tailed) our study started at the second term, which, like the first term, took another 4.5 months. in this term, students in the control group continued the traditional classes. as to the experimental group, listening was not taught in class, but the students were required to use a web-based computer-assisted listening system to practice their listening comprehension during current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 the term. while students were free to arrange their time, the web connection was a must; otherwise, they could not log into the system. information including the frequency of log-ins, numbers of students on line, the study time each student spent on the web-based call, number of activities each student completed, and students’ test scores was recorded and transmitted to the server. teacher interventions were provided whenever necessary. after the second term, both groups took the university’s standardized english test. their performance in listening was compared by using the t-tests. the experimental group was also asked to complete a questionnaire which surveyed their approval of the web-based call to listening comprehension. the results were analyzed by using descriptive statistics. in order to facilitate our investigation, we formulated the following research questions: 1) does the experimental group perform better than the control group? 2) do the lower-level students in the experimental group outperform those in the control group? 3) how do students respond to the web-based call? we adopted a learning system, the new era interactive english, developed by tsinghua university press and approved by the ministry of education. this system, designed to reflect the challenges of english learning for non-english majors in china, contains four main components that are closely integrated with each other. the online learning material, through authentic videos, flexible control mechanisms, advanced speech recognition technology and automatic feedback mechanisms, provides students with individualized and flexible access to authentic language and cultural materials and practice opportunities with instant feedback. the audio cds offer students extended access to authentic language and cultural materials. the companion book provides students with the opportunity to study language and cultural materials in more depth. web-based call to listening comprehension 11 the learning system also includes links to a variety of media-based materials, e.g., english movies, sound files, etc., to provide students extensive access (zhao, 2004). the actual learning material was installed on a local computer but had to be accessed though the web so that the students’ learning process and performance could be transmitted to the server. the administrator assigned a login name and password to every student, so he/she could log into the learning platform. the learning material, with about 13 theme-specific units in each level, fairly matched the students’ linguistic competence by categorizing listening into six levels. within a unit, the students could do the study and practice as many times as they wanted as long as they did not submit their study report and go to the next unit. in the end of each unit, there was a test to assess students’ learning. if a student failed to reach a score of 70 out of 100, he/she had to repeat the same unit. after three units, a review test followed. when the students finished all units at a level, there was a final test to assess their overall learning. we used the following ways for the teachers and students to interact with each other. while the students worked on the listening course on their own, the teacher, via the web, could learn of each student’s learning progress and performance and communicate with the student (see figure 1). the teacher could also schedule classroom meetings to provide academic reporting and, if desired, guidance to the students to help them make the best use of their time. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 figure 1: main components of the web-based call results question 1: does the experimental group perform better than the control group? the students’ academic performance results after employing the web-based call are shown in table 3. the experimental group has a lower standard deviation (1.86) than the control group (2.44). this indicates the experimental group has a more homogeneous dispersion of the scores than the control group. that is to say most of the students’ scores in the experimental group, while not identical, are more similar. in contrast, a wider dispersion or greater heterogeneity in the listening ability exists in the control group. although this is a pleasing finding, the p-value (0.15) from the t-test is greater than 0.01 and is not significant. this means the experimental group did not perform better than the control group. table 3: comparison of all students’ second-term final english test scores in listening between the experimental group and the control group web-based call to listening comprehension 13 second term (after the experiment) group n mean std. deviation t p-value df control 257 13.96 2.44 1.45 0.15 548 experimental 293 14.22 1.86 p>0.01, t-test not significant (one-tailed) question 2: do the lower-level students in the experimental group outperform those in the control group? the results of the comparison of the students with lower english competence are shown in table 4. the t-test (p-value 0.06 > 0.01) is not statistically significant, meaning the experimental group did not demonstrate higher listening comprehension than the control group after the web-based call. table 4: comparison of lower-level students’ second-term final english test scores in listening between the experimental group and the control group second term (after the experiment) group n mean std. deviation t p-value df control 76 13.16 2.95 1.88 0.06 165 experimental 91 13.87 1.87 p>0.01, t-test not significant (one-tailed) question 3: how do students respond to the web-based call? according to the survey results, 83% of the students were in favor of the web-based call; 79% of the students indicated that compared to the traditional learning, the web-based call made their learning more autonomous; 83% of the students revealed that the web-based call was more interesting than the traditional learning. the students commented on strengths of the web-based call as self-paced learning, flexibility, easy access to information, instant feedback on their performance, and ability to work on their own. however, some students had current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 concerns of their comfort and confidence levels in utilizing the web and computers, accessibility of computers and the network, and issues of teacher facilitation and support. according to the participation information recorded under the server, students in general participated in the web-based call regularly and actively. however, the participation rate started to decline when cet4 was approaching. participation of the students after their pass of cet4 dropped dramatically; more than half of them did not participate in the rest of the webbased call after they passed cet4. compared to their higher-level peers, the lower-level students logged into the learning platform more frequently, spent more time on the learning activities, and completed more unit tasks. discussion and recommendations this study examined the effectiveness of the web-based call on listening comprehension and learner attitudes toward this learning. in contrast to the literature, the study did not show that the web-based call improved listening comprehension. nevertheless, the students generally responded to the web-based call learning positively. the results of this study reveals that integration of web-based call is quite context dependent. although it has been commonly reported that call is effective to language learning, a successful model from one context cannot be imported into another context without modifications. based on this, we recommend further studies investigating factors influencing the implementation of web-based call, e.g., cet4, should be conducted to help understand how to implement the web-based call into the context of china. although the lower-level students employing the web-based call did not demonstrate higher listening comprehension than those using the traditional method, our record from the server shows that the lower-level students, compared to their higher-level peers, spent more time web-based call to listening comprehension 15 practicing listening and completed more unit activities under the web-based call environment. this is a pleasing finding because in class the lower-level students are usually less motivated to practice listening. when they are less motivated to learn, it is hard to improve their listening skills. this study reveals that if given a proper opportunity, lower-level students can be selfdisciplined and motivated to improve their listening skills. because it generally takes more time to see lower-level students’ progress than higher-level students’, a longitudinal study is encouraged to understand effects of the web-based call on lower-level students’ listening comprehension over longer-term scales. overall, the students responded to the web-based call positively. over 80% of the students were in favor of the web-based call. they viewed the web as a helpful tool and the call as a useful way for acquiring listening. about 80% of the students reported the call made their learning more autonomous. the students listed the best features of the web-based call as self-paced learning, flexibility, easy access to information, instant feedback on their performance, and ability to work on their own. as the self-paced learning allows the student to control the pace of their learning process, each student has the same level of participation in the learning process. in addition, the web-based call offers instant feedback on the students’ performance and exercise errors so that they are able to understand their weaknesses and make necessary adjustments. while the call program can be seen to constitute the first step to promoting the students’ autonomy in acquiring listening, the web further fosters the students’ autonomous learning. via the web, the students can access their learning at any time and complete their activities at their own pace. the flexibility allows them to set their learning goals, arrange their time, and assess their learning. in this way, the students can monitor their own learning and work on their own. this result, corresponding to many other findings (e.g., rowsell current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 & libben, 1994; hayati, 2005; pala, 2005; wong, 2006), shows that students when using computer technology become motivated and interested in improving their listening comprehension. this, in turn, promotes learner autonomy. however, about one-fifth of the students disliked their web-based call experience. some of them were not satisfied with the availability of computers and connectivity of the network. inaccessibility, poor performance, and slow speed impede the success of the webbased call. for this, we strongly recommend the institution to make necessary arrangements and financial investments in the computer labs (e.g., coordinating with different departments and units to open their computer labs or otherwise establishing more pubic computer labs for the students) and in upgrading all the remaining hubs with newer, faster network technology. in addition, some students expressed their lack of comfort and confidence in using the web and computer technology. such a problem particularly occurred to frustrate the students from remote, less-developed areas. these students had less access to the web and computer technology and thus lacked necessary computer skills for task completion. this finding emphasizes the importance of taking students’ computer skills into consideration before the web-based call is implemented. we recommend the institution assess students’ computer skills, offer necessary training and instructions to help students obtain essential computer skills, and provide students with adequate onsite and online technology supports. the other finding also supports that the teacher role as a facilitator is an important variable in the success of the web-based call (stepp-greany, 2002). in this web-based call, like any call activity at any level of proficiency, for a variety of cultural or psychological reasons, some students had a more passive learning attitude than the others. although the learning environment offered ways for the teacher to provide input web-based call to listening comprehension 17 to the students during their learning process, some students still felt they needed more physical teacher facilitation and support (e.g., in developing their learning strategies and in navigating the web). this reflects jones’ (2001) argument when he examines call and teachers’ responsibilities. according to jones, the web is an immensely seductive resource for efl learners. while it offers genuine opportunities for self-directed learning, the sheer wealth of material places more responsibility on the teacher. all of these reveal that the teachers’ role in the web-based call environment cannot be minimized. teachers need to be called on to provide assistance in training students in adopting effective independent learning strategies and in the use of the web for learning. in addition, we recommend teachers add one-on-one conferences with individual students in the early stages of the web-based call and whenever necessary to better understand individual learners’ special needs. conclusion the study does not correspond to the recent research that proves the use of web-based call facilitates students’ acquisition of english listening. this finding explains that the relationship between web-based call and listening comprehension is complex. successful models from one context cannot be imported into another context without modifications. nevertheless, this study shows that lower-level students are more motivated to practice their listening skills under the web-based call environment and learners have positive attitudes to the web-based call. despite these two pleasing findings, this study also reveals a variety of issues, including accessibility of technology, students’ comfort level to technology, the role and responsibilities of teachers, and the institution’s support, which may occur to impede the effectiveness of the web-based call. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 the findings of the study should serve as a basis for additional research that will examine more closely the effects of web-based call on listening comprehension. since the results may be context dependent, further studies in different esl and efl contexts are encouraged to better understand the influence of computer and web technology on listening comprehension. we also recommend longitudinal studies investigating effects of web-based call on lower-level students to understand how web-based call really affects lower-level students’ listening comprehension over longer-term scales. since learner engagement serves as an important indicator for how web-based call functions, we encourage additional studies to examine factors affecting learner engagement or motivation under the web-based call environment. web-based call to listening comprehension 19 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 references aacken, van s. 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(2004). the effects of visual aid on efl listening comprehension. journal of pla university of foreign languages, 27(3), 58-62. http://www.gse.uci.edu/person/markw/overview.html http://www.innovateonline.info/index.php?view=article&id=26 http://www1.open.edu/cn/elt/5/22/htm web-based call to listening comprehension 23 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo parenting style_final current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 1 volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x parenting style, self-esteem and student performance in the united arab emirates negmeldin alsheikh united arab emirates university gowri parameswaran suny, new paltz hala elhoweris united arab emirates university citation alsheikh, n., parameswaran, g, & elhoweris, h. (2010). parenting style, self-esteem and student performance in the united arab emirates. current issues in education, 13(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the impact of parenting styles on 5-8th grade students’ performance and self-esteem was analyzed within a sample of the united arab emirates (uae) public school children. a sample of 162 children (50% boys, 50% girls) reported on their parents’ child-rearing practices. parenting styles were classified into one of three groups (autonomy granting, demandingness, or responsiveness). the results show that demandingness was found to have a significant impact on gpa scores. mothers’ interactions with children were dependent on both the gender of the child and the age of the child. factor analysis results suggested that family cohesion and effort were positively related to school performance and self-autonomy was negatively related to school performance. self-esteem was not significantly related to any of the variables studied. keywords: parenting style, uae students, self-esteem, student performance, arab students, primary school, early adolescence, secondary school, gender, gpa, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: negmeldin alsheikh affiliation: united arab emirates university address: p.o. box 17551, al-ain, uae email: nalsheikh@uaeu.ac.ae biographical information: negmeldin alsheikh is an assistant professor of curriculum and instruction. his research efforts focus on language learning strategies, metacognitive awareness of bi-literate and multi-literate readers, and emergent literacy. author: gowri parameswaran affiliation: suny, new paltz email: paramesg@newpaltz.edu biographical information: gowri parameswaran is an associate professor of educational studies. her research efforts focus on children development in poor environments, exploring changes across generations, and education for social justice.. author: hala elhoweris affiliation: united arab emirates university email: helhoweris@uaeu.ac.ae biographical information: hala elhoweris is an associate professor of special education. her research efforts focus on students with special needs, inclusion, assessment, multicultural issues in education, and gifted education. parenting style 3 introduction the conceptualization of parenting styles as a way to categorize and measure the quality and type of interaction between parents and children began with the pioneering research by baumrind (1971). she noticed that parents varied in their interactions with children along 2 major dimensions – warmth and demandingness. her original framework could place most parental interactions along a 2-way axis, with one axis representing warmth from warm to cold and one axis representing demandingness, ranging from low to high. she thus classified parent-child interactions into 4 types: a) authoritarian: the relationship was characterized by lack of warmth and high demandingness; b) authoritative: the relationship is characterized by high warmth and high demandingness; c) permissive: the relationship is characterized by high warmth and low demandingness; d) neglectful: the relationship is characterized by lack of warmth and low demandingness (baumrind, 1989, 1991; cohen & rice, 1997; maccoby & martin, 1983). researchers added another dimension to baumrind’s original framework. another category called it ‘autonomy granting’ was added. democratic parents encourage their children to be autonomous without being overprotective while authoritarian parents are overprotective (steinberg, lamborn, dornbusch and darling, 1992). there have been several variations of this 3–dimensional model proposed by other north american researchers, which have been used to examine parenting and parent child relationships in other parts of the world. in some cases, the parent child relationship atmosphere is highlighted (stevenson, chen & uttal, 1990) and in other cases, parent child relationship behaviors are emphasized and measured (dornbusch, ritter, leiderman, roberts, & fraleigh, 1987). in studies emphasizing the climate of the relationship, global questions capturing the relationship in a current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 4 variety of situation are asked when the behaviors are emphasized; particular parental responses to specific situations are enquired about. the relationship between the two remains strong in most studies indicating that they are measuring similar constructs (e.g., lee, daniels & kissinger, 2006) there have been many studies attempting to substantiate the positive impact of authoritative parenting on various indicators of child development and the negative impact of the authoritarian and permissive parenting styles on children’s functioning (cohen, richardson, and labree, 1994; epstein, 2001; lamborn, mounts, steinberg, & dornbusch, 1991; steinberg, lamborn, darling, mounts, & dornbusch,1994), i.e., selfesteem (robin & foster, 1989), academic performance (dornbusch, et al.,1987; paulson,1994), emotional maturity (lamborn, et al., 1991), tobacco use (ary, duncan, duncan, & hops, 1999; fleming, kim, harachi, & catalano, 2002), drug use and delinquency (baumrind, 1989, 1991; jackson, henricksen, & dickenson, 1997; tomlinson, 1991), and alcohol use (johnson & padina, 1991). other researchers have found that parental style is related to the frequency of adolescent injuries (bijur, kurzon, hamelsky, & power, 1991) and negative adolescent identity (petersen, 1993). results from studies that attempt to relate parental styles and child and adolescent academic and social behavior and identity have been mixed and the effect sizes vary widely depending on the gender of the parent or a care-giver, gender, age and temperament of the child and the socio-economic status of the family (harris, 2002). for instance, conrade & ho (2001) found that mothers’ parenting style had a bigger impact on child performance in school while bronte-tinkew, moore and carrano (2006) found that fathers’ emotional responsiveness was more highly related to children’s performance. in some studies girls are parenting style 5 affected both positively and negatively by parenting style differences among parents while in others boys are more negatively or positively affected by parenting styles (conrade et al., 2001; lee, et al., 2006). perhaps, the most damaging to the current framework of parenting styles and its impact on children are the findings of parent child relationships and their impact on children in non-western societies. in a study conducted within the usa, it was found that hmong children are less affected by variations in parental behavior in terms of their academic performance and frequency of engaging in risky behavior as compared to european american children (supple & small, 2006). one of the contexts where the parenting style theory has been widely tested for validity is in china. it was found that in china, authoritarian parenting was positively related to children’s performance in school while there was no similar positive impact for authoritative parenting and permissive parenting styles (e.g., chao, 1994; juan & larry, 2004; lamm & keller, 2007). chao (1994, p. 1112) proposed that chinese parenting style involves the confucian concept of ‘chiao shu’ which refers to training in culturally appropriate behaviors and ‘guan’ which means love and governing. chinese parenting involves being very strict and maintaining a high level of control, so that children can learn to value social hierarchy and discipline and at the same time communicating real parental care about the child. school success is highly valued in chinese society and children and parents both valued the control that parents exerted over their children in matters related to academic life (gorman, 1998; quoss and zhao, 1995). however, even in the chinese context, the effects of authoritarian parenting were rarely consistent. in studies conducted with chinese immigrant families in the usa, no difference was observed between chinese current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 6 american families and european american parents with regards to their parenting styles (kelly & tseng, 1992; lin & fu, 1990). additionally, in a study conducted with children of chinese origin in hong kong, tam and lam (2003) found that authoritative and permissive parenting had similar impact on children’s academic performance while authoritarian parenting was no different from neglectful parenting in terms of the impact on children. academic achievement was the most investigated variable among school-related variables. for example, leung, lau & lam (1998) found academic achievement was positively related to general authoritarianism in a hong kong adolescent’s sample, while authoritative parenting style was found to be unrelated to the grades of hong kong adolescents but positively related to the grades of european american and australian adolescents. in another study, park & bauer (2002) found that a positive relationship between authoritative parenting style and academic achievement exists only for the majority group (european americans), but not for latinos, african-americans, or asianamericans (christina, 2008; odubote, 2008; park & bauer, 2002). blair and qian (1998) found parental control was positively related to school performance of chinese adolescents. on the other hand, chao (2001) found that first-generation chinese youth from authoritative families were not better off in school than their counterparts from authoritarian families, whereas european american adolescents from authoritative families performed better in school than those european american youth from authoritarian families. additionally, authoritative parenting had consistently more positive effects on both school grades and school effort for european americans compared to first-generation chinese. all this may suggest that authoritarian parenting style is not commonly associated with negative adolescent outcomes, especially when studying non-caucasian samples. furthermore, positive adolescent outcomes have been parenting style 7 associated with authoritarian parenting style in some asian samples whereas positive effects have been found with authoritarian parenting style in some studies involving asian and other non-caucasian samples. one of the classic measures of adolescent adjustment in parenting studies is the selfesteem (rudy & grusec, 2006). several studies have explored the relationship between parenting styles and self-esteem. for instance, in a study that investigated the impact of parenting styles on adolescents’ self-esteem and internalization of values in spain, martinez and garcia (2007) found that adolescents of indulgent parents show highest scores in selfesteem whereas adolescents from authoritarian parents obtain the worst results. several other researchers have stressed the importance of parenting styles in children’s internalization of social values (grusec, goodnow, & kuczynski, 2000; martínez, garcía, & yubero, 2007). these researchers recommended in taking into account self esteem among other variables of psychological adjustment, because selfesteem entails an internalization of values, and the lack there of could lead to the impediment for such internalization. studies are now being conducted in other non-western cultural contexts to explore the issue of the impact of parenting styles on children’s academic performance and other child outcomes. there are very few studies exploring the relationship between parenting styles and child outcomes in the islamic world. in a study conducted in egypt (dwairy, achoui, abouserie & farah, 2006), the researchers found that for arab youth, the authoritative and authoritarian parenting style both had a positive impact on children’s mental health. the consistency of parenting was more predictive of the mental health status of the child as compared to the type of parenting style itself. the authors posit that in cultures where current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 8 authoritarian parenting is the norm, there are no negative effects of the authoritarian parenting style. the current study hopes to add to our knowledge base on the impact of parenting in the arab world as measured by the mothers’ parenting style questionnaire, administered to children and children’s development as measured by the gpa scores acquired by children in school and their self-esteem. it is hypothesized that the scores on the mothers’ parenting style questionnaire will be related to children’s gpa scores and self–esteem. in the uae, parents’ concept of the ideal child is closely related to traditional values in islamic culture: respect for elders, good manners, good academic outcomes, and self discipline. generally, in islamic societies parenting involves being very strict. the belief is that parents must be authoritarian to maintain a high level of control so that children can learn to value disciplines and social hierarchy. method participants our sampling frame consisted of a complete list of all the uae elementary and secondary public schools including boys and girls schools. identification of participants followed the guidelines of the stratified cluster sampling technique according to gender and geographical location. a total of fourteen elementary and secondary schools (7 boys’ schools & 7 girls’ schools) from the seven emirates were included in this study. classes were selected randomly from these schools. a total of 162 united arab emirates children who attending the uae public schools were included in this study. the children were selected from grades 5, 6, 7 and 8. the number of participants in each grade level was: 18, 85, 26 and 32 respectively. there were about equal numbers of girls and boys in each grade. all participants were muslim, middle-class and lived in urban areas. parenting style 9 instruments i) parental style inventory ii (psi-ii): the scale was adapted for the purpose of this study. this scale was designed to assess the construct of parenting style independently of parenting practice (lefebevre, 2004). it consisted of 36 items; twelve items for each parenting style dimension, namely, autonomy-granting, demandingness and responsiveness. participants had a choice of circling a scale from one to five, one symbolizing disagreement with the statement and five depicting high agreement with the statement. the inter-item reliability of the psiii is adequate for this study (r = .78). additionally, the psi-ii has adequate internal consistency, variability, and predictive validity. based on the scores on the scale participants' mothers' parenting styles were classified into four categories: authoritative, where the mother demonstrated democratic interaction patterns with the child, authoritarian, where the parent was autocratic and cold with the child, permissive, where the parent was laissez-faire and finally, neglectful, where the mother had all but abandoned the child. ii) rosenberg self-esteem scale: the scale was adapted for the purpose of this study. the scale consists of 10 positive and negative self-appraisal statements rated on a 4point likert scale format from 1 (strong disagree) to 4 (strong agree). higher scores indicate higher self-esteem (rosenberg, 1965). the reliability and validity of the scale are both adequate. iii) self-reported gpa score by the student: students were asked to report their current cumulative gpa scores. the reported gpa scores range between 1-4 points. the overall gpa mean score is 2.85 (sd = 1.7) as reported by the participants of this study. procedures participants were selected using the stratified random sampling technique. fourteen school principals who represented the seven emirates of the researchers’ interest were current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 10 contacted and agreed to participate in the study. information about the study and a thank-you letter from the researchers were sent via e-mail to the principals of all the schools. principals were also asked in the letter if the researchers could come at the beginning or after a class to collect the data. most principals preferred that researchers come at the end of the class to collect the data. all students who are enrolled in the selected classes took part in the study. the first and the third author visited each classroom and administered the questionnaire to each child individually. the investigators read each question out loud and wrote down the response. results results are reported as significant when the p-value is less than .05 for each relationship for all of the statistical computations that were performed.table 1 depicts the bivariate correlations of the parental dimensions of autonomy, responsiveness, demandingness, and mothers’ parenting style with children’s selfesteem, and their overall academic performance in the classroom. there were only two relationships that were significant with respect to either of the outcome variables. demandingness was significantly related to overall academic performance. the more demanding the parents were, the better the performance of the child in school (r = .29). gender was significantly correlated with gpa score. boys performed better in school than girls (r = .53). self-esteem was not significantly related to any of the variables. the student’s gender and age were significantly correlated to the mother’s parenting styles. in other words, parents’ interactions with children were dependent on both the gender of the child and the age of the child. autonomy-granting and demandingness by parents was significantly related to the age of the child. the older the child, the more autonomy parents parenting style 11 offered the child (r = .20) and the more demanding parents were of the child (r = .23). responsiveness was significantly correlated with the gender of the child. parents were more responsive to girls as compared with boys (r = .39). having transformed each of the independent parental-style dimensions into four banded categories by the standard deviation change on each dimensional score, a 4 (responsiveness) x 4 (demandingness) x 4 (autonomy-granting) manova was conducted using grades and self-esteem scores as dependent variables. responsiveness and autonomygranting were not found to significantly affect the dependent variable scores. demandingness was found to have a significant impact on gpa scores (f = 3.45, p < .05) but the relationship between demandingness and self-esteem was not significant. a tukey post-hoc test revealed that parents who scored very high on demandingness (4.35 or above on a scale of 5) had children who had significantly better grades than parents who scored less than 4.34 on demandingness. however, there was no difference between the gpa scores of children who reported that their parents made very few demands on them (less than 3.03) and children who reported that their parents had relatively higher expectations of them (between 3.04 and 4.34). the average gpa score for children in the highest demandingness group was 2.36 out of 3.0. the average grade for children of parents in the other three demandingness groups were 1.77, 2.0 and 1.8 respectively. finally, a factor analysis was conducted using the items in the parental style questionnaire. this statistical technique aims to explain the most amount of common variance in a correlation matrix using the least amount of variables possible. since the study was conducted in a different cultural context, the items may not always hold the same meaning for respondents in the uae that they hold for respondents in the u.s. where the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 12 questionnaire has been used the most. the questionnaire has been used mostly with middle class caucasian students and less often with other children, even within the u.s. in this sample of 162 children the kaisermeyer-olkins was .68, which was greater than .5, indicating that this was a sufficient enough sample to conduct a factor analysis. initial principals-component extraction yielded a total of ten factors, which accounted for 69.56 % of the total variation. however, a scree plot analysis suggested retaining three of the variables. the factors were analyzed after an orthogonal rotation with varimax with kaiser normalization method. the first factor with an eigenvalue of 6.7, we called family cohesion, accounted for 21 % of the variation. the family cohesion variable involved items such as, “when my family does things together, she expects me to come”. the second factor with an eigenvalue of 3.2, we called self-autonomy, accounted for 10 % of the total variation. the self-autonomy factor included statements such as, “my mother encourages me to think for myself”. the third factor with an eigenvalue of 2.1, which we called effort, accounted for 7 % of the variation. the effort factor included statements such as “my mother sets high standards for me to meet.” the scores from the three factors that we derived from the factor analysis procedure were correlated with gpa scores and self-esteem. family cohesion correlated significantly with gpa scores (r = .33) but not self-esteem. effort was related to grade (r = .16) and to self-esteem (r = .15). self-autonomy was correlated negatively with gpa scores (r = -.22) but did not exhibit any relationship with self-esteem. discussion the impact of parenting style on 5-8th grade students’ academic performance and self-esteem was analyzed within a sample of the united arab emirates (uae) public school parenting style 13 children. a sample of 162 children (50% boys, 50% girls) reported on their mothers’ childrearing practices. the psi–ii and the rosenberg self-esteem scales were administered to children along with their self-reported gpa scores. parents’ styles were classified into one of three groups (autonomy granting, demandingness, or responsiveness). the results show that demandingness was found to have a significant impact on gpa scores. both gender and age were significantly related to parenting styles. thus mothers interacted differently with their children based on the age of the child and the gender of the child. factor analysis results suggested that family cohesion and effort were positively related to school performance and self-autonomy was negatively related to school performance. self-esteem was not significantly related to any of the variables studied. of the three dimensions of parenting, only the demandingness measure was correlated positively with gpa scores. the results of this study indicated that children of parents who had high expectations from them performed better in school than children whose parents had low expectations from them. when each parental style dimension was transformed into 4 discrete categories with each category about one standard deviation from each other, it was found that only children with the highest parental demandingness score performed significantly better than the others; the grades of children who came from the other three bands of scores did not do significantly better than each other. thus increasing parental expectations from children did not necessarily translate itself into better grades. it is also unclear as to what the direction of the relationship is, since parents who have high expectations in school for their children may simply be reacting to the high achievement exhibited by the students. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 14 gender was correlated significantly to the gpa scores earned by the students. boys did significantly better than girls. this trend has been replicated in other cultural contexts. sadker and sadker (1995) bemoaned the significant hurdles facing girls in american schools, outlining the many ways in which girls and women are discriminated against in educational institutions. this practice may have resulted in girls achieving less than their potential especially in areas that are considered masculine like science and math. gender and age were both related to parenting as measured by the mothers’ parenting style questionnaire. just as in studies in other cultural contexts, the older the child was the more autonomy mothers granted the child. this substantiates the notion that parenting style is not a stable quality exhibited by parents but is often fluid and responding to the changing nature of the child. parents were more demanding of children as they got older as well. in traditional islamic societies, children are perceived to be connected to other members of their families and the larger community. along with increased autonomy also comes increasing responsibility and demands to prove they are capable of fulfilling their obligations to their parents and other family members. the fact that age and gender were both related to mothers’ parenting styles in this study corroborate the findings from previous research (e.g., conrade et al., 2001; lee, et al., 2006). parental responsiveness was related to the gender of the child; girls perceived parents to be more responsive to them as compared to boys. again, this phenomenon is exhibited in other cultural contexts as well. researchers who have studied parenting styles and its impact on school performance argue that the more responsive a parent is, the better the performance of the child should be in school (baumrind, 1989; cohen & rice, 1997). a counter argument to the above reasoning is that there is a lot of evidence to show that parents respond to girls parenting style 15 verbally and non-verbally more often and faster than they respond to boys (maccoby & martin, 1983; tomlinson, 1991). yet, their school achievement typically lags behind boys. one reason for the contradiction is that girls are taught to view themselves relationally with regard to other people and increased parental responsiveness to their needs advances that aim. however, it does not lead to better performance in school because school achievement is essentially an individualistic endeavor and makes girls alienated and less connected in the process. in traditional societies this phenomenon may be exacerbated because a girls’ identity may be tied up with perceiving herself as a sustainer of other people and not towards her own growth. additionally, a factor analysis was conducted using all of the items on the parenting scale. the rationale for conducting the factor analysis is that often questions in surveys that may seem to have obvious and straightforward meanings to researchers in one cultural context may be read very differently by participants in another cultural context. thus a statement like, “my mother respects my privacy” may indicate a sense of trust in middle white class society while it may indicate neglect in another culture. three major factors emerged from the analysis. family cohesion had the most number of items (8 items) and it was reflected in statements that had to do with activities performed with one’s parent and the importance that parents gave to it. some of the statements were not part of the original 15item scale (psi-ii). it had the highest correlation with self-reported gpa scores as well (r = .33). children who perceived their family as being important and closely knot had higher gpa scores than children who did not. the family is the center of one’s relational life in traditional islamic societies. children spend a lot of time with the adults in their families even as they turn into adolescence. as this study illustrates, the expectation that they are current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 16 going to follow family rules, have strict codes of behavior around family members and do chores for the family appears to influence school performance in a positive fashion. these have not been studied in terms of their relationship with grades in the western context. high self-autonomy was negatively correlated with gpa scores. this parental dimension had items similar to autonomy granting as conceived of in the original scale. but it had other items that are not part of the original scale, i.e., “my mother encourages me to talk to her honestly”. the finding that self-autonomy was not positively related to school performance is contradictory to what has been found in studies in western contexts. perhaps children’s performance in school in the uae is heavily influenced by the obligations that they feel towards their families to make them proud. in families where the child is not allowed to have their own voice, the child may decide that school is not very important to them and may not make much effort to do well. finally, effort was related positively to gpa scores but to a lesser extent than did family cohesion. effort included a number of items that were not included in the original scale, i.e., “my mother pushes me to do my best in whatever i do”. in several studies, it has been found that asian cultures value effort more than they do ability. when children are asked to explain success and failure in vignettes that were posed to them, they spontaneously chose effort as an explanation rather than ability even when it contradicted reality (parameswaran & hom, 2001). the finding in this study perhaps reflected the attributional framework that the child participants in this study used. in other words, successful children in school may perceive their parents to be more supportive of their efforts than children who do not do well in school. parenting style 17 thus in this study, of the traditional parental style dimensions (demandingness, autonomy-granting and warmth), only demandingness appears to significantly affect child outcomes if child outcomes is operationalized as school performance. the original parenting styles questionnaire as conceived by baumrind was mainly used with white middle class children. our study explored parenting styles among children in the united arab emirates. examining the parental behaviors that related to school achievement among the sample in this study, we found a very different group of variables that seemed to relate to school performance. factor analysis with the questionnaire seems to suggest that, family cohesion and effort were positively related to gpa scores and selfautonomy was negatively related to gpa scores. results from studies from “non-western” cultures substantiate the importance of the extended family in children's lives and their school achievement (chao, 2001; christina, 2008). in collectivistic societies, the feeling of oneness to the larger group prevents one wanting to stand out from other individuals in any way. thus too high a self-esteem is discouraged and self-disparagement is encouraged by adults in the familial group. even when children exhibit increased effort it is for the good of one’s familial group and it is less about exhibiting one's own prowess. in cultural groups where one's identity is so tied to the larger cultural group that one belongs, it is not surprising that increased feelings of cohesion with the family leads to better performance in school. a very interesting problem posed by the outcomes of this study is the apparent disconnectedness of self-esteem to any of the variables we studied unlike previous research (e.g., juan & larry, 2004; martinez & garcia, 2007; robin & foster, 1989). however, previous studies have found that higher self-esteem is not necessarily a positive force in current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 18 many cultures. among marginalized and disadvantaged communities in the usa, members of ‘gangs’ and other deviant groups tend to have higher self-esteem than other children in the community. in several traditional cultures, self-depreciating behavior is considered appropriate in order for members to demonstrate their solidarity with the group (chao, 1994; martinez, garcia & yubero, 2007). the items used to measure self-esteem as conceived by western researchers may be inadequate to capture respect for oneself as construed by members of a traditional islamic community. thus we may need to come up with a more culturally sensitive test in order to capture this construct in the uae. there were some limitations to this study. the parenting style of mothers alone was examined and not that of fathers. the gender of the parent has been found to have an important mediating effect of mothers’ style on the child. mothers were not interviewed nor were observations conducted in order to incorporate the children’s reports with actual behavior. the grades of the children were self-reported and not reported by school personnel and hence they may have been inaccurate. there are potentially exciting questions that a future study may be able to answer. how might parental behaviors vary across cultures as parents attempt to develop bonds with their children? what are the familial determinants of school performance in an affluent but traditional society? table 1: correlation between selected variables in the study: correlation between selected variables in the study: age gende r selfesteem gpa responsiveness demandingness autonomy age .04 .02 .08 -.11 .20* .23* parenting style 19 gender .04 -.05 .53** -.20* .14 -.15 self-esteem .02 -.05 .15 .04 .02 -.07 gpa .08 .53** .15 -.03 .29** -.02 responsiveness -.11 -.20* .04 -.03 .03 .39** demandingness .20* .14 .02 .29** .03 -.07 autonomy .23* -.15 -.07 -.02 .39 -.07 notes: * indicates that the relationship is significant at the p<.05 level (2-tailed) ** indicates that the relationship is significant at the p<.01 level (2-tailed) current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 20 references american psychological association. 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(2003). parenting style of chinese fathers in hong kong: correlates with children's school-related performance. international journal of adolescent medicine and health, 15(1):51-62 2003. tomlinson, r. k. (1991). unacceptable adolescent behavior and parent adolescent conflict. child & adolescent social work journal, 8(1), 33-51. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 24 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo level of preparation of general education teachers to include level of preparation 1 running head: level of preparation level of preparation of general education teachers to include students with autism spectrum disorders emily e. teffs student saint joseph college eteffs@sjc.edu kathleen m. whitbread associate professor of education saint joseph college kwhitbread@sjc.edu mailto:eteffs@sjc.edu� mailto:kwhitbread@sjc.edu� level of preparation 2 abstract since 1998 there has been a dramatic increase in children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorders (asd), resulting in an estimated prevalence of 1 in 150 children. federal law requires schools to educate children with asd in the least restrictive environment, increasing the number of children with asd in regular classrooms. teacher preparation rarely includes training in asd, leaving many teachers unprepared to accommodate these students. using an online survey distributed to a random sample of connecticut teachers, this study explored formal and informal preparation of teachers as well as teachers’ feelings of confidence and competence to teach children with asd. level of preparation 3 level of preparation of general education teachers to include students with autism spectrum disorders according to the individuals with disabilities education improvement act of 2004, an autism spectrum disorder (asd) is a developmental disability that usually manifests itself before age 3 and significantly affects a child’s communication ability, social interaction, and educational performance. additional characteristics associated with asd include: “engagement in repetitive activities and stereotypical movements, resistance to environmental change or change in daily routines, and unusual responses to sensory experiences” (34 code of federal regulations § 300.8 (c) (1)). included under the umbrella of asd reflecting severe to mild symptoms are childhood disintegrative disorder, rhett's disorder, autistic disorder, pervasive developmental disordernot otherwise specified, and asperger's disorder (kutscher, 2002). while symptoms and development vary among individuals, the most common characteristic of those who have asd is a considerable impairment in social skills (boutot, 2007; jordan, 2003). over the past decade there has been a dramatic increase in the prevalence of children with asd (newschaffer, falb, & gurney, 2005; volkmar et al., 2004). recent federal reports by the united states center for disease control and prevention (cdc) reveal that approximately 1 in every 150 children have an asd diagnosis (cdc, 2007). reports by the connecticut state department of education (csde) show that prevalence rates in the state have increased from 1.8 students per thousand in 1998 to 6.2 students per thousand in 2006 and currently average 1 in 150 students in kindergarten through grade twelve (csde, 2007). these data suggest that the number of individuals affected by asd has been increasing at a rate of 10-17% per year (cdc, 2007). if this trend continues, an estimated 4 million americans will have a diagnosis of asd within the next ten years (hecita, 2004). level of preparation 4 on december 19, 2006, president bush signed the combating autism act of 2006 into law. this act authorizes expanded activities related to autism research, prevention, and treatment through 2011. the act focuses on the following six aims: (a) to increase public awareness of developmental milestones, (b) to promote research into the development and validation of reliable screening tools for asd and other developmental disabilities, (c) to promote early screening of individuals at higher risk for asd and other developmental disabilities, (d) to increase the number of individuals who are able to confirm or rule out a diagnosis of asd and other developmental disabilities, (e) to increase the number of individuals able to provide evidence-based interventions for individuals diagnosed with asd or other developmental disabilities, and (f) to promote the use of evidence-based interventions for individuals at higher risk for asd and other developmental disabilities. in signing the act, the president stated that the combating autism act will, increase public awareness about this disorder and provide enhanced federal support for autism research and treatment... [t]his legislation will help more people recognize the symptoms of autism. this will lead to early identification and intervention, which is critical for children with autism. (office of the press secretary, 2006) concurrent with the increase in the prevalence of asd, there has been a trend toward educating children with disabilities, including children with asd, in regular education classrooms (yeargin-allsopp et al., 2003). the united states department of education regulations implementing the individuals with disabilities education act (idea) of 2004 state: to the maximum extent appropriate, children with disabilities, including children in public or private institutions or other care facilities, are educated with children who are not disabled, and special classes, separate schooling, or other removal of children with level of preparation 5 disabilities from the regular educational environment occurs only when the nature or severity of the disability of a child is such that education in regular classes with the use of supplementary aids and services cannot be achieved satisfactorily. (34 code of federal regulations § 300.550(b)) the least restrictive environment (lre) mandate has been a key tenet of idea since the law was first enacted in 1975, yet some states have been slow to apply the concept. in connecticut, a significant special education lawsuit was settled in 2002 requiring the state to increase the number of children with disabilities educated in general education classes. the lawsuit (p.j.et al. v. state of connecticut department of education et al.) was brought by parents of children with intellectual disabilities against the connecticut state department of education (csde), the state commissioner of education, and certain local school districts, alleging that the csde was denying many children the right to an education in the least restrictive environment. the p.j. settlement agreement proposed to address this problem by increasing the percentage of students placed in general education classrooms and increasing the time that children with disabilities spent with non-disabled peers. although the lawsuit specifically addresses children with intellectual disabilities, the csde issued a series of statements and memoranda during the five years that the settlement agreement was in effect, reiterating the intent of idea to educate all students in the least restrictive environment (csde, 2005). as a result of the p.j. case, a number of initiatives were put into place by the csde to provide training and technical assistance to teachers and related service personnel to successfully include children with significant disabilities in general education classrooms. however, according to the expert advisory panel (eap) appointed to oversee the case, these initiatives did not result in significant progress in meeting the goals of the settlement agreement. in a 2007 level of preparation 6 report to the united states district court, the eap stated that the “lack of sufficient progress is shocking given the level of dissemination of information about p.j. and the technical assistance and professional development that has been provided” (burrello, coulter, freagon, & sailor, 2007). in spite of the state and federal laws and regulations requiring teachers to include students with significant disabilities in regular classrooms, many connecticut teachers may be ill prepared to successfully teach this population of children. little is known about the status of personnel preparation for teachers of children with asd (scheuermann, webber, boutot, & goodwin, 2003). however, recent studies have shown that providing teachers with training specific to the needs of children with asd improves student outcomes (browder, trela, & jirnenez, 2007; dib & sturmey 2007; jordan, 2003; koegel, koegel, frea, & green-hopkins, 2003). presently, connecticut teacher preparation programs are multi-categorical and designed to meet the needs of students with mild to moderate disabilities, as opposed to serving the specific needs of students with asd and other low incidence disabilities. current connecticut statistics reveal that 41% of students with asd are included in general education classrooms for at least 80% of their day (csde, 2008), resulting in the likelihood that a general education teacher will be assigned at least one student with asd during his or her teaching career. in september 2007, the network of training and technical assistance programs (nattap) held its first annual conference focused on individuals with asd. nattap is affiliated with the autism society of america and includes a network of experts dedicated to the education of children with asd. one of the outcomes of this conference, attended by more than 1400 participants, was a draft of national teacher standards for teachers of students with asd. the draft was made available to conference participants and is currently under review by level of preparation 7 the council for exceptional children. the document includes more than thirty competencies that teachers of students with asd must possess under the following broad categories: a) characteristics of asd, including etiology and criteria used to diagnose the disorder; b) assessment using evidence-based approaches, varied formats and current instruments; c) instructional planning, including access to the general education curriculum, modifications and accommodations, collecting and analyzing data to inform instruction; d) instructional strategies, including individualized and intensive instruction, applied behavioral analysis, positive behavior support, and communication strategies, and; e) transition and independence to assist students with asd to successfully transition to adult life (draft national teacher standards, 2007). these standards are consistent with current literature on personnel preparation needs of teachers of students with asd (callahan, henson, & cowan, 2008; ingersoll & dvortcsak, 2006; scheuermann, webber, boutot, & goodwin, 2003; sulzer-azaroff, fleming, tupa, bass, & hamad, c. 2008). embedded in this set of proposed standards is an emphasis on team collaboration. fleming & monda-amaya (2001) note the following requirements for team effectiveness: shared goals and visions, clear roles, open and effective communication, support and respect, and strategic decision making strategies and monitoring. also crucial to the team process is the inclusion of families. effective home-school communication and collaborative relationships among school personnel must be established in order to develop an appropriate intervention or program for a child with asd (ingersoll & dvortcsak, 2006; ruble, 2002). as the number of children labeled with asd rises, general education teachers must be prepared to not only include these students in their classrooms, but teach them according to grade level standards. the purpose of this study was to determine the level of formal and informal level of preparation 8 preparation of connecticut teachers to teach children with asd as well as teachers’ feelings of confidence and competence to include this population of children in their classroom community. methodology participants study participants were randomly selected from a database of current teachers and administrators in connecticut public schools provided to the researchers by the connecticut state department of education in a microsoft access file. all positions other than general education teacher were removed from the database, resulting in a sample frame of 33,315 general education teachers from kindergarten through grade twelve. a 2% random sample was calculated using the statistical package for social sciences (spss), resulting in a sample of 655 teachers from kindergarten through high school. teachers in the random sample were dispersed among the state’s 169 districts in representative percentages when compared to teachers in the sample frame based on connecticut’s district reference groups (drg). drg is a classification system used to group districts on the basis of the socioeconomic status and at-risk indicators of their student populations. these drgs are used for the purpose of making comparisons in research studies and performance monitoring, and are based on the following seven student/family variables: family income, parental education, parental occupation, family structure, poverty status, home language and district enrollment. each district in the state is placed in one of nine groups, ranging from the most affluent (group a) to the least affluent (group i). see table 1 for a comparison of the drg classifications for teachers represented in the sample frame and teachers represented in the random sample selected for this study. table 1. level of preparation 9 district reference groups district reference group (drg) sample frame n =33,315 random sample n=655 a 6.1% 5.8% b 18.4% 18.9% c 7.7% 7.7% d 15.9% 16.3% e 5.1% 5.4% f 5.6% 7.6% g 12.9% 12.8% h 11.6% 11.1% i 16.7% 14.0% survey development the survey was designed to gather information about the confidence and competence of general education teachers to include students with asd in their classrooms. following a review of the literature, draft survey questions were developed. the survey was piloted with a convenience sample of 10 practicing teachers and minor changes were made to survey questions as a result of feedback from pilot participants. there were three parts to the survey. the first part included demographic questions related to grade levels taught, amount of time in current position, and total number of years in the teaching profession, as well as number of students with asd assigned to their classroom during the current school year. level of preparation 10 the second section of the survey asked teachers to report their experiences working with students who have asd. participants were asked if and when they were notified that they would have a student with asd assigned to their classroom and if they had access to individual education programs (ieps) for those children. they were also asked about their feelings and perceptions about teaching students with asd as well as communication with parents and team members. two open-ended questions were included at the end of this section which asked participants first to comment on whether or not they felt their student(s) with asd was in the most appropriate placement, and then to discuss their greatest challenges in teaching students with asd. the third section of the survey contained questions about respondents’ specific training in asd. participants were asked how much training they may have had in the following areas: characteristics of asd, instructional strategies, implementing the iep, behavioral supports, social skills training, communication and assistive technology. participants were asked if they felt they required additional training in order to successfully teach children with asd and finally, how prepared they felt to teach students with asd. the complete survey is included in appendix a. procedure all information obtained for this study was recorded in such a manner that participants could not be identified directly or through identifiers linked to the subjects. the participant names and email addresses were stored in separate locations from the data. surveys were distributed through surveymonkey, a web-based interface for creating and publishing web surveys. results were calculated by surveymonkey software and were available for view by the research team in real time on the surveymonkey website. results were level of preparation 11 password-protected and displayed without identifying information. email addresses for the selected teachers were obtained by the researchers from district websites. a cover letter with an embedded link to the survey was sent electronically via surveymonkey to the group of teachers in mid-april (approximately 2 months before the end of the school year). emails returned due to incorrect email addresses were re-checked, corrected, and resent. when it was not possible to locate an accurate email for a teacher, a hard copy of the survey and cover letter was mailed to the teacher at his or her school. two electronic reminders were sent through surveymonkey at approximately two and four weeks following the initial mailing of the survey to those who did not respond nor opt out of the study. the response rate was 18.6% with a total of 122 completed surveys. nearly half (47.1%, n=56) of survey respondents were kindergarten and elementary teachers; 22.7% (n=27) were middle school teachers and 31.1% (n=37) were high school teachers. three teachers (2.4%) declined to identify their grade level. in order to encourage participation in the study, respondents were not asked to supply any identifying information so it was not possible to make direct comparisons between the sample group and respondent group based on district reference group classification. in addition, the coding system in the state database did not allow for separation of middle and high school teachers. however, data collected for elementary teachers showed that this grade level was overrepresented in the respondent group, as shown in table 2. table 2. grade level taught grade level sample frame random sample respondents elementary 38.3% 37.4% 47.1% level of preparation 12 middle --22.7% high --31.1% more than a third of the teachers (35.5%, n=43) in the study had been in the teaching profession more than 20 years. a quarter (24.8%, n=30) had been teaching for 11-20 years, 20.7% (n=25) had been teaching 6-10 years and 19% (n=23) had been teaching less than 6 years. fifty-nine percent of participants (n=72) had been teaching in their current position for more than 7 years, 36.1% (n=44) had been teaching a total of 1-6 years, and 4.9% (n=6) had been in their current position for less than one year. results training in autism spectrum disorders a number of participants reported having no formal training in the following areas: characteristics of asd (35.4%), instructional strategies (33.0%), implementing the iep (35.7%), behavioral supports (42.9%), social skills training (48.5%), communication (46.9%), and assistive technology (61.9%). see table 3. table 3. amount of training received specific to teaching students with asd none 1 day or less 2-3 days 4-5 days college course characteristics 35.4% 37.4% 5.1% 7.1% 15.2% instruction 33.0% 38.0% 3.0% 7.0% 19.0% the iep 35.7% 35.7% 8.2% 3.1% 17.3% behavior 42.9% 33.6% 5.1% 7.1% 11.2% social skills 48.5% 28.3% 8.1% 7.1% 8.1% level of preparation 13 communication 46.9% 27.5% 12.2% 4.1% 9.2% assistive tech. 61.9% 22.7% 3.1% 4.1% 8.2% some participants commented that most of their training had come from their direct experiences working with children with asd and from what they read in books and journals. more than two-thirds (76.9%, n = 83) reported the need for more training or support to better meet the needs of their students with asd. within this group, the most frequently cited area in which additional training was needed was social skills, followed by behavioral supports and communication, as shown in table 4. table 4. additional training needs cited by respondents training area % respondents social skills 82.9 behavioral supports 78.0 communication 70.7 assistive technology 63.4 characteristics of asd 52.4 implementing the iep 48.8 finally, when asked how prepared participants felt to teach students with asd, nearly a quarter (22%, n = 24) reported feeling “not at all prepared.” nearly half (54.1%, n = 59) felt only “somewhat prepared,” 18.3% (n = 20) felt “prepared” and only 5.5% (n = 6) felt “wellprepared.” level of preparation 14 experiences with students with autism spectrum disorder during the past school year (2007-2008), more than half of the respondents (60%, n = 72) had been assigned a child with asd to their classroom. of these, 29.2 % (n = 35) had been assigned one student with asd, 20% (n = 24) had been assigned 2-3 students with asd, and 10.8% (n = 13) had been assigned more than 3 students with asd. forty percent (n = 48) had not been assigned a student with asd. of those participants who were assigned a student with asd, 77.6% (n = 52) were informed ahead of time of that assignment. however, 34.5% (n = 20) were not informed until the first week of school and 17.2% (n=10) were notified over the previous summer. approximately half (46.6%, n = 27) were notified during the previous school year. asked if they had access to the individual education program (iep) plan for their student(s) with asd, 77.3% (n = 51) reported having full access to students’ ieps, 16.7% (n = 11) had only partial access to the student's iep and 6.1% (n = 4) had no access to the iep at all. those participants who had a child with asd in their classroom were asked if their feelings about teaching students with asd had changed as a result of the experience. nearly half (45.5%, n = 30) said their feelings were more positive, 42.4% said their feelings were unchanged, 10.6% (n = 7) were unsure and one participant said his/her feelings were more negative. when asked how often participants communicated with parents and other team members, the majority reported the following: monthly communication with parents (41.3%), daily communication with the special educator (48.5%), weekly communication with related service providers (33.3%), and no communication with administrators (54.8%). see table 5. table 5. average frequency of communication between teacher and team members level of preparation 15 daily weekly monthly never parents 7.9% 27.0% 41.3% 23.8% special educator 48.5% 24.2% 21.2% 6.1% related services 20.6% 33.3% 20.6% 25.4% administrator 1.6% 9.7% 33.9% 54.8% sixty participants (83.3 % of those who had taught a child with asd the previous year) responded to the open-ended question asking if they felt their student with asd was in an appropriate placement. of these, 48 (80%) responded “yes,” 6 (10%) responded “no” and the remaining were unsure or had mixed feelings. a third (33%, n = 16) of the teachers who responded “yes” to this question indicated that they felt the placement was appropriate because the student had a mild form of asd. typical comments included: “this particular student is very high functioning,” or “his case is not severe, but very mild.” three of the 6 teachers who responded that their student’s placement was inappropriate cited the severity of the student’s disability as the reason, revealing a trend toward equating the appropriateness of general education placement with the perceived severity of a student’s disability. this finding is consistent with other research on this topic (white, scahill, klin, koenig & volkmar, 2007). two teachers who responded that their students’ placements were inappropriate commented that they had not been trained to teach students with asd. one teacher expressed feeling “overwhelmed … trying to accommodate them,” and another wrote “i am not a special education teacher... by choice! the demands placed on regular ed. teachers these days are outrageous! we were never trained properly to teach these students, nor should we be expected to.” thirty-five percent of the teachers who responded that their student with asd was level of preparation 16 appropriately placed in their classroom wrote about the benefits to the student and the other students in the class. as one teacher stated, “it allows him the opportunity to succeed both academically and socially in the least restrictive environment.” another commented, “he is a welcome member of the class and helps all students use strategies to help them best learn.” participants were asked to comment on their greatest challenges in teaching students with asd. the majority of teachers (83.3%, n = 60) who indicated they had taught a child with asd in the previous school year responded to this question. more than a quarter of this group (26.6%, n = 16) cited behavioral difficulties as their primary challenge. as one teacher commented, “my biggest challenge has been in learning how to get him to calm down or re-evaluate before he has an outburst that disrupts the entire class… i am typically alone in the class.” two respondents cited “inappropriate social behavior” as their greatest challenge. a number of teachers (11.6%, n=13) wrote of a lack of time or resources to meet the individual needs of their student with asd while also meeting the needs of other students in the class. lack of training/technical assistance in adapting curriculum was another frequently cited challenge, with 11 teachers (18.3%) reporting that they lacked the ability or resources to modify curriculum to meet the individual needs of students with asd. discussion this study explored the experiences and perceptions of general education teachers regarding students with asd. approximately half of the respondents had taught at least one student with asd during the current school year (2007-2008). most were notified before the beginning of the school year that they were being assigned a student with asd; however, more than half were notified either in the previous summer or the first week of the school year. while teaching students with asd can be challenging and many teachers lacked appropriate training, level of preparation 17 only one of the respondents felt more negative about teaching students with asd following the experience. half of the respondents who had taught a child with asd reported feeling more positive about including students with asd in their classrooms. one teacher wrote of regret that he or she “doubted the student’s ability,” and another commented, “i really didn't consider this student to be any more challenging than the other children in the class. i had the support of a full time paraprofessional and a wonderful special ed team. so, when problems arose, there were staff to collaborate and/or address the difficulties as needed.” still, responses to the survey show that general education teachers in connecticut have had little training specific to teaching students with asd and once in the classroom, may lack the support they need to provide an appropriate education for students with asd. since connecticut teacher training programs do not currently require preparation in asd, most teachers do not have the confidence and competence to teach these learners. one quarter of the respondents felt totally unprepared to teach students with asd, and nearly half felt only “somewhat prepared.” the current study adds to the existing literature in several ways. first, the findings show that general educators in connecticut are rarely trained to meet the needs of a rapidly growing population of students with asd, even though nearly half of connecticut students with asd spend at least eighty percent of their day in general education classrooms. second, results were consistent with current literature showing that teachers perceive students with milder forms of asd as being appropriately placed in a general education classroom, while students who were viewed as having more significant disabilities were not considered to be appropriately placed in a general education classroom. finally, and perhaps most importantly, the results of this study support the proposed standards of the network of training and technical assistance programs (nattap) which recommend that teachers who work with students with asd receive specific level of preparation 18 training in the following areas: a) characteristics of asd, b) instructional planning, including access to the general education curriculum, c) instructional strategies, d) individualized education plans, e) positive behavior support, e) social skills instruction, f) communication strategies and g) team collaboration. the combating autism act of 2006 calls for an increase in the number of individuals trained to provide evidence-based interventions for students diagnosed with asd and to further the use of evidence-based interventions for students with these disorders. in order to fulfill that promise, pre-service and in-service training programs must be developed and implemented to prepare teachers to provide appropriate educational services to this population of students in the environment where many students with asd spend the majority of their school day: the general education classroom. in addition to infusing this training into existing teacher preparation programs, graduate certificate programs which address research-based competencies in asd, such as those recommended by the nattap, would allow existing teachers to develop competencies that can be immediately put to use in their classrooms. offering these programs in summer, evening and weekend formats would allow teachers to continue to teach while expanding their skills to meet the needs of this population of students. technical assistance in the form of instructional coaching, with experienced educators mentoring less experienced colleagues, has proven effective in the areas of literacy, mathematics and inclusive education (knight, 2007; west & staub, 2003) and may provide a useful model for increasing teachers’ competence and confidence as they apply newly learned skills and concepts in the classroom. this preliminary study was limited to a small sample of teachers in connecticut. to generalize the findings of this study, the sample size would need to be expanded. however, the level of preparation 19 study does provide a glimpse into the current challenges faced by general education teachers who may be assigned to teach students with asd without the appropriate training or technical assistance. further research is needed to explore the experiences of special educators as well as related service personnel in serving students with asd. in addition, it would seem important to explore whether general educators require individualized training programs based on their relative lack of experience with students with disabilities, or if it is effective to train general and special educators along with related service personnel and administrators so they may develop and practice the collaboration skills necessary to meet the varied needs of students with asd. level of preparation 20 references boutot, e. a. 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(2004). autism and pervasive developmental disorders. journal of child psychology and psychiatry, 45(1), 135-170. west, l., & staub, f. (2003). content-focused coaching: transforming mathematics lessons. portsmouth, me: heinemann. http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2006/12/20061219-1.html� http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2006/12/20061219-1.html� http://www.literacycoachingonline.org/library/resources/westlstaubf2003content-focusedcoachingtransformingmathematicslessonsportsmouthmeheinemann.html� http://www.literacycoachingonline.org/library/resources/westlstaubf2003content-focusedcoachingtransformingmathematicslessonsportsmouthmeheinemann.html� level of preparation 24 white, s. w., scahill, l., klin, a., koenig. k., & volkmar, f. (2007). educational placements and service use patterns of individuals with autism spectrum disorders. journal of autism and developmental disorders, 37 (8), 1403-1412. yeargin-allsopp m, rice c., karapurkar t., doernberg n., boyle c., & murphy c. (2003). jama, 289(1), 49-55. level of preparation 25 appendix a survey questions: preparation to teach students with autism spectrum disorders section i: demographic information 1. what grade level do you teach? a. elementary school b. middle school c. high school 2. how many years have you taught in your current position? a. less than a year b. 1-3 years c. 4-6 years d. more than 7 years 3. how many years have you been a teacher? a. less than a year b. 1-5 years c. 6-10 years d. 11-20 years e. more than 20 years 4. during the past school year, how many students with autism spectrum disorders (asd) have been assigned to your classroom? a. 0 b. 1 c. 2 level of preparation 26 d. 3 e. more than 3 section ii: experiences with students with autism spectrum disorders definition of autism spectrum disorder: according to the individuals with disabilities education act (idea) an autism spectrum disorder (asd) is “a developmental disability significantly affecting verbal and nonverbal communication and social interaction, generally evident before age 3 that adversely affects a child’s educational performance.” included under the umbrella of asd are childhood disintegrative disorder, rhett’s disorder, autistic disorder, pervasive developmental disorder-not otherwise specified and asperger’s disorder. please answer the following questions about your experiences during the current (2007 2008) school year. if you have more than one student with asd, please select one student about whom you will answer the survey questions. 5. were you informed ahead of time that a student with asd would be assigned to your classroom? a. no b. yes 6. if you answered “yes” to question 5, at what point were you informed that you would be assigned a student with asd? a. the previous school year b. the summer c. the first week of school d. i was never informed level of preparation 27 7. did you have access to the individual education program (iep) plan for your student with asd? a. no b. yes, i had full access c. yes, but i had only partial access if you had access to only part of the iep, please indicate which part. 8. have your feelings about teaching students with asd changed since having a student with asd assigned to your classroom? a. no b. yes, i am more positive about teaching students with asd c. yes, i am more negative about teaching students with asd d. not sure 9. on average, how often do you communicate with the following in relation to your student with asd? daily weekly monthly never parents special educator related service providers administrator 10. do you feel that your student with asd is in the most appropriate placement? why or why not? 11. what is your greatest challenge in teaching your students with asd? level of preparation 28 section iii: training in autism spectrum disorders 12. please indicate what training you have received specific to teaching students with asd. length of training 1 day or less 2-3 days 4-5 days college course characteristics of asd instructional strategies implementing the iep behavioral supports social skills training communication assistive technology other (please comment on any additional training you have received in teaching students with asd) 13. do you feel you need more training or support to better meet the needs of students with asd? a. no b. yes 14. if you answered “yes” to question 13, please indicate areas of further training needed: a. implementing the iep b. social skills training c. characteristics of asd d. assistive technology level of preparation 29 e. communication f. behavioral supports g. instructional strategies h. other (please specify) 15. how prepared do you feel to teach students with asd? a. not at all prepared b. somewhat prepared c. prepared d. well prepared microsoft word accountability ratings of elementary schoolsstudent demographics matter .docx running head: accountability ratings of elementary schools 1 volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x accountability ratings of elementary schools: student demographics matter cynthia martinez-garcia kimberly n. laprairie john r. slate sam houston state university citation martinez-garcia, c., laprairie, k. n. & slate, j. r. (2011). accountability ratings of elementary schools: student demographics matter. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the researchers examined the most recent year of data (i.e., 2008-2009) from the texas academic excellence indicator system regarding accountability ratings and student characteristics (i.e., ethnicity, programmatic enrollment, mobility) in elementary schools (n = 4,110). accountability ratings (i.e., exemplary, recognized, academically acceptable, and academically unacceptable) are assigned primarily based upon school performance on statemandated tests by student subgroups. exemplary elementary school campuses had statistically significantly lower percentages of black students, hispanic students, at-risk students, 2 economically disadvantaged students, students with limited english proficient, and mobility percent (i.e., being at the school less than 83% of the school year) whereas academically unacceptable had the highest percentages in all these areas. as such, accountability ratings in texas elementary schools were clearly related to student characteristics and not just test scores. implications of these findings and suggestions for further research are discussed. keywords: elementary schools, student demographics, accountability ratings accountablitiy ratings of elementary schools 3 about the author(s) author: cynthia martinz-garcia, edd affiliation: sam houston state university, department of educational leadership and counseling address: teacher education center, box 2119, huntsville, tx 77341 email: cynthia3687@sbcglobal.net biographical information: dr. martinez-garcia is an assistant professor at sam houston state university. her research interests lie in beginning teachers and teacher attrition. author: kimberly laprairie, phd affiliation: sam houston state university, department of curriculum and instruction address: teacher education center, box 2119, huntsville, tx 77341 email: knl007@shsu.edu biographical information: dr. laprairie is an assistant professor at sam houston state university. her expertise and interests lie in the use of technology to improve instructional practices. author: john r. slate, phd affiliation: sam houston state university, department of educational leadership and counseling address: teacher education center, box 2119, huntsville, tx 77341 email: jrs051@shsu.edu biographical information: dr. slate is a professor at sam houston state university in the department of educational leadership and counseling. his research interests lie in the use of national and state educational databases for school reform. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 accountability ratings of elementary schools: student demographics matter andreas schleicher, senior education official at the organization for economic cooperation and development (o.e.c.d.) and leading expert on comparing school systems, recently revealed findings to the united states senate education committee that show many other countries surpassing the united states in high school completion rates and achievement test scores (dillion, 2010). though unsettling and cause for concern (alliance for excellent education, 2008), these revelations are not new ones (secretary arne duncan, 2010). results such as these reports have undoubtedly prompted the obama administration’s race to the top initiative and proposal for overhauling the no child left behind act, the core law outlining federal education policies on public schooling (obama, 2009, july 24; 2009, july 23). as the united states department of education office of educational technology (2010) pointed out in the national educational technology plan: under the obama administration, education has become an urgent priority driven by two clear goals. by 2020, we will raise the proportion of college graduates from where it now stands [39%] so that 60% of our population holds a 2-year or 4-year degree. we will close the achievement gap so that all students regardless of race, income, or neighborhood graduate from high school ready to succeed in college and careers. (p. 3) these goals are lofty ones in view of the fact that, despite the focus of the no child left behind act on closing the achievement gap between white and minority students, the gap has not narrowed under previous administrations (dillion, 2009). in fact, “… a disproportionate accountablitiy ratings of elementary schools 5 number of the schools being labeled as persistent failures and facing sanctions under this program are segregated minority schools” (orfield & lee, 2005, p. 4). at the 2010 centennial convention of the national urban league, president obama responded to concerns that were raised on the competition for education funds with the race to the top reforms during a time of recession (christian science monitor, 2010). he affirmed, “let me tell you, what’s not working for black kids and hispanic kids and native american kids across this country is the status quo…” (education week, 2010, para. 3). president obama expressed that, "we have an obligation to lift up every child in every school in this country, especially those who are starting out furthest behind” (www.msnbc.com, 2010, para. 2). he also declared that race to the top is “the single most ambitious, meaningful education reform effort we’ve attempted in this country in generations” (christian science monitor, 2010, para. 5). we believe it is imperative that the academic achievement level among all students be increased, regardless of race, language, or socioeconomic status, to ensure the economic growth and prosperity of the united states and to guarantee the ability of american youth to compete in a global economy. in president obama’s remarks on race to the top (2009, july 24), he emphasized this priority. america will not succeed in the 21st century unless we do a far better job of educating our sons and daughters... in an economy where knowledge is the most valuable commodity a person and a country have to offer, the best jobs will go to the best educated -whether they live in the united states or india or china. in a world where countries that out-educate us today will out-compete us tomorrow, the future belongs to the nation that best educates its people… current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 but what does it take to transform american education? as stakeholders, the population of students served in today’s schools need to be understood. currently, approximately 18% of children in the u.s. live below the federal poverty level and an additional 8% are considered low income, with a family income less than twice the federal poverty threshold (bowling & cummings, 2009). during the mid-1950s and early 1960s, black student enrollment was much higher than latino student enrollment and asian student enrollment was considered insignificant in our nation; however, immigration during the past four decades has changed american schools. orfield and lee (2005) stated that latino and asian student enrollment has increased exponentially; black student enrollment has increased steadily; whereas white student enrollment has decreased. national enrollment statistics show that black students make up approximately 17% of the total student population, whereas 18% is represented by a rapidly growing latino student enrollment and white student enrollment continues to decline as a proportion of the total (orfield & lee, 2005). in the south, where minority populations are more concentrated and students have less opportunity to attend multiracial schools, black students represent 27% of the total enrollment and latino students account for at least 19% of total student enrollment. these statistics are important to note because minority students are disproportionately represented in special education (frankson & white-lindsey, 2007; petterway, kritsonis, & herrington, 2006) and nationally, minority students have the highest drop-out rates. for example, hispanics students had almost four times higher drop-out rates (i.e., 16 through 24-year-olds who are not enrolled in school or have not earned a high school diploma or equivalent education certificate such as the general educational development [ged] certificate) and black students had around two times higher drop-out rates than white students accountablitiy ratings of elementary schools 7 (i.e., 22%, 11%, and 6% respectively) in 2006 (planty et al., 2008). orfield and lee (2005) noted that as many as half of the country’s black and hispanic students drop out of school, with the most severe problems in segregated high poverty schools. though much more attention has been devoted in recent years to test scores, dropping out is, of course, the ultimate failure for a student in the post-industrial economy—a failure that usually causes deep and irreversible life-long damage to a student and his future family. (orfield & lee, 2005, p. 37) factors other than mental capacity must be associated with racial performance disparities and the gap in minority student achievement (gould, 1981). one such factor may actually be a design flaw in curriculum and assessments used to measure academic achievement (frankson & white-lindsey, 2007; petterway et al., 2006). specifically overlooked in the design of academic expectations are the distinct cultural needs of minority students. for instance, in a review of the literature, frankson and white-lindsey (2007) reported that “african americans display the academic behaviors that do not emulate their non-minority peers; african americans are more expressive, verbal, field dependent (in that they require contextual instruction), relational, and affectively oriented” (p. 18). consequently, when these students are instructed and evaluated through traditional means they are automatically at a disadvantage compared to their nonminority peers. petterway et al. (2006) also pointed out that schools with a large number of english language learners (ells) “… risk being ranked as underperforming because the measure used to evaluate its performance is blind to this important demographic fact” (p. 3). beyond being culturally irresponsive to minority students, the education system fails to provide minority and economically disadvantaged students with high-quality teachers (allen, palaich, & anthes, 1999; darling-hammond, 1998; ingersoll, 1999, 2002; martinez-garcia & current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 slate, 2010a, 2010b; nieto, 2003; orfield & lee, 2005; peske & haycock, 2006; rowland & coble, 2005). on average, students in high-minority and the highest-poverty schools are twice as likely to be assigned to a beginning teacher as students in schools with low-poverty and few minority students (education trust, 2008; jepsen & rivkin, 2002; peske & haycock, 2006; u.s. department of education, national center for education statistics, 2000). in a multi-year statewide study of texas, martinez-garcia and slate (2010a) noted that elementary schools with the highest percentage of beginning teachers had higher percentages of minority student enrollment and also had higher percentages of economically disadvantaged student enrollment. this situation is of concern because numerous researchers have documented that teachers are considerably more effective at contributing to student learning and preparing students to meet state standards after completing at least two years of teaching experience (education trust, 2008; peske & haycock, 2006). furthermore, given that a growing body of research underscores the impact of the quality of the teacher and instruction on student achievement gains despite other background factors, this situation is particularly concerning (alliance for excellent education, 2004; darling-hammond, 2000; darling-hammond & sykes, 2003; obama, 2005; rice, 2003; rowland & coble, 2005; whitehurst, 2003). the education system, however, cannot shoulder all of the blame for educational inequality. in fact, according to sociologist james coleman’s 1966 equality of educational opportunity research, “… everything schools did accounted for only 5 to 35 percent of the variation in students’ academic performances, though he did find the figures for disadvantaged students were on the high end of the scale” (traub, 2000, p. 53). numerous researchers support this finding and have proposed that the achievement gap is largely environmental (bainbridge & lasley, 2002; jencks & phillips, 1998; orfield & lee, 2005). specifically, factors such as accountablitiy ratings of elementary schools 9 community conditions, including housing inadequacy and decay, weak and failing infrastructure, and critical lack of mentors and shortage of jobs (orfield & lee, 2005); family-background characteristics, including the education level of people in the home (bainbridge & lasley, 2002), family income, number of siblings, and the number of books in the home (peterson, 2010); peer influence (orfield & lee, 2005); and availability of health care and proper nutrition (bainbridge & lasley, 2002; orfield & lee, 2005) have been documented to have a substantial impact on student success in school. as orfield and lee (2005) noted, “schools tend to reflect and intensify the racial stratification of society” (p. 15). therefore, to establish effective school environments leaders in education need to understand the interrelationship between demographic characteristics and achievement. of particular interest to these researchers are the student demographic characteristics that might be reflected in the accountability ratings assigned to elementary schools. significance of the study to date, the means for measuring school accountability has focused mainly on student achievement on state-mandated tests (u.s. department of education, 2002). though important, such a focus is limited. test scores by themselves are not a complete picture of student learning and performance. in this study, the characteristics of students who were enrolled at elementary schools that differed in their accountability rating were investigated. accountability rating, assigned primarily on the basis of state-mandated assessments, may also reflect student demographic characteristics. no published research studies with such an emphasis were located, even after an extensive search of academic databases occurred. as such, more detailed current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 information than is currently available on the characteristics of students enrolled at elementary schools differing in their accountability rating may be provided in this study. purpose of the study the purpose in conducting this study was to determine the extent to which elementary school campus accountability rating was related with student demographic characteristics. that is, for accountability ratings that are assigned based primarily on student academic performance, the extent to which student characteristics were related to the assigning of accountability ratings was the primary focus of this study. research questions the following research question was addressed in this study: what is the difference among elementary school campus accountability ratings in their percent of black students, hispanic students, economically disadvantaged students, at-risk students, students designated as limited english proficient, mobility, and the total student enrollment? method participants data from all elementary public school campuses (n = 4,110) in texas for the 20082009 school year were utilized in this study. because of their uniqueness and major differences from public elementary schools, charter schools and their data were removed from analysis in this study. the public elementary schools whose student data were analyzed in this study were separated into four groups: exemplary (n = 1,791), recognized (n = 1,750), academically acceptable (n = 544), and academically unacceptable (n = 25). the state of texas rates school success through its state-mandated accountability system. this accountability system provides ratings both for individual school campuses and for school accountablitiy ratings of elementary schools 11 districts. at the highest rating, exemplary, the following criteria must be met: no more than a 0.2% dropout rate, at least 90% of students passing the texas assessment of knowledge and skills (taks), as well as subgroups, and 95% of the completion standard met (texas education agency, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008). the next highest rating, academically recognized, is assigned when these criteria are met: no greater than a 0.7% dropout rate, at least 75% of students passing the taks, as well as subgroups, and 85% of the completion standard (texas education agency, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008). a label of academically acceptable is assigned when: no greater than a 1.0% dropout rate, at least 65% of students pass the english/language arts, writing, and social studies sections of the taks, as well as subgroups, at least 45% of students pass the taks math, including subgroups, at least 40% of students pass the taks science measure, including subgroups, and 75% of the completion standard met (texas education agency, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008). readers are referred to the tea website, specifically the aeis glossary in which the definitions for dropout rate and completion standard, among others, are present (http://ritter.tea.state.tx.us/perfreport/aeis/2010/glossary.pdf) instrumentation and procedure archival data were acquired on all public elementary school campuses in the state of texas for the 2008-2009 school year. through accessing and downloading files from the academic excellence indicator system (http://ritter.tea.state.tx.us/perfreport/aeis/), data that were reported by each elementary school campus were gathered. specifically, data on the accountability rating, the percent of black students, the percent of hispanic students, the percent of students designated as limited english proficient, the percent of economically disadvantaged students, the percent of at-risk students, and the number of students enrolled at each elementary school campus were obtained. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 results prior to conducting statistical analyses, checks for normality of data and for the assumptions underlying parametric statistical procedures were made. though a few of the skewness and kurtosis values were outside the range of normality, the majority of the assumptions underlying parametric statistical procedures were met. therefore, a multivariate analysis of variance (manova) was conducted to determine whether the (a) percent of black students, (b) percent of hispanic students, (c) percent of economically disadvantaged students, (d) percent of at-risk students, (e) percent of students with lep, (f) mobility percent, and (g) the total student enrollment differed as a function of campus accountability rating for the 2008-2009 school year. this analysis yielded a statistically significant result, λ = .78, p < .001, n2 = .08, moderate effect size (cohen, 1988). this overall result revealed a difference among the four accountability ratings as a function of student demographic characteristic. univariate follow-up analysis of variance procedures revealed statistically significant differences for the percent of black students, f(3, 4012) = 48.36, p < .001, n2 = .04, small effect size; for the percent of hispanic students, f(3, 4012) = 121.47, p < .001, n2 = .21, large effect size; for the percent of economically disadvantaged students, f(3, 4012) = 327.43, p < .001, n2 = .44, very large effect size; for the percent of at-risk students, f(3, 4012) = 222.45, p < .001, n2 = .41, very large effect size; for the percent of students designated as lep, f(3, 4012) = 87.05, p < .001, n2 = .06, moderate effect size; and for the mobility percent, f(3, 4012) = 141.43, p < .001, n2 = .10, moderate effect size. no statistically significant difference was yielded for the total number of students enrolled in school, f(3, 4012) = 0.84, p = .47. thus, with the exception of school size, student demographic characteristics were different by elementary school accountability rating. accountablitiy ratings of elementary schools 13 scheffe` post hoc tests revealed that the percent of black students was statistically significantly different among the four campus accountability ratings. as the accountability rating decreased from exemplary to academically unacceptable, the percent of black students increased (i.e., from 10.44% to 34.36%). concerning hispanic students, exemplary schools had lower percentages of hispanic students (i.e., 38.33%) than did the other three accountability ratings (i.e., in the mid-50% range) which did not differ among themselves. differences were also present for the percent of economically disadvantaged students. with the exception of academically acceptable and academically unacceptable elementary schools which did not differ, as the accountability rating decreased, the percent of economically disadvantaged students increased (i.e., from 49.04% to 91.19%). similar results were present for the percent of at-risk students (i.e., from 39.28% to 67.62%). that is, as the school ranking became poorer, the percent of at-risk students dramatically increased. concerning students with a label of limited english proficient, exemplary schools had lower percentages (i.e., 17.02%) than did the other three school accountability ratings which did not differ among themselves (i.e., mid-20s to low30%s). all four accountability ratings differed for the mobility percent. as the accountability rating went from exemplary to academically unacceptable, the mobility percent increased (i.e., from 15.45% to 26.46%). readers are referred to tables 1 3 for the descriptive statistics for the percentages of the dependent variables by campus accountability rating. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 table 1 descriptive statistics for student characteristics by elementary school accountability rating for the 2008-2009 school year variable n m sd percent of black students exemplary 1791 10.44 14.49 recognized 1750 13.74 17.98 acceptable 544 19.16 21.16 unacceptable 25 34.36 28.67 percent of hispanic students exemplary 1791 38.33 30.32 recognized 1750 56.26 30.70 acceptable 544 58.59 29.22 unacceptable 25 56.08 29.03 percent of minority students exemplary 1791 48.77 31.24 recognized 1750 69.99 27.68 acceptable 544 77.76 24.40 unacceptable 25 90.44 12.55 accountablitiy ratings of elementary schools 15 table 2 descriptive statistics for student characteristics by elementary school accountability rating for the 2008-2009 school year variable n m sd percent of at-risk students exemplary 1791 39.28 20.44 recognized 1750 53.82 19.47 acceptable 544 58.82 18.01 unacceptable 25 67.62 17.90 percent of economically disadvantaged students exemplary 1791 49.04 28.91 recognized 1750 70.67 21.19 acceptable 544 78.32 16.49 unacceptable 25 91.19 8.81 percent of students with lep exemplary 1791 17.02 18.80 recognized 1750 26.86 22.24 acceptable 544 29.91 23.15 unacceptable 25 33.84 26.75 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 table 3 descriptive statistics for student characteristics by elementary school accountability rating for the 2008-2009 school year variable n m sd percent of student mobility exemplary 1743 15.45 6.99 recognized 1719 19.40 6.86 acceptable 530 20.77 7.09 unacceptable 24 26.46 8.07 total number of students enrolled exemplary 1791 552.91 214.84 recognized 1750 553.96 216.79 acceptable 544 540.32 210.36 unacceptable 25 514.72 195.26 discussion in this study, student characteristics of texas elementary public schools were analyzed by their accountability rating for the 2008-2009 school year. with the exception of school size, elementary schools differed in their student characteristics by the school accountability rating. exemplary elementary schools had the lowest percentages of black students, hispanic students, economically disadvantaged students, at-risk students, students with lep, and mobility percent whereas academically unacceptable schools had the highest percentages. effect sizes, or the practical importance of these analyses, ranged from moderate to very large (cohen, 1988). what accountablitiy ratings of elementary schools 17 these analyses revealed was that differences were clearly present in the students who were enrolled at texas elementary schools with different accountability ratings. based on the findings of this study, texas elementary schools with higher percentages of black, hispanic, economically disadvantaged, at-risk, lep, and mobile students face unique challenges. documented in the existing research literature is that these students, largely minority and low-income, tend to have varied cultural needs (frankson & white-lindsey, 2007; petterway et al., 2006) and are susceptible to environmental risk factors (bainbridge & lasley, 2002; jencks & phillips, 1998; orfield & lee, 2005) that require special attention to ensure academic achievement. the current system of education and assessment appears to continue to fall short of properly serving these children (allen et al., 1999; darling-hammond, 1998; education trust, 2008; ingersoll, 1999, 2002; jepsen & rivkin, 2002; nieto, 2003; orfield & lee, 2005; peske & haycock, 2006; rowland & coble, 2005; u.s. department of education, national center for education statistics, 2000). if appropriate and effective educational programs are ever to be designed for minority and economically disadvantaged students, educational leaders must recognize and understand the interrelationship between student demographic characteristics and achievement. currently, the amount of learning that takes place in schools is measured primarily based on students’ scores on standardized assessments (petterway et al., 2006). however, black and hispanic students are at a disadvantage compared to non-minority peers on achievement tests (bainbridge & lasley, 2002). therefore, they are often unable to demonstrate what they have actually learned. researchers have reported that these students need, “to be exposed to high quality, well-designed assessments that take into consideration the risk factors associated with certain racial groups” (frankson & white-lindsey, 2007, p. 21). frankson and white-lindsey (2007) suggested that current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 appropriately teaching and assessing minority students requires the following measures be taken to build on students’ strengths and meet their individual needs: implantation of culturally responsive practices, including teacher dialogue offering social support and encouragement, activities honoring ancestral culture, and parental involvement; designing instructional practices in which goals, objectives, and parental input and involvement are aligned with the diversity of students’ cultures and learning styles; and infusion of authentic assessments, such as oral retellings or tactile physical activities, that involve relatable content-rich pedagogy. without this understanding of the particular needs of minority students, the achievement gap between these students and their non-minority counterparts is not likely to be bridged, and school rankings will continue to be unintended indicators of the demographic characteristics to which schools cater (petterway et al., 2006). to raise the achievement of all students in the nation and eliminate the achievement gap seen among students by race, ethnicity, poverty, and english proficiency, the education community must also recruit, train, and retain highly qualified teachers who are prepared to work in diverse environments (bowling & cummings, 2009; u.s. department of education, 2002). according to the education trust (2008), “by assigning poor and minority students to stronger teachers, texas schools could produce much better results, regardless of the outside-of-school factors that affect students success” (p. 2). peske and haycock (2006) recommended a range of actions to aid education leaders in ending the unfair distribution of teacher quality, which include: overhauling hiring practices to allow schools that serve low-income, high-minority, and low-performing students the first pick of teacher talent; paying effective teachers more in highneed schools; balancing the challenges of working in high-poverty schools by giving teachers reduced student loads; reserving tenure for those teachers who demonstrate effectiveness at accountablitiy ratings of elementary schools 19 producing student learning; setting staff budgets at the school level and ensuring that they are proportionate with student needs; building better data systems that link individual teachers to the academic achievement of their students over time in order to identify the most effective teachers; and targeting funding to high poverty schools. closing the achievement gap will not be an effortless task, neither will it be immediate or cheap. as bainbridge and lasley (2002) observed, closing the achievement gap will require new approaches to understanding demographics, diversity, and accountability. it will also require more commitment on the part of society to find ways of ensuring that those who start school possess enough advantages to be advantaged by education and not so many disadvantages that make the efforts of even the best educators ineffective. (p. 434) as with other studies in which archival data are utilized, this study is a causalcomparative study which limits the extent to which any cause-and-effect statements can be made. additionally, only data from one state were analyzed. finally, numerous variables that are related to student success were not analyzed herein. therefore, readers are encouraged to be cautious in the extent to which they make generalizations from this study. researchers are encouraged to extend this study by investigating other schooling conditions and student demographic characteristics related to school accountability ratings. in particular, accountability ratings and characteristics of students enrolled at other school levels (i.e., middle schools, high schools) and in additional states need to be addressed. until such time as these findings are extended and replicated, these results should be viewed as tentative in nature. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 references allen, m., palaich, r., & anthes, c. 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(2010, march 5). transforming american education: learning powered by technology, national educational technology plan executive summary. draft. retrieved from http://www.ed.gov/sites/default/files/netp-2010-exec-summary.pdf whitehurst, g. (2003). research on teacher preparation and professional development. whitehouse conference on preparing tomorrow’s teachers. washington, dc. retrieved from http://www.ed.gov/admins/tchrqual/learn/preparingteachersconference/whitehurst.html current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt microsoft word wingfield layout.docx 1 volume 14, number 2 june 4, 2011 issn 1099-839x is there a relationship between body mass index, fitness, and academic performance? mixed results from students in a southeastern united states elementary school robert j. wingfield joseph p.h. mcnamara david m. janicke university of florida paulo a. graziano florida international university the purpose of this study was to investigate relationships between body mass index (bmi), physical fitness, and academic performance in elementary school students. specifically, bmi and scores on the president’s challenge physical activity and fitness awards program, a physical fitness test, were compared to reading and mathematics scores on the florida comprehensive assessment test (fcat), a standardized normreferenced academic achievement measure. participants included 132 4th and 5th grade students from a k-12 school located in north central florida. results revealed that bmi and physical fitness were correlated with academic performance for 5th grade females. in addition, there was a significant and negative association found between bmi and physical fitness across grade level and sex. keywords: obesity, overweight, physical education, president’s challenge, fcat, fitness the association between physical fitness and academic performance has received understandable attention in response to the growing prevalence of children who are overweight and out-of-shape (ogden, carroll, mcdowell, tabak, & flegal, 2006), as well as demands placed on schools to produce students who meet academic standards (castelli, hillman, buck, & erwin, 2007). a potential relationship of fitness to cognitive functioning may be explained by both physiological and psychological mechanisms (chomitz, slining, mcgowan, mitchell, dawson, & hacker, 2009) as physical activity stimulates neural development (studenski, carlson, fillit, greenough, kramer, & rebok, 2006), enhances circulation, increases blood flow to the brain, and raises levels of norepinephrine and endorphins–which collectively may decrease stress, improve mood, stimulate a calming effect after exercise, and as a result possibly improve academic performance (taras, 2005; fleshner, 2000; & morgan, 1994). yet, despite conceivable connections between physical fitness and academic outcomes, physical education (pe) in us schools is diminishing as emphasis on high-stakes tests increases (rentner, scott, & kobert, 2007). physical education according to the national center for chronic disease prevention and health promotion, only 1 in 3 students participate in daily pe classes (nccdphp, 2010). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 in addition, nationwide research suggests that few schools provide daily pe or its equivalent for all grade levels throughout the school year. for example, only 3.8% of elementary schools (excluding kindergarten), 7.9% of middle schools, and 2.1% of high schools provide daily pe throughout the year for all students (kann, brener, & wechsler, 2007). this issue is gaining in popularity as the identification of the effects of physical fitness, and its components, on cognitive functioning could aid school administrators in the decision-making process (castelli et al., 2007), particularly decisions related to the amount of time students should spend in core academic instruction versus pe. thus, the matter of whether physical fitness has a meaningful impact on students’ academic performance must be adequately explicated. despite a number of nationwide health initiatives to reduce childhood obesity by promoting healthy lifestyle behaviors, the diminution of pe in schools sends a resounding message to stakeholders that students’ physical fitness has little to no bearing on their academic performance. the discounting of pe may inadvertently occur, due in part to the no child left behind act (nclb, 2001) which mandated that schools evaluate the academic performance of all students not the physical fitness of all students, so it is easy to understand why many school administrators routinely place pe on the chopping block in favor of more mathematics, language arts, and science instruction. if compelling and overwhelming research existed showing a significant positive relationship between physical fitness and academic performance most administrators would likely place more emphasis on improving students’ fitness. unfortunately, research on the relationship between physical fitness and academic performance remains unclear. gender & age given the substantial influence that gender and age have on children’s educational experience (cushner, mcclelland, & stafford, 2009), it is important to consider and control for these variables when conducting research that examines academic outcomes. obesity, for example, is associated with decreased college enrollment particularly for females (rimm, 2004), which suggests that females incur harsher educational repercussions for being overweight. in addition, overweight girls are more likely to experience greater social isolation and emotional distress compared to overweight boys (faulkner, neumark-sztainer, story, jeffery, beuhring, & resnick, 2001). they also endure more relational victimization and suffer from less supportive and more antagonistic friendships (pearce, boergers, & prinstein, 2002). on the other hand, larger boys are more likely to be praised for their size especially in the context of sports such as football in which bigger equals better. furthermore, boys and girls generally have different rates of growth and maturation that have important implications from a physiological standpoint. it is generally accepted that puberty begins earlier for girls – often between 9 and 13 years of age while boys begin the process a year or more later in life (american academy of pediatrics, 1996). for many youth, puberty marks a period of doubt and challenges as they must deal with variations in hormone production that influence mood. research indicates that depression-related differences in negative affect are especially pronounced for pubertal girls (forbes, williamson, ryan, & dahle, 2006). taken together, these patterns could result in notable differences in how boys and girls across ages and weight statuses perform in school. the literature five studies were identified as being especially germane to this study. chomitz et al. (2009) examined relationships between physical fitness and academic performance in diverse, urban public school children enrolled in 4th, 6th, 7th, and 8th grade. academic performance was assessed as a passing score on the massachusetts comprehensive assessment system (mcas) achievement tests in mathematics and in english. physical fitness was assessed as the number of physical fitness tests passed during pe class. specifically, students completed an endurance cardiovascular test, an abdominal strength test, a flexibility test, an upper body strength test, and an agility test. these tests were adapted from the amateur athletic union and fitnessgram guidelines. results revealed that the odds of passing both the mcas mathematics test and the mcas english test increased as the number of fitness tests passed increased. castelli et al. (2007) examined the relationship between physical fitness and academic performance in public school students enrolled in the 3rd and 5th grade. participants completed the progressive aerobic cardiovascular endurance run (pacer) to assess aerobic capacity and later completed push-ups and curl-ups to measure muscular strength. in addition, participants completed the back-saver sit and reach test to measure flexibility. finally, participants completed the illinois standards achievement test (isat) in mathematics and reading to measure academic performance. results revealed that field tests of physical fitness were positively related to academic performance in mathematics and reading. specifically, aerobic capacity was positively associated with academic performance. furthermore, there were significant effects for body mass index (bmi), indicating that lower bmi and higher aerobic fitness were positively related to mathematics achievement. similarly, there were significant effects for bmi, and the pacer indicating that lower bmi and higher aerobic fitness were positively related to reading achievement. grissom (2005) also evaluated the relationship between physical fitness and academic performance of students enrolled in 5th, 7th, and 9th grade. scores on the fitnessgram, a physical fitness test that measures aerobic capacity, body composition, curl-ups, trunk lifts, upper body strength, and flexibility were compared to reading and mathematics scores on the stanford is there a relationship between body mass index, fitness, and academic performance? 3 achievement test 9th (sat/9) edition. results revealed that when the overall physical fitness test score was compared to mean sat/9 reading and mathematics scores, there was a consistent positive relationship between physical fitness and academic performance. this relationship appeared to be stronger for females than males and stronger for higher socioeconomic status (ses) than lower ses students. while kaestner and grossman (2009) did not examine the relationship between physical fitness and academic performance, they did investigate the relationship between body weight and academic performance. given weight’s indubitable association with physical fitness, the study is considered to be relevant to the current investigation. in their study, the peabody individual achievement tests in mathematics and reading, and grade attainment were utilized to represent academic performance. results suggested that, in general, children who were overweight or obese had academic test scores that were about the same as children with average weight. tremblay, inman, and willms (2001) examined the relationship between children’s selfreported levels of physical activity and reading and mathematics scores of 6th grade students. students’ test scores in reading and mathematics were based on standardized tests administered by the new brunswick department of education. the measure of physical activity was based on four questions regarding students’ regular participation in physical activities. although, physical activity and physical fitness are different constructs the study is deemed to be applicable since most physical activity guidelines consider fitness a surrogate measure of physical activity (myers et al., 2004). results revealed that physical activity had a trivial negative relationship with academic performance. specifically, a one unit increase on the activity scale was associated with a reduction in test scores of 2-3% of a standard deviation. altogether, the research on this topic is mixed at best warranting additional investigation and elucidation. furthermore, it appears that one of the most popular fitness tests, the president’s challenge physical activity and fitness awards program (the president’s challenge), has not been utilized in previous investigations to measure students’ physical fitness. unlike other fitness tools such as fitnessgram, the essential components of the president’s challenge are free or relatively inexpensive so the findings of this study may be more intriguing to many schools that cannot afford other fitness programs. in addition, few studies have utilized both academic and fitness raw scores to analyze student data. raw scores have added value because they are more sensitive to variations in performance and can capture smaller differences (flippo & caverely, 2009). finally, previous research on this topic has seemingly neglected the southeastern region of the united states. this is a significant omission since trends in childhood obesity are not constant across the nation. for instance, a recently identified cluster of states in the southeastern portion of the country, referred to as the “diabetes belt,” generates a significantly higher prevalence of diabetes and obesity than other parts of the country (barker, kirtland, gregg, geiss, & thompson, 2011). therefore, it is important to study all regions rather than make broad and potentially inaccurate generalizations based on a few. purpose of the study the purpose of this study was to examine relationships between bmi, physical fitness, and academic performance in 4th and 5th grade children. specifically, the researchers sought to identify the relative contribution of bmi and physical fitness as correlates of academic performance in the study’s sample. unlike many previous investigations, the strength of the association between fitness and academic performance was examined by using both fitness and academic test’s raw scores as continuous variables rather than dichotomized pass/fail factors. additionally, the current study used fitness measures, procedures, and norms from the president’s challenge which has been understudied in comparison to its counterparts. finally, the data were collected from students attending a school located in the southeastern region of the united studies which helps fill the demographic void that exists in the current literature. it was hypothesized that increased bmi and low physical fitness would be associated with poor academic performance across grade level and gender. methods participants the setting for the study was a k-12 school located in north central florida. this cross-sectional study included data on 132 children enrolled in 4th (n=66; 52% males) and 5th (n=66; 50% males) grade. the racial makeup of the sample was as follows: 44% white; 23% hispanic; 22% black; 7% mixed; 3% asian; and 1% native american. gender (male/female), race/ethnicity (asian, black, hispanic, and white), and ses were extracted from the school administration record system. the annual household income was as follows: 30% = $97,750 or more; 22% = $69,000 to 97,749; 24% = $39,250 to 68,999; and 24% = $0 to 39,249. a certified teacher in the pe department annually measures students’ height, weight, and physical fitness during pe class with students from kindergarten to eighth grade. based on the center for disease control and prevention (cdc) age norms, children whose bmi z-score based on age and gender were greater than the 95th percentile were classified as obese (n = 20, 15%), children whose bmi were between the 85th and 95th percentile were classified as overweight/at-risk for overweight (n = 19, 14%), and children whose bmi were between the 6th and 84th percentile were classified as normal weight (n = 82, 62%). three children (2%) had a bmi < 6th percentile and were excluded from the analyses to control for outlier effects (hodge & austin, 2004). for the purposes of this study, school record data that included current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 bmi, physical fitness, and academic test scores for students who were enrolled in 4th and 5th grade during the 2008-2009 academic year were used. the study protocol was reviewed and approved by the behavioral/nonmedical institutional review board (irb-02) of a southeastern university. data collection physical fitness data were gathered from a series of fitness tests conducted by the pe teacher during regularly scheduled pe periods in march and april of 2009 as students completed physical fitness tests in five domains (curl-ups, shuttle run, one mile run/walk, pull-ups, flexedarm hang, and v-sit reach) adapted from the president’s challenge. fitness scores are based on the 1985 school population fitness survey. the pe teacher and students followed the president’s challenge program manual to maintain objectivity in scoring. the president’s challenge recommends partner assistance in test administration and research indicates that it possesses acceptable reliability based on both instructor scores (rc1 = .95, r d total = .69) and student scores (rc1 = .95, r d total = .73; killman & barfield, 2008). curl-ups, a movement similar to sit-ups, were completed to measure abdominal strength and endurance by recording the maximum number of curl-ups performed in one minute. the pe teacher provided general guidelines and monitored students during each fitness test. for example during curl-ups, “bouncing” off the floor was not permitted. the shuttle run was completed to measure quickness and agility, and times were recorded to the nearest tenth of a second. the one mile run/walk was completed to measure cardiorespiratory fitness/endurance, and times were recorded in minutes and seconds. pull-ups were completed to measure upper body strength and endurance. recorded scores indicate the number of pullups that participants completed under non-timed conditions. flexed-arm hang was also completed to measure upper body strength and endurance. to record a valid score students assumed the flex-arm hang position, held their chin over the bar, kept their chest close to the bar, and allowed their legs to hang straight. timing was stopped when the student’s chin touched or fell below the bar. the v-sit reach was completed to measure flexibility of the lower back and hamstrings by reaching forward in the v-position. to obtain a valid score, students were required to keep their legs straight while keeping the soles of their feet positioned perpendicular to the floor. students were encouraged to reach slowly rather than “bounce” while stretching. v-sit reach scores were recorded to the nearest half-inch and are read as plus scores for reaches beyond baseline; and minus scores indicate reaches that were performed behind baseline. weight status was assessed by bmi z scores based on height and weight measurements collected by the pe teacher in march and april of 2009. height was measured to the nearest .25 inch and body weight was measured to the nearest ½ pound in light indoor clothing without shoes. bmi z scores were calculated and categorized based on cdc protocol. for descriptive purposes, bmi-for-age percentiles for boys and girls were constructed using the cdc and prevention/national center for health statistics growth charts and categorized as: obese (≥95th percentile), overweight (between ≥85th and ≤95th percentile), normal weight (between ≥5th and 85th), and underweight (≤5th percentile). academic performance was measured using the florida comprehensive assessment tests (fcat), which annually tests all students across the state, including students with disabilities and students with limited english proficiency. the fcat was administered in march of 2009 by teachers in classrooms. as mandated by the education reform law of 1993 and the federal nclb law from 2001, all students educated with public funds are required to participate in the fcat administered in their grades. the fcat is part of florida’s overall plan to increase student achievement by implementing higher standards. the fcat, administered to students in grades 3-11, consists of norm-referenced tests in reading and mathematics, which compares the achievement of florida students with that of their peers nationwide; and criterionreferenced tests in reading, mathematics, science, and writing, which measure student progress toward meeting the sunshine state standards (sss) benchmarks. fcat raw scores in reading and mathematics range from 86 to 3008. these scores were used to interpret academic performance results. data analytic plan. preliminary analyses were conducted to determine the normative distribution of each variable and to examine whether there were any statistically significant associations between demographic variables (i.e., sex, age, race, or ses), bmi, physical fitness, and academic performance. in addition, a principal component factor analysis was conducted to determine if the six fitness tasks loaded into a single fitness factor. as part of the primary analyses, we first conducted a univariate analysis of variance (anova) to determine whether fitness levels differentiated children classified as overweight, obese, and normal weight. correlational and regression analyses were then performed to examine whether fitness and bmi were related to academic performance. separate correlational and regression analyses were computed for each grade given that the standardized academic test was different per grade. results preliminary analysis descriptive statistics. in terms of the normative distribution of each variable, two fitness tasks were significantly skewed: pull-ups and flex-arm hang time (skewness value of 1.88 and 2.02, respectively). flex-arm hang time was normalized via a log + 10 transformation. given that a larger portion of children could not do a single pull-up (44%), this variable was categorized (children who could do a single pull-up or more versus children who could not do a single pull-up). all other variables had normative distributions. is there a relationship between body mass index, fitness, and academic performance? 5 next, preliminary analyses were conducted to determine any associations between demographic variables, physical fitness, and academic performance. effect sizes were calculated using cohen’s d. first, multivariate analyses indicated significant gender differences across various fitness variables, (f(6, 54) = 7.34, p < .001, d = .82). specifically, boys performed significantly more situps (f(1, 59) = 8.63, p < .01,, d = .15), and had faster shuttle times (f(1, 59) = 19.07, p < .001, , d = .32), and mile times (f(1, 59) = 6.97, p < .05, , d = .12) than girls. while girls were more flexible than boys, (f(1, 59) = 7.40, p < .01, , d = .12). no other significant associations were found among demographic variables and any of the study’s outcomes. due to these significant sex differences, the primary analyses were conducted separately for boys and girls. data reduction and fitness factor. academic reading and math scores were combined into a single academic performance variable due to their high correlation, r = .69, p<.001. in addition, the current study used 6 indicator variables to measure children’s fitness— mile time in minutes and seconds, shuttle time to the nearest tenth of a second, number of curl-ups, ability to do a pull-up, flex-arm hang time in seconds, and flexibility (vstretch). hence, a principal component factor analysis was first conducted to determine if these 6 indicator variables loaded into a single fitness factor. from this analysis, 2 factors emerged (i.e. fitness factor 1 and fitness factor 2) with an eigenvalue above 1 (λ =1.05) and these factors explained 63.51 percent of the total variance across measures for this sample. as seen in table 1, all fitness tests, other than flexibility, had high loadings (>.60) on the first factor while the second factor was only comprised of flexibility. consequently, all fitness scores, except flexibility, were standardized and combined, by averaging their total scores (reverse scoring was used for mile and shuttle times), into a single continuous fitness factor. this fitness factor, with higher scores indicating better fitness, was used in subsequent analyses. fitness and pediatric obesity. it was also important to determine whether physical fitness levels differed according to weight groups. accordingly, a univariate analysis of variance (anova) was conducted to determine whether physical fitness levels differentiated children classified as obese, overweight/at-risk, and normal weight. gender and grade were controlled, given their earlier relations to fitness. this analysis revealed a significant main effect for the weight groups (f (2, 111) = 32.69, p< .001, partial eta-squared = .37), on fitness. as seen in table 2, follow-up contrast tests with bonferroni correction indicated that children classified as obese had significantly lower fitness levels (m = -.90, se = .15) compared to both children classified as overweight/at-risk (m = -.26, se = .15) and children classified as normal weight (m = .35, se = .07), p<.01 and p<.001, respectively. children classified as overweight/at-risk also had significantly lower fitness levels than children classified as normal weight, p<.001. associations between bmi, fitness, and academic performance. correlational analyses were conducted to determine whether fitness level and bmi were associated with academic performance. separate analyses were conducted for each grade level as well as for boys and girls. as seen in table 3, these analyses revealed a significant positive association between fitness and academic performance, but only for girls in 5th grade. finally, a regression analysis (see table 4) was conducted to determine whether for 5th grade girls, both bmi and fitness were uniquely associated with academic performance or if one variable was more important in this association. this analysis revealed an overall effect of bmi and fitness predicting academic performance, (f(2, 24) = 5.58, p<.01, total r 2 = .32, d = .47). however, only bmi marginally predicted academic performance, β = -.40, p<.08. thus, 5thgrade girls with higher bmi levels had worse academic performance. fitness (β = .21, p = .34) no longer significantly predicted academic performance when bmi was in the model. table 1 factor loadings from the principal component factor analysis fitness test fitness factor #1 fitness factor #2 mile run time -.70 .35 shuttle time -.76 .28 sit-ups .76 -.25 pull-ups .71 .27 flex-arm hang time .68 .23 stretch .37 .81 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 6 table 2 demographic characteristics, fitness levels, & academic scores according to weight group normal weight (n=82) at-risk for overweight/overweight (n=19) obese (n=20) demographics gender male 46 9 12 female 41 12 13 race caucasian 41 11 9 minority 46 10 16 age 10.6 (.77) 10.6 (.65) 10.7 (.74) bmi 17.48 (.19) 21.70 (.39) 27.23 (.38) fitness measures mile run time (seconds) 633.6(135.9) 718.8 (146.5) 872.6 (207.1) shuttle time (seconds) 11.34 (.88) 11.94 (.87) 12.66 (1.30) sit-ups 34.98 (10.0) 31.1 (8.4) 26.6 (11.0) pull-ups 3.05 (3.64) .21 (.58) .12 (.33) flex-arm hang time (seconds) 21.08 (17.01) 5.53 (6.32) 3.41 (7.09) stretch 1.12 (3.96) .10 (4.0) -.77 (3.01) academic measures reading (fcat) 1784.3 (220.9) 1763.1 (275.6) 1638.8 (277.6) math (fcat) 1716.0 (213.2) 1683.8 (210.5) 1611.8 (203.0) is there a relationship between body mass index, fitness, and academic performance? 7 table 3 associations between bmi, fitness, and academic performance across groups bmi fitness composite academic performance 4th grade 1. bmi -.64*** -.15 2. fitness composite -.64*** -.02 3. academic performance .13 .07 5th grade 1. bmi -.63*** -.59** 2. fitness composite -.50** .42* 3. academic performance -.15 .17 note: values above the diagonal are for girls; values below the diagonal are for boys. * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001. table 4 regression analyses grade and gender β f r 2 standard error 4th grade female (n=32) fitness -.16 bmi -.25 .54 .04 169.91325 4th grade male (n=34) fitness .26 bmi .29 .92 .06 202.966655 5th grade female (n=33) fitness .21 bmi -.40 5.58** .32 169.83254 5th grade male (n=33) fitness -.03 bmi -.22 .54 .04 161.73034 +p<.08, *p <.05, **p <.01 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 8 discussion the purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between bmi, physical fitness, and academic performance in 4th and 5th grade children. specifically, the researchers sought to identify the relative contribution of bmi and physical fitness as correlates of academic performance for boys and girls. secondarily, the researchers sought to determine the viability of a single fitness composite measure in terms of muscular strength, muscular endurance, aerobic capacity, and flexibility. it was hypothesized that higher bmi and lower physical fitness would be associated with poor academic performance across grade level and gender. consistent with recent research (chomitz et al., 2009; castelli et al., 2007) results indicate a significant negative association between bmi and physical fitness across grade and gender with the effect size falling in the moderate range. the difference for males and females on sit-ups, the mile run, and flexibility was small, while the difference for males and females on the shuttle run was moderate. furthermore, the difference for males and females across weight groups was moderate. somewhat consistent with previous research (knudson, magnusson, & mchugh, 2000) the results indicate that flexibility did not load highly with other physical fitness variables. thus, it is questionable whether flexibility should be considered a relevant indicator of physical fitness in children since its relationship with other measures of physical fitness is exceptionally weak. another key finding of this study was that bmi was moderately correlated with academic performance only in 5th grade girls. the finding that girls may be more impacted academically by being overweight is consistent with research from datar and strum (2006) who found significant associations across grades and gender. specifically, these researchers found that moving from notoverweight to overweight across a four year span was significantly correlated with reductions in academic tests scores for girls in elementary school; however, this link was mostly absent for boys. while social-emotional functioning was not measured in the current study, it is possible that this variable could help explain why 5th grade girls appeared more adversely impacted academically by being overweight compared to other groups. for example, faulkner and colleagues (2001) found that overweight adolescent females were more likely to report serious emotional problems and lower levels of self-efficacy than their normal weight peers. in addition, obese girls were about twice as likely to report being held back a grade and to consider themselves poor students. these patterns were not found in obese boys. it is possible that similar socialemotional issues existed in the sample of 5th grade girls included in the current study. perhaps, the overweight 4th grade girls were just one-year away from encountering a similar fate as body image issues and related problems tend to emerge as children get older. implications the data herein highlight the need for researchers to take a closer look at both individual and subgroup differences in the manifestation of poor academic performance associated with high bmi and low physical fitness. it seems that certain groups of children may be less susceptible to experiencing academic decline due to being overweight. for example, in this study overweight and physically unfit 4th grade students and 5th grade boys appeared impervious to declines in academic performance. this possibility should not be viewed as justification to devalue the importance of exercising as research indicates that regular exercise improves children’s quality of life (shoup, gattshall, dandamudi, & estabrooks, 2008). however, data from the current study should caution readers to recognize that not all children will exhibit the same academic performance consequences due to being overweight and physically unfit. limitations several cautionary statements are warranted to dissuade readers from bypassing the limitations of this study. in addition there are unique characteristics of this study that should be considered when interpreting the results. first, the participants in this study attended the same school; thus, the population may be more homogenous than other groups included in similar investigations (e.g. chomitz et al., 2009; castelli et al., 2007; grissom, 2005). second, participants represented a narrow age range further limiting the generalizability of the findings. third, the school that the participants attended may have better than average academic instruction and greater resources (e.g. teachers with terminal degrees, graduate student aides, interns) because it is a laboratory school affiliated with a large research oriented university. these resources could have helped prevent low achievement in at-risk children. fourth, the school has an effectively implemented response-to-intervention (rti) program which may meet the academic and socialemotional needs of at-risk students who would otherwise perform poorly on standardized academic achievement tests. rti involves screening youth for problems, intervening early for at-risk youth, and monitoring students’ response to the intervention as well as their general educational performance (wodrich, spencer, & daely, 2006). fifth, the students in this study attended a choice school which requires parents to autonomously apply for their child to attend. generally, more assertive, concerned, and involved parents engage in this application process. together, these characteristics may function as protective factors against negative academic outcomes. another limitation of this study has to do with possible flaws in data collection. although the pe teacher reportedly followed the president’s challenge guidelines, the researchers were not present to confirm this. is there a relationship between body mass index, fitness, and academic performance? 9 conclusion in view of the demands placed on schools to produce students who meet academic standards, understanding the relationship between weight status, physical fitness, and academic performance is crucial for quantifying the degree to which specific components of health affect learning and academic performance. despite the limitations, the current study provides evidence that bmi and fitness were correlated with the academic performance for 5th grade girls. however, it will be important for future research to provide a more causal understanding of the relationship between bmi, physical fitness, and academic performance. as cross-sectional data, these results do not indicate causality. based on this, these data do not infer that healthier bmi and higher fitness caused higher academic performance for 5th grade girls. future research should examine children’s social-emotional well-being to shed light on whether that aspect of a child’s functioning mediates the relationship between bmi 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(2002). adolescent obesity, overt, and relational peer victimization, and romantic relationships. obesity research, 10, 386-393. rentner, d.s., scott, c., & kober, n. from the capital to the classroom: year 4 of no child left behind. washington, dc: center for educational policy: 2006. available at: http://www.cepdc.org/nclb. accessed april 12, 2010 shoup, j., gattshall, m., dandamudi, p., & estabrooks, p. (2008). physical activity, quality of life, and weight status in overweight children. quality of life research, 17, 407-412. doi 10.1007/s11136-008-9312-y. studenski, s., carlson m.c., fillit h., greenough w.t., kramer a., & rebok g.w. (2006). frombedside to bench: does mental and physical activity promote cognitive vitality in late life? science of aging knowledge environment, 28, (10):pe21. doi: 10.1126/sageke.2006.10.pe21 taras, h. (2005) physical activity and student performance at school. journal of school health, 75, 214-218. tremblay, m.s., inman, j.w., & willms, j.d. (2000). the relationship between physical activity, self-esteem, and academic achievement in 12-year-old children. pediatric exercise science, 12, 312-323. wodrich, d.l., spencer, m.l.s., & daley, k.b. (2006). combining rti and psychoeducational assessment: what we must assume to do otherwise. psychology in the schools, 43, 796 806. doi: 101.1002/pits. is there a relationship between body mass index, fitness, and academic performance? 11 article citation wingfield, r. j., graziano, p. a., mcnamara, j., & janicke, d. m. (2011). is there a relationship between body mass index, fitness, and academic performance? mixed results from students in a southeastern united states elementary school. current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/727 author notes robert j. wingfield, m.a., ncsp university of florida norman hall po box 117050 gainesville, fl 32611-7050 robertjoshua21@ufl.edu robert j. wingfield is an advanced doctoral student in the school psychology program at the university of florida. his main research interest focuses on the role of parents and schools in preventing childhood obesity, with a primary focus on students enrolled in grades k-8. paulo a. graziano, phd. center for children and families florida international university 11200 s.w. 8th street, ahc1 235a miami, fl 33199 email: pgrazian@fiu.edu dr. paulo a. graziano is a postdoctoral fellow at the center of children and families at florida international university (fiu). dr. graziano has extensive child specialty clinical training in the area of behavioral treatments for young children with externalizing disorders and pediatric obesity. his research expertise lies within the self-regulation domain and how it relates to the development of child psychopathology (adhd), social competence, academic readiness, and health outcomes including pediatric obesity. his research also examines how environmental factors, in particular treatment interventions via parenting, can improve children’s self-regulation skills and subsequent adaptive and health functioning. joe mcnamara, ph.d. assistant professor university of florida college of medicine po box 100234 gainesville, fl 32610 jpm2@ufl.edu joseph p. h. mcnamara is an assistant professor in the department of psychiatry at the university of florida. his main research interest focuses on the interaction of factors that impact treatment adherence in both children and adults. david m. janicke, ph.d. associate professor 101 s. newell dr. #3151 department of clinical and health psychology university of florida, djanicke@phhp.ufl.edu david janicke is an associate professor in the department of clinical and health psychology at the university of florida. his main research interest is translational research intended to promote the dissemination of obesity interventions for individuals in underserved settings, with a primary focus on children. acknowledgements: the authors would like to thank andrea zazo and willie powers for their data collection efforts. current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 12 volume 14, number 2 june 4, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors krista adams melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy angeles maldonado carol masser tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers microsoft word an analysis of high school transformation effort from an outcome perspective .docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x an analysis of high school transformation effort from an outcome perspective hea-jin lee ohio state university at lima s. aslı özgün-koca wayne state university dean cristol ohio state university at lima citation lee, h., özgün-koca, s., & cristol, d. (2011). an analysis of high school transformation effort from an outcome perspective. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/ abstract this study investigates the effectiveness of the ohio high school transformation initiative using several years of state data on attendance, graduation, dropout rates, and performance index scores. results indicate differences between small schools or small learning communities, and traditional schools that have similar school profiles to small schools in: graduation rates by year; attendance rates among the traditional schools over the years; and the performance index scores. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 small schools’ performance index scores gradually increased, but traditional schools with similar school profiles outperformed small schools. there was no difference in the dropout rates. creating a sense of community, rather than simply transforming the school structure, seems to be the key to improving high school education. keywords: secondary education; small schools; ohsti; attendance rates; graduation rates; dropout rates; performance index scores an analysis of high school transformation effort 3 about the author(s) author: hea-jin lee affiliation: ohio state university at lima address: college of education and human ecology, ohio state university, lima, oh, 45804 email: lee.1129@osu.edu biographical information: dr. hea-jin lee is an associate professor of mathematics education at the ohio state university-lima. her research interests include improving reflective thinking and practice, assessing professional growth, designing teacher-needs based professional development programs, and teaching mathematics to children at various levels. author: s. aslı özgün-koca affiliation: wayne state university address: college of education, wayne state university, detroit, mi, 48202 email: aokoca@wayne.edu biographical information: dr. s. aslı özgün-koca is currently an assistant professor in the mathematics education program area under the teacher education department at wayne state university. she teaches mathematics and secondary mathematics education courses. her main research interest is the use of technology in mathematics education. her research with preservice teachers earned an outstanding paper award in mathematics education from the international conference of the society for information technology and teacher education in 2008. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 author: dean cristol affiliation: ohio state university at lima address: college of education and human ecology, ohio state university, lima, oh, 45804 email: cristol.2@osu.edu biographical information: dr. dean cristol is an associate professor at the ohio state university-lima campus. his research areas are university-school partnerships, professional development and utilizing instructional technology in pk-12 classrooms. he recently secured a national science foundation grant focusing on stem careers for high school students in ohio and north carolina. an analysis of high school transformation effort 5 an analysis of high school transformation effort from an outcome perspective in 2003, the knowledgeworks foundation, along with the bill & melinda gates foundation, the ohio and u.s. departments of education, the ford foundation, the kellogg foundation, and local community-based foundations established the ohio high school transformation initiative (ohsti). this school improvement effort focused on transforming ohio’s ineffective large urban high school model into a model that promoted smaller learning communities by diminishing school size and by addressing “rising high school dropout rates, declining scores on the state student achievement exams, and increased problems with school violence and truancy” (knowledgeworks foundation, 2009, p. 3). the ohio state board of education (ode, 2004) proposed that a key measure for educational success would be an increase in the graduation rates for all students, in all demographic groups, and an increase in the percentage of students who advance with their cohort group from eighth grade to graduation. the western interstate commission for higher education (2008) reported that the u.s. was heading toward an overall decline in the number of high school graduates. the report predicted that the number of graduates in the midwest would continue to increase until 2007-08 then face a dramatic decline that will ultimately see the region’s number of graduates fall by eight percent by 2014-15. the report concluded that ohio can expect large decreases in graduation rates by 2021-22 (relative to 2004-05), which will result in almost 16,000 fewer public high school graduates. in this study, we investigate the effectiveness of the small schools concept from an outcome perspective. because the concept became a transformative model for many urban high schools in ohio, we were curious about the initiative’s effect on school characteristics: graduation rates, attendance rates, performance index scores, and dropout rates. the purpose of current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 the study is to analyze the ohio department of education’s data to see if the initiative had an effect in these areas, when compared to similar high schools that remained large. the research questions for this study are: 1. did the transformation of a school from a large urban school to small learning communities have an effect on graduation rates, attendance rates, dropout rates, and performance rates? 2. did the transformation of a school from a large urban school to small learning communities have an effect on graduation rates, attendance rates, dropout rates, and performance rates when compared to similar schools that remained traditional? school characteristics that measure success school size several studies report that small schools attain: higher achievement (lee, 2000; lee & smith, 1997; wasley, fine, gladden, holland, king, mosak, & powell, 2000; wyse, keesler & schneider, 2008), lower dropout rates (kahne, sporte, de la torre, & easton, 2008; toch, 2003), higher graduation rates (wasley et al., 2000), and even a higher likelihood of student enrollment in higher education (schneider, wyse, & keesler, 2007). high school students, especially those who are considered at greater risk, fare much better in small schools: “the effect of increasing the size of high schools, it seems as though there is reduced individual participation in school activities, decreased attendance, and less expressed satisfaction with school” (pittman & haughwout, 1987, p. 338). students attending small schools are reported to be doing better, because the learning experience that is offered is more authentic and relevant to the student. many small learning communities focus on the continued success of each student, especially those learners who seem neglected by the typical large school environment. in a small learning an analysis of high school transformation effort 7 community, every student is a significant member of the school; in the large schools, many disadvantaged students sense that teachers and staff lack concern for their well-being and learning (ark, 2002; crane, 2002; house, 2007). the small school concept stresses a supportive community where students receive individualized help and attention from their teachers. by making schools smaller, the goal is to create a better teaching and learning environment, as well as a caring community within the schools. soon after a district has changed to small schools, a common manifestation is that achievement gaps among all students appear to be bridged (ark, 2002; crane, 2002; house, 2007; keller, 2001; raywid, 1998, 2002). smaller school environments allow for improved safety and increased support for students and staff (association for supervision and curriculum development, 2000). small learning environments commonly create the possibility of closer collaboration among teachers, which contributes to a collaborative school community (duke & trautvetter, 2001; strull, 2002). “teachers could develop better connections between home and school, better understand students’ strengths and weaknesses, provide better support for both, and learn more from each other, creating a more exciting and vibrant career” (wasley et al., 2000, p. 10). perhaps it is not only due to the size of a small school and its classes, but rather to the greater involvement of students, teachers, staff and parents, that yields a more pronounced sense of community where all affected groups work together in the interest of their learning community. students tend to feel more connected to their teachers and peers when they are in a small school. overall, attending a small school at any grade level appears to reap greater rewards for students than the larger schools, regardless of social class or minority status (driscoll, 2003; metzger, 2006; sackney, leonard, & leonard, 2001). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 it has been shown that converting a large school into a small school has some disadvantages. with a limited number of faculty, a small school may not be able to offer an extensive selection of courses. also, as more large high schools become small schools, some schools become small only physically, but retain the same philosophy of teaching and learning found in the large school. they do not adopt the small school principles described earlier in the paper (gregory, 2000; myatt, 2005). in summary, school size seems to have an impact on some school related issues, such as performance, dropout rates, attendance, and behavioral issues. students feel that their needs and accomplishments are better recognized, which leads them to higher achievement. although there may be more opportunities for extracurricular activities in larger schools, more students are involved and participate in more activities in small schools. small schools seem to benefit students in numerous ways, from greater engagement in learning and activities to a higher level of parent involvement (iatarola, schwartz, stiefel, & chellman, 2008). dropout and graduation rates the reporting of dropout rates for high schools varies greatly within the research literature. the variation in dropout rate data is due to differences in the ways data is collected and reported. for example, some researchers count students who move back and forth between multiple school systems, while other researchers use the rate of enrollment, instead of the actual number of students attending the school (bracey, 2009; mishel & roy, 2006; stanard, 2003). the graduation rates in many school districts have been steadily improving for several decades, especially among minority groups. some discrepancies arise from overgeneralization of categories, which yields rates that are higher than actual, especially in inner city schools. a cause of high dropout rates, one that could be more easily focused on, if not rectified, is the lack of an analysis of high school transformation effort 9 community involvement in the schools. some students drop out because their families do not value education. others leave school early, because the available school options are just too limited. some researchers maintain that if these issues were more seriously addressed, the graduation rate would improve (alliance for excellent education, 2008a). attendance rates students in larger schools are more likely to commit truancy and miss more days than students who attend small schools. research shows that the small schools have a greater impact on student engagement, parent involvement, and attendance (roby, 2004, the national forum, 2004). a deficiency with the research that examines attendance rates is that they do not account for excused absences, which yields inaccurate data (greene & winters, 2002). some research shows that the more students miss school, the more they do not want to be there at all, “excessive absenteeism influences the student’s desire to return to school” (news briefs, 2006, p. 6). performance index scores some schools require a high school exit exam, while others require that students pass standards-based exams at a tenth grade level or higher. the number of schools with this requirement has greatly increased in the past few years. emphasis is also being placed on factors considered by college admissions offices, such as grade point average, scholastic aptitude tests scores, american college testing scores, class rankings, and classes taken, so that students will be considered “college ready” at graduation. some advanced courses are required to get into certain colleges, while some colleges consider how many years of each subject a student has taken during their high school academic career (alliance for excellent education, 2008b; greene & forster, 2003; louvouezo, 2008). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 the importance of what content should be addressed in high school is an issue that is constantly changing and discussed among policy leaders and educators. this leads us to believe that some form of action must be taken regarding how and what students are being taught, if it is leading them to perform poorly on tests related to the content that students are struggling to master (cavanagh, 2009; manzo, 2009). students who do not perform well academically tend to give up and eventually drop out of school. some research demonstrates that students who are alienated in school often feel their absence goes unnoticed. many students who dropped out said that they felt school did not relate to real-life situations and was therefore irrelevant. if they had been more interested in what they were learning and had felt it was relevant, they might have remained in school and possibly achieved at higher rates. engaging the students is the key to academic motivation and success (national academy of sciences, 2003). potentially, socioeconomic segregation could also be a factor in the large achievement gap between minority and white students. much of the research demonstrates that a student’s family background and socioeconomic status (ses) play a much more significant role in achievement levels than does anything directly related to the school itself (konstantopoulos, 2006, mickelson & borman, 2007; rumberger & palardy, 2005). method the study focused on the effects of small schools in ohio on graduation rates, attendance rates, dropout rates and performance index rating scores. the data from the small schools were compared to traditional schools that are identified as similar to the small schools by the ohio department of education. graduation rates, attendance rates, and dropout rates are based on the data reported by each school to the state, and performance index rating scores are based on the an analysis of high school transformation effort 11 state standardized tests scores. the data used in this study are produced by the state, and our research team was unable to collect descriptive information how each school calculated their graduation rates, attendance rates, and dropout rates. data collection data were collected from more than 230 ohio schools, from 2003 – 2007: between 30 – 35 schools from 14 districts were identified as small school by knowledgeworks; and approximately 200 schools were identified as similar to small schools by the ohio department of education (ode). our reason for collecting data from these schools during these school years was to align with the data included in the report on the effectiveness of the small schools released in january 2009 by the knowledgeworks foundation. the knowledgeworks foundation collaborated with the bill & melinda gates foundation and other partners, to create the ohio high school transformation initiative (ohsti), a model to transform large urban low performing high schools to small learning communities. the ohsti model defined a large school as at or above 800 students, while small schools or small learning communities are approximately 100 students per grade level, or 400 students within the learning community (knowledgeworks foundation, 2009). the ohsti model was designed according to the following criteria developed by the knowledgeworks foundation (2009): • existing campuses have been divided into independent schools of no more than 400 students; • each school has its own area of focus such as business or creative arts, or a curriculum model; current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 • each school has its own shared leadership model consisting of administrators and teachers; • a standards-based curriculum is combined with new teaching methods, such as real-world connections, longer class periods, project-based learning and cross-curricular study; and • close working relationships between teachers and students, such as teachers working as student advisers (ohio education matters, 2009). the ode website allows researchers to extract data that pertains to specific schools in ohio. the site allows the data to be compared to similar schools through a process designed by ode. the similar school district comparison methodology data evaluates performance data for a school district. when a school is identified, the site finds up to 20 districts that are most similar according to certain criteria. statistically, the comparable districts are considered the nearest neighbors of the selected district. ode maintains that a “consistent and objective method of determining similar districts has been established, and within that framework, comparison groupings have been tailored to each individual district. each district’s characteristics drive the creation of the comparison groupings, and each district’s set of "peers" is developed with only that district’s characteristics in mind. every district thus has its own unique set of peers” (ode, 2010, http://webapp2.ode.state.oh.us/similar_districts/). ode produced a set of 11 descriptors to differentiate districts; four stand alone, and seven are included in two composite measures. composite measures were used for dimensions where there is no valid data element used to describe the dimension. “tests for relationships between data elements were conducted with each variable prior to the analysis of dimensions. data representing each dimension were normalized prior to the analysis, with means equal to zero and standard deviations of 1. this process standardized the metric used for comparative an analysis of high school transformation effort 13 purposes so that each district can be fairly compared with any other district. the data used for each dimension represent a set of descriptive background characteristics that distinguish one district from another. these single or composite variables create the six dimensions used to determine a district’s comparison grouping: district size, poverty, socioeconomic status, rural/urban composite, race/ethnicity, and non-agricultural” (ode, 2010, http://webapp2.ode.state.oh.us/similar_districts/). the similar school process works by identifying a district which is compared to 609 other districts by performing a collective comparison across all dimensions. the formula for each district-to-district comparison can be found at http://webapp2.ode.state.oh.us/similar_districts/. the comparison groupings are those districts that are most similar to the initial district. for most districts, there are 20 similar districts, but some large urban and unique districts have a minimal number of comparatively similar districts. ode recognized that there are limitations to this methodology: (1) no geographical dimension; (2) arbitrarily setting a minimum of 6 and maximum of 20 comparison districts; (3) comparison groupings can produce counter-intuitive results for inter-grouping comparison cases; (4) the poverty measure includes all children ages 517 residing in a school district, living in a family reported by the ohio department of jobs and family services; and (5) the rural-urban scale for school district population (2000 census) and whether the school district contains a large (>40,000) or very large (>100,000) city. data analysis analyses were conducted with spss for windows, version 16.0. in order to examine differences in small and similar schools over the four years, we performed the wilcoxon, the mann-whitney, and friedman nonparametric statistical tests. the mann-whitney test is a nonparametric analog of the independent samples t-test and can be used when the dependent variable current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 is a normally distributed interval variable. we used this test to determine if there is a difference in small and similar schools. a friedman test is used when there is one within-subjects independent variable with two or more levels and a dependent variable that is not interval and normally distributed (but at least ordinal). finally, we used the wilcoxon test to compare the differences for two years for each group separately. results graduation rates table 1 is a summary of the descriptive statistics for graduation rates with mann-whitney results for group comparisons, from 03-04 to 06-07. this test compares graduation rates by year between small schools and similar schools. z scores in table 1 suggest that there is a statistically significant difference between small schools and similar schools in graduation rates by year with similar schools having greater graduation rates. table 1. graduation rates between small and similar schools type n mean std. dev. z score graduation rates 03-04 small school 30 66.387 18.299 -3.872* similar school 207 79.514 20.496 graduation rates 04-05 small school 31 69.500 18.638 -3.944* similar school 212 82.994 16.949 graduation rates 05-06 small school 33 72.091 21.482 -3.480* similar school 218 83.742 18.317 graduation rates 06-07 small school 35 77.214 18.809 -2.122* similar school 215 84.451 15.498 note. *p<.05 table 2 is a summary of a friedman test for graduation rates in 2003, 2004, 2005 and 2006. this test compares differences in graduation rates over the four years for the whole group, small schools, and similar schools separately. according to the chi-square scores shown in an analysis of high school transformation effort 15 table 2, there are statistically significant differences in the whole group and also small and similar schools separately in their graduation rates over the four years. table 2. graduation rates over the four years friedman test whole group small school similar school n 224 27 197 chi-square 39.978* 21.067* 31.833* df 3 3 3 note. *p<.05 in order to compare changes of each group’s graduation rates in two consecutive years, a wilcoxon test (two-by-two comparisons) is performed (see table 3). we compared the whole group, small schools, and similar schools separately. both the whole group and similar schools show statistically significant differences in graduation rates in the years 03-04 & 04-05, 04-05 & 05-06, and 05-06 & 06-07. no yearly differences were observed from small schools. however, all three groups showed statistically significant differences in their graduation rates when we compared 03-04 and 06-07. table 3. graduation rates comparison between two years wilcoxon test grad 03-04 grad 04-05 grad 04-05 grad 05-06 grad 05-06 grad 06-07 grad 03-04 grad 06-07 whole group z -4.845* -4.121* -2.105* -5.996* small school z -1.635 -1.470 -1.674 -3.460* similar school z -4.662* -3.894* -3.012* -4.912* note. *p<.05 according to the knowledgeworks report (2009): • high school graduation rates increased from 62.8 percent in 2002 to 82.4 percent in 2007. • the graduation gap between ohsti high schools and all ohio high schools closed dramatically, by nearly 75 percent, from 19.9 percentage points in 2002 to 4.5 percentage points in 2007. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 • 91 percent of ohsti campuses experienced an increase in graduation rates since 2002. • the growth in graduation rates for white, black, and hispanic ohsti students exceeded the state growth rate for these groups between 2002 and 2007 (pp. 11-12). unlike the knowledgeworks’ claim, our findings can only conclude that the differences between small and similar schools lie in their graduation rates every year. a steady yearly difference in graduation rates is not observed in small schools, but is found in similar schools. as seen in table 2 and the last column in table 3, the graduation rates changed over the four years, which suggests that ohsti school graduation rates increased from 2003 2004 to 2006 2007. however, we also observed a significant difference in graduation rates for similar schools from 2003-2004 to 2006-2007. attendance rates table 4 shows the descriptive statistics for attendance rates with mann-whitney results for group comparisons. table 4. attendance rates between small and similar schools type n mean std. dev. z score attendance rates 0304 small school 34 93.056 4.012 -0.939 similar school 221 92.857 3.433 attendance rates 0405 small school 35 92.960 3.415 -0.996 similar school 226 92.142 4.598 attendance rates 0506 small school 34 91.271 4.551 -1.405 similar school 221 92.524 4.037 attendance rates 0607 small school 35 91.457 4.093 -1.365 similar school 217 91.989 4.324 attendance rates 0708 small school 32 90.688 4.386 -2.176* similar school 213 92.376 4.251 note. *p<.05 an analysis of high school transformation effort 17 this test compares attendance rates between the two groups, small and similar schools, by year. as can be seen from the z scores in table 4, 2007-2008 is the only year showing a statistically significant difference in attendance rates between small schools and similar schools, with similar schools having higher attendance rates. table 5 is a summary of a friedman test for attendance rates in 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, and 2007. it shows that there is a statistically significant difference in attendance rates for the similar schools over the 5 years. however, there was no statistically significant difference observed in the attendance rates of either the whole group or small schools. table 5. attendance rates over the five years friedman test whole group small school similar school n 235 28 207 chi-square 9.398 6.105 12.564* df 4 4 4 note. *p<.05 a wilcoxon test was performed to make two-by-two comparisons for the whole group, the small schools, and similar schools separately (see table 6). both the whole group and similar schools show statistically significant differences in attendance rates between 04-05 and 05-06 and between 05-06 and 06-07. the only differences in attendance rates observed in small schools occurred between the years 05-06 and 06-07 and between 03-04 and 07-08. table 6. attendance rates comparison between two years wilcoxon test att. 03-04 att. 04-05 att. 04-05 att. 05-06 att. 05-06 att. 06-07 att. 06-07 att. 07-08 att. 03-04 att. 07-08 whole group z -1.493 -3.196* -2.077* -1.178 -0.429 small school z -0.858 -1.309 -2.588* -1.171 -2.403* similar school z -1.246 -4.112* -3.314* -1.711 -0.598 note. *p<.05 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 according to the results shown in table 4, the only statistical differences in attendance rates between small and similar schools were observed in 07-08. however, only similar schools’ attendance rates show differences over the 5 years, specifically from 04-05 through 06-07 (see table 5). a statistically significant difference in attendance rates between 03-04 and 07-08 was observed only in small schools (see table 6). this finding supports the knowledgeworks report (2009) on ohsti campus growth in attendance in total, but cannot support their claim on the growth in attendance rate for annualized data. performance index scores table 7 shows the descriptive statistics for performance index scores for both small and similar schools. there are mann-whitney results for group comparisons, comparing performance index scores between small schools and similar schools by year. the z scores in table 7 suggest that there is a statistically significant difference between small schools and similar schools in performance index scores by year, with similar schools performing better. table 7. performance index scores between small and similar schools type n mean std. dev. z score performance 04-05 small school 34 76.256 17.737 -3.660* similar school 226 87.997 13.264 performance 05-06 small school 35 78.143 17.717 -4.239* similar school 221 90.989 10.809 performance 06-07 small school 35 82.989 11.912 -3.848* similar school 217 91.037 9.660 performance 07-08 small school 32 83.728 12.270 -3.111* similar school 213 90.320 10.327 note. *p<.05 table 8 is a summary of a friedman test for performance index scores for 2004, 2005, 2006 and 2007. this test compares differences in performance index scores over the four years an analysis of high school transformation effort 19 for the whole group, small schools, and similar schools. according to the chi-square scores shown in table 8, there are statistically significant differences in all three groups, the whole group, small schools, and similar schools in their performance index rates over the four years. table 8. performance index scores over the four years friedman test whole group small school similar school n 241 29 212 chi-square 39.991* 13.138* 34.622* df 3 3 3 note. *p<.05 a wilcoxon test was performed to do two-by-two comparisons for the whole group, the small schools, and similar schools separately (see table 9). all three groups, the whole group, small schools, and similar schools, show statistically significant differences in performance index scores between 04-05 and 05-06, between 05-06 and 06-07, and between 04-05 and 07-08. table 9. performance index scores comparison between two years wilcoxon test per. 04-05 per. 05-06 per. 05-06 per. 06-07 per. 06-07 per. 07-08 per. 04-05 per. 07-08 whole group z -7.175* -2.683* -1.148 -3.712* small school z -3.291* -2.097* -1.197 -3.125* similar school z -6.433* -3.844* -0.731 -2.752* note. *p<.05 according to the results from these mann-whitney, friedman, and wilcoxon tests, there was a statistical difference in performance index scores between small and similar schools every year. also, the differences in performance index scores were observed across four years within each group. however, only statistical differences between two consecutive years were observed from 04-05 through 06-07 in all three groups. the findings in the last column in table 9 show that all three groups have a significant difference in the performance index scores, comparing 04current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 05 data to 07-08. according to mean scores in table 7, the performance index scores of small schools gradually increased every year. however, we cannot compare our findings on performance index scores to the knowledgeworks report (2009), because their report does not include overall performance growth, but rather the improvement on both the mathematics and reading pass rates on the ohio graduation test. dropout rates the state dropout data are presented using frequency data. our team re-coded the data as less than 10, between 10 and 19, between 20 and 29, between 30 and 39, between 40 and 49, and more than 50. figure 1 shows the frequencies of the middle grades. dropouts for grades 6 – 8, middle school students, do not seem high enough to be a matter of concern. figure 2 shows the frequencies for the dropout rates for grades 9 – 12 in small and similar schools. as can be seen in figures 1 and 2, the dropout rates of high school students are much higher than those of middle school students. an analysis of high school transformation effort 21 figure 1. dropouts in middle schools figure 2. dropouts in high schools 0
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 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 figure 2 and table 10 compare dropout rates of re-coded data categories (from less than 10 to more than 50) for 5 years for small and similar high schools. no increasing or decreasing pattern was found in the total number of students dropping out of school in either small schools or similar schools. for every year, a higher ratio of students appears in the more than 50 group in small schools than in similar schools. both small and similar school dropout rates mostly appear in the less than 10 students range. less than 5 percent of dropout rates of similar schools occur in the ≥ 30 range; whereas approximately 20 percent of dropouts in small schools occur in the ≥ 30 range each year. considering the size of the small school, the respective ratios of (1) dropout rates in the range of 30 39, (2) 40 49, and (3) more than 50 to the total in small schools are much higher for similar schools. table 10. dropout ratios for small and similar high schools 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 less than 10 65 59 69 67 54 10-19 30 24 19 11 33 20-29 10 14 14 14 11 30-39 6 10 12 9 13 40-49 4 6 7 8 4 small schools more than 50 7 4 8 14 9 less than 10 509 560 474 432 473 10-19 158 118 164 211 169 20-29 54 31 49 66 57 30-39 9 9 18 29 15 40-49 2 7 11 5 4 similar schools more than 50 9 7 8 the mann-whitney results for group comparisons (small schools versus similar schools by grade) show significant differences in the high school grades: the ninth grade dropout rates an analysis of high school transformation effort 23 show a statistically significant difference between small and similar schools in 2005 and 2007; and 10th, 11th, and 12th grade dropout rates show statistically significant differences in 2003, 2004, 2005, and 2007. implications in order to investigate the effectiveness of the ohsti model, four variables are used to measure the success of small schools and traditional schools that have similar school profiles according to the state criteria. knowledgeworks also released a report on the effectiveness of the small schools in 2009. we attempted to compare our findings and the results reported by knowledgeworks to provide readers with a broader view of school transformation. the knowledgeworks report and our findings cannot be compared item by item, because the two studies used different sets of data and the detailed research methods used by knowledgeworks cannot be confirmed. some findings of these two studies support each other to some degree, while others do not. with regard to the graduation rates, knowledgeworks reported that small schools’ graduation rates in 2007 increased by 20 percent compared to those of 2002, and that the graduation gap between ohsti high schools (small schools) and all ohio high schools closed dramatically in 2007 compared to 2002. unlike knowledgeworks, our findings conclude that the differences between small and similar schools lie in their graduation rates by year. a steady yearly difference in graduation rates is not observed in small schools, but is found in similar schools. similar schools had higher graduation rates than small schools. however, both small and similar schools showed statistically significant differences in their graduation rates when we compared 03-04 and 06-07. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 according to the descriptive statistics for attendance rates, 2007-2008 was the only year showing a statistically significant difference between small schools and similar schools, with similar schools having higher attendance rates. there was a statistically significant difference in attendance rates for the similar schools over the 5 years. there was no yearly difference in small schools but a difference in small schools occurred between 03-04 and 07-08. our findings support the knowledgeworks report (2009) on the growth in attendance rate not for annualized data but in total. even though the performance index scores of small schools gradually increased by year, there was a statistically significant difference between small schools and similar schools in performance index scores by year, with similar schools performing better. since knowledgeworks did not report on an overall performance growth, no comparison on performance index scores between the two studies was conducted. based on our data, there was no pattern in the total number of students dropping out of school in either small schools or similar schools. there was no dropout data reported by knowledgeworks. this study exclusively analyzed the standardized test results available from the ohio department of education. the authors did not use individual class or individual student data, since that data was not made available by ode. the results of the study are therefore limited by the information available from the state standardized tests: limitation of standardized tests in assessing students/schools growth; limited data or analysis offered by knowledgeworks or small school organizations; and relatively new data with a short history of the school system. another limitation of similar studies is in the variation among the states of the definition of graduation and requirements to obtain a high school diploma. this also needs to be taken into consideration when reviewing the collected data (gewertz, 2007). an analysis of high school transformation effort 25 issues to be considered regarding the variation in reported dropout rates is that some research does not account for students who move/transfer schools or who are held back for a year and so graduate a year later than expected. many studies also do not account for those students who enter or are expelled in the course of the year. all of these things cause significant discrepancies in the data collected and the rates reported. several of the researchers seem to be in agreement that the best way to get the most accurate data on who is graduating and what the dropout rates are is to collect this type of data by following individual students through their high school years. this would be the best way to ensure more precise data is being reported (greene & winters, 2002; ramirez, 2008). some believe that having more accurate data on dropout rates, which ties directly to performance issues and why students are not performing well in schools, would be very beneficial in evaluating student performance and the effects for school reform issues (ode, 2004). one teacher stated the importance of the “need for a cultural shift—at the federal, state, and school levels—from using data for compliance to using data for improving student performance in each classroom” (marshall, 2009, p. 1). both knowledgeworks and our studies observed some progress in the small schools. however, it was not clear if the progress occurred due to a change in the school system. small schools programs alone are not the answer to improve education. in addition to restructuring a school system, a sense of community needs to be created within small schools. learning must be made a relevant hands-on endeavor by supporting teachers to become more caring, helping administrators become more effective leaders, and increasing parental involvement. in addition, it has been suggested to extend the school day and year for the students who need and want additional instruction (driscoll, 2003; 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(2008). assessing the effects of small school size on mathematics achievement: a propensity score-matching approach. teachers college record, 110(9), 1879-1900. an analysis of high school transformation effort 33 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt microsoft word #805 with corrections (2).docx 1 volume 15, number 1 february 06, 2012 issn 1099-839x urine trouble: drug testing of students and teachers in public schools frank butler st. joseph’s university non-individualized (so-called “random”) drug testing in public schools presents issues of constitutional law on both the federal and state levels, particularly with regard to citizens’ freedom from “unreasonable searches and seizures.” the trend toward increasing acceptance of such testing by the courts (and particularly the u.s. supreme court) stands in tension with public-health approaches to preventing abuse of psychoactive substances. this paper analyzes the major legal, social, and ethical challenges presented by random drug-testing in schools. keywords: drugs, public schools, searches, fourth amendment discouraging adolescents from ingesting harmful, psychoactive substances is a relevant goal for public schools. also, encouraging those same students to value constitutional freedoms is an enduring understanding for the schools to cultivate. the two purposes, however, exist in tension when schools adopt programs of drug testing that are not based on individualized suspicion but rather on a general premise that at least some members of certain categories of students may be users of illicit drugs. this essay reviews the legal and social issues involved in such testing and includes an analysis of the socio-ethico-legal challenges the testing entails. though use of cigarettes and alcohol among secondary-school students is at its lowest level in at least 35 years, relatively high rates of abuse of marijuana, prescription drugs, and non-cigarette tobacco products (e.g., hookahs, smokeless tobacco) remain (johnston et al., 2011). for example, nearly 22 percent of 12th-graders report binge drinking (five or more drinks in a row over the past two weeks), 11 percent report using synthetic marijuana (“spice”), 8 percent abuse the opioid painkiller vicodin, and 8 percent abuse amphetamines (johnston et al., 2011). substance abuse in adolescence increases risks of deleterious behaviors at that stage of development and well into adulthood. examples of behaviors that have been correlated with substance abuse include: impaired driving, interpersonal violence, poor academic performance, disturbed family and interpersonal relationships, and criminal activity (skiba, monroe, & wodarski, 2004). drug testing of students generally increased in the early 21st century, with approximately 25 percent of districts with a middleand/or high-school having a student drug-testing policy, and 56 percent of those districts (or 14 percent of districts overall) including random testing in their policies (centers for disease control & prevention, 2006). ringwalt et al. (2008) found that more than onequarter of districts with random testing subjected all students to it, a practice that is more encompassing than the protocol approved by the u.s. supreme court in 20021. as technology enables testing of less “intrusive” samples than urine (e.g., hair, saliva), legal privacy concerns may be further diminished, with consequent court-approved 1 earls v. pottawatomie county school district, 536 u.s. 822 (2002). current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 2 expansions in testing. constitutional background for drug testing: the fourth amendment to what extent does the fourth amendment’s prohibition on “unreasonable searches and seizures” protect students in public schools? in 1969, in a case involving students’ freedom to express their opposition to the vietnam war by wearing symbolic armbands to school, the u.s. supreme court established the basic tenet that at least some constitutional provisions (in this case, the first amendment’s freedom of speech) apply to public-school students (tinker v. des moines independent school district, 393 u.s. 503 [1969]). however, it was not until the mid-1980s that the court specifically addressed students’ rights with regard to unreasonable searches and seizures. in 1985, in new jersey v. tracey lis odem (t.l.o.) (469 u.s. 325), the court considered a school’s search of a 14-year-old high-school freshman’s purse after a teacher reported that the girl had been smoking in the school restroom. in upholding the search, the court emphasized the school’s responsibility for maintaining safety and discipline. accordingly, searches like this one do not require a search warrant or the justification of “probable cause” that are identified in the fourth amendment itself. the court was satisfied that a search of a public-school student by school officials generally satisfies the fourth amendment if it is justified at its inception (i.e., if there is a reasonable basis for expecting that the search would disclose evidence of the particular student’s violation of the law and/or of school rules) and if the scope is “reasonably related” to the situation that initially justified it (i.e., if the search is not “excessively intrusive in light of the age and sex of the student and the nature of the infraction”). 2 in the t.l.o. case, the court justified dispensing with the warrant and probable-cause requirements of the fourth amendment by declaring that school searches such as this one are “special needs” searches. they serve needs beyond the normal needs of law enforcement, and they occur in settings where it is impractical to require warrants or probable cause. t.l.o. “marks the first time the court extended the ‘special needs’ doctrine to the public school setting” (lacroix, 2008, p. 258). in lieu of using the existence of a valid warrant and probable cause as justification for searches that are deemed “special needs,” the court assesses whether or not the search is “reasonable” by balancing the individual’s privacy interests against the government interests in conducting the search. in t.l.o., the court acknowledged that students do possess some privacy interests that the fourth amendment protects, but those interests are attenuated in comparison with those of adults. individualized suspicion is traditionally highly valued in fourth amendment jurisprudence, and in t.l.o. the school did have suspicion of violation of school rules that was specific to t.l.o. herself. in the context of drug testing, however, controversy arises particularly when there is no individualized suspicion. for example, in random drug testing, there is no suspicion that any particular person is using illicit drugs, though there may be a more generalized, diffuse suspicion that some members of the group may be so doing. in 1989, the court upheld so-called “suspicionless” drug testing in two employment contexts, developing the relaxed “special needs” standard that it planted in t.l.o. (hutchens, 2002). the federal railroad administration’s requirement for drug testing of employees who were involved in train accidents or who violated certain safety rules was upheld as a “special needs” search (skinner v. railway labor executives’ association, 489 u.s. 602 [1989]). likewise, the u.s. customs service’s requirement for drug testing customs officers who seek transfer or promotion to positions that involve carrying firearms and/or drug interdiction was a legitimate “special needs” search (national treasury employees union v. von raab, 489 u.s. 656 [1989]). the court approved the drug testing in von raab even though the customs service produced no evidence of a specific drug problem among its employees and even conceded that the drug testing program was ineffective in identifying drug users. the court also authorized random motor-vehicle stops at pre-established checkpoints, for the detection of drunk drivers (michigan department of state police v. sitz, 496 u.s. 444 [1990]). in all of these situations, the court “balanced the intrusion on the individual’s fourth amendment interests against the government’s legitimate interests and found that the government’s ‘special needs’ justified a fourth amendment exception” (conlon, 2003, p. 302). school-based, random drug testing: the u.s. supreme court view in 1995 the u.s. supreme court first considered school-based drug-testing that was not based on individualized suspicion, in vernonia school district v. acton (515 u.s. 646). james acton was a seventh-grader subject to the school’s program of random drug testing of 10 percent of athletes each week, regardless of any individual athlete’s suspicion of drug use. school officials had initiated the program in response to what they determined to be appreciably increased use of illicit drugs by students who had since graduated and the belief that the ringleaders of the “drug culture” at the school had been student-athletes, who were also role models for many other 2 this two-part analysis for “reasonableness” of searches conducted without warrants or probable cause was first articulated by the court in terry v. ohio (392 u.s. 1 [1968]), which authorized police “frisks” (brief pat-downs to detect weapons) of citizens in situations where the police lawfully “stop” a citizen and reasonably suspect that citizen may be armed. urine trouble: drug testing of students and teachers in public schools 3 students. here again, the court—in a 6-to-3 decision written by justice scalia—identified a “special needs” search, since the school’s “drug culture” represented a special need for detection of drug use without reporting such findings to law enforcement. consonant with its “special needs” jurisprudence, the court balanced students’ privacy interests against the school’s strong interest in preventing use of illicit drugs. though urine collection for drug analysis did represent a “search” as defined by the fourth amendment, the intrusion on students’ reasonable expectations of privacy was minimal, according to the court. the collection of urine samples involved a school official standing a few feet behind a male student at a urinal, or just outside the closed stall door for a female student. the court found this protocol not appreciably different from everyday occurrences in public restrooms. additionally, the court found that student-athletes’ expectations of privacy are even less than those of students who are not athletes, since the athletes are frequently required to engage in “communal undress” for changing clothing and showering, and since they are subjected to more school rules and regulations than non-athletes, and since there is a material possibility for severe sports-related injuries due to impaired athletes. in aggregate, the school’s legitimate interests in custody and control over student-athletes trumped the athletes’ attenuated privacy interests, legitimizing the drug testing under the fourth amendment. the acton case established that under the fourth amendment, the lawfulness of a program of random search by school officials, not based on individualized suspicion, is to be analyzed by balancing the competing interests of the student and the school. in particular, courts must: (1) consider the nature and magnitude of the students’ privacy interests, (2) evaluate the intrusiveness of the search, especially the manner in which it is conducted, and (3) consider the “nature and immediacy of the school’s concerns and the efficacy of the means chosen to address those concerns” (palestini & palestini, 2006). in situations such as existed in acton, the court refused to require individualized, reasonable suspicion as a prerequisite for drug testing, since that higher standard would be “impractical, arbitrary, and accusatory” (einesman & taras, 2007, p. 238). acton emphasized the “custodial and tutelary” power of schools in crafting an important government need for random drug-testing of students. in 2002, the court expanded the ambit of schoolbased, random drug testing in earls v. pottawatomie county school district (536 u.s. 822). though there was no evidence of any considerable drug problem in the district, all middleand high-school students who voluntarily participated in any “competitive” extracurricular activity were required to consent to random drug testing throughout their period of participation. “competitive” activities were defined broadly and included band, choir, cheerleading, the academic team, the future farmers of america, and future homemakers of america, in addition to athletics. in a 5-to-4 decision authored by justice thomas, the court again classified these searches as “special needs” and determined that the district’s interest in protecting its students’ health and safety from the “drug epidemic” facing the nation outweighed the students’ privacy interests. though many of these students were not athletes, the court expanded its rationale from acton by declaring that the students are similar to athletes in having attenuated expectations of privacy, due to the fact that they face additional school rules as part of the activities, and due to the occasional sharing of rooms that may occur if the group participates in competitions that occur in other venues. the lack of evidence of drug use in the school district was not problematic for the court, which focused instead on the national plague of illicit drug use. that same rationale was used in von raab, though that case involved a closely-regulated industry in which the drug testing was ostensibly for the sake of avoiding life-threatening injury to others through the impaired use of firearms or the corruption of drug-enforcement agents (donaldson, 2006). the court did strike down one pervasive drugtesting program, though it was not in the context of schools. a georgia statute required all nominees for state office to submit to a drug test within 30 days of being elected or of qualifying for election. in chandler v. miller (520 u.s. 305 [1997]), the court refused to declare this a “special needs” search, finding instead that the statute had no legitimate purpose and that any drug problem that may exist among candidates for public office was more appropriately addressed through ordinary law enforcement. here the candidates’ privacy interests prevailed. commentators have leveled considerable criticism at the earls decision and, to a lesser extent, the acton decision. indeed, in each case the dissenting justices themselves presented powerful counterarguments. whether public-school students, even student-athletes, are comparable to the “closely regulated industries” that justified drug testing in skinner and von raab is certainly open to question. traditionally the court has found lesser expectations of privacy with regard to such industries because of extensive government regulation of them, usually consequent on the potential major dangers with which the industries deal. the “communal undress” that was central to a finding of decreased expectations of privacy among student-athletes has been questioned: it seems that the court found that voluntary nudity in front of peers, a minor consequence of athletic participation, constituted an implied consent to being observed during the very personal process of urination by an adult who is present only for that reason, and whose ultimate purpose is to perform scientific tests on the urine to discover if something very current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 4 major is going on in the athlete’s private life. (lacroix, 2008, p. 260-261) the extension of this rationale in earls to students who participate in any competitive extracurricular activity is even more tenuous, especially when there is no evidence of a significant drug problem among these cohorts of students. a broad policy allowing drug testing of all students involved in extracurricular activities may prove counterproductive in the long run: it “invades the privacy of students who need deterrence least, and risks steering students at greatest risk for substance abuse away from extracurricular involvement that potentially may palliate drug problems” (earls, p. 853 [ginsburg, j., dissenting]). another critique involves the applicability of the historical in loco parentis (“in place of a parent”) rule. when the fourth amendment was adopted, the limited schooling that was available usually did involve schools that functioned in place of parents. american courts adopted from english common law the doctrine of in loco parentis, giving school officials broad authority over students in matters of conduct (including morality) and discipline. accordingly, students had few rights to “due process” when they believed schools had overreached in those matters. as compulsory school attendance became the norm, however, the in loco parentis philosophy became attenuated, such that schools no longer “have the same freedom from the constraints of the constitution that parents enjoy” (donaldson, 2006, p. 830). lacroix (2008) notes that the relationship between the school and students no longer fits the in loco parentis model; rather, it is now “astoundingly diagnostic and treatment-oriented”: “we want our schools to succeed so badly that we have commanded them to stop being parents and start increasing test scores” (p. 273). fulfilling federal and state mandates (e.g., mandatory testing, accommodation of disabilities) has trumped any historical “parenting” role that public-school officials may have performed. beginning with t.l.o., the court did clearly recognize school officials as state actors and applied a “reasonableness standard” to fourth amendment privacy invasions of students by school officials (higbee, 2005).3 nevertheless, particularly when schools present policies (e.g., regarding drug testing) as ostensibly designed to promote school safety, courts commonly defer in the interest of in loco parentis. a correlative criticism relates to the court’s failure in both acton and earls to consider the fundamental right of parents to control the upbringing of their children. in wisconsin v. yoder (406 u.s. 205 [1972]) the court used first amendment freedoms, in combination with parental rights, to nullify a state compulsory education law. more recently, in troxel v. granville (530 u.s. 57 [2000]), the plurality opinion identified parental rights as fundamental, though it “refused to establish an applicable level of scrutiny” (donaldson, 2006, p. 842). this theory has potentially far-reaching implications: parents who in good faith refuse to consent to random drug-testing of their children are exercising a fundamental right with regard to raising their children. in refusing to delegate in loco parentis power to the school for drug testing, they are retaining a right which, at least in theory, inheres in their privilege as parents and cannot be usurped by the school. more philosophically, in considering the essential functions of mandatory public schooling, one may query, “if one purpose of the public schools centers on preparing citizens for participation in our democratic society, then what is lost by wholesale denial of constitutional rights to schoolchildren?” (hutchens, 2002, p.1286). donaldson (2006) opines that “drug tests send a message to children that they are guilty until proven innocent” (p. 852). school-based, random drug testing: state constitutional interpretations state constitutions contain analogs to the fourth amendment, and state high courts can interpret those analogs to grant more rights to their citizens than the threshold set by the u.s. supreme court. with regard to random drug testing, some state supreme courts have chosen to use this power, though most have been content with the federal minimums. in joye v. hunterdon central regional high school board of education (826 a.2d 624 [2003]), the new jersey supreme court used rationales very similar to acton and earls to uphold random drug testing of students who park on school property, in addition to those who participate in extracurricular activities. the court emphasized the “special need” of the school to maintain order and safety (including keeping student-drivers safe), and that those who park at school are subjected to additional regulations (and hence have a compromised expectation of privacy). also, the collection procedure was minimally intrusive, and there was evidence that a fair portion of students used alcohol and illicit drugs. the indiana supreme court found no violation of the federal or state constitutions with regard to a broad drug-testing program that covered athletes, participants in extra-curricular activities, and students who parked at school (linke v. northwestern school corporation, 763 n.e.2d 972 [2002]). the court noted that the activities were all subject to regulations beyond those applicable generally to all students, that the students involved in these activities were commonly deemed role models, and that there was evidence of illicit drug use among the student body. in contrast, in theodore v. delaware valley 3 hence, school officials cannot claim parental immunity with regard to fourth amendment rights, since they are not surrogate parents but rather state actors. urine trouble: drug testing of students and teachers in public schools 5 school district (836 a.2d 76 [2003]), the pennsylvania supreme court considered a program of random drug testing of all middleand high-school students who wished to participate in any extracurricular activity or wished to drive to school or park at school. based on the state constitution, the court declared the program facially invalid. using pennsylvania’s four-factor test, which was based on acton, the court considered: (1) the students’ privacy interests, (2) the nature of the intrusion, (3) the adequacy of notice given, and (4) the “overall purpose to be achieved, including the immediate reasons prompting the decision to conduct the search” (young, 2010, p. 179). the fourth factor was the fatal one for the school district: the court concluded that the policy was “based on the general deterrence of drug use and failed to establish the existence of a specific drug problem in the district or with the targeted group of students” (wolfe, 2005, p. 515). likewise, there was no evidence the policy would be efficacious in addressing any drug problems that may exist. the court did intimate that the policy would have been valid if it applied only to student-athletes and studentdrivers. in york v. wahkiakum school district (178 p.3d 995 [2008]), the washington supreme court declared that the federal definition of “special needs” searches was too broad vis-à-vis the state constitution. the random testing of student-athletes had begun after half the school’s studentathletes identified themselves as alcohol or drug users. in a unanimous decision, the court declared random drug testing of student-athletes unconstitutional under the state constitution. the court rejected the federal “reduced expectation of privacy” rationale for student-athletes: “we do not see how what happens in the locker room or on the field affects a student's privacy in the context of compelling him or her to provide a urine sample” (york, p. 995). additionally, the court feared that random drug-testing could easily proliferate to encompass the entire student population. empirical studies of drug testing in schools results of empirical studies of random drug testing generally show disappointing results in terms of deterrent effect. for example, yamaguchi, johnston, and o’malley (2003) used national survey data of eighth-, tenth-, and twelfth-grade students, finding that among high-school male athletes, use of illicit drugs showed no significant difference between schools with and without drug testing. also, among all students surveyed, “school drug testing was not associated with either the prevalence or the frequency of student marijuana use, or of other illicit drug use” (yamaguchi et al., p. 164). a prospective randomized control trial of drug testing of student-athletes was undertaken at eleven oregon high schools by goldberg et al. (2007). the authors divided the schools into a control group without drug testing and an experimental group that initiated drug testing at the start of the study. over the course of two years, the testing schools showed significantly lower mean past-year drug use (measured by student-athlete self-report surveys), compared to the non-testing schools, but those results existed for only two of four follow-up time periods. also, past-month drug use (where testing would be expected to have its greatest deterrent effect) showed no difference between control and experimental groups at any of the four follow-up time periods over two years. finally, somewhat paradoxically, over time, athletes in the testing schools “had less belief in their athletic competence, believed less in the benefits of testing, believed that authorities were less opposed to drug use, and believed less that testing was not a reason to use drugs” (goldberg et al., p. 426). all of those attitudes would seem to represent increased risk for future substance abuse. russell, jennings, and classey (2005) surveyed middleand high-school students in four schools, representing grades 6 through 12. nearly 45 percent of respondents said they had experimented with drugs, and nearly 75 percent said they had used alcohol. none of the schools had a drug-testing program. most students said they would still participate in after-school activities if drug testing was required, but most students also felt that drug testing would violate their privacy. students who reported frequent use of drugs or alcohol were least apt to believe drug testing would control drug use among students. frequent drug use was significantly less common among students who participated in after-school activities (11 percent) than among those who did not (19 percent). in contrast, frequent alcohol use did not differ significantly between the two groups. the authors note that alcohol use is a much more prevalent problem than illicit drug use, though the former is generally not part of drug testing programs. evans et al. (2006) surveyed students at two rural high schools that were about to implement an aggressive program of drug testing. the testing would involve alcohol, tobacco, and illicit drugs, and it would involve any student in grade 6 through 12 who participated in any extracurricular activity or was issued a school parking permit. though three-quarters of respondents believed the new policy would reduce drug use, 40 percent of respondents thought that the consequences of testing positive would be nothing or minimal. conlon (2003) conducted a mail survey and interviews with high-school principals, finding that most schools without random drug testing did not consider instituting it in the aftermath of the earls decision. schools with high rates of parental contact, high standardized test scores, low truancy rates, and high instructional expenditures per pupil generally did not use random drug testing, nor did schools that scored low on those variables. the author suggested that in wealthy districts, strong parental influence likely inhibits testing programs, as current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 6 influential parents do not wish their children to undergo testing that may have adverse ramifications. on the other hand, in poor schools, there is probably insufficient political energy to start random testing. it is in middle-range schools, where parents have less time to be involved in policymaking, that political power to start a program of random testing may devolve to principals, though “principals are making policy in the absence of data to show that random drug testing actually deters student drug use” (conlon, p. 319). in a survey of state-level education agencies and a sample of school districts, cho, hallfors, iritani, and hartman (2009) found that both gave low priority to student drug testing. this is in spite of the fact that both the u.s. department of education and the u.s. office of national drug control policy have made drug testing a high-priority strategy. in another survey of school districts, ringwalt et al. (2009) discovered that nearly half of respondent school districts notified law enforcement of positive results from drug testing (including a first positive test), thereby potentially violating the federal family education rights and privacy act (ferpa) and the federal confidentiality of alcohol and drug abuse patient records (42 cfr part 2, §2.1[f]). other punitive responses included: one-third of districts with drug testing suspended students who tested positive, 13 percent sent such students to alternative schools, and 8 percent expelled the students. drug testing of teachers the case law and commentary on drug testing of public-school teachers is much more limited than that with regard to students. mawdsley (2004) argues that teachers’ expectation of privacy “is diminished by the reality that they have been employed to instruct students, most of whom are minors required under state compulsory attendance laws to attend school” (p. 609). he contends that in the school environment, consistency of standards is valuable, such that teacher rights “should be subject to the same ebb and flow of supreme court interpretation as for student rights” (mawdsley, p. 617). with reasonable suspicion, a public employer may search a public employee’s office (e.g., desk and file cabinets where personal correspondence is stored) (o’connor v. ortega, 480 u.s. 709 [1987]). this is fairly consistent with the standard for school searches of students articulated in the t.l.o. case. in shaul v. cherry valleyspringfield central school district (363 f.3d 177 [2004]), the 2nd circuit upheld the school’s search of a suspended teacher’s classroom—including drilling open a locked file cabinet—in preparation for turning the classroom over to another teacher. the original teacher had been suspended for misconduct with a student and had not removed his personal items as required by the school. the court ruled that the teacher had only a minimal expectation of privacy in the classroom once he was suspended and left his personal items there. additionally, the school had reasonable suspicion that it would find material evidence (in this case, photos of the student) of the offense inside the classroom. mandatory pre-employment drug testing of teacher-applicants was upheld by the 6th circuit in knox county education association v. knox county board of education, 158 f.3d 361 (1998). there was no evidence of a drug problem among applicants, but the court applied the “safety sensitive” positions rationale of skinner and von raab. the court focused on teachers’ responsibilities for the safety and welfare of children, as well as the numerous regulations that govern the teaching profession. in her analysis of the decision, schmidt (2001) criticizes the court’s expansion of the “special needs” exception in this context, arguing that it should apply only to drug testing involving employees “in situations where incredible risk weighs on the government interest side of the balancing analysis,” especially where those being tested are not members of a group which has a known drug problem (p. 255). teaching, she contends, is not an industry that is “highly regulated” for safety, and the risks presented by teachers are not nearly so imminently catastrophic as “train wrecks or misguided gunshots” (schmidt, p. 271). in united teachers v. school board (142 f.3d 853 [1998]), the 5th circuit considered drug testing required after any work-related injury. in nullifying the program, the court noted lack of evidence of a drug problem among the school-system employees, as well as the fact that it tested both too many (all injured employees, regardless of fault) and too few (no testing of non-injured employees, though there was no evidence that injured employees were more likely to be abusing drugs). with regard to random drug testing, the 5th circuit upheld against fourth amendment challenge the random testing of all employees in “safety sensitive” positions (aubrey v. school board, 148 f.3d 559 [1998]). the case involved a custodian/groundskeeper at an elementary school who routinely worked with dangerous equipment and was continually in the presence of students. the u.s. district court for the eastern district of kentucky upheld drug testing of teachers that was part of a program of randomly testing 25 percent of employees in “safety sensitive” positions (crager v. board of education of knott county, 313 f.supp.2d 690 [2004]). emphasizing teachers as role models for students, the court drew on skinner, acton, earls, and knox to justify the policy. there was little evidence of drug abuse among the teachers, but the court emphasized that the county in general was experiencing a significant drug problem. in a survey of superintendents, demitchell, kossakoski, and baldasaro (2008) found that 35 percent of respondents supported a random drug-testing policy, while 45 percent did not. over half of respondents believed that such testing would not violate teachers’ constitutional rights. non-supporters of random drug-testing generally urine trouble: drug testing of students and teachers in public schools 7 believed that drug use by teachers was not a problem, that testing would harm the school climate and violate teachers’ personal liberties, and that it would be a financial burden. supporters, on the other hand, felt testing would make schools safer, would exemplify the teacher as role model, and would provide fairness and leverage in testing students. the authors note the fact that though superintendents generally believe they can adopt testing policies for teachers, most choose not to do so. socio-ethico-legal issues in drug testing without reasonable suspicion based on the case law with regard to teachers, mandatory pre-employment drug testing, as well as testing based on reasonable suspicion, would appear to be lawful under the fourth amendment. likewise, particularly after the u.s. supreme court’s expansive view of random testing in earls, it seems that courts are willing to consider teaching as a “safety sensitive” occupation and to allow area-wide drug problems to substitute for any particularized drug problem among teachers. within this post-earls paradigm, there appear to be few constitutional barriers to random drug-testing of teachers, similar to the situation for students. random drug-testing of students has expanded beyond earls through use of expansive definitions of “extra-curricular activities” (e.g., a school dance) and new cohorts of students with presumably lesser expectations of privacy (e.g., those who park on campus). though a strong argument can be made that random drug testing should require evidence of a significant drug problem within the particular school district (e.g., turner, 2007), courts increasingly seem content with more amorphous, generic domains (e.g., county-wide or national substance-abuse). if schools truly are concerned with harm prevention and harm reduction, with regard to illicit drugs, random testing of only certain cohorts of students is anomalous. this is particularly true with regard to extracurricular activities, since the most disconnected and alienated students (most of whom would likely be uninvolved in extra-curricular activities) are apt to be more drug-involved than students who are closely bonded to school activities and values (e.g., darling, 2005). one argument in favor of random testing involves “reverse peer pressure,” in which the existence of random testing gives non-drug-using students an “excuse” for not doing drugs due to not wanting to get in trouble. however, if students do not see the sanctions for a positive test as particularly serious, as evans et al. (2006) found, this dynamic is easily negated. cost-benefit aspects of random testing are also debatable. the cost for a standard drug screening ranges between $14 and $30, and a test for drugs such as steroids can cost over $100 (velasquez, 2010). texas tests up to 3 percent of high-school student-athletes, at a cost of approximately $6 million per year (velasquez, 2010). the yield for the money may be minimal, e.g., in 2009 the texas university interscholastic league reported seven positive results for steroids out of approximately 19,000 tests of high-school athletes (young, 2010). cost inefficiencies are particularly evident if random testing focuses on students less likely to abuse drugs, e.g., students involved in extra-curricular activities at school. einesman and taras (2007) note that “preliminary studies of the deterrent effects of drug screening are not yet convincing” (p. 264). indeed, adolescent psychology makes deterrence a difficult undertaking in general: “taking risks that do not make sense to adults is a notorious yet frustratingly normal part of teen development” (brendtro & martin, 2006, p. 75). teens who abuse drugs may not be particularly sensitive to the social stigma of drug use; rather, it is common for them to see drugs as “substitutes for human bonds” (brendtro & martin, p.77). from a public health perspective, random drug testing lacks epidemiologic sensitivity, since random testing easily “misses” many users, and since only select drugs are screened (einesman & taras, 2007). alcohol, the drug most widely abused by adolescents, is rarely screened, in part because of its evanescent nature. also, testing can motivate students to conceal drug use, e.g., by switching to drugs that are not screened or that are less detectable (e.g., cocaine, methamphetamines). when testing focuses on students involved in extra-curricular activities, the testing itself may be iatrogenic, discouraging at-risk students from participating in activities which might actually inhibit drug abuse. involvement in extracurricular activities can serve as a protective factor from high-risk behaviors (brendtro & martin, 2006). a culture of drug testing “may send youths a message that they are not trusted by teachers, coaches, and counselors, potentially damaging a climate conducive to learning” (einesman & taras, 2007, p. 269). trusting and supportive relationships between staff and students are particularly inhibited when school staff are directly involved in administering the testing. a focus on mutual trust and respect, as well as student engagement with school, may do far more to promote effective learning and to inhibit drug abuse. the american academy of pediatrics (2007), which opposes drug testing in schools, notes that “drug testing youth who have not been implicated in using drugs may be perceived as being unfair and, thereby, may reduce trust and connectedness with their school, which are essential for maintaining lines of communication” (p. 1381). alternative strategies for deterring substance abuse preventing and deterring substance abuse among adolescents can take the form of positive messages, as an alternative to the punitive approach of drug testing. for some students, drug testing may be iatrogenic. roche et al. (2009) observe that “imposition of sanctions in the school setting may be counterproductive if they further exacerbate risk factors, such as low self-esteem, poor academic current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 8 performance, or lack of commitment to school—factors known to be associated with drug use” (p. 522). after reviewing the extant research, these same authors conclude that “currently, there are no empirical effectiveness data from independent, unbiased, and rigorous studies on which to base a case to support drug testing in schools” (p. 524). there is little evidence that such testing among adolescents either deters drug use or promotes desistance. school-based programs to discourage substance abuse by students can be implemented in lieu of, or perhaps prior to, drug testing. unfortunately data to support the effectiveness of such programs are largely deficient. even the most well-accepted drug-prevention programs have little evidence of long-term salutary effects.4 gandhi et al. (2007) note that designations of programs as “effective” have sometimes been based on just one or two evaluations. it is not uncommon for the evaluations to have been conducted by those who created the program (a potential conflict of interest) or in the case of multiple evaluations, to rely on the same data set. also, some programs are successful with some types of students (e.g., experimenters) but are associated with increased use among others (e.g., users). similar untoward effects have been reported with some programs led by teachers rather than by peers or older students. gandhi et al. (2007) also identify a variety of methodological shortcomings in research on school-based prevention programs. these include a focus on atypical, exceptionally well-implemented programs, a wide diversity of outcome measures as determinants for “success,” and a lack of clarity between treatment and control groups. also, the authors note that even among programs demonstrating substantial impact, “any positive results dissipated after a few years” (gandhi et al., p. 64). it is generally recognized that “programs based on information and attitude change alone have minimal effect on adolescent substance-using behavior and in some cases contribute to experimentation” (skiba, monroe, & wodarski, 2004, p. 346). for enduring effects, the attitudes, beliefs, and skills cultivated in substance-abuse prevention programs need to be supported and reinforced via the allimportant adolescent social environment, including school policy, parental behavior, and community norms (flay, 2000). on a more “macro” level, any “program” to prevent or deter substance abuse is incomplete without societal commitment to child and youth development, through the cultivation of individual, family, and community strengths. such commitments are expensive and daunting, but “there is a strong body of policy research that demonstrates that countries that invest in supporting children and families achieve better outcomes in terms of child health, well-being and social functioning than countries with systems dominated by notions of individual responsibility and the policy philosophy of user-pays” (spooner, 2005, p. 90). midford (2009) explains the futility of drugprevention programs taking an abstinence approach to some drugs, noting, for example, that alcohol is consumed by two-thirds of the adult population in the united states. rather than entirely pathologizing the use of such substances, programs should recognize that “curiosity, experimentation, and definition of personal boundaries are all part of the psychosocial development of young people” (p. 1692). in this regard, programs need to focus on healthand-welfare-based “harm reduction,” including contextualization as “part of a broader approach that addresses the systemic factors such as advertising and sales strategies that encourage underage and inappropriate use of legal drugs” (p. 1692). cuijpers’ (2002) review of school-based drugprevention programs notes that those that have been deemed effective are often developed in research settings that do not jibe well with common practice in real-world schools. nevertheless, the most promising programs used interactive methods, including open exchange of ideas— with feedback and constructive criticism—among students in a non-threatening atmosphere. the methods usually are based in a social influence approach. social-influence models emphasize the need to change “behaviors, attitudes, and knowledge in the context of the social environment,” e.g., by recognizing social modeling of adults’ behavior and the tendency to overestimate the prevalence of substance abuse among peers (skiba, monroe, & wodarski, 2004, p. 348). commonly they involve development of resistance skills, decision-making skills, and stress reduction. they have been found more effective when embedded within comprehensive, community-wide activities and mass-media initiatives. cuijpers (2002) recommends that, based on the extant research, “prevention programs should be interactive and focus especially on norms (social prevalence knowledge, social acceptability knowledge, normative expectations, friends’ reactions to drug use), commitment of students to not use substances, and intentions not to use” (p. 1020). in their review of research on a variety of schoolbased prevention programs, botvin and griffin (2007, p. 4 as an example, drug abuse resistance education (d.a.r.e.) was federally funded with hundreds of millions of dollars annually, for approximately two decades, though numerous empirical studies (including quasi-experimental and experimental designs) have documented its ineffectiveness in preventing drug use (rosenbaum, 2007; west & o’neal, 2004). urine trouble: drug testing of students and teachers in public schools 9 613) conclude that effective drug-prevention programs schools: 1) are guided by a comprehensive theoretical framework that addresses multiple risk and protective factors; 2) provide developmentally appropriate information relevant to the target age group and the important life transitions they face; 3) include material to help young people recognize and resist pressures to engage in drug use; 4) include comprehensive personal and social skills training to build resilience and help participants navigate developmental tasks; 5) provide accurate information regarding rates of drug use to reduce the perception that it is common and normative; 6) are delivered using interactive methods…to stimulate participation and promote the acquisition of skills; 7) are culturally sensitive and include relevant language and audiovisual content familiar to the target audience; 8) include adequate dosage to introduce and reinforce the material; and 9) provide comprehensive interactive training sessions for providers to generate enthusiasm, increase implementation fidelity, and give providers a chance to learn and practice new instructional techniques. the general trend countenancing more expansive, non-individualized drug-testing of students seems on a collision course with public-health approaches, which focus on harm reduction and which counsel great caution with regard to widespread drug testing. though legally (i.e., with regard to the u.s. and many state constitutions) such testing usually survives “search and seizure” challenges, schools would do well to recognize that empirical research has failed to demonstrate deterrent effects and that commentators have raised myriad, and often serious, potential downsides to the testing. a school environment that is non-threatening and in which students are provided with realistic tools for understanding and dealing with the diverse social pressures they face may be a more effective goal than an admittedly more expedient program of random drug testing, if schools are meaningfully to influence students’ worlds regarding drugs. such an environment would cultivate an earned sense of trust that students can feel with adults, especially at school. the school would value a holistic approach to drug abuse, addressing not only students but also the families and communities that are so integral to their everyday lives. in the long run such a perspective may be far more effective in changing drug-related behaviors than a “gotcha” approach that ascribes guilt only to those who “randomly” get caught. references american academy of pediatrics. (2007). the role of schools in combating illicit substance use. pediatrics, 120(6), 1379-1384. botvin, g.j., & griffin, k.w. (2007). school-based programmes to prevent alcohol, tobacco and other drug use. international review of psychiatry, 19(6), 607-615. brendtro, l.k., & martin jr., g.a. (2006). respect versus surveillance: drug testing our students. reclaiming children & youth, 15(2), 75-81. centers for disease control & prevention. (2006). school health policies and practices study (shpps). retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/healthy youth/shpps/2006/factsheets/pdf/fs_alcoholorot herdruguseprevention_shpps2006.pdf cho, h., hallfors, d.d., iritani, b.j., & hartman, s. (2009). the influence of “no child left behind” legislation on drug prevention in u.s. schools. evaluation review, 33(5), 446-463. conlon, c.k. (2003). urineschool: a study of the impact of the earls decision on high school random drug testing policies. journal of law & education, 32(3), 297-319. cuijpers, p. 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(2010). drug testing in schools: a brief review and analysis of recent events. american journal of health education, 41(3), 180-186. west, s.l., & o’neal, k.k. (2004). project d.a.r.e. outcome effectiveness revisited. american journal of public health, 94(6), 1027-1029. wolfe, a.t. (2005). theodore v. delaware valley school district: school drug testing and its limitations under the pennsylvania constitution. widener law journal, 14, 505-519. yamaguchi, r., johnston, l.d., & o’malley, p.m. (2003). relationship between student illicit drug use and school drug-testing policies. journal of school health, 73(4), 159-164. young, s. (2010). piac (pee in a cup)—the new standardized test for student athletes. brigham young university education & law journal, 10, 163-190. appendix cases cited aubrey v. school board, 148 f.3d 559 (1998) chandler v. miller, 520 u.s. 305 (1997) crager v. board of education of knott county, 313 f.supp.2d 690 (2004) earls v. pottawatomie county school district, 536 u.s. 822 (2002) joye v. hunterdon central regional high school board of education, 826 a.2d 624 (2003) knox county education association v. knox county board of education, 158 f.3d 361 (1998) linke v. northwestern school corporation, 763 n.e.2d 972 (2002) michigan department of state police v. sitz, 496 u.s. 444 (1990) national treasury employees union v. von raab, 489 u.s. 656 (1989) new jersey v. tracey lis odem (t.l.o), 469 u.s. 325 (1985) urine trouble: drug testing of students and teachers in public schools 11 o’connor v. ortega, 480 u.s. 709 (1987) shaul v. cherry valley-springfield central school district, 363 f.3d 177 (2004) skinner v. railway labor executives’ association, 489 u.s. 602 (1989) terry v. ohio, 392 u.s. 1 (1968) theodore v. delaware valley school district, 836 a.2d 76 (2003) tinker v. des moines independent school district, 393 u.s. 503 (1969) troxel v. granville, 530 u.s. 57 (2000) united teachers v. school board, 142 f.3d 853 (1998) vernonia school district v. acton, 515 u.s. 646 (1995) wisconsin v. yoder, 406 u.s. 205 (1972) york v. wahkiakum school district, 178 p.3d 995 (2008) current issues in education vol. 15 no. 1 12 article citation butler, f. (2012). urine trouble: drug testing of students and teachers in public schools. current issues in education, 15(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/805 author notes frank butler st. joseph’s university 5600 city avenue, philadelphia, pa 19131 fb081602@sju.edu frank butler received a j.d. and a ph.d. in criminal justice, both from temple university. he is a graduate student in education at st. joseph’s university. his research interests include juvenile justice, social ethics, and criminal law. manuscript received: 8/22/2011 revisions received: 12/18/2011 accepted: 1/22/2012 urine trouble: drug testing of students and teachers in public schools 13 volume 15, number 1 february 06, 2012 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor melinda hollis rory o’neill schmitt assistant executive editor meg burke layout editors angela hines elizabeth reyes recruitment editors angela hines lisa lacy copy editors/proofreaders carol masser lucinda watson authentications editor lisa lacy section editors hillary andrelchik joy anderson mary bankhead laura busby michelle crowley tulani garnett catherine gay ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca hyun jung kang monica keys younsu kim lisa lacy victoria lucero carol masser lauren preston stephanie quintero katherine ronan kelly rubel leslie salazar melisa tarango lauren williams kevin woo faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers a comparison of_final running head: a comparison of academic performance 1 volume 13, number 2 issn 1099-839x a comparison of the academic performance of college bound high school students in regional vs. community high schools in connecticut joseph p. cullen appalachian state university citation cullen, j.p. (2010). a comparison of the academic performance of college bound high school students in regional vs. community high schools in connecticut. current issues in education, 13(2). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract consolidated regional high schools (rhss) have replaced traditional community high schools (chss) in many nonmetropolitan communities. consolidation purports to offer cost savings that, in theory, enable nonmetropolitan districts to provide a wider array of instructional opportunities to their students. nonetheless, critics argue that the benefits of consolidation do not outweigh the costs. this inquiry adds to this discussion an examination of differences in performance on the 2006 2008 sat i between rhs and chs students in connecticut. results suggest that rhs students outperformed their chs counterparts on 15 of 16 points of comparison. four of these differences were statistically significant. keywords: rural education, educational policy, school reform, secondary education about the author(s) author: joseph p. cullen affiliation: appalachian state university email: joe.cullen@familyinnovations.org biographical information: joseph p. cullen received his ph.d. in special education from the university of connecticut in 1995. during his 26-year career in the fields of education and child welfare, dr. cullen has served in a school psychologist, learning disabilities specialist, consultant, program director, and university faculty member. he currently serves in a dual capacity as the director of research and evaluation at appalachian family innovations, a university-affiliated research and training program, and as an associate professor in special education at appalachian state university in boone, north carolina. dr. cullen’s research and professional interests include school reform, the prevention of child maltreatment, and strategies for working with teachers and families to support children with learning disabilities, adhd, and emotional and behavioral challenges in school and community settings. a comparison of academic performance 3 for more than a century, educational reformers have been discussing solutions to the challenges of rural schools. as kannapel and deyoung (1999) relate, rural schools have traditionally been described as lacking appropriate facilities, curricula, and personnel, leading many to regard them as inferior to schools in metropolitan communities. to improve rural school quality, advocates for reform in the first half of the 20th century relied heavily on the factory paradigm that emerged during the industrial revolution (bard, gardener, & wieland, 2005). in particular, it was thought that rural schools would benefit from the concept of “economies of scale” (i.e., the principle that the production cost per unit is reduced when the size of the operation is increased). in this regard, large consolidated schools were thought to be more efficient and to have lower production costs than small community schools, leaving more resources for the improvement of facilities, curriculum, and the quality of teachers (fanning, 1995). this trend of thought led to the conclusion that school consolidation -the unification of two or more attendance areas into one large school (peshkin, 1982) -was the premier solution to the challenges of rural schools (lasley, leistritz, lobao, & meyer, 1995). by the middle of the 20th century, the pace of rural school consolidation was accelerated by demographic trends that included a decline in the population of rural areas due to a dying agricultural economy and falling birth rates. these factors resulted in diminished resources, especially in rural districts that received state funds on a per pupil basis, and made it difficult for them to upgrade school facilities or offer competitive salaries to teachers or administrators. consequently, many rural districts could not provide the same educational services and specialty courses as their larger, better-funded, urban and suburban counterparts. specifically, they were found to be less likely to offer advanced placement (ap) classes along with fewer courses in art, music, literature, foreign language, technology, and laboratory science (schwartzbeck, 2003). to address these challenges, conant (1959), in a highly influential report on secondary school reform, urged the elimination of small high schools as a means of offering a wider range of curricula and improving the cost-effectiveness of secondary education. in addition, elected officials implemented state policies in the 1970s, 80s, and 90s that encouraged school consolidation by requiring districts to meet mandated enrollment levels before they could receive state funds for new school buildings or capital improvements. many districts were forced to consolidate in order to meet these mandates (deyoung & howley, 1990; purdy, 1992). advocates of consolidation at the secondary level also benefited from the political climate of the cold war era. after the launch of sputnik in 1957, secondary education received a great deal of federal scrutiny, especially in the domains of math and science. the resulting effort to improve instruction in these areas necessitated significant upgrades to educational infrastructure including the modernization of laboratory facilities, the development of curricula, and the training of teachers and support staff. in order to afford these upgrades, many rural secondary schools were forced to consolidate into regional high schools wherein capital and operational costs could be shared among two or more communities (deyoung, 1989; ravitch, 1983). further accelerating the consolidation movement was the a nation at risk report (usde national commission on excellence in education, 1983) and its scathing critique of the nation’s public school system. the effect of this report was to shift the emphasis in secondary educational policy away from broad-based curricula to a primary focus on preparation for college. it also resulted in a series of federal mandates aimed at raising professional standards for teachers and increasing facility and academic requirements. these mandates added significantly to the cost of a comparison of academic performance 5 public schools, creating additional hardship for high schools in nonmetropolitan areas and forcing many to consolidate (kannapel & deyoung, 1999). by the end of the 20th century, rural school consolidation and associated efforts to increase the professionalization of the teaching field were so effectively implemented that large, centralized school districts controlled by credentialed professionals became the accepted standard in our society (kannapel & deyoung, 1999). it is, in fact, no longer accurate to refer to consolidation as an exclusively rural phenomenon in that many outlying suburban communities have also joined the consolidation movement (plucker, spradlin, magaro, chien, & zapf, 2007). for this reason, this inquiry will use the term nonmetropolitan, as proposed by hobbs (1994), to refer to the rural, small town, and outlying suburban districts that most often experience pressure to consolidate. this change in terminology is particularly well suited to the state of connecticut, the locale for this inquiry. connecticut, like many northeastern states, has experienced a demographic shift over the past 25 years. in 1986, approximately 67% of connecticut school districts were described as small/rural in 1986 (melnick, shibles, and gable, 1986). however, due to the phenomenon of urban sprawl, the population of many rural communities has swelled since the 1980’s. these shifts have changed the character of these communities from rural/agrarian to suburban. consolidation and the effects of school size as the united states entered the 21st century, the justification for school consolidation encompassed research on the effects of school size. one such study was done by horn (1986) who found that, relative to larger schools, teachers in small high schools were less qualified, lower paid, and had fewer opportunities for professional development. in addition, he found that course offerings in small high schools were more limited and guidance counselors and librarians were less likely to be available. another study from this era (monk, 1990) found that school size was one of the most powerful predictors of variation in curriculum offerings in secondary schools. nonetheless, recent examinations of the issue of school size have reached conclusions that are at odds with earlier studies. for instance, monk and haller (1993) concluded that that the relationship between school size and curriculum was not linear. rather, they found that it appears to be influenced by factors such as academic subject area, level of course difficulty, school setting, socioeconomic status, faculty unionization, and grade configuration. in addition, other authors have found evidence that small schools have distinct advantages over large schools. they include cotton (1998) who wrote that the benefits of small schools appear to include higher numbers of students taking academic courses, more attention to student needs, a closer connection with one’s community, more positive staff attitudes, higher rates of participation in extracurricular activities, and better attendance. furthermore, lee and burkham (2003) found that small schools have lower dropout rates than their larger counterparts while lee and loeb (2000) found that teachers in smaller schools took greater personal responsibility for student learning than teachers in larger schools. as a result, they tended to exhibit better relationships with their students and more confidence in their teaching. in the domain of school climate, noguera (2004) cites evidence of student alienation as justification for reorganizing secondary schools into smaller, more personalized learning communities. efforts to address this factor have resulted in the creation of smaller high schools in distressed inner city districts where student alienation is a significant problem (“making room for literacy in secondary schools,” 2005; rubenstein, reisner, coon, & fabiano, 2005). finally, recent research has provided evidence that smaller schools show higher overall a comparison of academic performance 7 achievement, more inclusive decision-making processes, less tension between teachers and students, fewer resources devoted to discipline problems, higher rates of parent-teacher involvement, higher morale, and lower levels of frustration and alienation (plucker, et al., 2007; steward, 2009). the results of these studies have been used to advocate for changes in educational policy that would give a higher priority to creating and maintaining small community schools (deyoung & howley, 1990; fanning, 1995; howley, 1989; kannapel & deyoung, 1999). with regard to schools in connecticut, the subject of this inquiry, melnick et al. (1986), concluded that there were very few differences between small and large districts in terms of quality. specifically, small and large schools were not found to vary with respect to per pupil expenditures, percent of students in need of remedial services, performance on state-mandated assessments, or student attendance and persistence rates. differences favoring larger high schools were, however, found in the number of advanced courses offered and proportion of students who continue on to higher education. in addition, a difference favoring small schools was found in the number of school staff per 1,000 students. these results indicate that the effects of school size in connecticut mirror national trends; that is, size appears irrelevant to school costs with the primary benefit of large schools being their potential for offering advanced curriculum and the primary benefit of small schools being their potential for offering more individualized attention to students. consolidation and consumer satisfaction like any government policy, the most important test of school consolidation may occur not in academia but in the court of public opinion. in this regard, the consolidation movement continues to thrive because some communities welcome consolidated schools and perceive them to be effective at achieving their intended benefits. specifically, self (2001) in an evaluation of the effects of school consolidation found that teachers, parents, and students held overwhelmingly positive attitudes toward the consolidation of schools in ohio in the early 1990s. a follow up survey revealed that major stakeholders continued to perceive consolidation in a positive manner eight years later. in addition, studies supportive of consolidation report that, relative to community high schools, consolidated high schools exhibit: 1) financial advantages, 2) higher and more consistent standards of teacher preparation, 3) more variation in course offerings, and 4) higher faculty salaries (cummins, chance, & steinhoff, 1997; nelson, 1985; schwartzbeck, 2003). despite these positive perceptions, a growing number of stakeholders have expressed dissatisfaction with the practice of school consolidation. their criticisms have been positioned within a broader discourse about the ends and means of education and the importance of schools as community centers, not just instructional settings. specifically, the arguments of advocates for the preservation of small nonmetropolitan schools have focused on: 1) practical problems such as long bus rides and disincentives to participation in extra-curricular activities and 2) philosophical concerns such as social justice and maintaining a meaningful context for learning (bard, et al., 2005; fanning, 1995; fitchen, 1991; howley & howley, 2001; kannapel & deyoung, 1999; luloff & swanson, 1990; nachtigal, 1982, 1994; peshkin, 1978). regarding practical concerns, howley and howley (2001) write that students in consolidated schools are far more likely to have long bus rides than students in small community schools. these lengthy bus rides add significantly to transportation costs that rise more sharply, are less predictable, and offer fewer instructional benefits than the costs associated with educating children in their own communities. in addition, the logistics of providing bus a comparison of academic performance 9 transportation across broad geographic areas make it difficult for many students to participate in extra-curricular activities. research has found that consolidated schools show significantly lower rates of student participation in extra-curricular activities than do comparable community schools (biere, 1995; cotton, 1998; fitchen, 1991; howley & howley, 1995; luloff & swanson, 1990; nachtigal, 1982). this finding is particularly problematic in light of research indicating that many nonmetropolitan communities value extra-curricular and nonacademic activities as much as academic activities if not more so (deyoung, 1995; nachtigal, 1982; peshkin, 1978; stern, 1994). other examiners have challenged consolidation on the basis of social justice and the importance of creating meaningful contexts for learning. specifically, a robust body of research suggests that large consolidated schools primarily benefit affluent, college-bound students while small community schools have been found to achieve positive learning outcomes across a broader range of socioeconomic strata (fowler & walberg, 1991; friedkin & necochea, 1988; howley, 1995; lee & smith, 1997). another social justice issue concerns the fact that consolidation is often justified by its effectiveness at addressing national goals such as the preparation of workers to compete in the global economy (deyoung, 1995; howley, 1997; howley & howley, 1995; post & stambach, 1999; theobald & nachtigal, 1995). this justification weakens local control over public schools, resulting in policies that are less responsive to community values and priorities. for example, in farming communities, modern consolidated high schools that are designed first, and foremost, to prepare students for college often fail to provide learning experiences that are rooted in the community’s agricultural heritage (fanning, 1995; kannapel & deyoung, 1999). fanning (1995) indicates that this lack of connection between school and community results in “place-less” rather than “place-based” learning; a trend that undermines the meaningfulness of learning contexts and runs contrary to modern movements in curriculum reform such as constructivism (haas & lambert, 1995; herzog & pittman, 1995; howley, 1997: howley & howley, 1995; rosenfeld, 1983; theobald and nachtigal, 1995). to re-connect schools to the community, fanning (1995) argues for a balance between “grounded knowing,” which helps children to interpret the events of their lives, and “technical knowing,” which enables them to understand the connection of these events with larger human experience (p. 4). consolidation may be an effective model for promoting technical knowing. however, if it results in impersonal educational institutions devoted primarily to college preparation, then it becomes an ineffective model for promoting grounded knowing outcomes such as good citizenship, healthy relationships, or functional living skills. it also fails to value the importance of community schools as cultural and social centers that enrich the broader community (deyoung & lawrence, 1995; herzog & pittman, 1995; nachtigal, 1982; seal & harmon, 1995; stern, 1994). current status of school consolidation despite the arguments of its detractors, school consolidation is alive and well as an educational policy initiative. the state of maine, for example, has recently proposed merging its 290 local school districts into 26 regional administrative districts. in addition, the 2007 state budget in indiana appropriated funds for use by school districts wishing to study the feasibility of consolidation. furthermore, the legislatures in kansas, nebraska and north dakota have recently debated school consolidation initiatives. over the past three years, these states, along with idaho, south dakota, and arkansas, have either passed laws or established policies that encourage consolidation (plucker et al., 2007; schwartzbeck, 2003). a comparison of academic performance 11 in light of these trends, there is a need for communities considering the question of consolidation to engage in rigorous cost-benefit analyses relative to community values, culture, and traditions. do the benefits of an enhanced capacity to offer technical education outweigh the practical and social justice objections to consolidation or the loss of meaningful contexts for learning? surprisingly, very few quantitative inquiries evaluate the effects of consolidation on the academic performance of students. to inform policy makers on this issue, this inquiry will explore this gap in the literature. it will do so by comparing the scores on college entrance examinations of students in consolidated (also known as regional) high schools with those of students in community high schools. for the purposes of this study, the term regional high school (rhs) will be used to describe a secondary school that was created to serve a consolidated student body from several nonmetropolitan districts. the term community high school (chs) will be used to refer to a secondary school in a nonmetropolitan area whose student enrollment falls in the bottom quartile in the state census. in addition, chss resemble in size, demographics, and geographic location the constituent high schools of districts that have consolidated.   methods this investigation utilized a causal-comparative design to address the following research question: on standardized college admissions tests, do students is regional high schools (rhss) outperform students in community high schools (chss)? given that the districts being studied cannot be randomly selected, a matching procedure was used to assure that the two groups were comparable on key demographic and geographic characteristics. to address the threat of location (gall, gall, & borg, 2006), a standardized instrument (the college board sat i) with specific administrative guidelines was used to assure that data were collected under relatively uniform sets of circumstances. to address the threat of mortality, this inquiry focused on archival data collected from an authoritative source, the connecticut education data and research (cedar) database (2008). this approach assured a 100% response rate among districts in the sample. in addition, with regard to instrumentation, the use of an objectively administered and scored standardized achievement measure eliminated data collector bias as a significant rival hypothesis. finally, because the data for this investigation were collected in a naturalistic setting, it is free of the threats to external validity mentioned by campbell and stanley (1963) with respect to experimental research designs. however, given that the sample for this study is geographically limited, results will not be generalized beyond school districts within the state of connecticut. the dependent variable for this investigation was student performance on the college board sat i reasoning test (sat i), the premier norm-referenced measure of academic preparedness for college. in that this study compared the performance of two discrete groups of participants, the independent variable was group membership; that is, comparisons were made between group a: rhs students and group b: chs students. the sample for this investigation included 32 high schools – 16 regional and 16 community – with an enrollment in excess of 20,000 students. the two groups used for this investigation were matched using district reference group (drg) as the control variable. the state of connecticut created district reference groups (drgs) – designated a (the highest) through i (the lowest) – as a means of classifying schools and school districts according to their needs and resources. specifically, drgs are groups of districts that have similar geographic, cultural, and socio-economic characteristics. the csde assigns districts to drg groupings based upon data elements from the 2000 census and 2004 public school information system a comparison of academic performance 13 (psis) database. to measure socioeconomic status, the csde used three data elements from the 2000 census: median family income; percentage of parents with a bachelor’s degree or higher; and percentage of parents holding jobs in executive, managerial or professional occupations. three other indicators – the percentage of children living in families with a single parent, the percentage of children enrolled in public schools whose families have incomes that make them eligible to receive free or reduced-price meals, and the proportion of children in the district whose families speak a language other than english at home – were used to assess need. in addition, enrollment in the district at the end of the 2003-2004 academic year was a minor factor in the analysis (cedar, 2008). the first step in sample selection was to establish an operational definition of a small high school. this process involved an analysis of two sources of information. the first was enrollment data on communities that participate in regional high schools. these data were examined to identify benchmarks for selecting a matched sample of schools that would be similar in size to the schools that would be operated by these communities if they did not participate in a regional high school. based on state of connecticut k-12 enrollment data (cedar, 2008), “head counts” in the elementary grades, which offer a valid prediction of the number of high school aged students in these districts, range from approximately 40 to approximately 800 students. to obtain more precise figures, a second source of information – the 2006 state of connecticut school census (cedar, 2008) – was analyzed. this document lists 123 comprehensive community high schools with a mean enrollment of 1147 students (standard deviation=589). based on the mean and standard deviation, it was determined that schools with 750 or fewer students would constitute the bottom quartile in enrollment. given the similarity between this figure and the upper limit of the elementary “head count” among communities with regional high schools, it was accepted as a defensible benchmark for selecting schools for the sample. when this benchmark was applied, an initial pool containing the 30 smallest comprehensive public high schools in connecticut was identified. these schools ranged in size from 231 to 740 students with a mean of 509.13 and a standard deviation of 149.74. the second step in sample selection was to match regional high schools with community high schools based on the drg system. to accomplish this in a defensible manner, it was necessary to narrow the range of drgs in both groups. therefore, given that the state’s 17 regional schools are spread across drgs a through f, community high schools in lower drgs (g though i) were eliminated from the chs pool. by the same token, because there were no community high schools in drg a, the lone drg a regional school was eliminated from the rhs pool. in addition, since consolidation appeals primarily to schools in rural areas, small community high schools in suburbs on the fringes of urban centers were eliminated from the chs pool. to achieve a similar distribution in the rhs and chs groups on key demographic and geographic variables, schools were matched based on their drg to the fullest extent possible. however, because of unequal distributions of schools across drg groups, it was necessary, in some instances, to match schools in higher drgs with schools in lower drgs based on a careful examination of demographic data. this strategy was legitimized by the fact that the schools in drgs c through e are all in middle-income communities that are very similar demographically. the two resulting groups had the following compositions: (1) the rhs group was composed of 16 high schools serving 12,231 students. the group includes one high school from drg b, 14 from drgs c through e, and one from drg f. (2) the chs group was composed of 16 high schools serving 7,893 students. the group includes one high school from drg b, 14 from drgs c through e, and one from drg f. a comparison of academic performance 15 descriptive and inferential statistics were used to verify the comparability of the rhs and chs groups on the demographic factors that the state of connecticut uses to assign schools to drgs; i.e., median family income; percentage of parents with a bachelor’s degree or higher; proportion of children’s parents who hold jobs in executive, managerial, and/or professional (i.e., “white collar”) occupations; percentage of children living with a single-parent; proportion of students who meet eligibility guidelines for free or reduced meals, and percentage of students whose families speak a language other than english at home. in addition, schools were compared on their minority enrollments, number of students per academic computer, and per pupil expenditures. table 1.1 provides a complete profile of the rhs and chs groups, including descriptive statistics and t-test results used to evaluate the significance of group differences. table 1.1 descriptions and comparisons of research groups source: connecticut education data and research (cedar, 2008) schools size d r g median income % free/ reduced meals % minority % college degree % white collar % single parent % non english speaking students per computer per pupil spending regional n=12,231 region 1 562 e $56,591 12.6 3.7 29.4 44.5 30.1 1 1.6 $12,305 region 4 594 c $82,620 7.3 6 43.9 50.8 16.3 1.7 1.9 $11,046 region 5 1678 b $93,868 1.8 12.7 59.1 63.5 12 3.2 3.5 $10,397 region 6 390 e $65,759 7.6 2.6 28.7 38.7 13.7 0.2 2.9 $10,395 region 7 786 c $84,090 2.1 2 40.8 56.2 13 0.1 2.0 $11,392 region 8 1026 c $81,862 3.6 3 45 51.2 15.1 0.1 2.4 $8,365 region 10 775 c $84,246 3.1 4.9 42.5 55 5.3 2.1 2.2 $11,016 region 11 200 f $64,732 14.8 5.8 21.5 32.6 20.3 0 1.4 $14,210 region 12 392 c $83,514 2.6 6.1 39.9 42.7 10.3 0.8 2.1 $13,510 region 13 1380 c $79,900 4.8 3.5 40.2 47.8 16.3 0.2 3.4 $10,040 region 14 836 c $82,025 4.6 4.5 46.9 52.6 19.6 1.4 3.7 $9,205 region 15 814 b $87,671 1.6 7 53 57.4 9.2 2.4 4.1 $9562 region 16 679 e $77,260 8.2 4.9 27.6 35.8 8.8 1.9 3.1 $9,705 region 17 459 c $88,307 5.6 3.4 48.3 57.9 9 0.4 3.7 $11,732 region 18 459 c $78,025 3.8 5.7 55.5 51.9 18.2 1.8 2.9 $13,538 region 19 1201 c $70,239 6.8 11.7 50 58.9 17.3 1.7 2.9 $10,291 means 764.4 $78,794 5.58 5.47 42.02 49.84 14.66 1.19 2.74 $11,044 sd 408.8 $9,829 3.79 2.98 10.67 8.85 5.96 0.99 .82 $663 community n=7,893 bolton 285 c $81,293 6.2 6.4 47.4 54.1 16.2 0 3.6 $11,706 canton 515 c $76,113 3.5 7.2 47.5 58.6 12.3 1.1 4.1 $10,888 clinton 663 d $70,776 7.8 9.7 35.9 45.7 16.2 1.3 3.4 $11,854 coventry 573 e $65,707 10.6 5 20.8 40.1 22.7 0.3 3.7 $8,234 e. granby 241 d $77,852 1.3 11.2 29.8 49.5 20.6 3.6 3.1 $11,919 e. haddam 387 e $68,393 5.4 4.7 29.7 41.1 11.1 1.2 3.3 $9,463 e. hampton 567 d $70,400 7.8 5 32.6 44.1 22.1 1.4 4.9 $10,467 ellington 738 c $81,196 4.4 7.2 36.1 48.5 13 1.7 3.0 $10,111 granby 687 b $92,696 3.4 6.7 57.3 65.4 10.9 1.2 3.1 $10,201 lebanon 581 e $66,652 8.1 4.3 26.8 43 13.3 0.7 3.6 $9,776 litchfield 438 e $66,809 4.8 5.2 36.5 43.6 14 0 3.5 $11,420 old saybrook 462 d $73,409 7.7 11.1 43.3 44 19.9 5 4.3 $11,294 plymouth 526 f $65,917 14 5.4 16.4 33.9 18.8 1.5 4.4 $9,013 portland 362 e $68,802 9.9 8.4 38.4 41 25.3 0.6 3.0 $11,811 somers 574 c $77,795 4.8 4.4 34.9 46.3 9.5 1.2 3.8 $9,747 westbrook 294 e $75,568 9.6 6.5 31.9 35.4 19.4 1.7 2.5 $13,984 means 493.3 $72,711 6.83 6.78 35.33 45.89 16.58 1.41 3.58 $10,527 sd 119 $7,354 3.24 2.26 10.25 8.10 4.80 1.28 .62 $1,148 t probability .026 .150 .337 .128 .058 .232 .414 .550 .003 .425 a comparison of academic performance 17 the instrument used to measure the dependent variable in this investigation was the college board sat i reasoning test (sat i), a norm-referenced measure of student readiness for college learning with three sections: critical reading, writing, and math. the sat i meets the highest standards of technical adequacy in content, construct, and criterion-related validity as well as internal consistency and test re-test reliability. it was deemed an appropriate basis for the comparison of school districts in that it now measures, since its 2006 revision, a set of skills that is closely aligned with college preparatory instruction. in addition, relative to state mastery tests, it offers an elevated ceiling capable of differentiating student performance at higher levels of achievement. scores from 2006 through 2008 were used for this inquiry, as they are the only scores available since the revision. the connecticut state department of education official database was used as the sole data source for this inquiry. this database compiles official statistics on connecticut school districts based upon federal census information and superintendents’ yearly reports. with regard to the research question – on standardized achievement tests, do students in regional high schools outperform students in community high schools? – the sat i scores for the rhs group were compared with those of the chs group. to assure that group differences were not primarily a function of the size and diversity of the test-taking cohort, the two groups were also compared on the proportion of students who took the sat i. given that this inquiry used matched groups, correlated t-tests were used to evaluate group differences. in addition, twotailed tests with an alpha level of .05 were used for all comparisons. all analyses were performed on the ms excel spreadsheet with t-test results reported as probability values. results in terms of demographics, table 1.1 provides a profile of the two groups that were the focus of this inquiry. the reader will note that while the regional schools are consistently higher on most indicators of socioeconomic status, none of the differences between the groups crosses the threshold of statistical significance. however, one indicator, the percentage of parents who are college educated bordered on statistical significance (p=.058). nonetheless, given that both groups exhibited socioeconomic characteristics that were solidly in the middle range, the decision to treat them as comparable is justified. aside from demographic contrasts, there are two points of comparison between the two groups that are noteworthy. first of all, the rhs and chs groups were found to be strikingly similar in terms of per pupil expenditures. this finding is intriguing given the economy of scale argument that is often used to justify consolidation. in fact, the data indicate that the regional high schools sampled spend approximately $600 more per year per student than their community high school counterparts. while this difference is not statistically significant, it is supportive of the conclusion that regional high schools do not appear to offer overall cost savings relative to community high schools. secondly, there was a significant difference between the two groups in terms of students per academic computer. this difference suggests that the regional schools may offer significantly better access to technology than their community school counterparts. with regard to the research question, table 2.1 provides a summary of the 2006, 2007 and 2008 sat i scores for the two groups. a summary of the 2006-2008 sat i mean scores can be found in table 2.2. both tables also provide the results of correlated t-tests on all 16 points of comparison between the rhs and chs groups. as these results indicate, the groups were not found to differ in terms of the proportion of students taking the sat i. however, in 2006, a comparison of academic performance 19 students in regional high schools obtained higher scores than their community high school counterparts on three out of four points of comparison: critical reading (p =.002), writing (p = .025), and total scale (p=.016). in addition, the difference between groups in math was very close to the threshold of statistical significance (p=.057). in 2007, students in regional high schools earned slightly higher scores than their counterparts in community high schools on three of the four sat i components (critical reading, writing, and sat i total). in math, the chs group outperformed the rhs group by a slim margin. these differences, though, were not found to be statistically significant. similarly, in 2008, students in regional high schools earned slightly higher scores than their counterparts in community high schools on all four sat i components (critical reading, math, writing, and sat i total). however, these differences were, again, insignificant. overall, when compared on the basis of 2006 through 2008 sat i mean scores, students in regional schools outscored students in community high schools on all four components but the only statistically significant difference occurred in critical reading (p=.035). the approximate mean score differences in favor of the rhs group were as follows: 11 points in critical reading, five points in math, ten points in writing, and 26 points on the total scale. table 2.1 2006 -2008 sat i scores for rhs & chs groups tot=sat total; cre=sat critical reading; mat = sat math; wri=sat writing source: connecticut education data and research (cedar, 2008) high schools % of students tested 06-08 2006 sat i 2007 sat i 2008 sat i tot cre mat wri tot cre mat wri tot cre mat wri regional : region 01 64.68 1579 539 519 524 1551 532 501 518 1528 513 505 510 region 04 81.20 1563 521 525 524 1550 523 504 524 1576 530 519 526 region 05 92.25 1677 552 566 559 1634 539 548 547 1655 545 551 559 region 06 75.05 1563 520 517 522 1566 527 531 508 1601 531 531 539 region 07 83.55 1628 544 548 538 1586 529 533 524 1612 526 551 535 region 08 83.30 1608 536 542 528 1628 541 550 536 1627 540 552 536 region 10 85.88 1601 532 527 540 1554 512 521 521 1556 515 520 521 region 11 74.65 1579 534 515 530 1475 501 468 506 1509 521 477 511 region 12 88.98 1576 527 527 522 1551 527 504 521 1536 513 506 516 region 13 77.35 1579 540 530 517 1595 531 530 534 1569 520 522 526 region 14 91.88 1552 520 518 515 1517 510 498 508 1560 524 508 528 region 15 95.18 1568 522 528 525 1629 547 546 536 1633 541 551 541 region 16 71.23 1489 500 499 491 1457 485 487 485 1463 485 490 488 region 17 85.78 1598 530 531 529 1532 511 512 509 1578 522 528 527 region 18 79.60 1660 542 567 553 1691 560 569 561 1687 557 565 565 region 19 72.93 1668 563 558 550 1651 547 560 542 1657 550 561 547 mean 81.5 1593 532.6 532.3 529.2 1572.9 526.4 522.6 523.8 1584.2 527.1 527.3 529.7 sd 8.5 47.9 14.8 19.2 16.5 63.4 19.1 28.1 18.70 59.8 17.4 26.2 19.1 community: bolton 77.13 1562 526 512 524 1626 544 538 543 1583 525 511 546 canton 86.93 1624 531 546 543 1632 535 554 543 1625 537 545 543 clinton 86.63 1538 515 512 512 1508 495 510 503 1572 521 523 528 coventry 78.73 1518 510 507 499 1499 506 499 495 1527 516 507 504 e. granby 71.83 1551 510 548 493 1620 533 561 526 1619 534 562 523 e. haddam 79.03 1469 494 499 492 1523 497 501 525 1582 522 521 539 e. hampton 82.10 1530 512 505 514 1527 503 514 511 1615 538 540 538 ellington 86.90 1572 519 530 526 1549 512 529 508 1554 513 522 519 granby 80.83 1646 554 549 544 1650 550 553 546 1617 539 542 536 lebanon 86.78 1469 494 487 490 1490 499 494 497 1529 526 499 503 litchfield 83.20 1564 509 523 528 1682 556 559 567 1607 528 539 539 old saybrook 90.35 1567 504 531 531 1543 510 516 517 1534 510 507 517 plymouth 75.25 1516 499 512 505 1483 492 499 489 1416 470 482 464 portland 89.53 1490 491 500 496 1573 522 541 510 1571 528 526 517 somers 85.15 1568 520 533 519 1636 542 553 541 1551 512 524 515 westbrook 77.30 1492 507 495 493 1552 515 522 516 1567 524 509 533 mean 82.4 1542.3 512.2 518.1 513.1 1568.3 519.4 527.7 521.1 1566.8 521.4 522.4 522.8 sd 5.4 50.3 15.9 19.6 18.4 63.9 21.1 23.8 21.9 51.9 16.5 20.1 20.6 t probability .649 .016 .002 .057 .025 .840 .313 .619 .685 .324 .283 .538 .262 a comparison of academic performance 21 table 2.2 20062008 sat i mean scores for rhs & chs groups tot=sat total; cre=sat critical reading; mat = sat math; wri=sat writing source: connecticut education data and research (cedar, 2008) mean 2006 – 2008 sat i tot mean 2006-2008 sat i cre mean 2006-2008 sat i mat mean 2006-2008 sat i wri regional high schools: region 01 1552.67 528.00 508.33 517.33 region 04 1563.00 524.67 516.00 524.67 region 05 1655.33 545.33 555.00 555.00 region 06 1576.67 526.00 526.33 523.00 region 07 1608.67 533.00 544.00 532.33 region 08 1621.00 539.00 548.00 533.33 region 10 1570.33 519.67 522.67 527.33 region 11 1521.00 518.67 486.67 515.67 region 12 1554.33 522.33 512.33 519.67 region 13 1581.00 530.33 527.33 525.67 region 14 1543.00 518.00 508.00 517.00 region 15 1610.00 536.67 541.67 534.00 region 16 1469.67 490.00 492.00 488.00 region 17 1569.33 521.00 523.67 521.67 region 18 1679.33 553.00 567.00 559.67 region 19 1658.67 553.33 559.67 546.33 mean 1583.38 528.69 527.42 527.54 sd 54.09 15.46 23.55 16.90 community high schools: bolton 1590.33 531.67 520.33 537.67 canton 1627.00 534.33 548.33 543.00 clinton 1539.33 510.33 515.00 514.33 coventry 1514.67 510.67 504.33 499.33 e. granby 1596.67 525.67 557.00 514.00 e. haddam 1524.67 504.33 507.00 518.67 e. hampton 1557.33 517.67 519.67 521.00 ellington 1558.33 514.67 527.00 517.67 granby 1637.67 547.67 548.00 542.00 lebanon 1496.00 506.33 493.33 496.67 litchfield 1617.67 531.00 540.33 544.67 old saybrook 1548.00 508.00 518.00 521.67 plymouth 1471.67 487.00 497.67 486.00 portland 1544.67 513.67 522.33 507.67 somers 1585.00 524.67 536.67 525.00 westbrook 1537.00 515.33 508.67 514.00 mean 1559.13 517.69 522.73 518.96 sd 47.10 14.46 18.91 17.00 t probability .183 .035 .549 .135 discussion current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 22 the results of this inquiry suggest that, relative to community high schools (chss), regional high schools (rhss) may provide a slight academic benefit to college preparatory students as measured by scores on the sat i. however, this conclusion must be viewed as highly tentative in light of the fact that the most dramatic differences occurred in a single year, 2006, and were not consistent across the three-year period examined. furthermore, those who would use these results to inform policy decisions should be mindful that the sample for this inquiry is small and drawn exclusively from nonmetropolitan regions of connecticut. the results cannot, therefore, be generalized nationally or to urban or suburban districts where the relationship between school-level variables and student achievement appears to be much more complex. another limitation of this inquiry is the fact that it is focused on the sat i, a college entrance examination, and its findings are, therefore, limited to students who are bound for college. as a result, it offers few insights into the differences between students in regional and community high schools who are pursuing courses of study that prepare them for postsecondary objectives other than college. this is an especially important consideration in that it is these students that critics describe as being most in need of the more intimate environment of a small community school (bard et al., 2005; fitchen, 1991; luloff & swanson, 1990; nachtigal, 1982; plucker, et al., 2007; purcell & shakelford, 2005). when applied to the consolidation debate, advocates and opponents of consolidation will both find support for their positions in the results of this inquiry. advocates will argue that their view is validated by the higher sat i scores of students in regional high schools and data indicating that regional schools offer greater access to technology for a comparable per pupil cost. opponents will point out that most of the differences between groups on the sat i are a comparison of academic performance 23 insignificant and that the ones that reach statistical significance are not sufficiently robust to be considered an advantage for regional schools. in addition, they will point out that the gap between rhss and chss appears to narrow over the three-year period examined in this study. specifically, in reading, the performance of chss improved each year from a mean of 512.2 in 2006 to a mean of 519.4 in 2007 and 521.4 in 2008. similarly, writing scores improved from 513.1 in 2006 to 521.1 in 2007 and 522.8 in 2008. these trends suggest that the “regional effect” may be fading. furthermore, advocates of chss will argue that the data from this inquiry do not support the conclusion that regional schools are more cost effective that community schools. this conclusion is consistent with a previous study conducted on a similar sample in the same geographic region (melnick et al., 1986). finally, critics of consolidation will point out that the results of this inquiry do not speak to such core concerns as the effects of consolidation on transportation, student participation in extracurricular activities, educational equity, or the context for learning. conclusions the results of this inquiry strongly indicate a need for further research. specifically, given the size and geographic limitations of the sample, it would be necessary to replicate this study with larger samples, drawn from multiple locales, over a longer period of time before the stability and meaningfulness of these results can be determined. in addition, should meaningful differences be found, further inquiry would be needed to determine the reasons for these differences. a related issue would be to determine why these differences seem to occur more often in reading and writing than in math. inquiry in this area may also provide an explanation for the finding that, from 2006 through 2008, the gap between regional and community high schools on the sati reading and writing subtests diminished steadily. possible areas of inquiry current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 24 might include differences in the quality and preparation of teachers, the availability of instructional resources in regional versus community high schools, or the distribution of these resources across socioeconomic strata. furthermore, since the demonstration of positive academic effects would not alone be sufficient to address the most daunting social, cultural, and philosophical challenges to consolidation, there is a need for policy makers to reflect on existing research and arrive at a consensus position on its benefits and limitations. while community leaders await the emergence of such a position, they would be wise to look beyond the fiscal benefits of consolidation and engage stakeholders in a deeper discussion of community beliefs regarding the goals and purposes of public education. the relevance of this study to this discussion is that an analysis of data from 32 nonmetropolitan communities in connecticut provides additional support to the following three conclusions from the literature on school consolidation: (1) the cost benefits of modern school consolidation may be illusory given that regional schools and small community schools have similar per-pupil expenditures. therefore, consolidating schools primarily as a cost saving measure may not be a defensible strategy. (2) regional high schools appear to offer some limited advantages to college preparatory students as demonstrated by their higher performance on the literacy sections of the sat i. these differences may be associated with the enhanced curriculum resources of larger schools, including the ability to offer advanced placement classes. however, these benefits may be diminishing as the performance gap between collegebound students in regional vs. community high schools appears to be narrowing and a comparison of academic performance 25 affordable technology becomes available to add these enhancements to the curriculum of smaller schools. (3) large consolidated schools may offer greater access to technology. however, this advantage may be of diminishing importance in light of the growing saturation of technology in american society. given the advantages of small schools as described in the literature and the growing body of research on the benefits of small schools for a variety of historically under-performing groups, school leaders in connecticut and across the country many need to re-examine the assumptions of school consolidation and consider the possibility that “small may be the new big.” in this regard, recent research indicates that “small is better” in poor inner-city communities where schools must counteract anomie, normlessness, and the breakdown of institutions that form the fabric of society (“making room for literacy in secondary schools,” 2005; rubenstein, reisner, coon, & fabiano, 2005). similarly, many have suggested that small may be better in remote rural areas where schools are the only institutions that can combat the effects of social isolation (biere, 1995; fanning, 1995; fitchen, 1991; luloff and swanson, 1990; nachtigal, 1982; peshkin, 1978, 1982). nonetheless, if we are to heed the admonition of kannapel and deyoung (1995) to avoid assuming that all schools suffer from generic problems that lend themselves to generic solutions, then we must also make room for the possibility that, in some communities, larger may continue to be better. in this regard, one practical recommendation would be to consider the question posed by fanning (1995); “what should our young people have the chance to learn?” (p.5). if the answer to this question is, as fanning suggests, a balance of “grounded” (i.e., personal and experiential) with “technical” (i.e., rational and empirical) knowing, then the results of this inquiry suggest current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 26 that community schools, which may be more effective at promoting grounded knowing, may wish to actively explore alternatives to consolidation for assisting their students in the development of technical knowing. by the same token, communities served by regional schools, which may offer advantages over community schools in promoting technical knowing, may wish to explore strategies for assisting their students in the development of grounded knowing. in the domain of technical knowing, communities that wish to preserve their community schools may find in this study the motivation to identify new ways to access talent and resources. one evidence-based option for accomplishing this objective is to develop partnerships with public and private institutions and foundations (fanning, 1995; nachtigal, 1994). in addition, to augment and/or avoid consolidation, schwartzbeck (2003) recommends that districts explore: 1) cooperative agreements with nearby districts that enable then to share staff, contractual services and/or buildings; 2) four day work weeks (thus saving on utility and transportation costs); 3) distance learning; and 4) using regional educational service centers (rescs) to achieve economies of scale in areas such as food and custodial services, special education, and payroll management. in the domain of grounded knowing, communities that are served by regional and/or consolidated schools may wish to explore the formation of smaller learning communities to promote a sense of cohesion and belongingness among students (cotton, 1998; “making room for literacy in secondary schools,” 2005; noguera, 2004; and rubenstein, reisner, coon, & fabiano, 2005). this approach, based on the schools-within-schools model (goodlad, 1984; murphy, 1991), creates semi-autonomous small schools that are housed within larger schools to achieve learning environments characterized by greater intimacy, improved teacher engagement, and a more positive peer culture. a comparison of academic performance 27 finally, the results of this inquiry provide insight into the thorny question of school size. it is noteworthy that although the regional high schools examined in this study were significantly larger than the community high schools sampled, they were not large schools relative to the state mean. indeed, of the 16 schools studied, eight fell in the bottom quartile in terms of school size (n≤750) and only three were above the state mean (n≥1147). it is, therefore, difficult to conclude that the benefits (or lack thereof) of consolidation suggested by this inquiry have much to do with school size. this conclusion fits with prior research on this subject (melnick et al., 1986) and with the lack of consensus in the literature on the benefits and disadvantages of small versus large schools. it also fits with the conclusion that the factors that mitigate the effects of school size are myriad and appear to include the demographic, socio-economic, cultural, and geographic characteristics of a given community. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 28 references american psychological association. 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(1983). a nation at risk: the imperative for educational reform. washington, dc: u.s. government printing office. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 34 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 2 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word academic achievement for fifth.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x academic achievement for fifth-grade students in elementary and intermediate school settings: grade span configurations julie p. combs david clark george w. moore anthony k. onwuegbuzie stacy l. edmonson john r. slate sam houston state university citation combs, j. p., clark, d., moore, g. w., onwuegbuzie, a. k., edmonson, s. l., & slate, j. r. (2011). academic achievement for fifth-grade students in elementary and intermediate school settings: grade span configurations. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract few researchers have addressed student achievement outcomes as a function of grade span configurations for older elementary-aged students. thus, this study was designed to determine differences between students’ grade 5 reading and mathematics achievement in elementary schools (k–5) as compared to intermediate schools (grade 5, 5–6) for 5 academic years. using archival statewide data, researchers used a rigorous five-step distance-based formula to match elementary schools to intermediate schools on four demographic/school characteristic variables. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 students in k-5 settings attained statistically significantly higher levels of reading and mathematics achievement than did their counterparts, with moderate mean effect sizes of 0.37 and 0.47, respectively. keywords: achievement, grade configuration, elementary schools, grade span, middle schools, intermediate schools, school settings academic achievement for fifth-grade students 3 about the author(s) author: julie p. combs affiliation: sam houston state university address: department of educational leadership and counseling, box 2119, sam houston state university, huntsville, tx 77341-2119 email: jcombs@shsu.edu biographical information: julie combs is a tenured associate professor in the department of educational leadership and counseling at sam houston state university, where she teaches doctoral-level courses in writing and research methods. her areas of research are focused on issues that impact school leaders. author: david clark affiliation: sam houston state university email: david.m.clark@pearson.com biographical information: david clark is a former teacher and central office administrator from a large district in northwest houston. he currently works for pearson in the interim and formative assessment division. author: george w. moore affiliation: sam houston state university email: gwm002@shsu.edu biographical information: george w. moore, is an assistant professor in the department of educational leadership and counseling. he teaches administration and organization of public schools, instructional leadership, and instructional theory and application. his research interests include advanced placement enrollment and performance of diverse groups, college-readiness, and instructional leadership for change/transformation. author: anthony j. onwuegbuzie affiliation: sam houston state university email: tonyonwuegbuzie@aol.com current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 biographical information: anthony onwuegbuzie is a tenured professor in the department of educational leadership and counseling at sam houston state university, where he teaches doctoral-level courses in qualitative research, quantitative research, and mixed research. he writes extensively on qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methodological topics. with a h-index of 36, he has had published more than 300 works, including more than 250 journal articles, 50 book chapters, and 2 books. author: stacey l. edmonson affiliation: sam houston state university email: sedmonson@shsu.edu biographical information: stacey edmonson is professor and chair of the department of educational leadership and counseling at sam houston state university. she has served as a teacher, principal, and central office administrator in texas public schools. her scholarship agenda includes stress and burnout among educators, legal issues in education, and educator ethics. author: john r. slate affiliation: sam houston state university email: profslate@aol.com biographical information: john r. slate, phd is a professor in educational leadership and counseling at sam houston state university where he teaches basic and advanced statistics and academic and professional writing courses. his research interests lie in the use of national and state educational databases for school improvement. academic achievement for fifth-grade students 5 academic achievement for fifth-grade students in elementary & intermediate school settings: grade span configurations schools for students in grades kindergarten (k) through high school (grade 12) are organized in a variety of sizes and grade configurations or grade spans (combs, moore, edmonson, & clark, 2008). grade configurations or grade spans refer to the ranges of grade levels (e.g., k-5, k-6, 9-12, 10-12). although numerous researchers have studied school size in relation to achievement and cost-effectiveness (see leithwood & jantzi, 2009), fewer studies have been conducted in which the effect of grade span configurations on student achievement has been examined (coladarci & hancock, 2002; renchler, 2002). a common sentiment about the lack of evidence concerning grade configurations—also known as grade span—was expressed more than 10 years ago and remains true today: “research has not provided definitive answers to the myriad possible questions about grade span, but the questions have never gone away” (paglin & fager, 1997, p. 1). of particular interest are students in upper elementary or early middle school grades. these students, ages 11 to 13, are in a “developmental period in which prevention and intervention efforts can be particularly effective in deterring negative trajectories or outcomes” (coyl, 2009, p. 407). interestingly, students in grade 5 are educated in a variety of grade configurations, whereby fifth-grade students could be the oldest students in an elementary setting (e.g., k-5) or the youngest students in an intermediate or middle school setting (e.g., 5-6, 5-8). the most common grade span configuration for fifth graders in the united states in 2005 was the various combinations of pre-kindergarten, kindergarten, and/or grade 1 to grade 5 (n = 24,060 schools, 36.9%) or to grade 6 (n = 12,569, 19.3%) school (national center for education statistics, 2005). the next most common arrangement with 12,545 schools or 19.2% was the current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 intermediate or middle school setting housing various combinations of grades through grade 8. a less frequent but currently debated (coladarci & hancock, 2002) arrangement for fifth graders are grades k-8 schools—also known as elemiddle schools (hough, 2005)—which was the configuration for 5,595 or 8.6% of u.s. schools. although k-5 and k-6 schools have been the most frequently occurring elementary arrangement for some time, an increasing number of school districts are moving upper elementary students into intermediate and middle school settings (mcentire, 2005; stevenson, 2007) to be more responsive to the needs of students (cook, maccoun, muschkin, & vigdor, 2008; paglin & fager, 1997). one rationale for this trend has been that teachers in grades 4-6 can become subject-matter specialists. moreover, the middle school movement, particularly since the 1980s, has brought greater attention to the social-emotional needs of young adolescents (elovitz, 2007) as educators have applied teaching strategies and school organizational models (e.g., teaming, departmentalization) with these students in the fifth and sixth grades (see finnan, 2009). although educational setting structures (e.g., facilities, school size, grade spans) are considered important variables by researchers examining student achievement, few studies exist that examine the relationship between grade span configuration and student achievement (educational research service, 2004). moreover, although some students in grades 5 and 6 are being educated in intermediate school settings separate from younger elementary students and from older middle school students, even fewer studies were located wherein intermediate schools were examined. most of the studies conducted focused on the comparisons of students in middle schools (i.e., 5-8, 6-8) to students in k-8 schools. these studies can provide evidence concerning student achievement in two types of school settings—those with large grade span configurations academic achievement for fifth-grade students 7 and those with small grade span configurations, which is ultimately the focus of the current investigation. grade span and student achievement connolly, yakimowski-srebnick, and russo (2002) examined 2,871 students from baltimore, maryland in grade span configurations of k-5, 6-8, and k-8, and reported that students in k-8 settings had statistically significantly higher performance on standardized tests in the areas of mathematics, writing, and reading than did students in k-5 and 6-8 settings. in maine, wihry, coladarci, and meadow (1992) documented that eighth-grade students in elementary grade span configurations (k-8, 3-8, k-9) performed better on standardized tests than did eighth graders in junior high or high school configurations of grades 6-12, 7-12, and 8-12, particularly in the subject area of reading. similar results were reported for sixth graders. in connecticut, tucker and andrada (1997) studied academic achievement of sixth graders and discovered that students who were at the upper end of an elementary grade span configuration (e.g., sixth graders in a k-6 setting) performed better on the connecticut mastery test (cmt) than did students in the lower grade of a secondary configuration (e.g., sixth graders in a 6-8 setting). three studies using longitudinal data were conducted in philadelphia schools (i.e., byrnes & ruby, 2007; offenberg, 2001; weiss & kipnes, 2006). specifically, offenberg (2001) examined ninth-grade achievement data to compare k-8 graduates and middle school graduates and reported that students from the k-8 schools had statistically significantly higher levels of achievement in reading, mathematics, and science than did students from middle schools, even when controlling for socioeconomic status and school size. moreover, these k-8 students achieved higher grade point averages and earned a larger number of credits than did students in current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 the middle school settings. byrnes and ruby (2007) compared student achievement data of preexisting k-8 schools, emerging k-8 schools, and the 6-8 middle schools in philadelphia. they studied student data over 5 years for 95 schools and noted that students in the more established k-8 schools demonstrated higher levels of achievement than did those in middle schools. weiss and kipnes (2006) also analyzed longitudinal data from philadelphia public schools, a district with both 6-8 and k-8 schools. in contrast to the findings of other researchers (byrnes & ruby, 2007; connolly et al.,2002; offenburg, 2001; tucker & andrada,1997; wihry et al., 1992), little evidence was found to indicate higher student achievement occurred in k-8 schools as compared to 6-8 schools. interested in grades 5-6 students in middle schools, jenkins and mcewin (1992) studied instructional practices in three grade span configurations: k-6, k-8, and 5-8. they reported similarities among all three settings regarding the levels and amounts of instruction in mathematics, language arts, science, social studies, and physical education. however, they believed that programs at k-6 schools tended to be more developmentally appropriate for younger children rather than for adolescents in grades 4-6. in fact, jenkins and mcewin (1992) recommended that fifth-grade students would be better served in middle schools than in other types of grade span configurations. only one study was located wherein researchers compared the large and small grade spans in elementary (k-5) and intermediate (5-6) settings using a science achievement measure—a subject that was assessed for the first time in grade 5. combs et al. (2008) noted that grade 5 students in elementary settings outperformed students in intermediate settings in science achievement and reported a medium effect size (d = 0.40) based on cohen’s (1988) criteria. academic achievement for fifth-grade students 9 although researchers have recently focused on k-8 grade span configurations (e.g., byrnes & ruby, 2007; connolly et al., 2002; offenberg, 2001; pardini, 2002; weiss & kipnes, 2006; yecke, 2006), many researchers (e.g., byrnes & ruby, 2007; cook et al., 2008; connolly et al., 2002; mizell, 2005) have suggested a need for additional studies to confirm achievement differences for students in other grade span configurations. even though much of the evidence favors schools with larger grade spans (k-6 and k-8), limitations remain in all of these studies. indeed, cook et al. (2008) recognized such limitations by stating, “the results . . . are not based on random assignment, which leaves open the possibility that the true causal process has not been adequately identified” (p. 118), and the associated benefits of grade configurations for older and younger children remain an “open empirical question” (p. 119). theoretical frameworks: transitions and communities of practice in an attempt to understand why achievement differences might exist in schools of various grade span configurations, we utilized two theoretical frameworks. students changing from one school to another (i.e., transitions) has been one common explanation for achievement declines. further, based on a systems-perspective and our experience in schools, it is possible that interactions among educators might be related to the organizational structures (e.g., physical layout, size, grade configurations) of the school. thus, the communities of practice theory is presented. transitions when reviewing grade span configurations, researchers have focused on the transitions required of students as they progress in u.s. schools (e.g., alspaugh & harting, 1995). transitions are the changes students make when changing from grade to grade and teacher to teacher; however, the transitions among levels or different school settings appear to be more current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 problematic for students (anderman & midgley, 1997). as such, grade configurations are “inextricably linked” to transitions “because grade span dictates to a large degree when children will move between schools” (burkam, michaels, & lee, 2007, p. 290). students who leave an elementary (k-5) setting to enter a middle school (6-8) setting experience many changes, including a new building, a new faculty, a new schedule, and a new routine. furthermore, students move from a setting where they are the oldest to a setting where they are the youngest. moreover, alspaugh and harting (1995) provided evidence of these transition effects occurring in every grade span configuration regardless of students’ ages. for some students, possible negative effects such as lower self-esteem or increased behavioral problems have been noted (anderman & midgley, 1997; arcia, 2007; bergquist, bigbie, groves, & richardson, 2004; cook et al., 2008; cromwell, 1999; kennedy, 1993; malaspina & rimm-kaufman, 2008; mendez & knoff, 2003; simmons, black, & zhou, 1991; weiss & kipnes, 2006). in addition, students might experience decreased academic performance during transitions to another school or setting (alspaugh & harting, 1995; byrnes & ruby, 2007; mizell, 2005). as such, whitley, lupart, and beran (2007) concluded that the transition from elementary school to junior high school has “long been associated with a decline in academic performance” (p. 650). some researchers have offered explanations for the decline in achievement for early adolescents as they transition from an elementary school setting to a middle school or junior high school setting (eccles, lord, & midgley, 1991; simmons & blyth, 1987). simmons and blyth (1987) suggested that a decline in achievement, in addition to motivation and self-esteem, might occur because these early adolescents are facing two major transitions—puberty and a change in schools. these researchers argued that students who remain in a setting without transitions (e.g., k-8) have to adjust to only one major transition—puberty. academic achievement for fifth-grade students 11 communities of practice another framework that might be useful in understanding achievement differences that might occur in schools with various grade spans is communities of practice. wenger’s (1998) communities of practice theory has been applied by businesses to understand organizational behavior and by educators to understand learning processes (wenger & snyder, 2000). communities of practice are “groups of people who share a concern or passion for something they do and learn how to do it better as they interact regularly” (wenger, 2008, p. 2). not all groups or communities are actual communities of practice. a community of practice has three characteristics: domain (i.e., members are committed to a shared domain of interest), community (i.e., members interact and learn from each other), and practice (members are practitioners who share a practice) (wenger, 2008). members in the group develop relationships, share ideas, and help each other and, as a result, acquire new learning and new ways to solve problems (wenger & snyder, 2000). the groups can be recognized and structured by an organization, or the groups can be created informally through social networks (e.g., teachers who share the same lunch period or hallway in a building). the structural components of a school (e.g., grade span configuration, school size, facility design) can affect the forming of communities of practice. for example, mcpartland, coldiron, and braddock (1987) reported that teachers who worked in schools with more grade levels in the same school provided a more continuous program than did teachers in schools with fewer grade levels. it is possible that teachers who work in schools with larger grade spans (e.g., grades k-5, k-8) form communities of practice that learn and work to solve problems associated with student achievement through formal and informal discussions about teaching strategies and curricular issues. although communities of practice also would be present in schools with current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 smaller grade spans (e.g., grades 5-6, 6-8), teachers in these intermediate or middle schools would not have the benefit of engaging in discussions with grades k-4 colleagues in the same building on a regular basis. interestingly, these cross-grade-level discussions have been formalized in school districts as a way to improve curriculum and instruction (texas leadership center, 1998); such structures have been termed vertical alignment teams, defined as “a small number of people from different levels within an organization who are committed to a common purpose, performance goals, and approach for which they hold themselves mutually accountable” (p. 18). vertical alignment teams could function as communities of practice, although vertical alignment teams and communities of practice are not identical concepts. in practice, vertical alignment teams (e.g., all mathematics teachers in grades k-6 from all campuses in a school district) are often presented as formal structures organized by district leaders and result in limited interaction among teachers and limited changes in instruction, based in part on a faulty social infrastructure (duffy, 2006). conversely, communities of practice offer regular interaction, interdependence, and member-initiated accountability (wenger, 2008). thus, communities of practice appear to be a viable structure for school improvement (rogoff, turkanis, & bartlett, 2001) and useful in understanding the informal interactions that can occur among teachers that impact student achievement. purpose of study although school district decision-makers have claimed that consideration of student achievement is important when planning new school facilities, attendance zones, and grade spans (educational research service, 2004), researchers have claimed that a lack of empirical studies exists in which these relationships have been examined (byrnes & ruby, 2007; cook et al., 2008; wihry et al., 1992). as district administrators and school board members face increasing academic achievement for fifth-grade students 13 and/or decreasing student enrollments, they need information to plan and to guide the design of district facilities. in addition, very few studies were located in which fifth graders were the focus of the studies. jenkins and mcewin (1992) noted that the placement of fifth graders is “too often made with little regard for which grade organization best serves these youths” (p. 8). therefore, in the present study, the differences in reading and mathematics achievement were examined as a function of grade span configuration. specially, grade 5 students’ scores in k-5 elementary schools were compared to students in grades 5 and/or 6 intermediate schools. the grade span configurations (i.e., k-5, 5-6) were selected for this study because they represented the largest configurations for schools in texas containing fifth-grade students, and they provided a basis for comparing schools with large grade spans to those with smaller grade spans, as shown in table 1. k-8 schools were not selected because they had smaller student enrollments and were located in mostly rural areas. several variables that have been shown to impact school achievement were controlled through a rigorous matching technique (i.e., school size [leithwood & jantzi, 2009], economic disadvantage [sirin, 2005], student mobility [kerbow, 1996], and limited english proficiency [contreras, 2005]). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 table 1 number of texas elementary and middle schools by grade span configurations serving grade 5 in texas 2003–2008 grade span school classification 2003– 2004 2004– 2005 2005– 2006 2006– 2007 2007– 2008 total k-5 elementary 1,984 2,015 2,096 2,270 2,407 10,772 k-6 elementary 740 730 713 616 557 3,356 k-8 elementary 95 98 102 115 115 525 3-5 elementary 81 84 79 70 84 398 4-6 elementary 69 67 71 54 51 312 4-5 elementary 52 54 50 63 64 283 1-5 elementary 42 38 43 48 47 218 2-5 elementary 22 25 22 22 22 113 1-6 elementary 19 23 22 16 21 101 k-7 elementary 18 21 15 11 16 81 3-6 elementary 12 5 8 13 9 47 5 elementary 8 6 5 11 12 42 2-6 elementary 8 5 3 4 4 24 1-8 elementary 1 4 3 2 1 11 3-7 elementary 1 2 3 1 1 8 3-8 elementary 1 2 2 3 8 2-8 elementary 1 3 1 1 1 7 1-7 elementary 1 1 1 3 2-7 elementary 2 2 5-6 middle 136 142 137 135 137 687 5-8 middle 74 74 82 72 78 380 5-7 middle 6 4 7 4 3 24 5-9 middle 4 3 3 3 3 16 4-8 middle 4 3 1 2 3 13 4-7 middle 2 1 1 2 1 7 note. the two configurations in bold typeface represent the population from which matched pairs were selected for the present study. these two groups represented the most schools identified as elementary and middle schools containing fifth-grade students. the present study was conducted in texas for several reasons. following california, texas is the most populous state in the nation (u.s. census bureau, 2005) and thus a large sample could be obtained. second, texas has had a stable accountability system and has used the same criteria-referenced achievement measure since 2003 for grades 3 to 8, the texas academic achievement for fifth-grade students 15 assessment of knowledge and skills (taks) (texas education agency [tea], 2009). this stability in assessment allowed the researchers to include multiple years in the study, and this multi-year analyses were rare in other grade configuration studies. third, as noted earlier, many studies on grade span have been conducted in the northeastern u.s. and relatively few studies have been conducted in the southwest. finally, howley (2002) called for future research on grade span configurations focused at the state level rather than those analyses focused at the national level because most policy decisions that influence schools are made at the state and local governance levels. research questions the following research questions were used to guide this investigation: 1. what is the difference in grade 5 students’ levels of reading achievement between elementary campuses and intermediate campuses for 5 academic years, 2003-2008? 2. what is the difference in grade 5 students’ levels of mathematics achievement between elementary campuses and intermediate campuses for 5 academic years, 2003-2008? based on the research concerning the effects of school transitions on student achievement and the framework of communities of practice presented, it was hypothesized that fifth-grade students perform at higher levels in reading and mathematics in the k-5 elementary schools as compared to those in 5-6 intermediate schools. method participants participants in this study consisted of 1,356 texas schools comprising 678 elementary schools (grades k-5) and 678 intermediate schools (grades 5 or grades 5-6), drawn from 5 academic years, 2003–2008.1 to conduct dependent statistical analyses on student achievement current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 data for the campuses, intermediate schools were matched to elementary schools using a rigorous distance-based formula developed by clark (2009). this distance-based formula accounted for school size, percent of students with low socioeconomic (ses) status students, campus mobility rates, and percent of students with limited english proficiency (lep).2-3 as a result, campus compositions were very similar for the two groups. for example, elementary schools in this study were represented by the following mean student demographics: an average student count of 593 students, 49.8% low ses, 15.6% mobility rate, 9.9% african american, 44.3% hispanic, 40.6% white, and 23.3% lep. intermediate schools were represented by the following mean student demographics: an average student count of 640 students, 48.6% low ses, 15.4% mobility rate, 16.2% african american, 32.7% hispanic, 48.5% white, and 7.5% lep. instrumentation the taks reading and mathematics examinations, which are comprehensive statewide assessments, were used to measure the dependent variable in this study. the scores have a possible range of 0 to 100 and represent the percentage of students who met the minimum requirements on the examination. the score reliability of the taks examinations are based on internal consistency measures (tea, 2007). specifically, the kuder-richardson 20 (kr-20) was calculated for each examination year from 2003-2008, with alphas ranging from 0.81 to 0.93 (tea, 2007). the taks examinations are based on the state curriculum, the texas essential knowledge and skills (teks). the taks mathematics examination contains 44 multiplechoice items and assesses six strands of mathematical concepts, which are (a) numbers, operations, and quantitative reasoning; (b) pattern relationships and algebraic reasoning; (c) geometry and spatial reasoning; (d) measurement; (e) probability and statistics; and (f) academic achievement for fifth-grade students 17 mathematical processes and tools (tea, 2008a). in the subject area of reading, four objectives are assessed using 42 multiple-choice items, which are (a) the understanding of culturally varied written texts, (b) the application of knowledge of literary elements, (c) the use of strategies to analyze texts, and (d) the application of critical thinking skills (tea, 2008b). assessment and campus data were accessed from the state’s academic excellence indicator system (aeis) database. the aeis was shared with the public beginning in the 19901991 school year, but it originated in 1984 with the passage of house bill 72. data for the aeis originate from a variety of sources, including the public education information management system (peims), an extensive data reporting system required of all public schools in texas. additional data are derived from the taks examination results, compiled by independent testing contractors (tea, 2008c). collectively, this information comprises one of the most extensive data sets on public schools available. procedures for the purpose of this study, elementary schools were classified as those schools that contained grade levels comprising kindergarten and/or pre-kindergarten through grade 5. intermediate schools were defined as campuses only serving students in grade 5 or grades 5 and 6. campuses that did not fall into these classifications were excluded from the study. datasets for each school in one of the two classifications coded by tea (i.e., elementary, middle) were formed from the aeis for each of 5 academic years, 2003–2008. all elementary and middle school campuses were renamed according to their grade span configurations, and researchers apportioned elementary schools (k–5) and intermediate schools (grade 5, 5–6) into a dataset. schools with fewer than 30 students in grade 5 were excluded from the study because such schools would not be held accountable for meeting passing standards established for grade current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 5, as explained in the state agency’s guidelines (tea, 2005). additionally, schools classified as charter schools also were excluded. in an attempt to isolate the effect of grade span organizational patterns on student achievement, all intermediate schools for the 5 years examined were matched to an elementary school using clark’s (2009) distance-based formula. this technique involves matching each target school to a school in a comparison pool by calculating the distance (i.e., difference) between the target school and all schools in the pool with respect to one or more matching variables, and then selecting the school that yields the smallest distance to serve as a match. as such, the technique is repeated until all target schools are matched (clark, 2009). this technique was validated and adopted by pearson’s4 educational assessment group in 2009 for use in matching campuses and resulted in two commercial products: districts like us (clark, 2008a) and schools like us (clark, 2008b). these products are used by school districts for evaluation and improvement purposes. clark’s (2009) distance-based procedure contains the following five steps: (a) select the matching variables, (b) identify and account for any missing data, (c) standardize the matching variables; (d) find optimal matches for each target school, and (e) validate the matching procedure. each of these steps is described in the following sections as it was operationalized in the current study. step 1: select the matching variables. according to clark (2009), schools can be matched on as few as one variable. however, as the number of matching variables increases, so does the sensitivity of the matching procedure until diminishing (marginal) returns prevail (clark, 2009). in the present study, schools were matched to one another based on the following four campus characteristics: (a) school size, (b) low ses (i.e., percent of students identified as academic achievement for fifth-grade students 19 economically disadvantaged on the campus), (c) mobility (i.e., percent of students who had completed less than 83% of the school year on their identified campus) (tea, 2008c), and (d) lep (i.e., percent of students identified as lep). these four criteria were selected by the researchers as a foundation for school matching based on the current texas and previous california statewide models for creating campus comparison groups (california department of education, 1994; cronbach, bradburn, & horvitz, 1994; tea, 2005). for both states, low ses, mobility, and lep were key demographics in determining useful campus comparisons because of their impact on students’ achievement (california department of education, 1994; tea, 2005). however, of the two states, only california’s method took school size into account, and unlike both models, which were designed to create a group of comparison campuses for a school within its grade classification (e.g., an elementary comparison group for an elementary campus), the researchers in this study attempted to match an intermediate school to its closest comparison campus at the elementary level. step 2: identify and account for any missing data. to utilize a distance-based formula for school matching, complete data for each of the variables were needed for every school. although school size, ses, and lep data sets were complete in the aeis system, mobility rates were not present for 3% of the schools extracted (i.e., 398 of 10,928). as noted by clark (2009), various ways of dealing with missing data include listwise deletion (i.e., deleting schools that have missing values on any of the selected matching variable), pairwise deletion (i.e., deleting the specific missing matching values from the analysis [not the entire school]), and imputation (i.e., replace the missing matching values with the predicted values). with respect to imputation, researchers can utilize either single imputation procedures (e.g., group means, medians, or modes; regression imputation; stochastic regression imputation; expectation-maximization [em] current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 algorithm) or multiple imputation procedures (e.g., frequentist multiple imputation, bayesian multiple imputation) (cf. shafer & graham, 2002). single imputation involves substituting each missing matching value with a single value, whereas multiple imputation involves “replac[ing] each missing value with a set of plausible values that represent the uncertainty about the right value to impute” (yuan, 2000, p. 1). in the present study, the researchers used a multiple regression analysis (i.e., regression imputation) to impute predicted values for missing mobility rate data using school size, percent of low-ses students, and percent of lep students as the independent variables (allison, 2001; california department of education, 1994). although the regression imputation has limitations—as do all other imputation techniques—this technique has been found to produce estimates with little bias (musil, warner, yobas, & jones, 2002; see also, allison, 2001). step 3: standardize the matching variables. an important obstacle that had to be addressed prior to computing the shortest distance between intermediate and elementary schools were the variations in the data pertaining to the school size and lep variables. the average size of the grade 5 cohorts at the intermediate campuses (m = 323.34, sd = 132.40, n = 678) was statistically significantly larger (mann-whitney’s u = 225558.50, p < .0001) than was the average size of the grade 5 cohorts at the elementary campuses (m = 90.53, sd = 33.42, n = 10,249), yielding an extremely large effect size (d = 5.04; cohen, 1988). in addition, average lep rates were statistically significantly lower (mann-whitney’s u = 1945827.50, p < .0001) at an intermediate campus (m = 7.47%, sd = 8.84, n = 678) than at an elementary campus (m = 25.31%, sd = 22.96, n = 10,249), yielding a very large effect size (d = 0.80; cohen, 1988). to overcome these variations and account for school size and lep rates in the matching process, the researchers converted school size and lep data into z-scores exclusive to school academic achievement for fifth-grade students 21 classification. by performing this calculation, intermediate campuses could be compared to elementary campuses relative to school size and lep rates (i.e., large intermediate campuses would be paired with large elementary campuses, and well-matched schools would adhere closely to the ratio established by compared means). finally, to standardize the remaining data, ses and mobility rates were converted into z-scores relative to the entire group. this conversion was conducted at the group level as opposed to the school level because significant differences in the variations were not present in the remaining data (i.e., sd = 24.11 vs. 29.96 for intermediate ses vs. elementary ses; sd = 4.94 vs. 7.48 for intermediate mobility vs. elementary mobility) as were present in school size and lep averages. step 4: find optimal matches for each target school. once missing variables were accounted for and the data converted to z-scores relative to either school classification or whole group, schools were matched to each other by calculating the lowest average z-score difference between a target intermediate campus and all elementary campuses within an academic year across all four selected variables. in the pairing process, no schools were used more than once for each academic year (i.e., matching without replacement). in addition, if one elementary school was determined to have the lowest z-score difference in relation to two intermediate schools, then the pairing that produced the lowest rate of difference for the entire set of schools for that specific academic year was selected. specifically, a four-dimensional pythagorean distance formula was utilized—with school size (ss) and lep rates for each school converted into z-scores relative to school classification (i.e., k-5, 5/5-6), and ses and mobility rates (m) for each school converted into z-scores relative to the entire data set (i.e., all k-5 and all 5/5-6 schools in the state). the distance formula was as follows. assume t is the demographic variable for the target school (i.e., intermediate school), current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 and k is the demographic variable for the k-th school (elementary school). then, for the 5 years, the number of elementary schools that had each of the four demographic variables for each year was as follows: 2003-2004 k-th school = �1,�2,….,�1889 2004-2005 k-th school =.�1,�2,….,�1919 2005-2006 k-th school = �1,�2,….,�1997 2006-2007 k-th school = �1,�2,….,�2161 2007-2008 k-th school = �1,�2,….,�2283 further, the overall euclidean distance between intermediate school t and elementary school k was given by: ��,�=����−����2+�����−�����2+���−���2+�����−�����2, where zsst and zssk represented the z-scores of the school size variable for intermediate school t and elementary school k, zsest and zsesk represented the z-scores of the ses variable for intermediate school t and elementary school k, zmt and zmk represented the z-scores of the mobility variable for intermediate school t and elementary school k, and zlept and zlepk represented the z-scores of the lep variables for intermediate school t and elementary school k. thus, intermediate school t had k euclidean distance scores. that is, each elementary school had k euclidean distance scores. the elementary school then that was matched with intermediate school t was the school that had the smallest euclidean distance (ed) score, as follows: edt,k = min (d [t, k]), where edtk represents the elementary school with the smallest euclidean distance. for example, intermediate school 1 was paired with the elementary school that had the smallest euclidean distance: academic achievement for fifth-grade students 23 ed1,k = min (d [1, k]). however, if this elementary school already had been matched to another intermediate school because the euclidean distance associated with this other school was even smaller, then edtk represented the next smallest euclidean distance, ed1,k+1 = min (d [1, k+1]), or the third smallest euclidean distance was identified if this second-choice elementary school already had been matched, and so forth, until the unmatched elementary school with the smallest euclidean distance was identified. thus, elementary school matching was undertaken without replacement such that an elementary school could not be paired with more than one intermediate school. ultimately, the goal of the distance-based procedure was to obtain a solution in which the mean euclidean distance across all t intermediate schools was minimized—a form of least squares minimization. using these aforementioned techniques, the researchers were able to match schools with different grade span configurations in an optimal way. moreover, no studies were located in the literature that used such extensive matching techniques. the participating schools and their demographic compositions for each of the years studied are shown in table 2. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 table 2 demographic compositions (%) of elementary and intermediate campuses studied school size m low ses m mobility m lep m african american m hispanic m white m 2003-2004 school year elementary (n = 130) 590.66 48.97 15.45 21.75 9.73 43.78 41.94 intermediate (n = 130) 659.77 47.59 15.32 6.41 18.07 29.88 49.84 2004-2005 school year elementary (n = 140) 589.18 48.42 15.69 23.06 9.22 43.14 41.76 intermediate (n = 140) 648.57 46.94 15.31 7.04 15.21 30.65 51.76 2005-2006 school year elementary (n = 137) 599.82 50.69 15.33 23.61 9.82 43.70 41.51 intermediate (n = 137) 630.40 49.31 15.25 7.50 16.12 33.23 48.25 2006-2007 school year elementary (n = 135) 590.14 50.38 16.53 23.14 9.39 45.13 40.53 intermediate (n = 135) 635.78 49.50 16.59 7.65 16.87 33.25 47.21 2007-2008 school year elementary (n = 136) 596.85 50.59 14.77 24.63 11.28 45.85 37.13 intermediate (n = 136) 627.30 49.86 14.74 8.74 14.92 36.64 45.57 note. schools were matched based on the following four variables: school size, ses, mobility, and lep. academic achievement for fifth-grade students 25 step 5: validate the matching procedure. after all target schools had been matched, a pearson’s correlation matrix was conducted for each academic year to determine the extent of the relationship between the schools’ matched variables, with the assumption that the higher the correlation, the better the match. bonferroni’s adjustment was used to control the familywise error rate (chandler, 1995; ho, 2006; manly, 2004; vogt, 2005). specifically, for each school year (i.e., family), the nominal alpha value of .05 was divided by the number of correlations involved (i.e., 16), which yielded an adjusted alpha value of .003 (i.e., .05/16). results from the pearson’s correlation matrix, as depicted in table 3, indicated statistically significant correlations for 63 of the 80 demographics combinations at the p < .001 level. moreover, with respect to the effect size, 41 of the 80 correlation coefficients were large (i.e., > 0.50; cohen,1988) and 19 correlation coefficients were in the moderate range (i.e., .30 ≤ r < .50; cohen,1988). thus, 60 of the 80 (75.0%) of the correlations represented at least a moderate effect size, which indicated that the matching was successful. this additional step was taken to demonstrate the similarities in the matching variables of the matched schools. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 table 3 pearson correlation matrix for matched variables for 2003-2008 2003-2004 school year intermediate schools elementary schools school size low ses mobility lep school size .90* .21 .19 .50* low ses .13 .97* .58* .67* mobility .11 .58* .96* .44* lep .43* .65* .43* .96* 2004-2005 school year intermediate schools elementary schools school size low ses mobility lep school size .81* .22* .19 .54* low ses .16 .97* .56* .69* mobility .02 .55* .96* .40* lep .40* .67* .44* .96* 2005-2006 school year intermediate schools elementary schools school size low ses mobility lep school size .86* .20 .22* .50* low ses .05 .97* .55* .72* mobility -.02 .54* .96* .36* lep .34* .68* .38* .97* academic achievement for fifth-grade students 27 2006-2007 school year intermediate schools elementary schools school size low ses mobility lep school size .91* .12 .21 .49* low ses .05 .97* .49* .68* mobility .12 .48* .96* .41* lep .41* .65* .36* .97* 2007-2008 school year intermediate schools elementary schools school size low ses mobility lep school size .83* .14 .25* .49* low ses -.02 .97* .58* .71* mobility .07 .59* .96* .47* lep .30* .65* .45** .98* *p < .003 (i.e., the bonferroni-adjusted alpha value = .05/16 = .003 for each school year) current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 28 results prior to conducting inferential statistical tests, the dependent variables (i.e., taks reading and mathematics examination scores) were examined to determine if the skewness and kurtosis values were within normal limits. the standardized skewness coefficients (i.e., skewness divided by its standard error) and standardized kurtosis coefficients (i.e., kurtosis divided by its standard error) were calculated and compared to ±3, which represents the cutpoint suggested by onwuegbuzie and daniel (2002) for deeming a standardized skewness and a standardized kurtosis coefficient to be relatively large and thus represent a departure from normality. of the 40 standardized skewness and kurtosis coefficients, 25 (63%) were outside the range of normality. more specifically, 40% and 10% of the intermediate schools yielded standardized skewness coefficients and standardized kurtosis coefficients, respectively, that were large, with these schools yielding non-normal test scores that were characterized by negative skew and a leptokurtic distribution (i.e., a distributional shape that was more peaked than the normal distribution). even more notably, 100% of the elementary schools yielded standardized skewness coefficients and standardized kurtosis coefficients that were large, with these schools also yielding non-normal test scores that were characterized by negative skew and a leptokurtic distribution. consequently, non-parametric dependent samples inferential procedures were conducted (i.e., wilcoxon’s matched-pairs signed-ranked test). this inferential test can be used to test differences between two samples when using a matched-subjects design (howell, 2007; sprinthall, 2003). because five inferential tests were computed for reading and mathematics scores for each of 5 academic years, the bonferroni adjustment was applied such that the total familywise error rate did not exceed .05. thus, the adjusted level of statistical significance was .01 (i.e., .05/5). academic achievement for fifth-grade students 29 mathematics for mathematics, five individual wilcoxon’s matched-pairs signed-ranked tests were conducted comprehensively to measure student achievement between the matched schools over a 5-year period. fifth-grade students attending an elementary school had statistically significantly higher scores in mathematics than did fifth-grade students in intermediate campuses for all 5 academic years (2003-2004, z[130] = -5.05, p = .0001, d = 0.53; 2004-2005, z[140] = -3.51, p = .0001, d = .33; 2005-2006, z[137] = -5.15, p = .0001, d = .56; 2006-2007, z[135] = -4.91, p = .0001, d = .42; 2007-2008, z[136] = -5.19, p = .0001, d = .49). effect sizes ranged from .33 to .56 and, on average (m = 0.47, sd = 0.10), were moderate, based on cohen’s (1988) criteria. descriptive statistics for these schools for each of the 5 years of data analyzed are depicted in table 4. table 4 grade 5 mathematics scores for matched groups of elementary and intermediate campuses, 2003-2008 *p < .01 (i.e., the bonferroni-adjusted alpha value = .05/5 = .01) elementary (k-5) intermediate (5-6) school year n m sd n m sd wilcoxon z p cohen’s d 2003-2004 130 78.69 13.91 130 71.27 14.30 -5.05 .0001* 0.53 2004-2005 140 82.81 13.52 140 78.69 11.40 -3.51 .0001* 0.33 2005-2006 137 86.48 10.35 137 80.31 11.68 -5.15 .0001* 0.56 2006-2007 135 88.82 10.04 135 84.68 9.47 -4.91 .0001* 0.42 2007-2008 136 88.93 9.09 136 84.29 9.90 -5.19 .0001* 0.49 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 30 reading for reading, five individual wilcoxon’s tests were conducted to measure, in a comprehensive manner, student achievement between the matched schools over a 5-year period. grade 5 students attending an elementary school had statistically significantly higher scores in reading than did grade 5 students in intermediate campuses for all 5 academic years (2003-2004, z[130] = -5.18, p = .0001, d = 0.49; 2004-2005, z[140] = -3.79, p = 0001, d = .25; 2005-2006, z[137] = -4.03, p = 0001, d = .35; 2006-2007, z[135] = -4.87, p = 0001, d = .38; 2007-2008, z[136] = -4.61, p = 0001, d = .36). effect sizes ranged from 0.25 to 0.49 and were, on average (m = 0.37, sd = 0.08), small to moderate, based on cohen’s (1988) criteria. descriptive statistics for the taks reading measure for each year appear in table 5. table 5 grade 5 reading scores for matched groups of elementary and intermediate campuses, 20032008 elementary (k-5) intermediate (5-6) school year n m sd n m sd wilcoxon z p cohen’s d 2003-2004 130 79.59 13.69 130 73.13 12.76 -5.81 .0001* 0.49 2004-2005 140 79.14 14.61 140 75.76 12.06 -3.79 .0001* 0.25 2005-2006 137 84.05 11.89 137 80.05 11.29 -4.03 .0001* 0.35 2006-2007 135 85.75 11.24 135 81.93 9.09 -4.87 .0001* 0.38 2007-2008 136 88.24 9.24 136 84.94 8.87 -4.61 .0001* 0.36 *p < .01 (i.e., the bonferroni-adjusted alpha value = .05/5 = .01) academic achievement for fifth-grade students 31 discussion in this study, reading and mathematics scores of grade 5 students who attended elementary schools were compared with the reading and mathematics scores of grade 5 students who attended intermediate schools. grade 5 students attending elementary settings scored statistically significantly higher in each of the 5 years of analyses, with effect sizes ranging from 0.25 to 0.56. special attention was given to the matching procedures for each pair of schools so that the following variables could be controlled: school size (leithwood & jantzi, 2009), economic disadvantage (sirin, 2005), student mobility (kerbow, 1996), and limited english proficiency (contreras, 2005). interestingly, the mean achievement difference between the fifthgrade students who attended elementary settings and those who attended intermediate settings was one tenth of a standard deviation larger for mathematics achievement than for reading achievement (0.47 vs. 0.37, respectively). this suggests that fifth-grade students who attend intermediate settings in texas might be at a greater disadvantage relative to their fifth-grade counterparts who attend elementary schools, particularly in mathematics. although some researchers have documented that students perform better in settings with larger grade spans (e.g., k-8), and in settings including younger students (e.g., arcia, 2007; byrnes & ruby, 2007; cook et al., 2008; offenberg, 2001), few studies were located in which the performance of fifth graders in an intermediate setting having only one or two grades in the school was examined. one exception is a study where researchers examined the science performance of texas fifth graders in elementary and intermediate settings and reported statistically significant differences favoring elementary settings (combs et al., 2008). additional studies should be replicated to determine if these findings are present in other states. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 32 interpretation of results using theoretical framework of transitions the intermediate schools in this study contained either grades 5 and 6 or grade 5, thus having only one or two grade levels in the school. such settings would require students to make an additional transition after grade 5 or 6. in previous studies, achievement losses associated with transitions have been noted (alspaugh & harting,1995; howley, 2002). although students with achievement losses were able to regain prior levels, alspaugh and harting (1995) reasoned that fewer transitions would result in fewer performance concerns. based on the work of simmons and blyth (1987), it is possible that achievement differences were present in part because of the negative effects students might have experienced in the transition to an intermediate setting while also experiencing the changes taking place during puberty (simmons & blyth, 1987). one possible explanation for lower scores at the intermediate schools could be that grade 5 intermediate students were adjusting to their new settings in terms of different school structures, unfamiliar teachers, and peer interactions. although transitions have been related to decreased achievement and increased behavior infractions (e.g., arcia, 2007; byrnes & ruby, 2007; weiss & kipnes, 2006), this study was not designed to determine why differences may have occurred. moreover, because multiple variables affect student achievement, the researchers, in the design stage of the study, addressed variables that have been found to be related to achievement differences in previous research (e.g., school size [leithwood & jantzi, 2009], economic disadvantage [sirin, 2005], student mobility [kerbow, 1996], and students with limited english proficiency [contreras, 2005]). however, there are other variables also known to impact student achievement such as teacher quality (see hanushek, kain, o’brien, & rivkin, 2005), which could be investigated in future studies. academic achievement for fifth-grade students 33 interpretation of results using theoretical framework of communities of practice another possible explanation, based on wenger’s (1998) communities of practice theory, is that the interaction of the adults in the elementary schools might differ from the interactions present in intermediate schools structured with fewer grade levels. grade 5 teachers in schools with larger grade spans (e.g., k-5) likely have more opportunities to interact with teachers in younger grade levels in ways that might influence student achievement (e.g., sharing strategies and resources). providing continuity in curricula and instruction has been noted in schools experiencing success (mcpartland et al., 1987). in fact, the interaction of teachers among various grade levels has been formalized into a practice used to improve instruction (i.e., vertical alignment teams; duffy, 2006; texas leadership center, 1998). communities of practice may be useful in understanding why an infrastructure with several grades included in one building might be more beneficial to improving student performance. future studies should be conducted to explore communities of practice and qualitative research might be helpful in understanding the variations among the communities of practice in various grade span configurations. limitations one limitation of this study is that it is nonexperimental; therefore, the cause of the differences in scores between the two settings cannot be determined. as such, the findings are best considered collectively with other studies (cook et al., 2008; tucker & andrada, 1997; wihry et al., 1992). another limitation stems from the inability to model the potential nested structure of the data, namely, mathematics and reading achievement (e.g., students within classes, classes within schools, schools within school districts). unfortunately, the researchers did not have access to student-level (i.e., level 1) data, which prevented the use of hierarchical modeling techniques (hlm; raudenbush & bryk, 2002). nor could classes be used as the levelcurrent issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 34 1 unit of analysis because this level of data also was not available. it is possible that the intraclass correlation is large enough to indicate within-school dependency among the achievement scores; thus, the inability to model this situation using hlm techniques represents a limitation to the study. thus, replications of this study are needed using hlm procedures. strengths of current study and need for additional research notwithstanding, the present study makes an important contribution to the literature about grade span configurations for early adolescents. although the optimum method for examining causality would have been to randomly assign schools to configurations, this is a practical impossibility. however, the researchers were able to undertake the next best design, namely to identify rigorously the closest match for every existing intermediate school in texas. this matching technique reduced threats to the internal validity of the findings (e.g., differential selection of participants, mortality; [johnson & christensen, 2010]) by controlling for variables known to predict achievement (i.e., school size, ses, mobility, and lep). researchers were able to examine achievement differences across 5 years, and this is an additional strength of the study. additional longitudinal studies are needed to examine other transition points for students, such as students in primary schools, ninth-grade centers, and single grade schools. qualitative research could help to uncover some of the issues related to transitions for various ages of students. the present findings point to the need for continued research on grade span, particularly focused on the aspects that might be related to grade span (e.g., curricula continuity, teacher interaction). in addition, based on the findings, the researchers challenge the notion that isolating young adolescents into a separate facility with a small grade span is superior to educating these students in elementary settings with larger grade spans (see beane & lipka, 2006; paglin & fager, 1997). on the other hand, few grade span configurations studies were identified that academic achievement for fifth-grade students 35 examined the performance effects on younger children (e.g., first, second, third graders) being educated with adolescents (see burkam et al., 2007), although some anecdotal evidence describes the negative social effects for younger students in k-8 schools (see connolly et al., 2002; cook et al., 2008). in conclusion, more studies are needed to understand the reasons that grade 5 students 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(2000). multiple imputation for missing data: concepts and new development. proceedings of the 25th annual sas users group. retrieved april from http://faculty.smu.edu/slstokes/stat6380/mi.pdf current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 44 footnotes 1 there was a total of 130 elementary schools matched with 130 intermediate schools in the 2003-2004 school year, 140 elementary schools matched with 140 intermediate schools in the 2004-2005 school year, 137 elementary schools matched with 137 intermediate schools in the 2005-2006 school year, 135 elementary schools matched with 135 intermediate schools in the 2006-2007 school year, and 136 elementary schools matched with 136 intermediate schools in the 2007-2008 school year. this yielded a total of 678 elementary schools matched with 678 intermediate schools across the 5 academic years, and a total of 1,356 schools. 2 the distance-based matching formula converts campus demographics into standardized measures so that campuses with dissimilar school classification can be compared. using standardized measures, and accounting for the distance between those measures, allows researchers to compare “large” elementary schools with “large” middle schools, regardless of the actual student counts. 3 limited english proficient status for students is concentrated at the lowest grade levels, and gradually diminishes as students move up and are exited from the program. for this reason, lep percents are much higher in the elementary campuses when compared to middle schools. however, using the distance-based matching formula in relation to standardized measures, the researchers were able to compare and to examine elementary schools with a “high” percent of lep students to middle schools with a “high” percent of lep students. 4 according to their website, since september 2000, [pearson has been]…the leading provider of assessment and education data management services in north america. together with [their] sister companies (edexcel, pearson language testing, and pearson vue), pearson is the academic achievement for fifth-grade students 45 leading and most innovative provider of assessment and education data management services in the world. (pearson, 2010, ¶ 1) current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 46 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt volume citation smith, g ex ht abstract recruitin mathema remains were trai goal of e emerged career in improved nature of keyword satisfacti 13, numbe introduc t g. (2010). int xperiences a ttp://cie.asu. t ng people w atics (stem so today. in ined and pla encouraging d from the tu n teaching, in d academic f teaching. ds: tutoring, ion, intrinsic er 4 cing ste through troducing st as tutors. cur edu/ with rich bac m) into the te n this bound aced as scien them to con utors’ experi ncluding alt performanc stem teac c motivation wi em major authenti grin san josé tem majors rrent issues kgrounds in eaching prof ed instrume nce and mat nsider teach iences as sig truism from ce, and a mo ching, teache n, teaching a inter 2010 rs into th c experie nell smith state univ into the teac in education n science, te fession has ental case stu th tutors in g hing as a pos gnificant in helping oth ore nuanced er motivatio as complex he teachi ences as h versity ching profes n, 13(4). ret echnology, e historically udy, underg grades 9-12 ssible career their willing hers, satisfac understandi on, teacher r is ng profe tutors ssion through trieved from engineering, y been diffic graduate ste , with an ov r path. seve gness to con ction from t ing of the co recruiting, c sn 1099-83 ssion h authentic m , and ult and em majors verarching eral themes nsider a tutees’ omplex career 39x current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 introducing stem majors to the teaching profession through authentic experiences as tutors whether you like it or not, history is on our side. we will bury you. nicolai khrushchev, premiere, ussr finding enough good science and math teachers is an old problem. it is also, according to many, a critical problem. a watershed moment in us-ussr relations during the cold war illustrates both the problem’s persistence and its criticality. in november of 1956, soviet premiere khrushchev delivered his now infamous remark (above) in a speech to a delegation of ambassadors from the west, many of whom regarded his remark as an existential threat (foreign news: we will bury you!, 1956). less than a year after khrushchev’s speech, the soviet union demonstrated its ability to project nuclear force across continents by launching the first intercontinental ballistic missile (icbm). then, close on the heels of the icbm launch, the ussr launched sputnik, the world’s first artificial satellite, into a low-earth orbit. when the usa awoke on the crisp october morning following the sputnik launch to discover that the ussr had beaten the usa into space, many viewed the engineering feat as evidence of looming soviet technological, and therefore military, world dominance, and many in the states were quick to blame poor public education in science, mathematics, and engineering in america’s k-12 schools for america’s failure to measure up (dickson, 2001). responding to widespread fear that a continued failure of public schools to produce top-notch scientists and engineers would undermine the ability of the usa to meet threats from the ussr, the usa directed unprecedented resources toward bolstering national science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (stem) education (see, for example, boerner, 2009; bruner, 2003; dickson, 2001, rutherford & ahlgren, 1990; smith & o’day, 1990; yager, 1996). in 1958, for example, the us introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 3 congress passed the national defense education act (ndea), which added billions to the federal public education budget and resulted in sweeping changes in the way children were introduced to stem subjects. underlining the commitment of the times, in 1963, president kennedy delivered a speech at the 90th anniversary convocation of vanderbilt university (kennedy, 1963), noting that “modern cynics and skeptics see no harm in paying those to whom they entrust the minds of their children a smaller wage than is paid to those to whom they entrust the care of their plumbing” (para. 15). kennedy sandwiched the comment about low teacher salaries between remarks about putting a man on the moon within the decade and about americans’ patriotic responsibilities in times of tension, making clear the reasoning behind the sweeping national education reform policies of the late 1950s and 1960s that sought to bolster education, and in particular education in stem areas: the nation was worried about being left behind; many saw stem education reform as a path to technological and military supremacy; and the government was ready to fund the reform effort. of course khrushchev’s ussr did not bury the west, and military threats due to the technological prowess of competing nations do not loom as large as they did when kennedy was president. however, many believe we now face other more pernicious existential threats, not as a nation but as a species, due to climate change and unwise global stewardship (see, for example intergovernmental panel on climate change, 2007; union of concerned scientists, 2010). therefore, and perhaps not surprisingly, according to many experts, a crisis of public stem education still exists and is as urgent as ever, despite the massive efforts of the past five decades. james rutherford (1997), for example, characterizing some of the failures of these five decades of effort, suggests that the crisis lingers in part because of a misguided emphasis of many of the education reform attempts, noting that reform of the cold war era was guided by the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 assumption that content and methodology were most important, so “post-sputnik concerns were curricular, focusing on what was being taught and how, rather than who was being taught” (para. 2). however, as any good teacher can attest, the process of educating a child is not as simple as curriculum or methods-centered reform efforts seem to assume. the latest sweeping systemic stem reform effort, spurred in large measure by the rise of asian economies as us rivals, reflects a growing awareness in the general public that focusing exclusively on curriculum and methodology is unlikely to result in the kinds of improvement in student understanding of stem subjects the public demands (bowers, 1997). a more holistic approach to education reform that takes additional factors into account may be more successful. for example, in the context of teacher preparation reform, grossman (1990) defined subjectmatter knowledge as one of the four “cornerstones of the emerging work on professional knowledge for teaching” (p. 5). similarly, gess-newsom (2001) posits “deep and highly structured content knowledge that can be accessed flexibly and efficiently for the purpose of instruction…will be essential in order to teach for understanding and to provide authentic opportunities for students” (p. 53). following this logic, many people think recruiting people who have strong stem background into the teaching profession may be a critical component of such a holistic approach (see, for example, center for educator compensation reform, n.d.; darling-hammond & sykes, 2003). are teachers prepared to teach stem? it has been quite clear to researchers for years that teacher quality is among the strongest correlates of student outcomes (darling-hammond, 1999; monk, 1994). thus, many of the more recent reform efforts put a strong emphasis on teacher quality. the no child left behind act (nclb), for example, requires teachers to become “highly qualified” by demonstrating subject introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 5 matter competence in core subject areas, with one path to becoming nclb compliant requiring completion of significant university coursework in the content areas in which they will teach (nclb, 2008). the unfortunate truth, however, is that as well intentioned as they may be, nclb and other systemic policy efforts have failed to alleviate the chronic shortage of stem-knowledgeable teachers in k-12 classrooms (darling-hammond & sykes, 2003). put simply, the us teaching force is not as qualified to teach stem as it should be (ingersoll, 1999). for example, fewer than 20% of middle school science teachers were undergraduate science majors, and in grades 1-4, fewer than 10% hold even a minor in science or science education (greenwood & north, 1999). when coupled with evidence of a high correlation between student performance and the number of science and math courses their teachers had taken in college (monk, 2004), these facts are alarming. indeed, the 2000 national survey of the state of science and mathematics education (weiss et al, 2001) reported that only about a quarter of elementary teachers surveyed felt well qualified to teach science and math. why the shortage of stem qualified teachers? many researchers point to teacher attrition as a primary reason for the shortage of stem qualified teachers (gursky, 2001; ingersoll & smith, 2003). however, recruiting difficulties, particularly in stem areas, also play a role (weld, 1998). a joke teachers tell gets at the heart of one possible explanation for the shortage: you know the difference between a large pizza and a teacher? a large pizza can feed a family of four! like most good jokes, this one contains more than a little truth. marx and harris (2006) report that in arizona, for example, among fields that require 4-year degrees, average teacher salaries rank in the15th percentile range and that top teacher salaries are lower than many entry level engineering positions. as marx and harris current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 (2006) write, “although it is clear that compensation is not the only or even the most important reason… it certainly is one reason” (p 473). similarly, a review of recent literature by guarino et al shows that cross-sectional variation in salary is clearly associated with teacher recruitment (guarino et al, 2006). this is consistent with the economic labor market theory of supply and demand as applied to teacher labor markets, which posits that the number of people willing to work as teachers is directly and positively related to the desirability of the teaching profession as compared to alternative available professions (haggstrom et al, 1988). in short, recruiting teacher candidates with rich backgrounds in stem subjects into the teaching profession has historically been difficult and remains so today in large part because of the all-too-accurate perception that teachers are poorly rewarded relative to scientists, technology experts, engineers and mathematicians. in an environment in which the average starting salary of an undergraduatetrained mechanical engineer in the us is $55k but the starting salary of a teacher is only $31k (bureau of labor statistics, 2008), many stem trained people rightly ask, “why be a teacher?” of course quite a few people with rich stem content knowledge do become teachers, and they offer many viable and compelling answers to that question. perhaps not surprising to anyone who has taught, their answers often rank salary considerations relatively low in importance. in one study, practicing teachers in a large urban setting cite enjoyment at seeing the students learn new things and making a difference in students' lives as the two leading reasons why they teach, and identify intrinsic rather than extrinsic rewards as most important to their general job satisfaction (bradley and loadman, 2005). as this and a raft of other research shows, people generally become teachers not because it pays well, but because it is personally rewarding. guarino et al (2006) report that one intrinsic factor in particular may be a primary introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 7 motivator for becoming a teacher: an altruistic desire to serve society. this suggests that teacher recruitment programs designed to help people find resonance with the intrinsic rewards of teaching, such as altruism, and that allow for meaningful evaluation of the teaching profession from first-hand experience, may be effective. this study presents one such program and describes some of the experiences perceived by participants as significant in their willingness to consider a career in teaching. methods this study represents a bounded instrumental case study (creswell, 2007; sandmanhurley, 2008; stake, 1995). selected participant experiences within a single tutoring project are highlighted specifically to illustrate aspects of the tutors’ perceptions of the project that seem important to their consideration of stem teaching as a viable career possibility. as with all such case studies, the present study is not intended to define or characterize universal themes common to all similar situations, but rather serves to illuminate specific interactions and perceptions situated in the context in which they occurred. no causal inferences regarding relationships between any given variables implicit in this study can be made from the present case, and generalization from the present case to other cases should be made cautiously. the tutoring project in brief the tutoring project, which spanned the spring 2009 semester, was offered in connection with the college of education at a large urban university that is a part of the california state university system.1 the project had two primary goals. the immediate goal was to provide high school students struggling with academic progress in math and the sciences with ongoing access 1 unlike most other states, california does not certify its teachers via undergraduate programs in which students major in education, but rather relies on a system of post-baccalaureate teacher credential programs as the major source of k-12 credentialed teachers. as a result, there is no education major available to undergraduate students at the university where this study was conducted. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 to tutors with strong content knowledge in chemistry and mathematics. the overarching goal was to expose undergraduate stem majors to the teaching profession in a forum that allowed them to experience the joys, satisfaction, complexities and fulfillment of teaching first-hand, and simultaneously to investigate the viability and effectiveness of this approach in encouraging undergraduate stem majors to consider careers in teaching. selection of participants/tutors about two months before the spring semester began, a series of recruitment flyers were placed in science, mathematics, and engineering buildings on campus advertising the opportunity to become paid tutors of middle and high school students in stem areas. over 45 students showed interest and attended an orientation meeting that introduced the project and described the tutors’ duties and responsibilities. funds were not available to support such a large number of tutors, however, so a survey instrument was developed to aid the selection of tutors from this pool. (the survey instrument can be accessed at http://www.surveymonkey.com/s.aspx?sm=euqkijnuyy9dnlvw5_2f84ba_3d_3d). thirteen individuals were selected, eight young women and five young men whose career interests, tutoring experience, stem content knowledge, dispositions, and availability seemed particularly suited to the program goals. those selected were between the ages of 19 and 24, and all had completed at least two years of study toward a stem area major at the undergraduate level (six sophomores, five juniors, and two seniors) and all maintained at least a 3.0 gpa (self-reported). in addition, each of the selected tutors indicated that they were at least somewhat interested in the possibility of pursuing a career in k-12 education. table 1 shows the gender and undergraduate majors of the tutors. introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 9 table 1 gender and undergraduate majors of tutors major males females biology 0 1 chemistry 0 1 math 1 2 engineering 2 3 computer science 2 0 social work (pre-med) 0 1 __________________________________________ the tutors agreed to commit between 10 and 20 hours per week at $15 per hour at an area high school in one-on-one or small group settings with students in grades 9 through 12. tutor training four 2.5-hour seminars were held over the course of the semester – one each month starting in early february and continuing through may. seminars focused on aspects of teaching methodology and educational psychology of particular utility to novice stem tutors. drawing from the work of rabow et al (2007), specific topics for the seminars focused on four major themes, described below. the initial seminar focused on helping tutors understand and manage initial attitudes, anxieties and expectations. specifically, the seminar centered on helping tutors develop realistic and healthy expectations toward the tutees and the tutoring experience, managing anxieties regarding being a tutor, understanding the tutor’s role, understanding the tutees’ needs, and building appropriate and useful relationships with tutees and others at the school site. at the beginning of this initial meeting, after a few clerical concerns regarding record-keeping procedures, payment procedures, and the like had been addressed, tutors were asked to hold up fingers to indicate on a scale of one to ten the level of anxiety they felt regarding four concerns, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 with one finger representing low anxiety and ten fingers representing high anxiety. consistent with rabow’s (2007) experiences with beginning tutors, all 13 of the participants in this project indicated moderately high to high anxiety (five to ten fingers aloft) when asked in turn if they were worried about students not liking them or them not liking the students, about working with students from different backgrounds, about their abilities to teach, and about their abilities to help their tutees succeed. after a brief whole-group discussion about these remarkable commonalities, each tutor generated an individualized list of concerns s/he was most worried about. the tutees then read four short illustrative cases taken from rabow (2007) and discussed each in small groups with instructions to look for intersections between their lists and the cases. the cases focused on (1) unconditional acceptance of tutees (pp. 9-11), (2) giving up expectations and preconceptions of tutees (pp. 14-18), (3) displaying genuine interest in the lives of tutees (pp. 19-21), and (4) communicating empathy (pp. 21-22). this was followed by a whole-group discussion in which participants shared insights they developed in small group discussions regarding their concerns. the seminar ended with a share-out of any concerns from the tutors’ lists that were not addressed in the small group discussions. notably, a second informal survey at the end of the first seminar along the same four dimensions probed by the initial informal survey revealed that almost all (11 of 13) tutees felt much less anxious about the prospect of tutoring (1-5 fingers aloft) than they did initially. the second seminar explored how to build trust, how to set appropriate boundaries with tutees, how to engage tutees in learning tasks, and how to structure learning tasks to be appropriately challenging to tutees. this seminar was held after all of the tutors had visited the school site and had met some of the tutees. in this seminar, we began by recounting in small groups some of our initial experiences at the school site and with the tutees. following this introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 11 discussion, each tutor was asked to recount two or three specific experiences related to a connection that s/he made with a tutee, such as the discovery of a common interest or a gesture of trust or acceptance on the part of the tutee. these specific shared experiences allowed for focused small group discussions of several themes related to becoming an effective tutor. these themes included how to find common interests, how and why to avoid the dangers of using gifts and bribes to motivate (e.g. “i’ll give you this really nice pen if you finish the worksheet.”), helping tutees overcome past negative experiences with tutors, showing appropriate respect for tutees, establishing healthy reciprocity by sharing appropriate personal stories and experiences with tutees, and helping tutees set and meet appropriate academic goals. the seminar ended with a whole-group discussion that summarized the small-group discussions; during the discussion, each tutor was asked to generate notes about practical strategies they could use to address some of the specific needs of their individual tutees. the third seminar sought to explore how to foster tutee involvement and interest in learning, and in particular, how to let tutees take the lead in learning tasks via inquiry, following rabow’s (2007) suggestions and insights regarding successful teaching techniques and strategies for use by tutors with tutees from varied backgrounds. thus, we began with a brief introduction to inquiry learning (bass et al, 2008) in which tutors were presented with a discrepant event (a cup of water is covered with an index card and inverted: the water does not spill out). tutors were given cups and index cards and were asked to explore the phenomenon in pairs in order to generate a series of conjectures and hypotheses, and to work toward a possible explanation of the phenomenon. after a brief exploration phase, we held a whole-group discussion in which we generated an academically acceptable explanation of the phenomenon. we then discussed the power of self-directed learning to motivate, the ability of inquiry strategies to hold student current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 interest in learning, and the satisfaction that can derive from solving an initially mysterious puzzle, or, in the words of one of the tutors, “the rush of feeling the pieces fall into place!” with this seminar experience in common, we focused the discussion back on the job of tutoring. tutors discussed in small groups some of the difficulties they had experienced at the school site regarding getting tutees engaged in learning or keeping tutees challenged and interested. using insights derived from their experiences with the inquiry activity that began the seminar, each group generated a collection of ideas and possible strategies that might address the specific difficulties their tutees were having. the seminar ended with a whole-group discussion regarding how an inquiry approach to learning can create opportunities for cross-cultural connections and can reduce barriers arising from cultural or language differences by providing those involved with a common experience or phenomenon to explore together (bass et al, 2008). the final seminar introduced approaches, strategies, and methods to bring the tutoring experience to a close at year-end. as rabow (2007) notes, “forming a strong, successful tutoring relationship and overcoming the various obstacles in its way are among the most difficult tasks a tutor faces. equally critical, and perhaps equally difficult, is ending that strong partnership” (p. 161). thus, this final seminar helped tutors explore the importance of ending their tutoring activities in constructive ways. the seminar opened with a share-out of tutor-tutee experiences and interactions that illustrated the depth of the partnerships that had developed over the course of the semester. tutors then read and discussed in small groups three illustrative cases taken from rabow (2007). the first two cases illustrated some of the common pitfalls that tutors can make, such as not saying goodbye at all (pp. 167-168) or making empty promises (pp. 169-170). the third case illustrated what rabow (2007) calls “the clean-break principle” and highlighted some characteristics of an effective goodbye (pp. 175-177). after the small group discussions, introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 13 tutors generated ideas about how to end their tutoring relationships, and each tutor briefly described one or more of the relationships they had formed with tutees over the semester and then shared their ideas with the other seminar participants about how to bring the experience to a close. the final seminar ended with a brief share-out by the tutors of the tutoring experience as a whole. the tutoring site the tutoring site, one of the oldest public high schools in california, is a relatively small yet comprehensive high school with just under 1000 students in grades 9 through 12. about 75% of the students identify themselves as hispanic or latino, about 10% as white (not hispanic), and the remainder either as asian, filipino, african american, american indian, alaskan native, or pacific islander. about 65% of the students are economically disadvantaged, and about 35% are considered english learners. the school is staffed with 4 administrators, 55 credentialed teachers, an academic advisor, and support staff. six percent of the core classes are taught by teachers who do not meet nclb compliance requirements. the school prides itself on offering a rigorous and demanding curriculum in a supportive atmosphere, and in 1990 the school site became a district magnet for the international baccalaureate (ib) diploma program, recognized and accepted by universities worldwide as a rigorous and comprehensive preuniversity education. most of the tutees had been identified by their teachers as needing extra help in stem subjects in general and math and chemistry in particular, although a few sought out the tutoring sessions on their own. also, several of the tutees were involved in the ib diploma program. the majority of the tutoring sessions were offered through the homework center, an after school program available mondays through thursdays, although a significant current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 number of sessions were held during school hours, either as pull-out sessions from established classes, or as assistance instruction during classes. no formal data regarding the tutees were generated or maintained; consequently, it is not possible to provide more than a cursory description of who the tutees were or what their individual needs might have been. however, based on informal observations and field notes, it can be reported with confidence that the tutees, who numbered well over 30, represented individuals from many if not most of the socio-economic, cultural and linguistic groups making up the school’s student body. tutees included academically high-achieving students as well as struggling students, native speakers of english as well as native speakers of spanish, tagalog, vietnamese, and other languages, students who seemed economically well-off as well as students who seemed economically disadvantaged, and roughly equivalent numbers of students of both genders. data collection data came from five sources: (1) an initial online survey, (2) weekly tutor’s logs, (3) tutoring journals, (4) a closing open-ended questionnaire, and (5) seminar leader’s field notes. first, the online survey instrument used during the initial selection process provided demographic data such as undergraduate class standing, subject major and languages spoken. the survey also provided descriptions of prior tutoring or teaching experiences and potential interest in pursuing teaching as a career. second, the tutors kept weekly logs documenting each tutoring session (e.g. time, date, tutee name(s), subject area, and a brief description of activity). third, the tutors kept written records of their tutoring experiences in journals in which they reflected on insights they had about their tutoring, the tutees, the tutoring process, and other significant experiences at the school site. the journals differed from the weekly logs in that they introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 15 were meant to capture the tutors’ subjective experiences in more depth than the more quotidian records kept in their weekly tutoring logs. fourth, at the end of the year each tutor provided a three to six page response to a questionnaire containing four open-ended prompts designed to gauge the extent to which the tutoring experience met their expectations and whether it resulted in meaningful or transformative experiences likely to influence their career plans. the prompts were as follows: (1) what were your ideas/expectations regarding tutoring in general? how have they changed over the course of the semester? (2) what new insights do you have about the teaching profession? have your views about teaching and teachers changed as a result of your experience as a tutor? if so, how? (3) what has been the most challenging aspect of the tutoring program? and (4) what has been the most rewarding aspect of the tutoring program? the fifth data source consisted of field notes generated immediately after each seminar that sought to record information communicated in informal conversations during the tutoring seminars. although these field notes do not offer verbatim accounts of conversations, they intended to capture the essence of what was said. data analysis data analysis followed creswell’s (1998) guidelines for categorical aggregation, interpretation and generalization. weekly logs, tutoring journals, culminating written responses and field notes of informal conversations occurring during seminars were systematically examined for issue-relevant meanings. each artifact (e.g. a student journal, or a weekly tutoring log) was read a minimum of four times, with a minimum of two days between subsequent readings. line by line coding was conducted using an unmarked copy of the text for each reading, with provisional codes applied to phrases, sentences, and segments of text that appeared to be related to the tutors’ consideration of stem teaching as a viable career option. during this current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 initial stage of data analysis, the net was cast widely, and a very broad interpretation of the construct “related to stem teaching as a viable career option” was operationalized, resulting in the generation of a relatively large number of codes. these codes were developed during the reading of the artifacts themselves while simultaneously keeping information from the literature in mind, using a methodological process that miles and huberman (1994) describe as “partway between the a priori and inductive approach” (p. 61). for example, because marx and harris (2006) identified teacher pay as important, the phrase from a tutor’s journal “salary of an engineer” was identified and coded, as was “low teacher pay.” both were given the code “compensation.” in addition, the journal entry phrase “the feeling you get when you help a kid” and the sentence “i didn’t think i’d enjoy it as much as i am.” were also coded (positive feeling). after each artifact was coded four times, the four code lists that resulted were compared and an attempt was made to form a single internally consistent code list for each artifact by revisiting the artifact once more specifically to re-examine areas of differences in the four code lists. the process was repeated with all artifacts, resulting in a large set of both etic and emic codes representing the data from four of the five data sources used in this study. (the initial survey was not coded). this extensive code list was then examined to identify larger categories and to locate emerging themes within these categories (adcock and collier 2001). these categories and themes were identified using a process of direct interpretation: the presence of a given code was considered as representing a single instance of a construct without attempting to look for multiple instances or to divine the context in which the construct was situated (creswell, 1998). thus, each individual code was assigned to one or more category directly, without further examination of the data, and the resulting categories were then examined to identify underlying introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 17 themes. for instance, from the above examples, the phrases “salary of an engineer” and “low teacher pay” were both coded as “compensation” while the phrase “the feeling you get when you help a kid” and the sentence “i didn’t think i’d enjoy it as much as i am” were coded as “positive feeling.” both of these codes, “compensation” and “positive feelings,” were identified as falling under the broader category of “motivation,” with the first two codes in the category representing the theme “external motivation” and the second two codes in the category representing the theme “internal motivation.” in this way, codes were aggregated into categories, and categories were organized into themes. once themes related to teaching as a career possibility were identified, the data was examined once again with these themes in mind in order to make what creswell (1998) refers to as “naturalistic generalizations.” thus, themes from one data source (e.g. a particular student’s tutoring journal) were cross-referenced with themes from other available data sources (e.g. that student’s responses to the culminating survey or notes of conversations between that student and the researcher) in an attempt to gauge the significance of the theme and the characteristic of its relationship to other themes. cross-referenced themes that emerged as particularly important in relation to the tutors’ consideration of stem teaching as a viable career possibility, or what creswell (1998) might call a set of naturalistic generalizations, are presented here. outcomes and discussion several factors seemed to play an important role in tutors’ favorably considering teaching as a career. three major themes are reported here: tutors’ positive perception of the value of their work; tutors’ positive perception of their aptitude for teaching; and tutors’ perception of teaching as a complex act. the following section is organized into three sub-sections, each corresponding to one of these three themes. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 tutors’ positive perception of the value of their work the first theme relates to the tutors’ perception of the value of their work in terms of tutee improvement. most of the tutors dedicated well over the required minimum of 10 hours per week to tutoring, with nearly a quarter of them logging up to (and over) 20 hours per week, and while no formalized attempt to gauge the impact of the tutors’ efforts on tutee learning was carried out, entries from the tutors’ journals provides consistent anecdotal evidence that tutees benefited from the relationships. without exception and on numerous occasions, tutors reported that their efforts with tutees resulted in performance gains on class assignments and tests. this perception on the part of the tutors gives rise to the first important and common theme. at the beginning of the project, many of the tutors doubted their ability to have much of a positive impact on tutee performance; when their efforts bore the fruit of tutee academic improvement, tutors experienced it as a positive intrinsic reward for their work. jason provides a typical journal entry. jason2: i feel that the most rewarding aspect of being a tutor was when i get to see the improvement in the kids. … seeing the kids that were struggling and failing when we first got there, to seeing them excelling and achieving in the classes now. and i’m proud that i could be a part of that. hai conveyed a similar thought in her end-of-year survey response. hai: when i think about what’s been the most rewarding part of the job, i think about the students i helped. i remember wondering if i would be able to get them to do anything or to help them at all because i thought that if they were going to a tutor it was because they were bad at whatever, math or science. but i found out that a lot of them were there 2 pseudonyms are used throughout this study. introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 19 because they wanted to do better, not because they had to be there. i think i did help them and that was really rewarding. almost every tutor (12 of 13) expressed a similar feeling of pride or satisfaction at having helped a tutee improve his or her academic performance. to be sure, evidence of student improvement is dubious when self-reported by individuals with extremely limited or no experience teaching or evaluating student academic progress. however, given the preponderance of such evidence from most of the tutors’ journals, it seems reasonable that the tutors had at least some positive effect on student learning. and even if academic gains were minimal, nonexistent, or resulted from factors other than the tutoring sessions, tutors perceived that their actions brought about student improvement, and as jason’s comment illustrates, that perception seemed to bring great satisfaction. this finding is well aligned with findings of several large quantitative studies, such as bradley and loadman (2005), who report that the most important determining factor related to the job satisfaction of practicing teachers is the intrinsic reward that comes from helping children. this is also consistent with studies, such as moran et al (2001) and guarino et al (2006), that report altruism as a positive motivating factor. tutors’ positive perception of their aptitude for teaching a second theme that seemed to play an important role in tutors’ favorably considering teaching as a career arose from the opportunity to experience teaching first-hand in an authentic context. it seems that the authenticity of working at a school site became an avenue for appraising initially-held ideas and assumptions against a set of actual experiences and that this authenticity allowed many of the tutors to think more deeply about the idea of becoming a teacher and their individual aptitude for it. specifically, differences in many of the tutors’ initial expectations and their actual experiences seemed important in their assessment of their own current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 suitability for teaching: many of the tutors seemed to hold more positive views about teaching and their suitability for it in the later stages of the tutoring project than they did initially. not surprisingly, this change of perception often translated into a more positive view of teaching as a viable career choice. a mid-project journal entry from antonio illustrates this theme well. antonio (mid-march): at first i was nervous about tutoring these students. i have a little brother back at home who goes to elementary, and he drives me nuts sometimes. so i was imagining a roomful of students just like him. i was expecting the kids to be hard to work with since they are only kids. i was not sure if could connect with them, or that they would just see me as an outsider and not pay any attention. luckily after working these past few months, my [experiences] are more positive. the kids are very welcoming to me, and sometimes prefer to work with me on some assignments. they mostly pay attention and they are definitely not the troublemakers that i was dreading at the beginning. here, antonio expresses initial reticence about the prospect of being a tutor and doubts his abilities to succeed even in this limited teaching role, yet after only a couple of months on the job his nervousness has evaporated and his view of students is more solidly grounded in meaningful and contextualized understanding of the nature of working with students. in fact, as he reported in two separate journal entries, antonio’s view about his abilities to reach students and help them learn metamorphosed rather remarkably in a very short time – a fact that seems integrally related to his increased willingness to give a career in teaching serious consideration. as the two journal entries below illustrate, both his increased understanding of the nature of introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 21 teaching and his increased confidence in being able to succeed at it inform his thinking regarding teaching as a possible career. antonio (late march): i feel great when students participate when i am going [over] a problem with them instead of just sitting around waiting for the answers. they … get involved and try and solve the problem. it makes me feel that i am actually making a difference! antonio (early may): along with engineering, teaching was always an interest for me. i always liked helping others with their work, especially when they finally got it (the “aha moment” we talked about in the seminars). tutoring at the school has definitely made me more interested in teaching. i really enjoyed working with the students and a teaching career would also make [me] feel that [i] could help students succeed and make a difference. similarly, in her first journal entry, mika remarks about the rapidity with which the differences between her expectations of the tutoring experience and her actual experience collided. mika (february): i really had a lot of anxiety going in. i figured that it was just gonna be a waste of time and i just thought i wasn’t gonna make any difference. i figured it was just a way to make some money but that it wasn’t gonna do much good. but after the first few times, especially when i got to work with the same student with her math more than once, i started to think i’m really helping this kid! that felt good. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 22 later that month, mika made a connection between her positive experiences with students, her changing attitudes about being a tutor, and a growing awareness that she may even have an aptitude for it. mika: (journal entry, late february): i’m enjoying this [tutoring] more than i thought i would. the money’s not great. i mean it’s not bad, i can pay my phone [bill] with it. but i really like going to the school and not just for the money. there are a few of the kids i can tell that i’m actually helping. they’re learning. and i didn’t really know if i could do that at first. i think i was worried that i would be bad at it so i didn’t get into it at first. this awareness that she might not be as bad at tutoring as she had initially thought, in turn, seemed to be related to her musings about a future teaching career in a conversation we had during the second seminar. mika responded to a direct question regarding what she thought about the possibility of becoming a teacher, saying (paraphrased in field notes), “it seems like a lot of people talk about wanting to be a teacher when they grow up. i thought about it when i was younger. but i hadn’t thought much about it since i started college, until i became a tutor. i like tutoring, so now i’m thinking about it. it’s a possibility.” jason also reports significant differences between his expectations of the tutoring experience and his actual experiences differences that plainly improved his view of the teaching profession. interestingly, however, jason’s observations center not on his expectations regarding his ability to help students, but on his interactions with the teachers and administrators. jason (early may): i expected the relationship with the teachers at [school site] to be much different. i didn’t think that they would be so happy about us coming in and taking some of their kids and us teaching them. but what happened was the complete opposite. introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 23 the teachers were glad that we were there. not to mention the two vice-principles [sic] as well. they were constantly praising our work, telling us what a good job that we have done. and that made me feel good, and made me want to work harder and make the kids learn more. six other tutors, along with antonio, mika, and jason (for a total of nine of the 13), expressed similar views, indicating that their actual experiences of tutoring were very different, and more positive, than their initial expectations. of the nine who expressed that their actual experiences were more positive than initial expectations and noted a more positive assessment of their suitability for teaching, five cited this change as an important contributing factor in their willingness to consider teaching as a career. this theme is consistent with expectancy-value motivation theories, such as wigfield and eccles (2000), which posit that perceptions of one’s ability are important in motivation. in the present case, the change in perceptions of five of the tutors’ suitability for a teaching career seemed to act as a motivator to consider the profession as a career option. tutors’ perception of teaching as a complex act while the two themes reported above are generally consistent with much of the literature on teacher motivation that reports the strongest motivations for choosing teaching include intrinsic factors such as an altruistic desire to help children and a positive perception of teaching abilities (e.g. richardson and watt, 2006), jason’s observations regarding his acceptance at the school site also hints at a third theme that emerged as important: a view of teaching as a complex act. this theme of teaching as a complex act is not as well documented in the literature. jason’s points at this theme in several journal entries. for example, his initial expectations were that the professional educators at the school site would resist his efforts or current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 perceive him as an outsider encroaching on protected turf. but when school staff reacted quite differently, not only did it have an effect on his own willingness to work hard, it also caused a shift in his understanding of what teachers do for a living. jason: (early may) my views of teachers have definitely changed. i have experienced many teachers that i felt that i could just never learn from. simply, i thought that they were “bad teachers.” but i realize now that all teachers want their students to pass and do well. i have seen some of these kids be incredibly rude and disrespectful to teachers, and the teachers give them detention after school. and instead of the teachers blowing them off, and ignoring them the whole time, they put effort into helping them learn the material that they may have missed while they were disrupting the class. jason: (early may) i realize that a high school teacher’s job goes far beyond the classroom, the students, and their parents. they are very much involved in these kids lives. here, jason’s appreciation for the complexity of teaching seems to be increasing. concurrently, his growing enthusiasm for the job seems to be keeping pace. it is possible that jason’s view of the complexity of teaching as a positive motivator – to the extent that this is a correct interpretation of his view – is related to an appraisal of teaching as an intellectually stimulating career. this factor is recognized as an important motivator by several researchers, such as sinclair et al (2006), who developed a psychometric tool to measure teacher motivation, modified orientation to teach (mots), and found the construct useful as an internal (intrinsic) adaptive scale of measurement related to teacher motivation. introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 25 another tutor, martin, evidences the theme as well. he came to understand that teaching is more than just a cut-and dried procedure in which a content expert dispenses content knowledge but is instead a complex endeavor that requires strong content understanding, flexibility, a thorough understanding of the student, and a nuanced sensitivity to context. in this context, it is perhaps significant that martin is an upperclassman approaching the completion of an undergraduate degree in mechanical engineering. when asked why he had chosen to study engineering, he said that he viewed engineering as a problem-solving endeavor that would keep him challenged and thus intellectually engaged, which he indicated was very important to him. in addition, he often spoke about the satisfaction that came from working with others on complex and authentic engineering projects in his upper-level classes. in short, he expressed the idea that the complexity of being an engineer would hold his interest. notably, in seminar conversations, he often expressed that as difficult and rigorous as his university level engineering curriculum has been, he has often found his role as a tutor to be equally challenging, quite rewarding, and ultimately perhaps even life-changing. the following quotes seem to indicate a growing awareness that teaching may offer similar intellectual challenges and opportunities to martin as engineering, challenges and opportunities he clearly values. martin: (march) i have learned that when tutoring i shouldn’t expect a mechanical approach. sometimes i will have to move towards the student in order to teach them. martin: (april): the students actually appreciate me being there to help them! it’s amazing how each time i enter they all say “hi” or “yay! he is here today!” and also when they [have] confidence enough to thank me or talk about random things. for example a girl, maureen, would come in during recess and start asking me question about current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 26 college or if i ever eaten some random dessert and how it’s really good. her innocence … is what i enjoy from spending my time with them. martin: (early may) overall this experience has made me want to become a teacher even more. taken separately, these journal entries may seem to indicate merely that martin’s interpersonal experiences involved a recognition that teaching is socially involving, requires significant skill at recognizing changing student needs, and that is accompanied by interactions with people that go far beyond what he expected. however, when contextualized with other data, these entries seem also to reveal that martin highly valued these complexities. on many occasions in conversation, for example, martin confessed that before his experience as a tutor, he held a view of teaching as a far more mechanical endeavor than his actual experience revealed it to be, and his changing view was accompanied by a growing appreciation for the profession. stewart seemed to hold similar views. in a response to the open-ended questionnaire prompt, “what new insights do you have about the teaching profession? have your views about teaching and teachers changed as a result of your experience as a tutor?,” stewart expressed this theme quite plainly. stewart: i learned this: teaching isn’t easy! i may know about math, but teaching it to someone else is something else altogether. i can see how it would take a long time to get good at it. we learned some [information] that was helpful in the seminars, and i would watch the teachers at [school site], and i can see that there’s much much more i’d have to learn to be a good teacher. introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 27 notably, stewart connected his newly found appreciation for the complexity of teaching to an increased willingness to consider it as a worthy profession. when asked whether this view of teaching as complex made the career more or less appealing as compared to other careers he might choose, his response, paraphrased below, was clear. stewart: i’m a math major because i like to solve problems. i like the way you can take a concept and use it in a variety of ways to find answers to a lot of different problems that are very difficult, and that you can’t solve any other way. i can see that teaching might be like that too. it’s complex, but it also seems like there are methods you could get good at. aside from jason, martin, and stewart, two others (for a total of five of the 13) expressed similar conceptions of teaching as a complex act and connected that perception it to an increased willingness to consider teaching as a career. in addition to these three themes, another simpler theme emerged in the present study: not at all surprisingly, simply having positive experiences as a tutor seemed to play a role in tutors’ favorable consideration of teaching as a career possibility. of course, merely having a positive tutoring experience is unlikely to be a sufficient cause for someone to consider becoming a teacher; however, in kristin’s case it may prove to be! kristin: (late march) sometimes the students i normally work with are not in class so i have to tell the teacher i need another student, and when all the kids raise their hands to work with me, it feels nice… i had forgotten how it was to be in school, so with this experience i have been exposed to being in a school environment once again. i feel like i might not want to teach really young students, but i still want to teach. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 28 similarly with shuo and michele, who were both already strongly considering teaching careers, their overall positive experiences as tutors bolstered their resolve to become teachers. specifically, shuo highlighted camaraderie with the staff and students as important factors. shuo: the teachers made it enjoyable and the students were fun to work with. i want to become a math teacher one day, and to have this experience made me want to continue in that direction. michele seemed to be well on her way toward developing the outlook of a practitioner and was eager to sharpen her skills in anticipation of entering the profession. michele: the workshops were helpful because they provided tips and tools for tutoring in the classroom. during this semester, i have gained more passion to teach in the future. it is rewarding to see students succeed and to know that i am part of their success. my views have changed … i have a greater willingness to pursue a career in education. in carolyn’s case, the experience provided a forum for her to explore her own motivations in an authentic context. carolyn: from this job, i was able to learn a lot about myself and what drives me. i had a chance to narrow down and think about what i enjoy and want to do. i thought i would work with kindergarten/preschool. but now i also would like to work with middle school and high school students. conclusions writing about the challenges of recruiting teachers into the profession, thornton and reid (2001) note that although some people wind up in the teaching career because they have introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 29 limited options elsewhere, they state that, “ideally it would seem best to ‘pull’ recruits towards teaching, as a positive career choice, rather than to ‘push’ them. the best way of accomplishing this appears to be positive work experience in schools.” (p. 112). this may be especially important with people who have significant training and expertise in stem areas. this study suggests that programs designed to offer potential teacher candidates with rich stem understanding authentic and meaningful experiences as instructors in classroom settings may be an effective way to pull them toward a career in teaching. as a result of participating in this project, eight of the 13 tutors expressed an increased willingness to seriously consider teaching as a career option, and all 13 tutors reported that the experience made the possibility more attractive. this is captured well by the observations of michele and liza, who after only one semester working with kids in schools were able to capture quite succinctly an idea that rings true for many of us who have been teaching for years. liza: it feels really good when students get the “ah ha!” and they thank me for it! michele: the most rewarding aspect of tutoring was to see the students arrive at the “ah, ha!” moment…to see that grand smile on a kid’s [face] and the kid saying, “thank you, michele.” in this light, and consistent with what thornton and reid (2001) suggest, the implications of the project discussed here are simple: it seems likely that if more stem majors are given opportunities to experience what liza and michele experienced, more stem majors might wind up as k-12 teachers. aside from its potential utility as a teacher recruitment method, it is hoped that the methodological approach used in this bounded instrumental case study will add to the depth of the quantitative literature about what motivates people to choose teaching as a career. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 30 the findings reported here regarding the first two of the three major themes that emerged from this project are generally consistent with much of that literature (e.g. bradley and loadman, 2005; richardson and watt, 2006). the third theme that emerged from this study is far less well established in the available literature. it is unclear from the present study why a view of teaching as a complex and nuanced endeavor rather than a cut-and-dried procedural exercise might have appealed to them, or indeed if such an interpretation is correct. however, it is reasonable to hypothesize that a view of teaching as a complex act is part and parcel of a view of teaching as intellectually stimulating, which sinclair et al (2006) recognize as an important motivation to teach. further exploration of this theme in particular may lead to a better understanding of the kinds of experiences that may lead stem students into the teaching profession. introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 31 references bradley, k.d. & loadman, w.e. 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(1999). teacher quality and student achievement: a review of state policy evidence. center for the study of teaching and policy. university of washington. darling-hammond, l. and sykes, g. (2003, september 17). wanted: a national teacher supply policy for education: the right way to meet the "highly qualified teacher" challenge. education policy analysis archives, 11(33). retrieved august 15, 2009 from http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v11n33/ dickson, paul (2001). sputnik: the shock of the century. new york: walker and company. foreign news: we will bury you! (1956, november 26). time, 68(22). retrieved november 11, 2010 from http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,867329,00.html gess-newsom, j. (2001). secondary teachers’ knowledge and beliefs about subject matter and their impact on instruction. in j. gess-newsome & n. g. lederman (eds.), examining pedagogical content knowledge (pp. 51-94). dordrecht, the netherlands: klewer academic publishers. greenwood, m. r. & north, k. k. 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(1997). ipcc fourth assessment report: climate change 2007. retrieved september 15, 2009 from http://www.ipcc.ch/publications_and_data/ar4/syr/en/contents.html kennedy, j. f. (1963, may). remarks in nashville at the 90th anniversary convocation of vanderbilt university. speech presented at vanderbilt university in nashville, tn. retrieved august 9, 2009, from http://www.jfklibrary.org/historical+resources/archives/reference+desk/speeches/jfk /003pof03vanderbilt05181963.htm marx, r. w. & harris, c.j. (2006). no child left behind and science education: opportunities, challenges, and risks. elementary school journal, 106 (5), 467-477. miles, m.b., & huberman, a.m. (1994). qualitative data analysis: an expanded sourcebook. thousand oaks, ca: sage. monk, d. (1994). subject area preparation of secondary mathematics and science teachers and student achievement. economics of education review, 13(2), 125-145. moran, a., kilpatric, r., abbot, l., dallat, j. & mcclune, b. (2001). training to teach: motivating factors and implications for recruitment. evaluation & research in education, 15 (1), 17-32. no child left behind act of 2001, 20 u.s.c. § 6319 (2008). rabow, j., chin, t., & fahimian, n. (1997). tutoring matters: everything you always wanted to know about how to tutor. philadelphia: temple university press. introducing stem majors to the teaching profession 33 recruiting new teachers, inc. (2000). in council of the great city schools (ed.), the urban teacher challenge: teacher demand and supply in the great city schools. [electronic version]. retrieved august 15, 2009, from http://www.cgcs.org/pdfs/utc.pdf richardson, p. w., & watt, h. m. g. (2006). who chooses teaching and why? profiling characteristics and motivations across three australian universities. asia-pacic journal of teacher education, 34(1), 27-56. rutherford, j. (1997). sputnik and science education. retreived august 6, 2009, from http://www.nationalacademies.org/sputnik/ruther1.htm rutherford, j & ahlgren, a. (1990) science for all americans. oxford: oxford university press. sinclair, c., dowson, m., mcinerney, d. m. (2006). motivations to teach: psychometric perspectives across the first semester of teacher education. teachers college record, 108(6), 1132-1154. smith, m.s & o’day, j. (1990). systemic school reform. journal of education policy, 5(5), 233267. sandman-hurley, k. (2008). volunteers tutoring reading-disabled adult literacy learners: a case study. adult basic education literacy journal, 2(2), 94-103. stake, r. (2005). qualitative case studies. in n. k. denzin & y. s.lincoln (eds.), the sage handbook of qualitative research (443-466). thousand oaks, ca: sage. thornton, m., & reid, i. (2001). primary school teaching as a career: the views of the successfully recruited. journal of education for teaching, 27(1), 111-112. union of concerned scientists. (2010). climate change in the united states: the prohibitive costs of inaction. retrieved november 22, 2010 from http://www.ucsusa.org/global_warming/science_and_impacts/impacts/climate-costs-ofinaction.html weiss, i. r., banilower, e. r., mcmahon, k. c., & smith, p. s. (2001). report of the 2000 national survey of science and mathematics education. chapel hill, nc: horizon research, inc. weld, j. (1998). attracting and retaining high-quality professionals in science education. phi delta kappan, 79(7), 536-539. wigfield, a., & eccles, j. s. (2000). expectancy-value theory of achievement motivation. contemporary educational psychology, 25, 68-81. yager r.e. (1996). science/technology/society as reform in science education. albany, ny: state university of new york press. current is about th author: affiliatio address ca 951 email: g biograp conduct his wor sustaina ssues in educ he author grinell sm on: san jos s: departme 92 grinell.smit phical infor ts scholarsh rk focuses o ability. cation vol. 13 mith se state un ent of elem th@sjsu.ed rmation: gr hip in the ar on two maj 3 no. 4 niversity mentary edu du rinell smith reas of scie or themes: ucation, sa h is a profe ence educat preparing an josé stat essor of ed tion and ed excellent s te universi ducation wh ducational f stem teac ity, san jos ho teaches a foundations hers, and 34 sé, and s. introducin volume authors articles publishe an kr hilla d ju an h mi ng stem ma e 13, num hold the copy s in other jour er and include ngela abeyta rista adams ary andrelch diana barela ulia boukara ndrew darian aiying dong iriam emran ajors to the te curr mber 4 yright to artic rnals should b e the url of t provide a hik n n eaching profes rent issu http:// w cles published be addressed t the cie publi ed cie is cred edito exe lor katy e jeffr sec sar mar me amb seo tiff calv linds fac gusta jean de ssion ues in e /cie.asu.e winter 2010 d in current is to the author. ication. permi dited and cop orial team cutive editor ri ellingford elizabeth his rey i. johnso ction editors rah heaslip rlene hinton elinda hollis ber johnston onghee kim fany o’neill vin richards say richerso culty advisers vo e. fischm nne m. power ebby zambo educati edu 0 issues in educ reprints sho ission is here pies are not so m rs d rich on n n s on s man rs on iss cation. reque ould credit cie eby granted to old. ror ta kar luc ker jennife ky sn 1099-83 ests to reprint e as the origi o copy any art ry schmitt apati sen ri visconti cy watson rie wilkins er wojtulewi yle wright 35 39x cie inal ticle, icz cie template volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x an analysis of the fidelity implementation policies of the what works clearinghouse jean stockard university of oregon and national institute for direct instruction citation stockard, j. (2010). an analysis of the fidelity implementation policies of the what works clearinghouse. current issues in education, 13(4). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract a large body of literature documents the central importance of fidelity of program implementation in creating an internally valid research design and considering such fidelity in judgments of research quality. the what works clearinghouse (wwc) provides web-based summary ratings of educational innovations and is the only rating group that is officially sponsored by the u.s. department of education. yet, correspondence with the organization indicates that it disregards information regarding implementation fidelity in its summary ratings, relying on “replicated findings” and suggesting that any fidelity issues that “may have arisen are averaged.” this paper demonstrates the fallacy in this logic. simulations show that the policy minimizes the positive impact of highly effective programs and the negative impact of highly ineffective programs. implications are discussed. keywords: implementation fidelity, what works clearinghouse, evidence screening, systematic reviews, program evaluation current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 about the author(s) author: jean stockard affiliation: university of oregon and national institute for direct instruction address: p.o. box 11248, eugene, oregon 97440 email: jstockard@nifdi.org biographical information: a sociologist by training, jean stockard is professor emerita at the university of oregon and director of research for the national institute for direct instruction. her recent publications span areas of sociology of education, family, youth, demography, and methodology. an analysis of the fidelity implementation policies of the what works clearinghouse analysis of fidelity implementation policies prompted by the long-standing concern with promoting students’ academic achievement, reviews and meta-analyses of studies of educational reforms are relatively common (e.g. adams and engelmann 1996, aft 1998, beck and mccaslin 1978, borman et al 2003, herman, et al 1999). in addition, several groups have web-based summaries of program effectiveness oriented toward educators and the public at large (e.g. social programs that work, http://www.evidencebasedprograms.org/; promising practices network, http://www.promisingpractices.net/; and the best evidence encyclopedia, http://www.bestevidence.org/). yet, only one of these, the what works clearinghouse (wwc), is endorsed by the u.s. department of education. the wwc was established in 2002 by the u.s. department of education’s institute of education sciences “to provide educators, policymakers, researchers and the public with a central and trusted source of scientific evidence of what works to improve student outcomes” (wwc statement of work, p. 1). given this official sponsorship by the federal government, any systematic errors with its conclusions should be the focus of serious concern. although the clearinghouse began reviewing research on various topic areas in education in 2003, summary ratings did not begin to appear until 2007. despite its relatively short period of existence, the wwc’s policies and procedures have received substantial scholarly and professional criticism. these criticisms have included concerns about 1) the scope of studies that are reviewed, both the inclusion of poor quality work as well as the exclusion of large numbers of relevant studies; 2) the quality of reviews, including reporting inaccurate and misleading summaries, using measures of outcomes that fail to match the studied curricula, and employing inappropriate statistical techniques; 3) a narrow research agenda including a bias toward small studies in artificial settings and of short duration; 4) ignoring contextual factors and issues of external validity; 5) failing to incorporate the cumulated scientific knowledge regarding research procedures in its conduct of http://www.evidencebasedprograms.org/ http://www.promisingpractices.net/ current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 reviews; 6) employing analysis techniques that result in minimizing the actual size of effects; 7) not including rigorous and transparent quality control measures such as peer review, comparisons with previous summaries, and reliability checks of ratings; and 8) the suppression of criticism, thus violating basic norms regarding the open quality of scientific inquiry (e.g. briggs 2008, chatterji 2005, 2008, confrey 2006, mcarthur 2008, schoenfeld 2006, slavin 2008, stockard 2008). much of the substance of these critiques focuses on the wwc’s strong preference for strongly controlled randomized experiments. for instance, in an extensive discussion of the wwc’s procedures, robert slavin (2008) cites meta-analytic studies showing that quasi-experimental designs with well matched experimental and control groups provide results very similar to randomized experiments. in addition, slavin suggests that the focus on highly controlled, randomized designs often results in highlighting short-term studies with small samples. he notes that this focus can potentially introduce bias and have low external validity. jeffrey confrey (2006) compares the wwc’s procedures to those used by the national research council’s report on evaluating curricular effectiveness (oece). like slavin, confrey criticizes the overreliance on randomized studies, detailing the way in which a sole focus on randomized designs ignores other issues in the quality of studies such as the nature of outcome measures, insights that are obtained through multiple methods of analysis, and issues regarding both internal and external validity. confrey specifically criticized the way in which the wwc deals with the fidelity of implementation: in sum, if the intervention program is sufficiently described, and there is no evidence in the research report that particular kinds of disruptions occurred, the program is given a rating of “fully meets the criteria” for implementation fidelity. this process seems to underestimate dramatically the challenges associated with implementation. analysis of fidelity implementation policies based on the studies we reviewed for oece, the variation within an implementation of a curriculum is substantial… (confrey, 2006, p. 206). this paper focuses on a specific aspect of the clearinghouse’s procedures for dealing with the fidelity of treatment interventions. this aspect has not received public scrutiny, but has the potential of resulting in misleading recommendations and conclusions. below i expand on confrey’s statement, by discussing the well-established importance of treatment fidelity in research and describing the wwc’s policies for addressing fidelity in their reviews. i then move to a description of the problems that result from the implementation of the wwc’s policy: it results in summary ratings that minimize the positive impact of effective programs as well as the negative impacts of poor programs. quite simply, it makes good programs look worse and poor programs look better than they actually are. the potential impacts are illustrated with examples using effect sizes and regression techniques. a concluding section discusses the potentially serious implications of the policy for educators, families, and students, as well as the public at large, and provides suggestions for change. treatment fidelity and the wwc policy as summarized by o’donnell (2008, pp. 33-34), “fidelity of implementation (emphasis in original) is traditionally defined as the determination of how well an intervention is implemented in comparison with the original program design.” the central importance of treatment fidelity to ensuring internal validity of an experiment has long been a standard element of strong research. poor implementation of an intervention is a major threat to the internal validity of any type of research design, and numerous scholars call for paying close attention to fidelity of implementation in any type of review of research results (e.g. crowley and hauser 2007, desimone 2002, emshoff et al 1987, gersten et al 2005, haynes 1998, mcmillan 2007, o’donnell 2008, ross 2007). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 somewhat surprisingly, the wwc website (as of october 7, 2009) pays relatively little attention to fidelity of implementation. a search of the website (using their search engine and the term “fidelity”) revealed 26 reports on individual curricula that included information on fidelity within a given study. in addition, a document directed toward consumers and titled, identifying and implementing educational practices supported by rigorous evidence: a user-friendly guide (2003), listed fidelity as one of the “important factors to consider when implementing an evidence-based intervention in your schools or classrooms.” the document notes that “whether an evidence-based intervention will have a positive effect in your schools or classrooms may depend critically on your adhering closely to the details of its implementation” (http://ies.ed.gov/ncee/wwc/references/idocviewer/doc.aspx?docid=14&tocid=7). i was not able to find any documentation on the website regarding how the fidelity of implementation affects the rating that a study may receive and nothing to indicate that confrey’s description, quoted above, has altered. it was only through personal communications with the wwc that i was able to obtain additional details regarding the way in which they handle issues of fidelity. in a letter written to mathematica, the organization that now holds the contract for wwc, in june of 2008, i mentioned the issue of treatment fidelity in the context of more general concerns with recognizing issues of both internal and external validity in their review procedures, echoing the criticisms cited above. the paragraph in which these issues were raised is reproduced below: finally, the range of work considered has been limited by downgrading findings from studies that do not incorporate strict random assignment. while we all know that random assignment is the “gold standard” for experimental work, the wwc’s overreliance on this criterion ignores the realities of how school organizations work. with this strict attention to random assignment, other aspects of research designs that are analysis of fidelity implementation policies an even greater threat to internal validity can be ignored. the most important of these is no doubt ensuring the fidelity of treatment implementation, making sure that a program is implemented as the developers designed it. a response from a high-level wwc official was received in september of 2008: the letter notes that the wwc review process may downplay implementation fidelity. definitions of implementation fidelity vary and many studies include little information to gauge fidelity, especially information about whether an intervention has been implemented within normal operating regimes of districts, schools, and teachers, not under specialized laboratory conditions. moreover, there is no standard metric with which to rate and assess fidelity across studies that assures comparability. the wwc’s approach emphasizes the importance of replicated findings, which ensures that any one study in which fidelity issues may have arisen are averaged with findings from other studies. intervention reports include an “extent of evidence” classification that allows practitioners to place more weight if they choose on interventions for which the extent of evidence is large, meaning the results are drawn from multiple studies and a large number of classrooms and students. note that this response essentially confirms the description provided by confrey – variations in implementation fidelity are simply ignored with an assumption that any bias will “balance out.” problems with the wwc policy there are numerous logical and methodological problems with the policy outlined by the wwc. the sections below address these issues beginning with the claims regarding defining and measuring fidelity and then moving to empirical assessments of the claim that “replicated findings” provide a way to deal with any fidelity issues. defining and measuring fidelity current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 the first paragraph quoted above makes three general points regarding the definition and measurement of fidelity. first, it suggests that the wwc review process downplays the importance of fidelity because definitions of fidelity vary. yet, as noted above, the definition of fidelity of implementation is well-grounded and highly developed within the field. in her extensive discussion of the area, o’donnell (2008) cites at least 15 sources in the mainstream education literature that converge on the standard interpretation of the term. she also notes that even more studies discuss the term in areas outside of education. contrary to the wwc’s claim, the notion of fidelity of implementation as program integrity, the implementation of a program as it was intended, is long established and well accepted. second, the wwc letter suggests that “many studies include little information to gauge fidelity.” the number of reports on the wwc website that include mentions of fidelity indicates that, in fact, many of them have sufficient information to gauge the extent of fidelity of implementation.1 more important, however, is the point that a study’s failure to include such information should be taken as a reason to question its conclusions (see crowley and hauser 2007, emshoff et al 1987, gersten et al, 2005, haynes 1998, mcmillan 2007, ross 2007). interestingly, two published criticisms of wwc decisions specifically address the wwc’s decision to give high ratings to studies with serious fidelity issues (slavin 2008, confrey 2006, and see discussion in briggs 2008, p. 18). third, the wwc letter notes that “there is no standard metric with which to rate and assess fidelity across studies that assures comparability.” this statement can be logically challenged. fidelity, by definition, is measured within a program, for the question is the extent to which an implementation adheres to the developer’s guidelines. logically, such comparisons would be within 1 because the wwc downplays the importance of fidelity of implementation, the number of studies that actually deal with this issue and were reviewed by the clearinghouse may well be larger than the number found through the web search. analysis of fidelity implementation policies a program. most well developed programs have guidelines for implementation and ways to assess the degree to which adopters meet those guidelines. comparisons across programs could be easily made, such as using dummy variables to represent whether or not a program met the developer’s standards (see cook 2002, p. 186). a measure of fidelity must, by definition, be program specific, but an indicator of the extent to which fidelity occurred can easily be universal. can fidelity problems “average out?” the second paragraph of the wwc’s response quoted above claims that by consulting numerous reports “any one study in which fidelity issues may have arisen are averaged with findings from other studies.” in other words, any problems with fidelity will simply “wash out,” sometimes portraying a program as better than it really is and sometimes portraying it as worse. this assumption probably, however, only applies to programs that have little or no effect, that is, to programs in which students achieve, on average, only as well as (not better than or worse than) those in a control group. it is likely however, that even if there were no differences in central tendency (the means), poor fidelity would result in a larger variance. when programs are implemented in different ways, greater variability should occur.2 more generally, however, the assumption that the effect of fidelity problems will be random is seriously flawed. for both exemplary programs and for programs that are ineffective, poor implementation of a program would, very likely, produce results that are systematically biased. thus, the wwc’s policy has very serious consequences for consumers, minimizing the positive impact of good programs as well as the negative impact of poor programs (see also engelmann 2008). basic to our analysis is the assumption of “regression toward the mean,” the well-established statistical phenomenon where those with high scores, or low scores, on a measure will tend to have 2 a recent article by zvoch and associates (2007) included measures of fidelity in the analysis of multisite implementation of a childhood literacy program and found greater variability among the sites with low fidelity of implementation than among those with higher fidelity. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 scores that are closer to the mean (lower for those who are high and higher for those who are low) at later testing periods. simply through regression toward the mean we would expect those who score lower than a mean at pretest to score higher (and closer to the mean) at posttest. this concept can apply to programs as well as individuals. by chance, programs that typically do well will, on average, do less well (rather than even better) over time. similarly, programs that do not perform well will, on average, do somewhat better (rather than worse) over time.3 these trends would be expected to be even stronger with poor implementation. a good program, when implemented poorly, would result in students doing less well than they would normally do. similarly, a program that typically results in poor achievement would, when implemented with less fidelity, result in students doing better than they normally would with the program. with poor implementation, the good programs would be less good and bad programs would be less bad. in other words, poor fidelity would result in biased results – and the nature of this bias is different for effective programs than for less effective programs. the sections below illustrate the extent of this problem using two different methods: calculations of effect sizes and calculations of regression coefficients. the impact of poor fidelity on effect sizes. tables 1 and 2 summarize the possible implications of inadequate fidelity of implementation for two different hypothetical curricular programs: one that is more effective than a control program (table 1) and one that is less effective than a control (table 2). effect sizes (the difference between the mean scores of experimental and control groups divided by the common standard deviation) are used as the metric of comparison.4 3 in lay person’s terms, this phenomenon corresponds to common-day sayings such as, “when things are bad, the only way to go is up;” and “those on top are poised for a fall.” 4 effect sizes are measures commonly used to estimate the strength of the relationship between two variables. unlike tests of statistical significance, they are not affected by sample size and thus provide estimates that can be compared from one study to another. they are often used in meta-analyses and other quantitative summaries of research literature. this paper uses cohen’s d, a widely used measure (cohen 1992). analysis of fidelity implementation policies for sake of illustration, it is assumed that the scores involved are normal curve equivalent (nce) scores with, for the control group, a consistent mean of 50 and a standard deviation of 21. consider first the data in table 1 regarding an exemplary program. the first column of panels a and b of table 1 gives four possible mean values of the experimental group that we will assume are the “true” values and the second column gives the values of cohen’s d that result when comparing these experimental means with those of the control group. it can be seen that the d values vary from .24, when the experimental mean is 55, to .95, when the experimental mean is 70. the higher values in this column are, in fact, similar to those often obtained in studies of highly effective programs, especially when they are implemented with fidelity (see adams and engelmann 1996). the lower values correspond to the level generally considered the point of educationally significant (d = .25, see fashola and slavin 1997). the other columns in part a of table 1 examine the likely result if the effective program is implemented with less than optimal fidelity, but the impact is simply the “random” effects that the wwc assumes will occur. in these calculations, as implied by the wwc assumption, the means of the experimental group do not change. however, the standard deviation is assumed to change, for with lower levels of fidelity, even if the means stay constant, greater variability would be expected. this is at the basis of the wwc notion of “averaging out.” three different table 1 effect sizes of comparisons with an effective program with different levels of fidelity a. random influences of fidelity problems (the wwc assumption) alternative d % change from "true" d m exp. gp. "true" d sd = 25 sd = 30 sd = 35 sd = 25 sd = 30 sd = 35 55 0.24 0.22 0.20 0.18 -10% -18% -26% 60 0.47 0.43 0.39 0.36 -8% -17% -24% 65 0.71 0.65 0.59 0.54 -8% -17% -25% 70 0.95 0.87 0.78 0.71 -9% -18% -25% current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 b. systematic influences of fidelity problems with smaller experimental means, but constant standard deviation effect sizes % ch. from "true" d m exp. gp. “true” d m 5 pts less m 10 pts less m 5 pts less m 10 pts less 55 0.24 0.00 -0.24 -100% -200% 60 0.47 0.24 0.00 -49% -100% 65 0.71 0.47 0.24 -34% -66% 70 0.95 0.71 0.47 -25% -51% c. systematic influences of fidelity problems with smaller experimental means and varying standard deviations effect size % change from "true" d m 5 pts. less m 10 pts less m 5 pts. less m 10 pts less m exp. gp. sd=25 sd=30 sd=25 sd=30 sd=25 sd=30 sd=25 sd=30 55 0.00 0.00 -0.22 -0.20 -100% -100% -190% -182% 60 0.22 0.20 0.00 0.00 -54% -58% -100% -100% 65 0.43 0.39 0.22 0.20 -39% -45% -69% -72% 70 0.65 0.59 0.43 0.39 -31% -38% -54% -59% note: if the impact of fidelity implementation is random (panel a), it is assumed that this affects only the standard deviation of the experimental group and not the mean. if the impact of fidelity implementation is systematic (panels b and c), both the mean and the standard deviation can be affected. cohen's d is calculated by subtracting the mean of the experimental group from the mean of the control group and dividing by the common standard deviation. the control group is always assumed to have a mean of 50 and a standard deviation of 21.06, the mean and standard deviation of the experimental group varies as shown in the table. for the "true" condition, with perfect fidelity, both the experimental group and the control group are assumed to have the s.d. of 21.06, reflecting the definition of normal curve equivalent scores. the common standard deviation is calculated as the average of control and experimental group s.d. for each case, assuming that the two groups are of equal size. values of the standard deviation are given, and it can be seen that in all situations the value of the effect size becomes lower than the “true” value. the final columns in panel a report the percentage change from the “true” d value, with results ranging from eight to 26 percent. (percentages were calculated by comparing the “true” values in the second column with the other values of d going across each row and using the “true” value as the base of the percent.) panel b and panel c of table 1 presents results that are more likely to occur when an effective program is implemented with less than adequate fidelity. in such a situation, it would be analysis of fidelity implementation policies logical to expect that performance would be lower – that the mean value would decline. as with panel a, the first two columns of panel b give the “true” experimental mean and effect size for comparison purposes. the next two columns present the effect sizes that would occur if the average value of the experimental group declined by either 5 points (column 3) or by 10 points (column 4), but assuming no change in the standard deviation.5 again, all of the effect sizes are smaller, but the percentage change from the “true value” is much larger than in panel a, ranging from 25 to 200 percent. finally, the calculations in panel c assume that lower fidelity with an effective program has two effects: the average score is lower than it would otherwise be and the standard deviation is larger, as in panel a. again, of course, the effect sizes are substantially lower and the declines are marked. now consider the possible implications of poor fidelity of implementation of a program that is, in reality, ineffective and, in fact, produces poorer results than the control group. these results are shown in table 2. as with table 1, the results with the “true” values are shown in the first two columns of panels a and b. it can be seen that the “true” effect sizes vary from -.24 to -.95. the data in panel a illustrate what would happen if the fidelity problems produced only random changes: the means would stay the same, but the standard deviations would become larger. it can be seen that, in all cases, the absolute values of the effect sizes become smaller – that is, less negative. table 2 effect sizes of comparisons with an ineffective program with different levels of fidelity a. random influences of fidelity problems (the wwc assumption) alternative d % change from "true" d m exp. gp. "true" d sd = 25 sd = 30 sd = 35 sd = 25 sd = 30 sd = 35 45 -0.24 -0.22 -0.20 -0.18 -10% -18% -26% 40 -0.47 -0.43 -0.39 -0.36 -8% -17% -24% 5 these differences in the means are probably reasonable estimates. a recent analysis (stockard, forthcoming) compared reading achievement nce scores between a control group and two implementations of a highly effective program – one with high fidelity and one with lower fidelity. the differences in nce scores between the two experimental groups ranged between 5 and 17 nce points depending on the measure and time during the implementation. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 35 -0.71 -0.65 -0.59 -0.54 -8% -17% -25% 30 -0.95 -0.87 -0.78 -0.71 -9% -18% -25% b. systematic influences of fidelity problems with larger experimental means, but constant standard deviations effect sizes % change from "true" d increased mean increased mean m exp. gp. "true" d 5 pts. 10 pts 5 pts. 10 pts 45 -0.24 0.00 0.24 -100% -200% 40 -0.47 -0.24 0.00 -49% -100% 35 -0.71 -0.47 -0.24 -34% -66% 30 -0.95 -0.71 -0.47 -25% -51% c. systematic influences of fidelity problems with larger experimental means and varying standard deviations effect size % change from "true" d m 5 pts higher m 10 pts higher m 5 pts higher m 10 pts higher m exp. gp. sd=18 sd=15 sd=18 sd=15 sd=18 sd=15 sd=18 sd=15 45 0.00 0.00 0.26 0.28 -100% -100% -207% -216% 40 -0.26 -0.28 0.00 0.00 -46% -41% -100% -100% 35 -0.51 -0.55 -0.26 -0.28 -28% -22% -64% -61% 30 -0.77 -0.83 -0.51 -0.55 -19% -12% -46% -42% note: if the impact of fidelity implementation is random (panel a), it is assumed that this affects only the common standard deviation and not the mean. if the impact of fidelity implementation is systematic (panels b and c), both the mean and the standard deviation can be affected. cohen's d is calculated by subtracting the mean of the experimental group from the mean of the control group and dividing by the common standard deviation. the "true" calculations assume that the standard deviation for both groups is 21.06, the values of the experimental mean and standard deviation vary as shown in each of the rows of the table. the common standard deviation is calculated as the average of the experimental and control group s.d., assuming that the groups are of equal size. the results in panels b and c illustrate the results if the impact of poor fidelity is systematic. with programs that are ineffective, it would be expected that poor implementation would lead to higher average scores (through regression to the mean) and smaller standard deviations. the smaller standard deviations result from having values that are “less ineffective.” as can be seen in table 2, the result is that the effect sizes are less negative. that is, the extent to which tahe programs are ineffective, as shown by the “true” values of d, is disguised. the impact of poor fidelity on regression coefficients. the same substantive results occur if one addresses this issue using regression models. in other words, one reaches the same analysis of fidelity implementation policies conclusion when approaching this issue with the language of regression analysis rather than the language associated with difference of means and effect sizes. assume that there are two groups, an experimental and a control group and that the two groups are of equal size. by definition, the variance of this grouping variable, which we will term x, is var (x) = p (1-p) = .5 (1 .5) = .25 (1). equation (1) simply reflects the computational formula for the variance in a binomial distribution as equal to the product of the two proportions (p * q), where q = 1 – p and where, with groups of equal size, p = .5. now suppose that a program is implemented with complete fidelity. in other words, there is no error at all in the implementation. for sake of example, we will assume that the “true” covariance between the treatment (x) and the outcome (y) (cov (xy)) is 4.6 the regression coefficient (byx) is defined as the covariance of the treatment and outcome (cov (xy)) divided by the variance of the predictor, or treatment, variable. with the values defined here, b*yx = cov (xy) / var (x) = 4 / .25 = 16 (2), where b* refers to the “true” value of the regression coefficient. in other words, when the program is implemented with complete fidelity the regression coefficient (byx), which is defined as the difference between the experimental and control group (the two values of x), is 16 points. now suppose that the program is implemented with less than complete fidelity. in regression terminology, poorer fidelity results in lower reliability of the experimental treatment. this simply means that the differences that are observed between the experimental and control group do not reflect the “true” differences that exist. observed differences reflect the true differences (var(x)) 6 the choice of “4” is arbitrary. the important point for the example is that it is the “true” value, or the covariance that occurs with perfect fidelity of implementation. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 as well as error (termed var(e), for variance of the error term). in other words, under poor implementation, it is harder to tell the “real” or “true” differences between the two groups, and the observed variance of this grouping variable reflects both true differences and error. as a result, when a program is implemented with less than complete fidelity, the estimates of the regression coefficient are altered: byx = cov (xy) / [var(x) + var(e)] (3). (note that the asterisk has been omitted from the b coefficient to indicate that it is not the “true” value.) the covariance is unchanged, but the estimate of the variance of the independent variable is increased because it now includes the error resulting from less than perfect implementation (var(x) + var (e)). the result is simple. with lower reliability (higher error) the denominator of equation 3 becomes larger and the absolute value of b decreases. in other words, the error introduced through poor implementation obscures the “true” difference between the experimental and control group and increases the estimated variance of the independent variable (by var (e)). this change in the estimate of variance alters the regression coefficient. in a regression framework, varying levels of fidelity of implementation are usually illustrated through the use of reliability coefficients, a standard method of estimating measurement error. by definition, reliability coefficients vary from 1.0, indicating no error in measurement and thus perfect implementation, to 0.0, indicating simple random implementation procedures. the computational formula for the reliability coefficient, rii, is rii = var (x) / [var(x) + var (e)] (4). thus, in a situation of error-free implementation, when the error variance equals zero, rii = var (x) / [var(x) + 0] = var(x)/var(x) = 1.0 (5). however, as implementation fidelity declines and the error variance increases, the denominator of equation 4 rises and the reliability coefficient declines. analysis of fidelity implementation policies from rearranging equation (4), we can estimate the sum of the variance of x and the error variance as the variance of x divided by the reliability coefficient: var(x) + var(e) = var(x) / rii (6). substituting in equation (3), we can then estimate the regression coefficient, byx, as byx = cov (xy) / [var(x)/rii] = [rii * cov(xy)]/ [var (x)] (7). given that cov (xy) /var (x) is the “true” value of the regression coefficient (b*yx), the biased estimate of byx that results from decreasing reliability can be written simply as byx = (rii )( b*yx) (8), where b*yx is the “true” value of byx and rii is the reliability coefficient. in other words, the estimated value of the regression coefficient, or the difference between the experimental and control group, is linearly related to the reliability coefficient. if there is perfect reliability (perfect implementation or no error), the estimated coefficient equals the true coefficient (r ii = 1.0 and b*yx = byx). however, as reliability declines the absolute value of the estimated coefficient becomes lower than the true coefficient. table 3 summarizes this pattern of results for programs with positive effects and programs with negative effects. three different covariance values are included, with absolute values ranging from 2.0 to 4.0 (across columns two through seven). the first column on the left lists different levels of reliability, from a coefficient of 1.0, indicating perfect fidelity, to .30, indicating very low reliability and low fidelity. values within the table are the regression coefficients, byx, which were computed using equation 8, for each level of reliability. as would be expected, the absolute value of the estimate of b declines linearly with decreasing reliability levels. most importantly, as with the results with effect sizes, both the positive impact of effective programs and the negative impact of ineffective programs are obscured. with effective programs, the positive impact is smaller with less reliability (lower fidelity), as indicated by current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 table 3 regression coefficients for varying levels of association and varying levels of fidelity covariance (x,y) effective programs covariance (x,y) ineffective programs reliability 4 3 2 -4 -3 -2 1.0 16.0 12.0 8.0 -16.0 -12.0 -8.0 0.9 14.4 10.8 7.2 -14.4 -10.8 -7.2 0.8 12.8 9.6 6.4 -12.8 -9.6 -6.4 0.7 11.2 8.4 5.6 -11.2 -8.4 -5.6 0.6 9.6 7.2 4.8 -9.6 -7.2 -4.8 0.5 8.0 6.0 4.0 -8.0 -6.0 -4.0 0.4 6.4 4.8 3.2 -6.4 -4.8 -3.2 0.3 4.8 3.6 2.4 -4.8 -3.6 -2.4 note: the values in the cells represent the regression coefficient (b) for each level of reliability and for different values of the covariance, calculated using equation 8 in the text. lower reliability coefficients correspond to lower levels of fidelity of treatment (larger error variances). smaller coefficients. with ineffective programs, the negative impact is also smaller with poor implementation fidelity. thus, with lower fidelity the “true” difference of both effective and ineffective programs is obscured. discussion the results presented above seem to refute the assumption that guides the wwc’s approach to considering the fidelity of implementation in its deliberations and summary ratings. even if the results of poor fidelity of implementation were random, the efficacy of both good and poor programs would be misrepresented. if, as is more likely, the results of poor implementation are not random, the impact would be even greater. good programs appear less effective and poor programs appear better than they actually are. the logic and calculations presented in this paper are simple, but the implications are potentially serious. even though the chance of a false negative (concluding that a good program is analysis of fidelity implementation policies harmful) or false positive (concluding that a harmful program is good) is not high,7 the procedures that the wwc has adopted would appear to almost definitely promote inaccurate conclusions. their ratings would automatically minimize the extent to which individual programs can either help or hurt students. in addition, the procedures lead to false impressions regarding the extent to which educational programs have the potential to change achievement patterns by minimizing accurate information about the actual range of change when programs are well implemented. the wwc policy may result in especially misleading results regarding effective programs, which are, of course, of most interest to policy makers, educators, and families. effective programs may be more difficult to implement precisely because they address numerous factors that affect student performance. such models are typically “extensive-requirements” reform programs, rather than “minimal-requirements” programs. the greater complexity and intricacy of the models, while resulting in substantially stronger results, also present greater challenges to full implementation and high fidelity (engelmann and engelmann 2004). it would not be unreasonable to expect that issues with fidelity could affect a higher proportion of such extensive requirements models than those that were simpler. the impact of the wwc policy should also be considered in light of the very few studies that the wwc has determined meet their standards of evidence. while their reviews of individual curricula generally indicate that numerous studies, often dozens, have been examined, only a handful, usually less than three for any particular program, are deemed to have met the set criteria for inclusion. as noted earlier, the standards and their application have received an extraordinary amount of criticism. yet, the simple fact that so few studies are actually reviewed to develop the summary ratings makes the importance of considering fidelity of implementation even more crucial. 7 with the regression simulation, the calculated values of b never cross zero, but come increasingly close to this point as the error variance approaches infinity. this result reflects the constant covariance used in the analysis. with the effect size simulations, in which the difference of means varies, some of the simulations result in changing signs from positive to negative or negative to positive. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 given the very small number of studies on which the summaries are based, it is extremely important that the possibility of systematic bias be removed. it could be relatively easy to add such elements to a review procedure. as noted earlier, simple rating scales could indicate the extent to which study reports note fidelity of implementation. those with low fidelity to a given model could be discounted or omitted from analyses. more generally, this paper adds to the already large body of critiques of the procedures of the wwc. the literature is replete with well-developed guidelines for reviewing literature and developing systems of consolidating findings in ways that pay careful attention to issues of both internal and external validity – including issues of fidelity. the results of the analysis above suggest that the wwc would benefit from consulting this literature closely. if the clearinghouse were simply a project of a lone faculty member or small nonprofit with an obscure website the issues would be far less serious. however, given the extensive funding received by the clearinghouse (in excess of $50 million at last report) as well as the endorsement of the federal department of education, one could suggest that students, families, the educational community, and the general public deserve more. analysis of fidelity implementation policies references adams, g. l. & engelmann, s. 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(2008). the what works clearinghouse beginning reading reports and rating of reading mastery: an evaluation and comment. technical report # 2008-4. eugene, http://www.zigsite.com/pdfs/machinationswwc%28v4%29.pdf analysis of fidelity implementation policies oregon: national institute for direct instruction. stockard, j. (forthcoming). direct instruction and first grade reading achievement: the role of technical support and time of implementation. journal of direct instruction. zvoch, k., letourneau, l.e., & parker, r.p. (2007). a multilevel multisite outcomes-by implementation evaluation of an early childhood literacy model. american journal of evaluation, 28, 132-150. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word model 1.docx volume 14, number 2 may 28, 2011 issn 1099-839x the social dimension of distance learning by interactive television: a qualitative study liang zhao saint xavier university this qualitative study examined instructors’ and students’ perceptions of social relationship in distance learning. interview and observational data were collected and analyzed to generate theories. convenient sampling was used. factors influencing a sense of distance were analyzed. findings revealed greater difficulty establishing a social relationship in interactive television environments than in face-to-face environments. both instructors and students found it important to build a personal connection between them. instructors’ preference for course delivery and building rapport with students was to travel and teach at the remote sites. the study implies that faculty and administrators should seriously consider, in their decision-making, both the gains and losses of interactive television as a delivery format. keywords: distance learning, interactive television, social relationship, qualitative study. the past three decades have witnessed increased use of distance learning in higher education. the latest statistics by the national center for education statistics (parsad & lewis, 2008) show that 66% of american higher education institutions offered distance learning courses, with an estimated 12.2 million enrollments (registrations) in the 2006-07 academic year. the percentage in public institutions was even higher: 97% in public 2-year institutions and 89% in public 4-year institutions. the report also indicates that the most frequently cited reasons for offering distance learning courses were to provide access to college for students who otherwise would not have access, to make more courses available, and to increase enrollment. while these might be legitimate reasons, researchers are also challenged to explore how teaching and learning manifest in distance learning. fundamental questions include how do instructors teach and how do students learn in distance learning? how is distance learning the same as, or different from, traditional face-to-face learning? this study is an attempt to tackle these questions. distance learning has existed for one and a half centuries, from the correspondence courses in the beginning to the online courses today (mood, 1995). although today’s distance learning takes various formats, the most frequently used arrangements in the united states include online courses (synchronous and asynchronous), two-way interactive video, and one-way pre-recorded video (parsad & lewis, 2008). interactive television (itv), also known as interactive video or videoconference, connects several sites by audio and video links, so that one instructor can teach to a few sites at the same time. itv is interactive and synchronous: it is capable of real-time, two-way communication between the instructor and the student, and among the students at different sites. itv is advantageous over other distance learning formats in that it may greatly enhance teacher-student interaction (e.g., mash et al., 2006; whithaus & neff, 2006). among the different formats of current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 distance learning, itv resembles face-to-face learning the most. what, however, is the social dimension like in distance learning in general, and itv in particular? how is the social relationship in the itv environment? more specifically, how do instructors and students establish a social relationship across sites? how is the social connection in itv, as compared to face-to-face learning? these questions are important ones, although the answers to them are not clear yet; therefore, the researcher chose to investigate them in this study. the questions above are the research questions and they guided this study. this paper is therefore about the closeness, or proximity, between the instructor and the student, and among students across sites. it is about the teacher-student relationship, with a focus on immediacy and affinity. it is also about closeness and distance, connection and detachment. this study will contribute a better understanding of the phenomenon of distance learning (therefore will add to knowledge), help instructors and students create more desirable teaching and learning experiences, and help policy-makers make informed decisions regarding distance learning. literature review theories in distance learning are still developing. theories developed earlier, such as the theories of independence, autonomy, and industrialization (see keegan, 1986) do not apply to itv. more relevant to itv are the theory of interaction and communication, and the theory of equivalency. the theory of interaction and communication (holmberg, 1986, 1989) emphasizes the importance of didactic conversation and two-way communication in distance teaching and learning between the learner and the tutor. holmberg’s ideal was to give learners a more satisfactory learning experience and make distance learning resemble face-to-face, group-based learning as much as possible. it is not clear how the theory will work in the itv environment. simonson and his colleagues (simonson, 1997, 1999; simonson, schlosser, & hanson, 1999) proposed the equivalency theory, which states that “distance education’s appropriate application should provide equivalent learning experiences for all students— distant and local—in order for there to be expectations of equivalent outcomes of the educational experience” (simonson, 1999, p. 7). it is not clear, however, in what way the remote and local learner's experiences are to be equivalent, or how the equivalent value of the learner’s experiences is to be judged. among studies of itv, few have followed the qualitative paradigm (e.g., kelsey, 2000; swartz & biggs, 1999). quantitative studies of itv mainly address issues in three areas: student achievement, student attitude and satisfaction, and teacher-student communication and relationship. it is not clear whether the itv format has an impact on student academic achievement, although some studies (e.g., huff, 2000; silvernail & johnson, 1990) reported results of no significant difference in achievement between itv students and campus students. regarding student attitude and satisfaction, it is consistent in the literature that students prefer traditional face-to-face instruction. when the same group of learners evaluated the same instructors’ instruction, they rated the face-to-face portion significantly higher than the itv portion (thyer, artelt, markward, & dozier, 1998; thyer, polk, & gaudin, 1997). some students followed the instructor to whichever site the instructor was teaching face-to-face (biner, barone, & welsh, 1997). some students requested that the instructor visit each site (gerber & shuell, 1997), and some even requested that the instructor rotate to teach among the sites on an equable basis (milan & shuell, 1996). on a course evaluation of the same instructor teaching the same class twice, itv students rated the instructor's teaching effectiveness significantly lower than the on-campus students did on 12 of the 13 items on a course evaluation instrument, and on the instructor’s overall teaching effectiveness (fetzer, 2000). students generally accept itv as a viable alternative delivery method, but would choose traditional course delivery if they were given a choice. only a very small percentage of the students thought itv instruction was as good as the typical instruction on their campus, and a very large percentage of the students would rather take a regular class than an itv course (gallagher & mccormick, 1999). regarding teacher-student communication and relationship, research shows that the teacher-student relationship is a critical element of student learning (see chandler & hanrahan, 2000), and is important for effective learning (see frymier & houser, 2000). the teacher-student relationship can be enhanced by immediacy behaviors, such as eye contact, facial expressions, tone of voice and gestures. immediacy behaviors enhance the closeness and nonverbal interactions between people (baringer & mccroskey, 2000). a study (frymier & houser, 2000) shows that both verbal and nonverbal behaviors have positive impacts on student learning and motivation to learn. a comparative study (freitas, 1998) finds different student perceptions of instructor immediacy in conventional and itv classes. taking the same course by the same instructor, students enrolled at the face-to-face section perceived higher rate of instructor nonverbal immediacy than students enrolled at the distance learning section. the researcher identified the following trends in his review of the literature. (1) research into distance education in general, and itv in particular, has primarily taken the quantitative approach, and there have been few empirical qualitative studies in this area. (2) studies of itv have focused on student evaluation of courses, student achievement, student attitude and satisfaction, and very few have examined the teaching-learning process and the instructor and learner’s lived experiences. (3) some studies (e.g., carter, 2001; chandler & hanrahan, 2000; mottet, 2000) reported difficulties that itv instructors and students the social dimension of distance learning by interactive television: a qualitative study 3 encountered, but few have studied these difficulties systematically and how these difficulties influence teaching and learning. this study is an attempt to fill these gaps by doing a qualitative study with a focus on the social dimension in the teaching-learning process and the instructor and student’s lived experiences in the itv environment. methodology this study aimed at exploring the teachinglearning process in the itv context and the specific experiences of participants. the exploratory and descriptive nature of the study therefore determined the qualitative paradigm as more suitable for this purpose. as marshall and rossman (1995) note, the qualitative paradigm is especially suitable for a study “that is exploratory or descriptive, that assumes the value of context and setting, and that searches for a deeper understanding of the participants’ lived experiences of the phenomenon” (p. 39). in essence, the social interactions and contextual factors embedded within the teaching-learning process were relevant to the decision to the research design. the fieldwork for the study was conducted primarily at a distance learning center at a public research university located in the northeastern united states. the center operated about 10 itv courses each semester, among other duties. the researcher also observed students at distance sites including a secondary, remote (receiving) site located about 15 miles north of the host institution. fourteen people were interviewed. instructors, students, and remote sites were assigned pseudonyms for the purposes of confidentiality. research data were collected using observation and interview. specifically, the researcher formally observed five itv courses—two as participant observer at a remote site and three as non-participant observer at the local site. courses were also observed in their entirety (i.e., the researcher attended all the class meetings of each course, except for one). a summary of the five classes observed is noted in table 1. all classes were at graduate level and used fiber optic connection across sites. one class was in library science, one in english, and three in education. the classes were mainly lecture based, although some group activities were incorporated. the five classes were all that was available for observation and the researcher could manage. observations of instructors and technicians were conducted primarily at the local site, and observations of distance-learning students were primarily at the remote site. however, when at the local site, the researcher also observed distance-learning students’ activities on the monitor, and similarly, he also observed instructors’ and technicians’ activities when he was at the remote site. initially, a broad and holistic approach was taken to events and behaviors. later, he focused on a few categories developed during an earlier pilot study, based on the constructivist theory of learning (shuell, 1996). throughout the process the researcher took notes and brief comments while observing, and immediately afterwards (the same day) completed detailed field notes to preserve fresh memory of events (emerson, frets, & shaw, 1995). the observations enabled the researcher to see how instructors and students interacted across sites and how they built a social relationship. table 1 classes observed instructor field researcher’s role enrollments dr. black education dr. schindler english participant observer 0 at home, 4 at norwood, 13 at allentown, 12 at columbia. dr. bacon library science non-participant observer 20 at home, 12 at bata. dr. rousseau education non-participant observer 10 at home, 3 at greenville. dr. moore education non-participant observer, operator 8 at home, 1 at greenville. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 the purpose of the interviews was to obtain participants’ perspectives on the nature of teaching and learning in the itv environment, and to learn about the meaning constructed from their personal teaching and learning experiences. convenient sampling was used. a total of 6 instructors, 5 students, and 3 technicians were included in the interviews, which lasted approximately 60 minutes each. the technicians were included because they were able to offer a unique perspective on the nature of social interaction across sites; they served as the eyes and ears for the remote-site students. both unstructured and open-ended questions were used in the interviews. the researcher told the interviewees the topics he was interested in and let them frame and structure their responses. interviewing techniques used in the study included those suggested by seidman (1998), such as avoiding leading questions, asking participants to tell a story or give an example, keeping participants focused and asking for concrete details, and so on. the interviews informed the researcher of how the participants perceived the nature and quality of the social interaction and relationship across sites. to maintain data quality, all individual interviews were recorded on audiotapes and later transcribed verbatim. during the interviews, the researcher asked participants about the things he observed to verify his observational data (i.e., member checking). observational data were then compared to interview data in order to identify consistencies and inconsistencies among emerging themes. all measures taken helped ensure the accuracy of data and credibility of results. as expected in qualitative methodology, data analysis was on-going and simultaneously conducted during data collection. while performing initial analysis, the researcher adjusted the data collection strategy and focus. upon leaving the field, more substantial data analysis was performed. this procedure is consistent with the views of marshall and rossman (1995) who pointed out, “data analysis is the process of bringing order, structure, and meaning to the mass of collected data… qualitative data analysis is a search for general statements about relationships among categories of data; it builds grounded theory” (p. 111). microsoft excel was used to store, organize, retrieve, and code the textual data collected from interviews and observations. after reading the data as a whole (twice), the researcher placed data in column a (first column from left), and did open-coding in column b. open coding is typically the beginning of meaning-making. the question in mind is, “what’s going on here?” he placed each data chunk into a cell in column a, and attached a code word in column b. he also used focused coding of selected categories, and placed code words for this purpose in column c. he then used column d to store code words for the third level abstraction. memoranda were written continuously and stored in column e. he also assigned a document id and a row number to each data chunk, so that when he retrieved data from a category, he knew where the data originated, and could go back to the context for further consideration. findings four categories emerged as relevant to the study, that address the complexities involved in establishing and maintaining social interactions within distance learning. among these were factors related to (1) instructors’ perceptions of interactions with students, (2) students’ perceptions of the class in general (including instructors’ sense of care), (3) the sense of distance created within the setting, and (4) teaching at remote sites. an overview of salient findings for each of the areas mentioned follows as related to the evidence gathered. instructors’ perception of the social relationship how did the instructors feel about their social relationships with students at remote sites, as compared to their relationship with campus students? generally, participants felt less connected with students at remote sites. participants reported that it took them longer to get to know the students, and that they did not feel they knew the students well. meeting someone through video is, after all, different from meeting someone in person. as one itv instructor commented, “when you see them (on the monitor), you don’t really see them” (zhao, 2002). students typically looked different in person than on the monitor as did the instructors. as a result, instructors felt less connected with students at remote sites. as dr. jones, one of the instructors the researcher interviewed, noted, “in general, i felt less of a connection, less of an emotional connection, with the students through the video.” dr. rousseau, another instructor in the study, echoed dr. jones, saying that he had a closer connection with the students on campus, and that those at the remote site wished they could be at the host site with the instructor and the local students. dr. rousseau’s experience further demonstrated the difference between video communication and in-person communication. (in itv the student’s body language, such as nodding of the head and facial expressions, got blurred on the screen, and the instructor could not maintain eye contact with the students.) due to the nature of video communication, it was more difficult for the instructors to build a social relationship with students at the remote site. in the class on diversity in education taught by dr. jones, she and her students explored some controversial issues such as children raised by gay couples, which required her to create a close relationship with students, and among students enrolled in the class at different sites. however, it was difficult for dr. jones to do so through itv, though she worked hard to manage the process. in her words, “i think that is a lot harder actually in distance learning. i think you have to work at it. i found that i had to work at it harder. the social dimension of distance learning by interactive television: a qualitative study 5 so, for instance, i don’t feel like i know the students very well in the distance.” it took instructors longer to get to know students at the remote site than it did to get to know those on campus. another instructor in the study, dr. schindler, taught a literature course where all students were at the remote sites. he had taught the same course many times before to students on campus. dr. schindler said he got to know students on campus better and was able to build a personal relationship with them very quickly. he indicated further that, in the face-to-face setting, the class appeared more relaxed and had much more joking around. dr. schindler stated that he got to know everybody by the third or fourth week in a regular class with 50 students. dr. schindler added that he knew who the students were and knew them by name. in contrast, with the itv class, dr. schindler got to know only the students who presented themselves and made themselves known, which represented a small portion of all students enrolled in the class. also, there were a number of students that he did not know by the end of the semester. dr. schindler was still trying to learn the names of the students at the very end of the semester, which indicated how difficult it is to know and build rapport with students through the video. although he had 30 students in total, the class met for an hour and 15 minutes each week and he made much effort to learn the students’ names, he still did not know them. the instructors believed that a better relationship would help students with their academic studies and professional development. the students would engage more in the class, perform better, and achieve more if they felt that the instructor knew them, cared about them, and was interested in them. they would be more likely to ask for guidance regarding professional issues, such as whether they should apply for a particular job. to summarize, in itv the instructors communicated with students at the distance site through itv monitors, where the instructor could not have a visual fix of students’ faces, and student immediacy behaviors were lost. so, the instructors felt less connected with students at these sites, and it was more difficult to establish a social relationship with the students involved although instructors tried harder to do so. students’ perception of the social relationship compared to students at the local site, those at the remote site had many disadvantages in connecting with the instructor. students at the local site could interact with the instructor informally before and after class, and during the break, and in class they could exchange facial expressions and informal audible responses with the instructor, which were not possible for students at the remote site. also, students at the local site received more of the instructor’s attention than those at the remote site. students at the remote site were not happy that instructors did not know their names. students wished the instructor would know them better, or at least know their names. students also reported that they felt “detached” from the classes, and perceived itv classes as “impersonal.” the lack of rapport and instructors’ knowledge of students’ names appeared to negatively affect how students were served, which was illustrated in the case of katy, a student participated in the study. katy asked an instructor to write her a letter of recommendation for her job hunt. the instructor said she would write the letter, but stated that she did not know katy that well, because they only interacted with distance learning. while students at the remote site knew each other within their sites, they did not interact across sites, except for the few students who always spoke up. the four students interviewed at the remote site were enrolled in a cohort of 30 students, which spread across three locations. the students had been taking the same classes for about two years, but they still did not know the names of some students at other sites. students in this case also developed a “them-us” perspective, in which they considered peers at the same site as “us”, and those at other sites as “them.” students developed this group identity and referred to people by site name instead of individual names. students at the remote site believed that going to itv classes was like watching tv at home. students also reported that it was like watching somebody else’s show on tv when instructors seemed to be teaching to students at the local site only. one instructor used the same analogy, “let me give you an example. i love rock music. watching the rolling stones on hbo is not the same as being at a rolling stones’ concert (laugh).” similarly, students found it difficult to relate to people on the screen, and they would rather sit with the instructor face-to-face. students reported feeling detached to the itv classes. students at the remote site also reported feeling detached from the university and some of them did not want to attend the commencement. students stated they would “feel out of place.” although their diplomas were issued by the university, students rarely visited campus and had primarily attended school at the itv receiving site. as a result, students at the remote site did not feel connected to the university, which was further aggravated by the fact that they did not receive much support from the university. students also believed that they were neglected at times by the instructors. learning at a distance was not just about how far away they were physically from the university; sometimes students just felt so far away from everything. students did not receive direct feedback from instructors or advisors, and they had to fall on their own group for support. echoing the instructors, the students did not think the instructors knew them. students perceived that students at the local site had a closer relationship with the instructors than they did. the students believed that their personal lives were connected to the teaching-learning process, and current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 6 instructors had to know them in order to understand them-understand what they said in class as well as what they wrote in the papers. they believed that a better relationship with the instructor would create stronger rapport that would lend purpose to their studies and facilitate their interest in the course content. sense of distance created instructors for itv were separated from students at the remote site by physical space and could not reach them face-to-face. the physical distance therefore created a sense of distance and disconnectedness. in campus classes, instructors and students were able to maintain a physical proximity. in contrast, students at itv remote sites were spread across a few locations and only appeared on tv monitors in distant images; thus, the physical proximity was missing. due to the physical proximity, students at the local site could communicate better with instructors, and therefore could connect better. students at the remote site had a disadvantage in this respect. the distant image of the students further created the sense of distance. the wide-angle cover shot of the students made it difficult for instructors to recognize individual students, and students’ nonverbal responses were also lost. the wide-angle cover shot of students made the instructors feel distant and removed. this process further created a personal and psychological distance. in the cover shot instructors could not see students clearly, and could not have a visual fix of the students. students could not have close-ups of their peers and, in one instructor’s words, “eye to eye, gazes into gazes.” the cover shot also made students feel distant and disconnected--as if they were invisible to the instructor. as a result, students believed they could go off task without being found and participated nominally in the class to obtain credits. maintaining eye contact is necessary for people to connect with one another. however, participants could not maintain eye contact through itv, which is an intrinsic limitation of the itv system. not being able to keep eye contact influenced participants’ feeling distant and disconnected. because students did not perceive the instructor as talking to them, they did not believe in the need to listen actively to the instructor. the fact that instructors and students at remote sites did not have opportunities to interact informally before or after class, or during the break or group work time also contributed to the sense of distance. teaching at remote sites how can a better relationship be built between the instructor and the student in itv? having instructors teach at remote sites proved to be an effective way to achieve this goal. most of the time the instructors taught at the host site and students at a distance received instruction at remote sites. occasionally, some instructors traveled and taught at each remote site. of the six instructors interviewed, two (dr. rousseau and dr. jones) taught at the remote sites. instructors taught at remote sites to connect with students taking classes from a distance and to provide them more personalized attention. in addition, instructors gave students at remote sites a chance to pursue off-camera conversations where they could ask the questions that they were reluctant to do in front of the whole class. dr. jones ended up teaching more sessions of a class at the remote site than at the local site for several reasons. first, she had two students at the host site and 27 at the remote site. there were also technical difficulties connecting the two sites and the remote site camera could not cover all the students. as a result, microphones were not available to all students. for this reason, dr. jones drove to the remote site, which was 60 miles away from campus. she also taught more often at the remote site than at the local site. dr. jones preferred this approach so that she could interact face-to-face with the 27 students at the remote site. she also believed it essential to establish a relationship with the students, and she believed the face-toface format would help accomplish this goal. in her case, distance learning resulted in driving the 60-mile distance every week. dr. jones felt compelled to do it “for the students’ benefit” because, otherwise, they would not receive the full benefits of the class and would not be as invested, an outcome that would not meet her expectations. students at the distant site preferred that instructors teach at their sites. the four students that the researcher observed at a remote site talked excitedly about how great it was when they had the instructors on site, with them face-to-face. students also remembered who went to teach at their site and who did not, and expressed their resentment to the instructors who chose not to come out. when students had an instructor coming, they brought in food for them, "trying to make them feel welcomed because they did come out and it was nice for them to come out to meet with us." when dr. jones went to teach at the remote site where the researcher observed, students perceived her as a very personable individual who really cared about them and wanted to know students. the students enjoyed seeing the instructors “from a different view,” as one student put it, and believed the instructors looked differently in person than on tv. students also developed a better rapport with dr. rousseau when he taught at a remote site. one student said she had conversations with the instructor during the break and could communicate through nonverbal means, which she thought was very much a part of “language” that is often underestimated. students eagerly exchanged stories with dr. rousseau and “got to know him” a little better instead of seeing only a face on the screen. teaching at distance sites took greater effort on the part of the instructors. students wished all the instructors did so, at least once, but most instructors did not. for those who did, instructors did so for the students’ benefit by giving those at a distance additional personal attention and the opportunity for off-camera talks. the instructor and the social dimension of distance learning by interactive television: a qualitative study 7 students got to know each other better from informal interactions, which made students feel more connected with the instructor and the course. students also developed a better rapport with the instructor. overall, teaching at remote sites was the best way for the instructor and students to connect. conclusion and discussion instructors and students in this study found it more difficult to establish social relationships in the itv environment than in face-to-face environments. several factors contributed to participants’ sense of distance and detachment, which included the physical distance between the instructor and students, the poor video quality of the students and the lack of eye contact and opportunity for informal interaction. both instructors and students believed it important to have a personal connection between them in order for the teaching-learning process to be meaningful. students’ personal lives were also connected to teaching and learning, and the instructors needed to learn about their students to better understand them. findings indicate that stronger rapport with instructors might help students engage in learning and achieve more in distance education. the best way for instructors to connect with students in this case was to physically travel and teach at the remote sites. social constructivist psychology highly values the role of interpersonal relationship in teaching and learning. in their work, a vision of vygotsky, wink and putney (2002) note that, from a vygotskian perspective, "learning takes place first on... an interpersonal plane, through interaction with others, then move to... an intrapersonal plane, as concepts are internalized by the individual" (p. xxi). they also note that "(t)he notion of social is key to the work of vygotsky. in terms of learning and developing, one sense of social incorporates the idea of interpersonal relationships" (p. 60). vygotsky "acknowledged learners as interactive agents in communicative, socially situated relationships" (p. 62-63). similarly, in my pedagogic creed, dewey (1897) also contends that the educational process is both psychological and sociological. thus, we understand that social relationship is a critical element in the teaching-learning process, and the implication is that instructors need to build rapport between the instructor and the student, and among students across sites, which requires that all parties interact with, and get to know, one another. the teacher-student relationship can be enhanced by immediacy behaviors (baringer & mccroskey, 2000); however, distant learning by itv lessens the likelihood that these behaviors will be captured, transmitted, and perceived by people at other sites—at least in ways that contribute to the social dimension inherent within teacher-student relationships. this finding is consistent with the literature (e.g., balkin, buckner, swartz, & rao, 2005; mottet, 2000). in a 153-subject study, mottet (2000) reports that instructors' inability to perceive students' nonverbal responses is related to their impression of students, their perception of teacher-student relationship, and their willingness to teach in the itv classroom as opposed to the face-to-face classroom. studies (e.g., frymier & houser, 2000) show that the teacher-student relationship influences student learning both directly and indirectly. students’ attitudes toward the teacher and the content (affective learning) influence their cognitive learning. a closer teacher-student relationship facilitates affective learning, which in turn enhances cognitive learning. instructors and students in this study held similar beliefs. unfortunately, neither the instructors nor the students were satisfied with the social connection between them, and they wished they had a better connection and relationship. the itv system did not help much in building the connection and establishing the relationship. gillies (2008) reports similar findings. itv was inferior in this respect as compared to the face-to-face format. in this study both instructors and students perceived it highly beneficial that instructors travel and teach at remote sites. this is also documented by other researchers (e.g., gillies, 2008). to compensate the inherent limitations of the technical system, instructors should travel and teach at remote sites when feasible. although it could be expensive, educational administrators should balance the benefits and the costs of doing so. this study adds to knowledge on distance learning by revealing the inner working of the social connection across sites in itv and the factors that contributed to the difficulty in establishing social relationships in this environment. this study confirms that both instructors and students highly value the connectedness, and that itv was less able to support it in comparison to face-to-face instruction. by examining participants’ lived experiences, this study provides empirical evidence for similar findings in survey studies. this study has implications for practice and policy, which faculty, administrators, and policymakers should all consider. at the practice level, when a course is considered for delivery by itv, the nature of the course should be examined: is it knowledge-based or performance-based? a course on collective bargaining negotiation skills, for example, is not suitable for itv because of the level of action that it entails. is social relationship a critical factor in student learning? a course on diversity studies, for example, requires that students are comfortable discussing in class some sensitive issues, such as gay marriage. at the policy level, as more and more higher education institutions rush to distance learning at a time of increasing financial austerity, the strengths and limitations of various distance learning formats must be considered. the author recommends that face-to-face delivery should be chosen over itv for the maximal teacher-student connection, and that itv should be chosen over asynchronous distance learning formats for its capacity in building relationships across sites through real-time audio and video links. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 8 this study has a limitation: the researcher observed some classes as a participant observer and other classes as a non-participant observer, and this difference in way of observing can cause different viewpoints. this study focused on affective learning in itv, not cognitive learning. future research should investigate cognitive learning in itv in comparison to face-to-face references balkin, r., buckner, d., swartz, 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(2011). the social dimension of distance learning by interactive television: a qualitative study current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article /view/740/ author notes liang zhao saint xavier university 3700 w. 103rd street, chicago, il 60655 zhao@sxu.edu liang zhao is associate professor in the school of education, saint xavier university in chicago. he teaches courses in the foundations of education. his research interest includes the history and philosophy of education, research methodology, technology in education, and character education. the author would like to thank the three anonymous reviewers for their constructive criticism, and dr. sheila wright and dr. mary lawson for their editorial assistance and ideas for revision. the social dimension of distance learning by interactive television: a qualitative study 11 volume 14, number 2 may 28, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors krista adams melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy angeles maldonado carol masser john michael tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers microsoft word finalmodel for melinda from lori.docx 1 volume 14, number 2 june 1, 2011 issn 1099-839x student attitudes toward accelerated reader: “thanks for asking!” amy f. smith karen l. westberg university of st. thomas the accelerated reader (ar) program, designed by renaissance learning, states its purpose is to increase students’ motivation to read and students’ achievement in reading. a review of the literature reveals inconsistent findings about its outcomes. while renaissance learning cites many research studies on their website that suggest the program is meeting its goals, very little has been noted regarding student opinion of the program. independent research studies about students’ attitudes toward the program have been varied, yielding both favorable attitudes toward the program and others indicating unfavorable results. what do students really think about the accelerated reader program, a widely used supplemental, independent reading program in which students read fiction and non-fiction books of their choice and take brief online comprehension quizzes about the books? the results from student focus group interviews during our study on students’ attitudes toward ar in grades 3-8 are described in this article. keywords: accelerated reader, independent reading, motivation to read the accelerated reader (ar) program was designed by renaissance learning to increase students’ motivation to read and students’ achievement in reading; however, a review of the literature reveals inconsistent findings about its outcomes. the renaissance learning company reports several research studies on their website that suggest the program is meeting its goals. independent research studies about students’ attitudes toward the program, however, have been varied, some reporting favorable attitudes toward the program and others indicating unfavorable results. the purpose of this two part study was to gather students’ views about the accelerated reader (ar) program. in part one of the study (results previously reported in a paper given at american educational research association, may, 2010) questionnaires were administered and completed by 1365 grade 3-8 students in four schools. the results from the questionnaires indicated that most students perceive the ar program as being helpful in motivating them to read and acquiring reading skills; however, older students have significantly less favorable attitudes toward the program. while valuable insights emerged from the questionnaire data, the purpose of this article is to discuss the results from part two of the study in which focus group interviews were conducted at five schools. the focus group interviews provide findings that are similar, in some respects, to the questionnaire findings, but students express more critical views about the ar program in the interviews. what do students really think about the accelerated reader program? the focus group interview results from our study on students’ attitudes toward ar in grades 3-8 are described in this article. review of the literature the empirical literature on student outcomes from participation in the accelerated reader (ar) program reveals varied and contradictory findings. renaissance learning, the developer of the ar program, reports on its website that 155 studies conducted on the ar program support the effectiveness of the program, of which 129 were conducted independently, and 20 were published in peerreviewed publications. it isn’t totally clear, however, how “independent” these studies are, and the studies are varied in terms of methodology and purposes. and, furthermore, a review of the literature using databases, such as eric and wilson web, reveals that studies resulting in negative findings on the ar program are not listed on the renaissance learning website, and we have been unable to current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 locate 129 “independent” studies. in discussions with teachers regarding their knowledge of ar it was noted that teachers, consumers and prospective customers of the ar products most likely read only the research summaries on the renaissance learning website and are not aware of other research conducted on ar that reports different outcomes or some concerns about the program (d. cooper, personal communications, 2009). many parents and teachers perceive the ar program to be achieving its promise (personal communications, 2009), but some independent research studies indicate that students have unfavorable views about the program and that the ar program does not increase students’ achievement or self-efficacy about reading (e.g., conrath, 2007; krashen, 2005; melton, et al., 2004; schmidt, 2008; white, 2005). for example, when investigating students’ motivation for reading, schmidt (2008) found that teachers believed the program was important for instilling a love of reading, but the students of these teachers indicated they read only for the ar points, not for the joy of reading. thompson, mahuri, and taylor (2008) also found negative student views in their study with high school students in california. the use of ar was actually counterproductive in this situation because the students read less after the ar program was implemented than before they participated in the ar program. obviously, the program had a negative impact on students’ interest in reading. the developers of ar claim that the program will "get students excited about books", but persinger (2001) and brisco (2003) questioned if ar is responsible for getting students excited about reading or if it simply gets students interested in the program to earn points and prizes. teachers often reward students with pizza parties, etc. after they have earned a certain number of ar points. persinger concluded that rewarding students with points and prizes actually undermines students’ intrinsic motivation to read. schmidt (2008) also concluded that ar has a negative effect on students because of its emphasis on literal facttype quizzes and extrinsic rewards. gallagher (2009), the author of readicide, argues that the “overteaching of academic texts” and the use of programs, such as ar that offer extrinsic rewards for reading, are responsible for “readicide”, the noun he created to describe “the systematic killing of the love of reading, often exacerbated by the inane, mind-numbing practices found in schools” (p. 2). only a few studies have investigated whether the ar program actually has an impact on students’ reading achievement. as with ar studies on motivation, the results of these studies are contradictory, and only a few used comparison groups. peak and dewalt (1994) investigated the impact of ar on 50 randomly selected grade 9 students in north carolina who had used the system for five years; and they report that the ar students made better gains on the california achievement test in reading than the comparison students. a different result was found, however, in a causal-comparative study by conrath (2007), who found that grade 8 students in non-ar schools had higher reading achievement scores on the measures of academic progress than the students in the ar schools. these surprising findings were attributed to the teachers’ emphasis in non-ar schools on reading in general and their use of critical reading skills. some researchers have examined reading achievement outcomes for various student subgroups. for example, melton et al. (2004) conducted an ex post facto study comparing the reading achievement of 352 students who had ar for one year with a group in another school (n = 270) that did not have ar. pre-test and post-test terra nova scores (ancova analyses) indicated that the ar students in quartiles 2, 3, and 4 scored significantly lower than those who did not participate in the ar program. no difference was found for students in quartile 1 (lowest quartile). it appears from the limited number of studies conducted to investigate achievement that ar does not usually result in gains, although it should be emphasized again that few well-designed, independent experimental and quasi-experimental studies have examined this issue. despite the positive views that many educators have about the ar program (personal communications, 2009), many teachers do not integrate the accelerated reader program into their regular reading program—it is an add on. white (2005), in his dissertation research, found that ar is an isolated event in most classrooms and is not integrated into other literacy activities. biggers (2002) argues that computer-based literacy programs, such as ar, are eroding well-supported balanced literacy programs and states that ar cannot even be considered a literacy instructional program. stevenson and camarata (2000), when comparing whole-language learning with the accelerated reader program, concluded that ar teaches students that reading is an isolated and competitive activity. cuddeback and ceprano (2002) conducted a study to determine if ar would be beneficial to the development of comprehension in young emergent readers when involved in a summer school program that used ar. they concluded that ar did contribute to reading comprehension improvement with struggling readers when utilized in conjunction with other materials and teaching procedures. the reality is, however, that most teachers do not integrate ar into their literacy programs (schmidt, 2008; white, 2005). as the previous study cited, some researchers have investigated how the program impacts high-achieving and low-achieving students. in our conversations with capable elementary and adolescent readers (k. westberg, personal communications, 2008, 2009) and in a few studies (e.g., thompson, madhuri, & taylor, 2008), we found that capable readers actually dislike the program so much that they take quizzes by watching a movie made from a book, ask friends to take the tests for them, or read books well below their reading level to earn ar points on the ar tests. student attitudes toward accelerated reader: “thanks for asking!” 3 some studies have found that low-performing students and low ses students also do not like ar (e.g., thompson, madhuri, & taylor, 2008). student focus group procedures while much has been published by renaissance learning heralding the value of accelerated reader for students, and teachers speak of the quiz printouts as proof that students are gaining comprehension skills and are motivated to read more, very little has been written about students’ perceptions of accelerated reader. the student voice is missing in this conversation. in order to gain a more complete picture of students’ opinions, we conducted focus group interviews in three school districts (five schools). we recognize that students are not given the opportunity to express their opinions about school programs to an outsider very often, and as one grade 7 student commented after the focus group, “thanks for asking!” methodology eight to ten students were selected by their teachers from five school sites to meet in focus group settings. these student participants were selected by their teachers from among 1,365 students in 68 heterogeneous classrooms within five school buildings located in three districts. in district no. 1, 591 grade 3-5 students in an elementary school and 504 grade 6-8 middle school students participated in this study. district no. 1 is considered to be a rural district (less than 10,000 residents in the town), but it is located near a metropolitan area and will soon be considered a suburban school district. at the second site (referred hereafter as district no. 2), participants included 166 grade 4-6 students attending an urban, magnet school in an inter-district school district created to promote diversity and interdisciplinary education. the third site for the study was a private religious school located in a metropolitan area, referred to as district no. 3. 104 grade 3-8 students in this school participated in the study. students in the three school districts are relatively diverse in terms of race, ethnicity, and socio-economic status, and they reflect the overall demographics in the state in which these districts are located. district no. 1 is 90% caucasian, 10% noncaucasian; district no. 2 is 64% caucasian, 36% noncaucasian; and district no. 3 is 88% caucasian, 12% noncaucasian. using free and reduced lunch as an indicator of ses, district nos. 1 and 2 have 25% and 24% of their students, respectfully, participating in the federal free and reduced lunch program (district no. 3 is not a public school.) we conducted five focus group sessions, three with middle school students (grades 6-8) and two with elementary school students (grades 3-5) at their respective school sites. the open-ended questions were designed to give students an opportunity to share what they thought of accelerated reader (see fig 1). we met with each group of 8-10 students for approximately 45 minutes. no school personnel were present for the interview sessions. at the beginning of each focus group, students were assured that their responses would not be shared with any school officials, teachers, or parents, so they were encouraged to be candid. prior to meeting with the students, their parents had signed consent forms and the students had signed assent forms. students’ experiences with ar varied from school site to site. for example, some middle school students had ar as a class for forty-five minutes a day, and ar was optional for some students in grade 3. some elementary students could read with a partner or as a class, and then take a quiz. students at all sites were given an ar point total goal for each quarter. point levels and reading level were determined in all schools by a standardized measure of reading aptitude or achievement. all students received rewards for reaching reading goals. during each focus group session, we made handwritten notes of students’ responses to interview questions. these raw data were then analyzed using constantcomparative analysis procedure. this method was originally developed for use in grounded theory methodology, and is now applied more widely as a method of analysis in qualitative research. it requires the researcher to take one piece of data (e.g. one interview, one statement or one theme) and compare it to all other pieces of data that are either similar or different. during this process, the researcher begins to look at what makes this piece of data different or similar to other pieces of data. the results section will focus on the themes that emerged from the analyses from the focus group data. findings the first question on the focus group interview guide asked students to describe how ar is used in their school. students provided the following descriptions in each district. in district no. 1, the middle school students have a class period devoted to ar. their ar class meets daily for 45 minutes, just like math or science. students spend class time reading ar books each day, and record what they are reading in an ar reading log. a teacher supervises the class period, but no instruction is given. students must read books totaling 25 points each quarter. when students reach the reading goal they may use the ar period as a study hall. students receive grades for this subject, their ar class, based on the number of points they earn. the elementary students in district no. 1 are given the option of participating in the ar program, although most students participate. students who reach reading goals receive prizes. third graders read several books as a class and then take individual quizzes. in district no. 2, students in grades 4-6 participate in ar. the program is organized and supervised through the media center, with little connection to classroom instruction. students read ar books and must earn an assigned number of points each quarter. schoolwide incentive programs are in place for students who go current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 focus group interview guide: accelerated reader 1. tell us about how accelerated reader is used in your school. 2. what do you like best about accelerated reader? 3. what do you like least about accelerated reader? 4. if you could change anything about accelerated reader what would it be? 5. do you and your classmates always read the book before taking the quiz? explain. 6. do you find the ar quizzes to be easy or hard? explain. 7. do you have enough books that interest you from the accelerated reader titles available to you? explain. 8. how do you choose which accelerated reader books to read? 9. do you think all schools should have accelerated reader programs for their students? explain. 10. is there anything else you’d like to add about your experience using accelerated reader? explain. figure 1. interview guide questions above and beyond their assigned reading goals. in district no. 3, students in grades 4-8 are required to earn teacher-assigned point totals each quarter. occasionally students will have time in class to read, but the majority of ar reading is homework. grade 4 students, new to the ar requirement, read several books together as a class, and then the students take individual quizzes on the books. the remaining focus group interview questions provided students with an opportunity to express their views about the ar program. the following themes emerged from these conversations with students across all focus group sessions. too much process several students explained that they like to read and don’t particularly like the extra components of the ar program. at the completion of a 45-minute discussion about ar, one grade 6 student summarized the group’s opinion stating, “ar--it’s just plain silly.” a grade 5 boy corroborated this sentiment by saying, “i don’t know, quiz questions, points, rewards…i just like to read. i don’t need all that.” several students noted that time spent organizing and supervising ar could be better spent just letting kids read. a seventh grader noted that, “i sometimes have to spend the whole independent reading block filling out my log and waiting to see the teacher to prove that i read what i said i read, before i can take a quiz.” from their perspective there was too much process and not enough time to read. rewards for reading a considerable amount of time in the focus group sessions was spent discussing the reward systems associated with ar. when asked about receiving rewards for reading and reaching point goals one student commented, “you shouldn’t read just to get a reward, but i like them!” students were careful not to complain too much about receiving rewards for reading. while many children explained that time to read for pleasure was valuable to them, they also like receiving candy or treats, ar parties, special field trips etc. for reaching point totals. points lead to changes in reading behavior a middle school focus group spent several minutes revealing that they read differently because of ar. one student said, “i wouldn’t read as fast, i would read at my own pace if i didn’t have to do ar.” another boy in grade 7 noted, “i would read more relaxed, pay attention to details if i didn’t have to do ar.” other students commented that they would choose different books or read several books at a time if they didn’t have to worry about meeting point totals. children at all grade levels stated that ar points influenced their reading choices. a girl in grade 4 said, “i would read a lot more if i didn’t’ have to worry about points.” an entire middle school group agreed that they would not read a book unless it had ar points because they needed to get points for their grades. they limited what they read until they achieved their point goal. one boy added, “after i reach my point goal, i can read the books that interest me.” a grade 6 boy suggested that point values be left off books so that you didn’t know how much they were worth and you wouldn’t limit yourself. ar quizzes need improving students discussed the ar quizzes in much detail. a grade 8 student summarized his opinion of the quizzes by saying, “they’re [the quizzes] 80% small facts that don’t connect with big ideas.” another student noted, “the quizzes are either way too easy or way too hard.” still another commented, “i read some of the quiz questions and think ‘who cares’?’” an elementary student noted that the quizzes asked for details that were not important to the story and were designed to trick you. students also noted that often two answers seemed like good choices. this phenomenon led grade 5 student to say, “the ‘thoughtful reader strategies’ we learn about during reading class don’t help you on the quizzes.” cheating and ar quizzes elementary and middle school groups discussed student cheating on ar quizzes. one grade 8 student made the suggestion that an “ar police” monitor students so it was fair to everyone. a grade 5 student said, “we take student attitudes toward accelerated reader: “thanks for asking!” 5 quizzes for each other sometimes if we really need to get our points in. we know each other’s pin numbers so we can help each other out.” other children commented that it was common for students to take a quiz and then write down as many questions as they could remember and then tell friends what questions they needed to know. two grade 4 friends related that they took quizzes on books they hadn’t read just for the fun of it, to see if they could pass the quizzes. several other grade 4 and 5 students admitted that if they were bored or had free time, they took quizzes on ar books on which movies had been made (which they had seen), which would eliminate the need to actually read the books. after studying our field notes, we realized an interesting phenomenon emerged during the student focus groups; namely, students often distanced themselves from the usual classroom behaviors by making recommendations for other students. students made comments, such as “i would read anyway, but for kids who don’t read, ar is good.” or, “the quizzes are good to make sure kids read all the details, not just the back cover.” “i don’t share answers to quizzes, but teachers should supervise other kids better so there’s less cheating.” students had a keen eye on equity, especially in situations where rewards were at stake. ar program improvements finally, when asked about how students would improve ar in their schools the students made the following recommendations: have more books available; have more quizzes available; have better rewards/no rewards; remove point totals from books; improve quiz questions, allow students to adjust their own reading goals; and allow students to delete a quiz if they want to stop midway through the quiz. conclusions and recommendations clearly students have a lot to say regarding the ar program. they articulated concerns regarding important issues such as pressure, cheating, and motivation to read that are different from most published studies that surveyed only teachers, parents, and administrators. all focus group participants noted they feel pressure to earn points for ar. those students whose reading/language arts grade was impacted ar expressed frustration and annoyance with the program. students also reported that the pressure to earn points changed the way they approached independent reading. many students reported reading high point books right away until they had enough points, and then they read the books that interested them. other students reported reading many easier books to reach point goals before concentrating on books they enjoyed. schools need to evaluate how they are using point goals as some practices appear to cause undue pressure regarding independent reading. students also pointed out the need for schools to do a better job of monitoring student quiz taking. students from all five focus groups recognized that cheating on quizzes was common. students commented on the resentment they felt about that, especially when rewards were at stake. regarding renaissance learning’s claims that ar motivates students to read, and teacher beliefs that ar motivates students, caution should be used when assuming students are motivated for positive reasons. many focus group participants said they read more because of ar, especially if class time was devoted to ar reading time, but that they didn’t read for the pleasure of reading. rather, they were motivated by earning treats, candy, parties, and other incentives. independent reading became a competitive endeavor. based upon student comments a close and careful look at how ar is implemented in schools is warranted. while renaissance learning cannot control the manner in which schools implement the ar program, noting student concerns, and presenting solutions in their promotional materials and website along with the full range of research on ar would be beneficial to teachers and administrators as they make decisions on program implementation. most students disliked turning independent reading into a competitive activity, even if they enjoyed rewards. students reported that they would read without the ar program rewards, especially if it meant they didn’t have to take quizzes but could report on their reading in alternative ways. additionally, schools need to be prepared to support ar with the resources to provide more books and quizzes so that students can select from a wide variety. overall, student focus group participants expressed negative views towards the accelerated reader program. when asked for their opinions, students offered complex insights into the program and its implementation citing several weaknesses that were consistent across focus groups. students do not like the point system because it adds pressure to independent reading, especially when tied to grades. earning points also led to cheating behavior on behalf of some students so they could avoid reading and still earn points. most focus group participants also expressed that they changed their reading habits and preferences in order to complete point goals before they could read what they wanted to read. in order to address these student concerns, it is recommended that administrators and teachers consider the voices of their students and make changes to implementation practices at the school level. references biggers, d. (2001). the argument against accelerated reader. journal of adolescent and adult literacy, 45, 72-75. brisco, s. (2003). ar: what are motives behind the motives? teacher librarian, 30(4), 33-34. conrath, r. a. (2007). a comparative study for the effects of a supplemental reading program on eighthgrade students’ reading comprehension growth unpublished doctoral dissertation, university of south carolina, columbia, south carolina. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 6 corbin, j., & strauss, a. c. (2007). basics of qualitative research: techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory (3 rd ed.) thousand oaks, ca: sage publications. cuddeback, m. j., & ceprano, m. a. (2002). the use of accelerated reader with emergent readers. reading improvement, 39(2), 89-96. gallagher, k. (2009). readicide: how schools are killing reading and what you can do about it. portland, me: stenhouse publishers. krashen, s. (2005). accelerated reader: evidence still lacking. knowledge quest, 33, 4849. mccoy, d. (1991). surveys of independent reading: pinpointing the problems, seeking the solutions. paper presented at the annual meeting of the college reading association, crystal city, va. (eric reproduction document service no. ed 341021) melton, c. m., smother, b. c., anderson, e., fulton, r., repogle, w. h., & thomas, l. (2004). a study of the effects of the accelerated reader program on fifth grade students’ reading achievement growth, reading improvement, 41(1), 18-23. peak, j., & dewalt, m. (1994). reading achievement: effects of computerized reading management and enrichment. ers spectrum, 12, 31-34. persinger, j. (2001). what are the characteristics of a successful implementation of accelerated reader? knowledge quest, 29(5), 30-35. schmidt, r. (2008). really reading: what does accelerated reader teach adults and children? language arts, 85, 202-211. stevenson, j. m., & camarata, j. w. (2000). imposters in whole-language clothing: undressing the accelerated reader program. talking points, 11(2), 8-11. renaissance learning. (2009). 155 research studies support the effectiveness of accelerated reader. retrieved july 10, 2009 from, http://www.renlearn.com/ar/research.aspx renaissance learning (2009 ). june 27, 2008: news release. retrieved july 10, 2009, from http://www.renlearn.com/aboutus/pressreleases/20 08/100%20million%20quizzes.pdf thompson, g., madhuri, m., & taylor, d. (2008). how the accelerated reader program can become counterproductive for high school students. journal of adolescent and adult literacy, 51, 550560. white, w. q. (2005). an investigation of the accelerated reader program in one small school district: students’, teachers’, and administrators’ perceptions. unpublished doctoral dissertation, the ohio state university, columbus, ohio. student attitudes toward accelerated reader: “thanks for asking!” 7 article citation smith, a. f., & westberg, k. l. (2011). student attitudes toward accelerated reader: “thanks for asking!” current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/632 author notes amy f. smith, ph.d. university of st. thomas 1000 lasalle avenue, minneapolis, mn 55403 afsmith@stthomas.edu amy smith is an assistant professor in the department of teacher education where she teaches literacy methods courses and directs the master of arts in k-12 reading instruction. karen l. westberg, ph.d. university of st. thomas 1000 lasalle avenue, minneapolis, mn 55403 klwestberg@stthomas.edu karen westberg is an associate professor in the department of gifted, creative, and talented education where she teaches gifted, creative, and talented methods courses, as well as courses in educational psychology and research methodology. current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 8 volume 14, number 2 june 1, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors krista adams melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy angeles maldonado carol masser tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers cie template volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x rethinking undergraduate mathematics education: the importance of classroom climate and self-efficacy on mathematics achievement michelle l. peters university of houston-clear lake karen kortecamp the george washington university citation peters, m. & kortecamp, k. (2010). rethinking undergraduate mathematics education: the importance of classroom climate and self-efficacy on mathematics achievement. current issues in education, 13(4). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract given the growing societal demand for a more mathematically proficient work force, mathematics proficiency is viewed as a necessary component for success in today’s world. to ensure proficiency, undergraduate institutions may need to rethink their instructional approaches to teaching mathematics. understanding the influence of classroom climate and self-efficacy on mathematics achievement may lead to instructional practices that increase the percentage of students choosing to pursue mathematics related majors. this literature review synthesizes research that has empirically examined the influence of classroom climate and self-efficacy on mathematics achievement. this review also offers recommendations for future research and policy in the area of undergraduate mathematics. keywords: mathematics education, mathematics self-efficacy, mathematics achievement, classroom climate, learner-centered environments, teacher-centered environments, literature review current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 about the author(s) author: michelle l. peters affiliation: university of houston-clear lake address: university of houston-clear lake, houston, tx 77058 email: petersm@uhcl.edu biographical information: michelle l. peters is an assistant professor of quantitative research methods at the university of houston-clear lake’s school of education. her research focuses on middle school stem and undergraduate mathematics education. author: karen kortecamp affiliation: the george washington university address: 2134 g street, washington, dc 20052 email: karenkor@gwu.edu biographical information: karen kortecamp is an associate professor of curriculum and pedagogy at the george washington university’s graduate school of education and human development. her research interests include professional development, teacher development, and evaluation practices. rethinking undergraduate mathematics 3 rethinking undergraduate mathematics education: the importance of classroom climate and self-efficacy on mathematics achievement for nearly fifty years leaders in american industry, military, education, and politics have focused considerable attention on stem (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) education. it has been argued that growing the number of college graduates proficient in stem fields is essential to america’s economic well being and national security. the federal government has legislated billions of dollars to fund stem research and education (lips & mcneil, 2009). recently, the american recovery and reinvestment act of 2009 signed into law by barack obama included an additional $2.5 billion to fund the national science foundation including stem programs. in spite of increased spending the number of undergraduate students completing stem degrees is not increasing sufficiently to meet workforce demands. viewed separately, proficiency in mathematics is a necessary component for success in today’s technological workforce (mdhe, 2007; shinn et. al, 2003). higher education institutions are an avenue for preparing this workforce. to ensure proficiency, undergraduate institutions need to rethink their instructional approaches to teaching mathematics. the challenge to undergraduate mathematics educators is to teach students with diverse backgrounds and interests. according to nces (2007), the total number of bachelor’s degrees conferred continues to increase from year to year. the number of women and minorities pursuing college degrees is also increasing (hussar & bailey, 2008). despite the fact that the demographics of undergraduate mathematics classes have dramatically changed over the years, undergraduate mathematics education has remained pedagogically stagnant. as a result, student achievement in current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 those mathematics classrooms has declined (fletcher & tienda, 2010; nelson, 1996; treisman, 1992). teachers often teach in the manner in which they were taught (ball, 1988; clark, dicarlo, & gilchrist, 2003). for those who have had traditional schooling experiences, this may lead them to believe that their role is to give information to students utilizing didactic teachercentered approaches. compounding this, walczyk, ramsey, and zha (2007) reported mathematics faculty perceive obstacles to instructional innovation including the weight given to teaching effectiveness in personnel decisions, challenges in assessing teaching effectiveness and lack of formal professional development. with little or no incentive to improve instruction and little or no professional development in innovative teaching practices, the learner-centered directions in undergraduate mathematics education called for by the national research council (nrc) in 1999 will likely not be pursued. the concern is that the infrequent use of learnercentered instruction has negative effects on undergraduate learning and motivation (walczyk, ramsey, & zha, 2007). this literature review synthesizes research that has empirically examined the influence of classroom climate (teacher-centered and learner-centered) and self-efficacy on mathematics achievement. improving classroom climate and self-efficacy in undergraduate mathematics is increasingly important as the percentage of students earning mathematics degrees is not increasing at the same rate as college enrollments. in a september 2008 report, the national center for education statistics (nces) reported, “total enrollment in degree granting institutions increased 23 percent from 1992 to 2006” (hussar & bailey, 2008, p. 8). between 2006 and 2017, the nces has projected the following enrollment trends: rethinking undergraduate mathematics 5 1. thirteen percent increase in total college enrollments from 17.8 million to 20.1 million. 2. ten percent increase for students between the ages of 18 and 24 and 8% for students over 35 years of age. 3. thirteen percent increase for both males and females. 4. twelve percent increase in undergraduate enrollments and 18% increase in graduate enrollments. 5. five percent increase for students who are white, 26% for black students, 39% for hispanic students, 26% for asian or pacific islander students, 30% for american indian or alaska native, and 1% for nonresident aliens. although college attendance rates are climbing, the number of mathematics majors is not increasing. this poses a challenge for the traditional ways of approaching or thinking about undergraduate mathematics education. though the percentages of minorities, women, and older students deciding to pursue college degrees is increasing, groups such as these typically have reported lower self-efficacy and achievement in their previous mathematics courses (betz, 2001; o’brien & martinez-pons, 1999; stevens, olivarez, lan, & tallent-runnels, 2004). as a result, educational institutions are going to be faced with the challenge of educating an increasingly diverse set of learners. research shows that only 2.6 out of 30 students in the class or approximately 9.0% percent will complete a degree in mathematics or choose to major in a mathematics related field nces, 2008). given society’s need to maximize the usage of human capital in an increasingly technological world, a strong background in mathematics is critical for many career and job opportunities (meece, wigfield, & eccles, 1990). mathematics proficiency is necessary, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 particularly for those students in post-secondary education who will someday take the middle and higher-level jobs in the current and future economy (augustine, 2007). despite the growing need for graduates prepared to enter mathematics related fields, trends show those needs will be largely unmet. research shows that the lack of self-efficacy (bandura, 1997) relating to mathematics is a significant contributor to why students are not successful in mathematics (hackett & betz, 1989; hall & ponton, 2005; lent, brown, & larkin; 1986; o’brien, martinez-pons, & kopala, 1999; pajares & miller, 1994). self-efficacy is defined as a person’s perception of his or her capabilities at performing a given task (bandura, 1997). in order to build self-efficacy on the way to increasing mathematics achievement, the classroom climate in undergraduate mathematics may need to address and support the development of students’ mathematics self-efficacy. many students entering undergraduate education lack confidence or a sense of efficacy in their academic abilities because of unpleasant mathematical experiences, such as poor mathematics grades in high school. due to an increasing number of individuals seeking to earn higher education degrees, the traditional classroom climate utilizing the teacher-centered perspective may no longer be sufficient for ensuring academic success in an undergraduate mathematics course for a majority of students with diverse mathematical skills and career goals. consequently, if greater numbers of students are to be successful in undergraduate mathematics courses, it may be imperative to examine the influence classroom climate can have on mathematics self-efficacy and ultimately mathematics achievement. given that k-16 studies have shown that mathematics self-efficacy influences mathematics achievement, a review of the empirical studies may illuminate what could be done to ensure that more students choose to major in mathematics-related career fields, and thus add to rethinking undergraduate mathematics 7 today’s workforce in technical fields (cooper & robinson, 1991; hackett & betz, 1989; hall & ponton, 2005; lent, lopez, & bieschke, 1991; o’brien & martinez-pons, 1999; pajares & graham, 1999; pajares & miller, 1994; schunk & hansen, 1985; randhawa, beamer, & lundberg, 1993). research has verified that self-efficacy beliefs greatly influence decisions that college students make concerning choice of college majors and career decisions (hackett, 1985; hackett & betz, 1989; lent & hackett, 1987; lent, lopez, & bieschke, 1991). as a result of low perceptions of mathematical ability, students tend to choose career fields that do not require success in mathematics. according to nces (2007), approximately 91% of bachelor’s degrees awarded in 2005-2006 were primarily from non-mathematics degree fields. these statistics clearly indicate that the majority of students are choosing not to pursue mathematics-based fields. yet, the demands of society are requiring greater numbers of competent graduates in mathematics. theoretical framework this section provides a proposed conceptual framework, concerning the relationships between (a) classroom climate and mathematics self-efficacy, (b) mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics achievement, and (c) classroom climate and mathematics achievement. based on our review of the literature we believe learner-centered classroom climates promote mathematics self-efficacy, which in turn improves mathematics achievement. classroom climate research suggests that classroom climate can influence achievement directly through the environment established by the teacher in a classroom (brown, 1960; eggen & kauchak, 2007; o’reilly, 1975; pierce, 2001). classroom climate is defined as the learning environment that the instructor creates by teaching in a teacher-centered or learner-centered manner. teachercurrent issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 centered (tc) refers to an instructional preference or teaching style focusing most on teaching and assessing behavioral objectives through course content and delivery. the needs of the student are placed second to instructing and assessing the curriculum. the teacher-centered instructional preference is the dominant approach across all levels of education in north america (conti, 1990). this is especially the case for mathematics teachers, whose subject matter expertise and skill in organizing and structuring content is what makes them most useful (boldt, 2002). on the other hand, learner-centered (lc) climate refers to an instructional preference or teaching style that focuses most on the needs and well being of the student, not to mention the process of learning (knowles, holton, & swanson, 2005). a learner-centered environment provides students with: (a) support and guidance, (b) positive feedback and encouragement, (c) empathy, and (d) mutual trust and respect (pratt, 2002). when teachers create a classroom climate based on mutual trust and respect, which is also free of ridicule and criticism, students tend to feel more secure (pratt, 2002). this sense of safety is believed to have a positive influence on mathematics self-efficacy and, consequently, mathematics achievement (adelman & taylor, 2005; harradine, 1999; pianta, stuhlman, & hamre, 2002; pierce, 2001; stipek, feiler, daniels, & milburn, 1995). learner-centered teachers at all levels have faith that learners can grow and, therefore, can learn. a primary role of the learner-centered educator is to establish a learner-teacher relationship that fosters growth in confidence and self-efficacy. it is believed that educators who embrace the learner-centered perspective of teaching: (a) seek to empower the learner, (b) divulge a sense of personal regard for the welfare of their learners, and (c) view subject-matter content as simply a means for learner self-efficacy (pratt, 2002). in facilitating self-efficacy, rethinking undergraduate mathematics 9 learner-centered teachers attempt to find a balance between caring and challenging by believing in their students and helping them achieve their goals. from this point of view, teaching is effective if achievement is the means and self-efficacy is the end. mathematics self-efficacy the link between self-efficacy and achievement is well documented in the literature (cooper & robinson, 1991; hackett, 1985; hackett & betz, 1989; hall & ponton, 2005; lent, lopez, & bieschke, 1991; o’brien, martinez-pons, & kopala, 1999; pajares & graham, 1999; pajares & miller, 1994; randhawa, beamer, & lundberg, 1993; schunk & hansen, 1985; siegle & mccoach, 2007). an individual’s level of self-efficacy affects his or her behavior in many ways in that it influences the choices that a person will make and the courses of action he or she will choose to pursue (pajares, 1996). bandura (1986, 1997) claimed that a person’s selfefficacy is a major determinant of whether there will be persistence in a given task, how much effort will be expended toward the task, and whether a person will even attempt it (pajares, 1996). people tend to avoid tasks for which they feel less competent and confident, but do engage in those tasks in which perceived competence and confidence is high. research suggests that the higher the self-efficacy, the greater the effort and persistence expended toward a given task (schunk, 1991). there are four key factors that contribute to the development of a student’s self-efficacy: (a) prior behaviors and performances, (b) verbal persuasion, (c) vicarious learning, and (d) emotional arousal (bandura, 1986, 1997; ormrod, 1998; schunk, 1989). students are more likely to feel confident in their mathematics ability, and thus have higher academic achievement, if they have experienced success in a previous mathematics class, if they have received positive current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 feedback and encouragement for their mathematics accomplishments, or if they have witnessed others of a similar age and ability successfully solving a difficult mathematics problem. in academic venues, self-efficacy research has primarily focused on two main areas: (a) exploring the relationships among self-efficacy beliefs, related psychological constructs, and motivation and achievement (cooper & robinson, 1991; hackett & betz, 1989; hall & ponton, 2005) and (b) examining the link between self-efficacy beliefs and college major and career choices (betz & hackett, 1983; hackett, 1985; lent, lopez, & bieschke, 1991; pajares, 1996). as previously mentioned, the results from past k-16 studies have shown that mathematics selfefficacy is positively correlated with mathematics ability/performance. in other words, students who report higher levels of mathematics self-efficacy also report higher levels of mathematics performance. research has also indicated that self-efficacy is a mediating factor for academic outcomes, cognitive engagement, and academic performance (patrick & hicks, 1997). the mediating effects of mathematics self-efficacy on mathematics performance have been of great interest to many researchers (hackett, 1985; o’brien, martinez-pons, & kopala, 1999; pajares & miller, 1994; randhawa, beamer, & lundberg, 1993; stevens, olivarez, lan, & tallentrunnels, 2004). review of the research literature an exploration of the empirical literature was undertaken to better understand the relationships among (a) classroom climate and mathematics self-efficacy, (b) classroom climate and mathematics achievement, and (c) mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics achievement. the developmental nature of self-efficacy and the lack of empirical research for all grade levels required studies to be reviewed from the k-16 literature base. given the limited amount of rethinking undergraduate mathematics 11 research on the above relationships carried out in mathematics classrooms, these studies were taken primarily, but not entirely, from studies conducted in mathematics. the search of literature on classroom climate was limited to studies published after 1936, when it was discovered that the environment and its interaction with an individual’s personal characteristics were powerful determinants of human behavior. few studies of collegiate teachers’ classroom teaching practice actually exist (speer, smith, & horvath, 2010). given the lack of relevant research conducted using undergraduate and/or mathematics students, classroom climate studies focused primarily on non-mathematics k-12 literature. the relationship between mathematics self-efficacy and achievement has been well established in the k-16 literature base. empirical research in self-efficacy was limited to studies published after 1977 the year bandura’s social learning theory was published. initially, the search discovered 71 articles on classroom climate, mathematics selfefficacy, and mathematics achievement. in order to narrow the number to only those that addressed the research purpose and questions, each article was reviewed thoroughly to determine if it did or did not meet the necessary criteria for inclusion. although several articles were examined for this literature review, only 5 of the classroom climate studies and 12 of the selfefficacy studies met the criteria for inclusion. the classroom climate studies were restricted to those demonstrating a link between (a) a learner-centered classroom climate and self-efficacy and (b) a learner-centered classroom climate and achievement. the self-efficacy studies were limited to those primarily, but not entirely, in higher education examining the relationship between mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics achievement. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 studies of classroom climate for more than 20 years, the influence of classroom climate on student learning has been of interest to researchers. according to fraser (1989), “the strongest tradition in past classroom environment research has involved investigation of associations between students’ cognitive and affective learning outcomes and their perceptions of psychosocial characteristics of their classrooms” (p. 315). research has shown that student perceptions account for a considerable amount of variance in learning outcomes and, as a result, one could assume that student outcomes might be improved by creating a classroom environment conducive to student learning (fraser, 1989). haertel, g., walberg, and haertel, e. (1981) conducted a meta-analysis involving 734 correlations from 12 studies (823 classes in eight subject areas, 17,805 k-12 students in four nations). the purpose of the study was to estimate the sign and size of the correlations between student perceptions of the social psychological climates of their classrooms and student learning outcomes. findings indicate that better achievement on a variety of learning outcomes was positively associated with classrooms consisting of cohesiveness, satisfaction, task difficulty, formality, goal direction, democracy, and the material environment. negative associations were found to exist in those classrooms consisting of friction, cliqueness, apathy, and disorganization. in 1981, walberg incorporated classroom environment as one factor in a multi-factor model of educational productivity. the model claims that student learning is codetermined by the following factors: (a) student age, ability, and motivation, (b) quality and quantity of instruction, and (c) the psychosocial environment of the home, the classroom, the peer group, and the mass media (walberg, 1981). research not only confirmed the importance of all of the factors in the model, but also concluded that even when all other factors in the model were held rethinking undergraduate mathematics 13 constant; classroom environment was a strong predictor of student achievement and attitudes (fraser, 1989; walberg, fraser, & welch, 1986). for the purpose of this review, only classroom environment (climate) will be utilized as a factor in determining self-efficacy and achievement levels. classroom climate and self-efficacy this review of the literature revealed a lack of empirical research directly related to whether classroom climate builds self-efficacy in an undergraduate mathematics class. however, related k-12 research links learner-centered environments to increased self-efficacy in other classroom contexts (pianta, stuhlman, & hamre, 2002). results of such studies indicate that the climate in a classroom affects a student’s confidence in his or her abilities (adelman & taylor, 2005; harradine, 1999; stipek, feiler, daniels, & milburn, 1995). stipek, feiler, daniels, and milburn’s (1995) study compared children in learner-centered preschools and kindergartens with children in didactic (teacher-centered) preschools and kindergartens in terms of motivational variables, such as perceptions of abilities and expectations for success. their study consisted of a total of 227 children (105 males, 122 females), from 32 classrooms (age 4-6). to differentiate classroom types, observers, using a 47-item observation measure, rated each classroom based on classroom instruction and social climate. the didactic group consisted of 123 students (60 males, 63 females) and the learner-centered group consisted of 104 students (45 males, 59 females). findings indicated that, compared to students in teachercentered classrooms, students in learner-centered classroom climates tend to (a) rate their abilities significantly higher, (b) have higher expectations for success, (c) select higher levels of task difficulty, (d) have less dependency on the teacher, and (e) display more pride in their accomplishments. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 in a similar study conducted by harradine (1999), possible relationships between classroom climate, self-efficacy, and interest were examined with 107 third and fourth-grade students from four classrooms and two schools throughout the duration of one social studies unit. the two classes in school i were taught in the traditional manner, with the teacher positioned at the front of the room and the students sitting in clusters of four desks. classroom activities were teacher-driven, with students seated at their desks, and the textbook primarily drove instructional content. the students in school ii did not have assigned seats and each classroom consisted of numerous work centers where the students could work. each student was afforded quite a bit of autonomy in deciding what they would do, when they would do it, and where they wanted to do it. students were administered a 10-item self-efficacy scale, a 12-item general interest scale, and a 7-item unit-specific interest scale constructed by the researcher. in addition, a modified version of the origin climate questionnaire was administered to each student to gauge perceptions on classroom climate. the classroom teachers administered each of the scales, one per day, in the same week. the results of the study concluded that classroom climate was responsible for fostering the students’ interests and self-efficacy was directly related to student interest in the classroom topics and activities. classroom climate and achievement various characteristics of the classroom environment, such as satisfaction and “democraticness” (one aspect of a learner-centered environment), were found to be directly linked to academic achievement (o’reilly, 1975). in order to evaluate various aspects comprising classroom climate on mathematics achievement, o’reilly (1975) surveyed 1,100 ninth and tenth-graders in 48 mathematics classrooms from 12 secondary schools in eastern rethinking undergraduate mathematics 15 ontario. in two sittings, students were administered the stanford achievement testmathematics and the learning environment inventory (lei). the results indicated that a positive significant relationship existed between classroom satisfaction and mathematics achievement, r = .45, p < .05, and between democraticness and mathematics achievement, r = .47, p < .05. the results of this study suggested that the higher the satisfaction perceived by the student concerning the class, the greater the mathematics achievement and the more democratic the learning environment, the greater the mathematics achievement. teacher characteristics related to establishing a learner-centered environment, such as praising and encouraging students, can affect the classroom climate and, subsequently, academic achievement (brown, 1960; pratt, 2002). brown (1960) conducted a study to gauge a teacher’s classroom climate, based on verbal behavior, and compared it to student achievement. the study consisted of 15 third-grade classrooms (n = 318; 175 males, 143 females). to measure the classroom climate of the teachers, observers classified the verbal behavior toward the students into seven categories, such as learner-supportive statements and teacher-supportive statements, and then placed each teacher on a continuum that extended from learner-centered to teachercentered. to gauge student achievement, students were administered various forms of the elementary battery of the stanford achievement test. the findings indicated a higher relationship between a learner-centered classroom climate and the arithmetic subtest of the elementary battery of the stanford achievement test. a more recent study examined the influence of other teacher behaviors on her classroom’s climate, and thus her students’ achievement. pierce (2001) conducted a case study involving a middle school teacher with 24 years of teaching experience (21 at-risk students). the teacher was selected for the study based on recommendations from teachers, administrators, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 parents, and former students. observations were conducted over a period of 12 weeks in the form of audiotapes and field notes paying close attention to verbal/nonverbal teaching behaviors, teacher personality characteristics, and student learning. findings showed that the teacher created a classroom atmosphere that promoted a non-threatening environment for taking risks and participating freely in the learning process, provided students with a sense of safety and support, and showed enthusiasm and respect for her students. as a result, she increased her students’ level of academic achievement. mathematics self-efficacy and achievement in contrast to the body of work on classroom climate, the self-efficacy and achievement literature is more rich and complex. bandura’s social cognitive theory has greatly influenced researchers in many disciplines, particularly in the field of mathematics. in academic venues, self-efficacy research has focused on exploring the relationships between self-efficacy beliefs, related psychological constructs, and motivation and achievement (pajares, 1996). it is held that self-efficacy fosters engagement with learning activities, which promote educational competencies, which influence academic achievement (zimmerman, 1995). in addition, research has shown that self-efficacy is a mediating factor for academic outcomes, cognitive engagement, and academic performance (bikkar, beamer, & lundberg, 1993; patrick & hicks, 1997). the effects of mathematics self-efficacy on mathematics performance have been of great interest to many researchers. although there might be a reciprocal relationship between selfefficacy and achievement (pajares, 1997), a range of k-16 studies have shown that mathematics self-efficacy is positively correlated with mathematics ability/performance (betz, 1978; cooper & robinson, 1991; goldman & hewitt, 1976; hackett, 1985). results from these studies indicated that students who tend to report higher levels of mathematics self-efficacy also tend to rethinking undergraduate mathematics 17 have higher levels of mathematics performance (hackett & betz, 1989; pajares and miller, 1994; schunk and cox, 1986; schunk & hanson, 1985). modeling (vicarious experience) and persistence increase mathematics self-efficacy and thus have a direct effect on skill acquisition and performance (bandura, 1997; schunk & gunn, 1986; zimmerman & ringle, 1981). in 1985, schunk and hansen conducted a study to explore the influence of modeling on self-efficacy and mathematics achievement. the study involved 72 elementary students (36 boys, 36 girls, mean age = 10.1) selected from eight classes in two schools (schunk & hansen, 1985). students were administered a pre-test on which each student rated his or her self-efficacy for solving subtraction problems correctly. immediately following the self-efficacy assessment, each student took a subtraction skill test composed of 25 problems. following the pre-test students were randomly assigned by sex and school to one of the six experimental conditions including one control group. all children in the five model conditions received two 45-minute treatment sessions on consecutive school days. students viewed two videotapes that presented various subtraction operations in 15-minute blocks. the day after students viewed the second videotape, children participated in a subtractiontraining program consisting of 40-minute sessions on five consecutive days. students assessed their subtraction self-efficacy, skill, and persistence the day following the last training session, and it was concluded that modeling led to higher self-efficacy for learning and subtraction skills. several years later, mccoach and siegle (2007) conducted a study to assess whether training teachers in ways to enhance self-efficacy could influence mathematics self-efficacy and achievement. this study consisted of 872 fifth-grade mathematics students from 10 school districts, 15 schools, and 40 classrooms. each of the 15 schools was randomly assigned to either the treatment (n = 7 schools, 21 classrooms, 430 students) or the control (n = 8 schools, 19 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 classrooms, 442 students) group. after the teachers assigned to the treatment group received staff development training in self-efficacy strategies to use in their classrooms, all of the fifthgrade mathematics teachers taught a 4-week unit on measurement. prior to and following instruction, all of the students completed the student mathematics survey and the math achievement test. the results of the hierarchical linear modeling (hlm) analysis indicated that mathematics self-efficacy was a statistically significant predictor of mathematics achievement and the relationship for post-test mathematics achievement and self-efficacy was stronger for the treatment students than for the control students. in a study consisting of middle school students, pajares and graham (1999) chose 273 sixth-graders (150 boys, 123 girls) from one suburban, public middle school in the south to investigate the impact of various motivation variables on task-specific mathematics performance. attitude and outcome measures were administered in october and again in april, including a mathematics self-efficacy scale and a mathematics performance examination. the results of the multiple regression analyses concluded that mathematics self-efficacy was the only variable to predict mathematics performance at the beginning and the end of the school year. during the same year, o’brien and martinez-pons (1999) published a study designed to assess relationships among mathematics self-efficacy, performance, ethnicity, gender, and career interests in mathematics/science. four-hundred and fifteen (221 boys, 194 girls) 11 th grade high school students were surveyed using the mathematics self-efficacy scale (mses), adapted for high school students, and their achievement scores were obtained through pre-scholastic test (psat) scores. the results of path analyses techniques showed statistically significant correlations between mathematics self-efficacy and academic performance, indicating that as mathematics self-efficacy increases, so does mathematics performance. rethinking undergraduate mathematics 19 in a somewhat similar study, stevens, olivarez, lan, and tallent-runnels (2004) conducted a study to determine if self-efficacy could predict mathematics achievement across ethnicity. high school algebra students (317 ninth-graders, 100 tenth-graders, mean age = 14.7, 53% hispanic, 30% caucasian, 4.6% african american) participated in the study. each student was required to take a mathematics self-efficacy instrument created by pajares and graham (1999) to evaluate the confidence levels of eighth-grade students at the end of the school year. in addition, mathematics performance was assessed by having each student complete 20 problems similar to those found on the self-efficacy instrument. the findings suggested that on the average the hispanic students have a lower mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics performance than did the caucasian students and a statistically significant relationship existed among mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics performance for the entire sample. the findings showed a statistically significant relationship among mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics performance for the entire sample, r = .47, p < .01, caucasian sample, r = .46, p < .01, and the hispanic sample, r = .41, p < .01. studies evaluating the relationship between self-efficacy and academic achievement have also been conducted utilizing various groups of undergraduate student populations. in 1985, employing the use of undergraduate volunteers (n = 262; 109 males, 153 females) enrolled in an introductory psychology course, hackett (1985), utilizing data that were collected as part of a larger project on mathematics self-efficacy, developed a causal model examining the role of mathematics self-efficacy as a mediating variable in the choice of mathematics-related majors (betz & hackett, 1983). each participant was administered the mses and participant act mathematics scores were obtained from college records. to investigate the relationship between act mathematics current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 scores and mathematics self-efficacy, path analysis techniques were applied and found a significant positive relationship between act mathematics scores and mathematics self-efficacy, r = .66, p < .001. these results suggest that as mathematics self-efficacy increases, so does mathematics achievement. in addition, findings showed that there existed a relationship between gender and mathematics self-efficacy, r = -.25, p < .01, and gender and mathematics achievement, r = -.19, p < 05. men tended to have higher mathematics self-efficacy and achievement than women. in 1989, hackett and betz, extending on the previous study (betz & hackett, 1983), extended their research to further explore the relationship between mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics performance in undergraduate college students. pearson product-moment correlations were conducted to examine the relationships between mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics performance. the results of the pearson product-moment correlation indicated that there was a significant positive relationship between mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics performance, r = .44, p < .001. in other words, the higher the mathematics self-efficacy, the higher the mathematics performance. in 1991, two other research teams, cooper and robinson and lent, lopez, and bieschke published findings addressing the relationship between mathematics self-efficacy and achievement. building on previous research conducted on mathematics self-efficacy, cooper and robinson’s (1991) study aimed to examine the relationships between hackett’s (1985) recommended variables of mathematics and career self-efficacy, perceived external support, mathematics background, math anxiety, and mathematics performance. this study targeted engineering and applied science students at a public mid-western university. participants included 229 male and 61 female undergraduates, who selected rethinking undergraduate mathematics 21 mathematics-based college majors, attending the first, third, and fifth summer orientation session. during the first two days of the orientation session, each participant was administered various survey instruments, including the mathematics self-efficacy (mse) scale constructed by the investigators. the american college testing program mathematics academic test (act-9) scores were obtained from student transcripts. pearson product-moment correlations were computed between mathematics and mathematics ability. the results indicated that significant correlations existed between scores on the mse and act-9. a significant positive relationship was found to exist between mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics performance, r = .22, p < .001, suggesting that as mathematics self-efficacy increased, mathematics performance increased. building on prior research on career and academic self-efficacy, lent, lopez, and bieschke’s (1991) study investigated mathematical self-efficacy beliefs and the relationship of those beliefs to outcome expectations, academic interests, and science-based career choices. at a large mid-western university, participants (53 men, 85 women; 94% white, and 80% freshmen/sophomores) enrolled in an introductory psychology course received experimental credit for agreeing to take part in this study. each participant completed various measures, to include a mathematics self-efficacy scale designed specifically for this study. in addition, researchers obtained participant act scores from university records. predicting for mathematics self-efficacy, the results of the regression analysis indicated that after controlling for gender, only the mathematics act scores and perceived performance variables explained unique variation. a couple of years later, randhawa, beamer, and lundberg (1993) proposed a structural model to test the mediational role of mathematics self-efficacy between mathematics attitudes current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 22 and mathematics achievement. a sample of 225 (117 male, 108 female, age 17-19) high school students, from nine algebra 30 (an academic grade 12 course) classes in three high schools, was chosen to participate in the study. each participant was administered 3-rating scales including the mses) and a mathematics achievement test. results indicated that not only did mathematics self-efficacy act as a mediator variable between mathematics attitudes and mathematics achievement, it was also statistically correlated with mathematics achievement, r = .44, p < .05. the following year, pajares and miller (1994) decided to use path analysis to test bandura’s hypotheses regarding the mediational role of self-efficacy in the area of mathematics. the authors were interested in examining whether mathematics problemsolving self-efficacy had a greater effect on problem-solving performance, than did math anxiety, gender, math selfconcept, prior experience with math, and perceived usefulness of mathematics. in addition, pajares and miller tested whether self-efficacy had a mediating effect on gender and prior math experience on problem-solving performance. students at a large public university in the south, (121 men, 229 women), a majority of whom were enrolled in courses in the college of education (137 education majors, 213 other majors), volunteered to participate in this study. in the individual classes, in one sitting, students were asked to complete four survey instruments, including a modified version of the mathematics confidence scale (mcs), and were required to complete the mathematics problems performance scale (mpps) to assess their mathematics performance. the correlation of the variables in the path analysis results indicated significant relationships between mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics performance. path coefficients from mathematics self-efficacy, β = .545, t = 10.87, p < .0001, were found to be significant to mathematics performance. in comparison to the other variables in the study, mathematics selfrethinking undergraduate mathematics 23 efficacy had the stronger direct effects on mathematics performance. in addition, self-efficacy was found to mediate the effect of gender and prior mathematics experience on mathematics performance. several years later, hall and ponton (2005) aimed to determine whether there were selfefficacy differences between undergraduates enrolled in a calculus course and those enrolled in a developmental mathematics (intermediate algebra) course. hall and ponton hypothesized that self-efficacy beliefs may impede success for those students enrolled in developmental mathematics courses. freshman students, enrolled in either intermediate algebra (n = 105; 42 men, 63 women) or calculus i (n = 80; 42 men, 38 women), were solicited from a medium-sized southeast rural university. each participant was required to complete the mses. the results of an independent t-test indicated that there was a statistically significant difference between the self-efficacy beliefs of the intermediate algebra and calculus i students, t(185) = 8.902, p < .001. the calculus i students (mean mses = 7.08) showed a higher selfefficacy than the intermediate algebra students (mean mses = 5.33). the pearson productmoment correlation results for all participants, r = .580, p < .001, and the calculus i students, r = .454, p = .598, indicated that there was a relationship between mses scores and act scores, whereas there was no relationship found with the intermediate algebra students, r = .052, p = .598. discussion summary of the literature the studies reviewed provide evidence of relationships among (a) classroom climate and mathematics self-efficacy, (b) classroom climate and mathematics achievement, and (c) current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics achievement. the research here shows that it is reasonable to link classroom climate to learner and teacher-centered climates (harradine, 1999; stipek, feiler, daniels, & milburn, 1995). empirical studies indicate that learner-centered classroom climates increase learner self-efficacy and influence academic achievement indirectly and directly. in addition, the results of studies also suggest that self-efficacy affects mathematics achievement (hackett & betz, 1989; harradine, 1999; pajares & graham, 1999). results of several studies suggest that as self-efficacy increases mathematics achievement also increases (hackett, 1985; hackett & betz, 1989; lent, lopez, & bieschke, 1991; siegle & mccoach, 2007; stevens, olivarez, lan, & tallent-runnels, 2004). research therefore indicates that selfefficacy influences academic achievement directly. implications for practice mathematics proficiency is a must for today’s technological workforce (mdhe, 2007; shinn et. al, 2003) and colleges and universities are one avenue for preparing individuals for that workforce. given that most higher education institutions require the successful completion of at least one mathematics course and that many college students lack confidence in their mathematics abilities (ashcraft, 2002; lent, lopez, & bieschke, 1991; stipek, 1998), undergraduate mathematics classroom instruction may need to be augmented with a classroom climate that engenders the success of all students thereby increasing the number of students choosing to pursue degrees that prepare them for mathematics-related careers. this review of the literature suggests that one means to increase the number of students who successfully complete undergraduate mathematics courses and, in turn, the percent of students who decide to major in mathematics or pursue mathematics related careers is to utilize learner-centered approaches designed to empower the learner and develop learner self-efficacy. rethinking undergraduate mathematics 25 undergraduate mathematics instructors can be instrumental in ensuring this by creating a classroom climate which fosters mutual respect and trust, affords sufficient support and guidance, provides positive feedback and encouragement, and bestows frequent opportunities for student success. learner-centered approaches would include, but are not limited to, encouraging students to ask questions, eliciting classroom discussion among students, instructor willingness to provide additional assistance, and empowering students through positive communications about their ability to achieve success. surprisingly little research exists on undergraduate mathematics education. the impact of instructional methods and classroom environment on students’ learning has not been well documented. consequently if greater numbers of students are to be successful in undergraduate mathematics courses, it follows that more research in this arena needs to be undertaken. recommendations for future research given the dearth of literature, several recommendations are suggested for future research examining the dynamics of undergraduate mathematics courses. based on our review of the literature, we would argue that quantitative methods dominate the majority of published research studies conducted in mathematics education. we question whether all research questions dealing with undergraduate mathematics education can or should be answered using quantitative methods. given that the classroom is a learning environment abundant with psycho-socio elements, it logically follows that survey instruments cannot adequately measure the contextual inputs that influence individual and group performance in an undergraduate mathematics classroom. for instance, the dynamics involved in teacher-student interactions cannot be completely captured or measured using the responses to a likert scale (always agree – always disagree). as a result, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 26 researchers should broaden their data collection methods to include classroom observations, interviews, and/or focus groups to gather data that may lead to deeper understanding of the complex interactions between environment and learners. in the event that a researcher chooses to examine the climate of a mathematics classroom using a survey instrument, he/she must be cautious in his/her selection. although validated classroom climate or environment scales are already in existence (e.g., college and university classroom environment inventory (fraser et al., 1986), learning environment inventory (fraser, 1994), principles of adult learning scale (conti, 1978)), for the most part, several of the survey items appear to either not apply or to be inappropriate for measuring the climate of a mathematics classroom. given the importance of classroom climate on the academic success of mathematics students, one might consider either modifying a pre-existing instrument or developing an instrument that is designed to specially measure the climate of mathematics classrooms. last, but not least, very little research examining the dynamics of mathematics classrooms appears to acknowledge the nested structure that exists within a classroom. for instance, mathematics self-efficacy and academic achievement more often than not occur at the individual level, while classroom climate typically takes place at the classroom level. in this particular case, the unit of analysis poses a methodological dilemma. in the past, researchers have chosen to address this issue by aggregating individual level variables to the group level (e.g., district, school, classroom) or assigning group level variables to the individual level (e.g., student). this statistical strategy often poses many challenges, such as: (a) aggregation bias, (b) heterogeneity of regression among groups, and (c) misestimated standard errors (raudenbush & rethinking undergraduate mathematics 27 bryk, 2002). as a result, future research in mathematics might consider analyze quantitative data using a multi-level analysis technique, such as hierarchical linear modeling (hlm). hlm results are more precise and credible than those of a single-level analysis, such as pearson’s correlations, analysis of variance (anova), and regression. hlm has the distinct advantage of allowing for the analysis to be conducted simultaneously at multiple levels by using procedures that let the researcher examine relationships among variables within a nested structure, such as students within a classroom, thereby preventing the bias toward the rejection of the null hypothesis and thus the inflation of type-i errors (frank, 1999; raudenbush & bryk, 2002). as a result, estimations can be made for between-classroom variables (e.g., classroom climate) and within-student variables (e.g., mathematics self-efficacy and achievement). in addition, hlm also has the unique ability to account for the violation of the interdependence of observations assumption. given that students within a class represent a cluster and, therefore, share similar educational experiences, their responses to survey items or answers on achievement examinations would not necessarily be independent of one another. recommendations for policy it is important to accept certain “givens”; the diversity of students choosing to attend college is increasing (hussar & bailey, 2008); most students entering college have low selfefficacy in mathematics; and most students entering college will be required to successfully complete at least one mathematics course, such as college algebra, to graduate college. therefore, it would seem that providing classroom climates conducive to enhancing student success in mathematics is imperative. colleges and universities can be instrumental in the academic success of students enrolled in undergraduate mathematics courses. all newly hired mathematics instructors could current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 28 be required to either have a k-12 teaching certification and/or to have successfully completed teacher preparation coursework (e.g., educational psychology, human growth and development, development, diversity). another avenue would be to require instructors to attend professional development workshops focused on methods and strategies aimed at developing favorable classroom climates that enhance student self-efficacy. professional development could be provided in the form of paid workshops instructed by national experts, seminars taught within the university’s school of education, or departmental meetings addressing topics dealing with how to enhance student learning. in sum, current trends suggest that a much smaller percentage of undergraduate students are completing degrees in mathematics than is needed to meet increasing demands for mathematics proficiency in the workforce. although insufficient supply to meet demands in the workforce tends to ensure more competitive salaries and benefits for those who meet the need, relatively few undergraduate students are choosing to pursue mathematics education. one explanation for this may be the structure of undergraduate mathematics education. the review of the literature presented in this paper documents the relationships between mathematics self-efficacy and mathematics achievement and classroom climate and self-efficacy. combined, the studies imply that climate influences self efficacy and therefore achievement. in particular, learner-centered climates in which instructors seek to empower learners, show empathy and are committed to learner success have been shown to foster growth in learner confidence and self-efficacy. rethinking how undergraduate mathematics courses are taught to incorporate strategies and approaches that support development of learner self-efficacy could lead to increased enrollment in mathematics courses and subsequently, help meet the need for a more mathematics proficient workforce. rethinking undergraduate mathematics 29 references adelman, h., & taylor, l. 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(1981). effects of model persistence and statements of confidence on children’s self-efficacy and problem solving. journal of educational psychology, 73, 485-493. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 34 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 4 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo cie template 1 volume 14, number 2 july 31, 2011 issn 1099-839x comedy hour: using audio files of joke recitations to improve elementary students‟ fluency emily mitchell kristin t. rearden dawn stacy university of tennessee the purpose of this action research study was to measure changes in fluency components in three struggling readers. the researchers sought to increase oral fluency and confidence in order to improve reading skills among struggling readers. intervention strategies were implemented over a span of four weeks in a second grade classroom. strategies included teacher modeling, self-rehearsal, and audiotape analysis. automaticity and prosody in initial audio recordings of joke recitations were compared to the final readings of the same jokes. progress was also monitored by students‟ engagement in a class-wide weekly performance to present their jokes to peers. results of this study indicated an increase in automaticity and prosody as well as an increase in confidence in oral reading. keywords: fluency, technology, elementary, self-assessment, media files fluency is a vital component for success in core subject areas, as students‟ reading abilities impact academics beyond literacy and language arts. however, when teachers listen to a student read, how do they determine whether the student is “fluent”? in the vernacular, one might state that “the fluent reader sounds good, is easy to listen to, and reads with enough expression to help the listener understand and enjoy the material” (clark, 1999, p. 19). a more formal definition is provided by kuhn and stahl (2003), who state that “the primary components of fluency include a) accuracy in decoding, b) automaticity in word recognition, and c) the appropriate use of prosodic features such as stress, pitch, and appropriate phrasing” (p. 5). students who can decode words with accuracy are ready for the next two components of fluency as outlined by kuhn and stahl: automaticity and prosody. samuels (1988) states that developing automaticity with reading is similar to strategies employed with sports and hobbies: teachers must provide instruction, provide time to practice, and motivate students to stay on task. prosody, however, is more elusive to quantify progress. this research was modeled on work by ness (2009), in which students‟ fluency was positively impacted through the implementation of jokes into daily individualized instruction. ness selected joke delivery to increase fluency because of the reliance of joke delivery on prosodic features such as expression. this study aimed to explore the extent to which repeated joke recitation and the use of technology for recording initial and final readings impacted elementary students‟ fluency, specifically the components of automaticity and prosody, and impacted their confidence in oral reading. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 literature review fluency is not definitively bound by one single definition; however, fundamental characteristics include the ability of a student to read “smoothly, accurately, and with expression” (conderman & strobel, 2008, p. 15). a fluent reader is one who can read with “speed and effort-lessness,” and is often tied to understanding, or comprehension of the text (hasbrouck, ihnot, & rogers, 1999, p. 27). while a student‟s progress in reading is typically focused on the pace at which he or she reads (automaticity), it is also essential to focus on improving students‟ prosody (rasinski, rikli, & johnston, 2009). prosody prosody is defined as the ability of students to make words read aloud mirror the spoken sounds (language) they hear and speak every day (rasinski et al., 2009, p. 351). prosody also focuses on additional aspects within a text that include rhythm, pitch or intonation, tempo and rhythm. according to ness (2009), prosody in students‟ reading is often overlooked because of its subjective nature as opposed to the quantifiable attributes of automaticity and accuracy. modeling prosody in reading goes hand-in-hand with increasing fluency; such reading demonstrates to students the flow and expression of fluent readers (welsch, 2006). a significant difference exists between merely reading texts and actively engaging in or rehearsing text. in a study of first graders, rasinski (2006) evaluated the gains in reading rate as a result of using expression in students rehearsing poetry with their parents at night, versus simply reading the poetry without rehearsal or practice with their parents. rasinski stated that the critical objective of teaching students to read is to focus more time on prosody instruction in order to see gains in accuracy, automaticity, and ultimately comprehension of text. research by ness (2009) supports the development of expressive readers through the use of joke books. in her research, fluency instruction was taught through one-on-one methods to increase the elementary student‟s application of stress and inflection, or tone, during oral readings. the use of joke recitations for fluency instruction proved to be significantly beneficial, primarily because effective joke-telling relies on more than just saying words aloud; the phrasing, stress, and emphases on words all affect the humor (ness, 2009). targeting fluency instruction: repeated reading repeated reading is an effective strategy for promoting automaticity and prosody. according to wilfong (2008), repeated reading is a strategy in which “a piece of text is read and reread to build fluency, confidence, and comprehension in students” (p. 4). over thirty years of research findings have shown that repeated readings of text increase students‟ overall reading rate (conderman & strobel, 2008). teachers play a vital role in repeated readings by providing feedback to students in order to point out areas that may need improvement in reading, providing praise, and providing directions for students to read with expression. samuels (1988) and rasinksi (2005) both liken the role of the reading teacher to that of an athletic coach who motivates, provides instruction, and provides opportunities for practice. the genre of poetry lends itself well to repeated readings. research by wilfong (2008) assessed the extent to which poetry increased fluency and yielded positive attitudes and motivation in below-level third grade students during a “poetry academy.” students were asked to read selected poems aloud while listeners provided assistance and praise. significant gains were found in wcpm and word recognition as a result of strategies such as the repeated readings. poetry recitations are effective not only for below-level students. burton-szabo (1996) encourages the inclusion of poetry units with gifted middle school students, and poetry reading was found to encourage more active participation by elementary students when compared with story reading (elster & hanauer, 2002). methods the focus of this action research study was to determine the effect of repeated joke recitations on the participants‟ automaticity and prosody, and to enhance their confidence in oral reading. this study spanned over a period of four consecutive weeks in spring 2010 at a suburban elementary school in the southeastern united states. the school consisted of over 1,000 students pre-k5th grade. participants participants in the study were two males and one female in a 2nd grade classroom. the participants for this study were purposefully selected based on their calculated words correct per minute (wcpm) collected from running records during the first half of the school year. their wcmp were lower than the other students in the classroom, and therefore they were targeted for additional practice with oral reading. the researcher had extensive individualized reading instruction with two of the three students. she was well acquainted with their ability levels in regards to expression, timing, attention to punctuation, and the overall rate at which the students read in an informal class setting. the researcher collected baseline fluency rate data through grade-level fluency assessments and determined that additional intervention for these three students was needed. the targeted outcomes of the intervention were to increase automaticity and prosody through effectively conveying the humor in recited jokes and to build participants‟ confidence with oral reading. procedure the daily reading block routine for all students modeled the “daily five” (boushey & moser, 2006) which consisted of 1) reading to someone, 2) reading to self, 3) word work, 4) listening to reading, and 5) writing work. the three participants continued this routine with slight modifications that were explained to them by the researcher prior to intervention. during the four-week intervention, the comedy hour: using audio files of joke recitations to improve elementary students‟ fluency 3 three participants read only joke books to their reading buddy during their “read to someone” and “read to self” times, which consisted of approximately fifteen minutes for each rotation. joke books used in the study were 101 school jokes (eisenberg & hall, 1987), knock knock jokes (fremont, 1998), 101 valentine jokes (brigandi, 1994), and the best joke book ever (keller, 1998). these books were selected based on their reading or instructional level, vocabulary, and sentence structure. for four days a week, each of the three participating students received individualized direct instruction from the researcher. the duration of the direct instruction was ten minutes during the allotted core extension block of the day. the direct instruction consisted of a sequence of strategies. first, the student read a designated joke aloud to the researcher while his/her voice was recorded. the researcher then asked the student what the meaning or humor was behind the joke to assess for comprehension. the researcher made notes pertaining to word emphasis, timing, and expression. next, the researcher provided direct instruction to explain how the student could have used his/her voice as an instrument to improve the joke‟s humor. specific aspects of the student‟s delivery of the joke included pointing out correct pauses for punctuation as well as the purpose that the question marks, commas, periods, and exclamation marks possessed in the joke‟s overall meaning. after instruction was given, the researcher modeled a fluid and expressive delivery of the joke while the student listened. the researcher then asked for the student to provide feedback for the researcher on the difference between his/her first delivery and the researcher‟s. this model was followed by choral and echo reading of the same joke in order to re-read with the student. after the researcher provided a model and guided practice, the researcher recorded the student‟s second solo delivery of the joke. this audio recording was played back for both the student and researcher to analyze and discuss any differences. the researcher then provided each student with a copy of the joke of the day to write in a joke book folder (see figure 1). this allowed students to keep track of all of their jokes for the week and practice at home and with classmates. figure 1. participant 3‟s recited joke. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 at the end of each week, students participating in the intervention were given the opportunity to share the jokes they practiced all week with their peers during “comedy hour” on friday afternoons. students who did not participate in this study were also given the opportunity to perform as comedians for their classmates on a bi-weekly basis but were not given direct instruction that the three participants received. the researcher noted aspects such as facial expressions during the performance and verbal indications of excitement about performing to monitor the confidence level of each of the three participants. at the end of the four-week intervention, the students were asked to re-read all of the jokes they had recorded in their joke book folders. a total of sixteen jokes were recorded initially and after the intervention. the purpose of the recordings was two-fold. all recordings were timed, thereby providing data for changes in automaticity. secondly, the recordings allowed both the researcher and students to capture the prosodic nature of each reading. both the researcher and participants could listen for elements such as expression and pacing. data analysis audio recordings of each participant‟s initial readings of all 16 jokes were compared with recordings of final readings of each joke after the four-week intervention. the researcher used the recorded audio files to determine changes in automaticity and prosody. gains in automaticity were determined by duration of time to read each joke. gains in prosody were determined by comparing the expression, phrasing, and intonation of the initial and final joke recitations. changes in confidence levels were determined by observational notes pertaining to the willingness of participants to perform in each week‟s comedy hour. aspects that were noted during observations included verbal requests anticipating the performances and facial expressions during each performance. results the researcher recorded the three students‟ initial readings of all 16 jokes and final readings four weeks afterwards. reading durations were recorded in seconds, with results varying according to the length and vocabulary difficulty depending on the joke. each participant was assigned a different joke based on varying reading levels in order to differentiate instruction. the three participants showed a decrease in reading time durations on all 16 jokes. the decreased reading time was a reflection of the students increase in automaticity and accuracy, as well as a decrease in pausing techniques (for example, clearing one‟s throat). all three participants demonstrated an increase in prosody as indicated by their effective comedic expression through phrasing and pitch in the final reading of each joke. participants‟ confidence levels also increased during the intervention. below is a brief description of each participant‟s progress. participant 1 at the start of the intervention participant 1 possessed little interest in reading, possibly due to the fact that he was significantly below grade-level according to baseline data. in the initial readings, when he came to a word he did not know, he simply stopped reading to wait for assistance from the researcher. he made no attempt to sound out the word or skip over it to continue reading, as indicated by the initial reading in the audio recording. by the end of the intervention, however, the participant made an effort the majority of the time to either try to pronounce the word or skip over it. see figure 2 for participant 1‟s initial and final recording times. the most substantial gain represented in this graph is at joke #9 (nearly half-way through intervention) at which the participant had an initial read time of 54.2 seconds and a rehearsed time of 5.8 seconds. participant 1‟s confidence in reading increased, as noted by his anticipation for telling his rehearsed jokes during comedy hour. the positive feedback from peers was derived in part from his effective delivery of the jokes, indicating an increase in prosody. participant 2 participant 2 struggled with acknowledging proper pauses at commas and punctuation marks. he habitually cleared his throat when he came to word he did not know or could not pronounce. this is clearly audible in the initial recording of the joke included here. after the student read the first joke, the researcher explained the importance of skipping over a word he did not know without clearing his throat, and to come back to that word after he completed reading the rest of the sentence to check for understanding. discussing the meaning of each joke enabled the student to recognize when to use expression and assisted him with gaining more confidence in reading. similar trends were found for participant 2 in relation to participant 1‟s automaticity in terms of initial and final recording times (see figure 3). based on observational notes from the joke recitations over the course of the intervention, this student made noteworthy gains in using expression, emphasizing exclamation and question marks, and discontinuation of clearing his throat when he came to an unfamiliar word. participant 3 participant 3 typically had limited expression and insufficient attention to punctuation marks in initial readings. after engaging in one-on-one discussions and rehearsals, this student was able to make gains in expression as well as accuracy. see figure 4 for participant 3‟s initial and final recording times for reading. the largest difference was with joke #6, in which the student had a difference of 27.2 seconds between initial and final readings. the least change was noted in joke #7 with a marginal difference of .093 seconds. improvements were not only in automaticity but also with prosody. an audio recording of this participant‟s initial and final reading of one joke is included to comedy hour: using audio files of joke recitations to improve elementary students‟ fluency 5 demonstrate the difference in wcpm and prosody between the initial and final recordings. the audio file includes the participant‟s initial and final reading of the following joke: “did you hear what happened when jake and kate tried to kiss in the fog? they „mist‟!” on the initial recording, there are inaccurate words, repeated words, pauses, and flat expression. on the final recording, there is notable expression, effective pausing, and accuracy of words. figure 2. participant 1‟s initial (blue) and final (red) recording time for each joke. figure 3. participant 2‟s initial (blue) and final (red) recording time for each joke. 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 t im e ( s e c o n d s ) joke number participant 2 6 figure 4. participant 3‟s initial (blue) and final (red) recording time for each joke. discussion implementing the instructional model suggested by samuels (1988), the researcher provided direct instruction, incorporated additional time for practicing repeated readings, and created a supportive environment to motivate the three participants as they focused on improving their automaticity, prosody and confidence. the time differences between initial and final recordings indicated that students‟ automaticity increased. prosody was also improved, supporting ness‟s (2009) research incorporating jokes for reading instruction. the use of audiotaping was a key strategy for students. they were able to self-assess their progress with reciting the jokes as they attempted to read them in a manner that conveyed the humor through comedic elements such as expression and pacing. while listening to their recordings, students could note the places where a pauses or inflections were needed. using technology to support struggling readers was not only effective but also motivating; the participants demonstrated excitement each time they used the teacher‟s computer to record their jokes. the researcher found that assigning students different jokes enabled them take ownership of reading their jokes aloud to the class. the participants visibly enjoyed taking center stage in front of their peers to rehearse their jokes each week. they knew it was their responsibility to rehearse their jokes to perform for comedy hour. all three participants anticipated comedy hour each week and repeatedly asked when it would occur throughout the day, which led the researcher to conclude that they were all genuinely interested in performing their jokes in front of the class. when the researcher asked a participant to deliver his or her jokes to the class, each one had a visible expression of happiness (such as smiling). they clearly enjoyed the opportunity to present their jokes in front of an audience. through this study, the researcher discerned that the intervention provided the participants with a motivating instructional mode for improving their automaticity, prosody and confidence. although only three students were targeted for the intervention, other students in the class benefited as well. the effects of implementing this study resulted in class-wide interest in reading jokes to fellow peers during the “read-to-someone” time during the reading block. “comedy hour” was a time of the day on fridays that all students eagerly anticipated. limitations of the study include the short duration of the intervention and the small number of participants. conducting action research is somewhat of a moving target, as the fluid nature of elementary school schedules often interfered with anticipated intervention events. implementing the strategies for a longer time would have strengthened the study. additionally, this study focused only on lower-achieving second grade students and therefore cannot be generalized to other reading levels or grade levels. areas for future research include conducting the intervention with average and high readers, and incorporating other genres that rely heavily on prosody, such as poetry, for recitations. in conclusion, results of this study suggest that the inclusion of joke telling in reading lessons can be a positive addition to more traditional print resources, particularly when teachers are attempting to note gains in prosody. as noted by ness (2009), while elements of accuracy and automaticity are quantifiable measures that are easily obtained through assessments formats such as running comedy hour: using audio files of joke recitations to improve elementary students‟ fluency 7 records, the features of prosody are more subjective. analyzing audio recordings of readings of text is one strategy that teachers and students can use to note improvements in prosody. students can compare files of initial readings and those made after direct instruction and practice time have been provided. although the changes are not quantifiable in the manner of accuracy and automaticity, prosodic aspects such as expression, inflection, and phrasing of text is discernable upon listening to the recordings. jokes, in particular, are an effective resource for providing instruction in the nuance-based feature of prosody because the humor is connected in part to the delivery. plainly stated, jokes don‟t “work” if they are told in a manner devoid of prosody, and most students know the difference between a poorly told joke and a humorous one. students often share jokes outside the context of school, and therefore are already familiar with comedic expression and pacing. capitalizing on students‟ interest in jokes to improve automaticity, prosody and oral reading confidence was successful in this action research study, and future research may indicate its success with older students as well. references boushey, g., & boser, j. (2006). the daily five: focusing literacy independence in the elementary grades. portland, maine: stenhouse publishers. brigandi, p. (1994). 101 valentine jokes. new york, ny: scholastic inc. burton-szabo, s. (1996). special classes for gifted students? absolutely! gifted child today magazine, 19, 12-15. clark, c. (1999). building fluency: do it right and do it well! teacher-to-teacher initiative summer workshop, 19. conderman g., & strobel, d. (2008). fluency flyers club: an oral reading fluency intervention program. preventing school failure, 53, 15-20. eisenberg, l., & hall, k. (1987). 101 school jokes. new york, ny: scholastic inc. elster, c. a., & hanauer, d. i. (2002). voicing texts, voices around texts: reading poems in elementary school classrooms. research in the teaching of english, 37, 89-134. fremont, v. (1998). knock knock jokes. mineola, ny: dover publications, inc. keller, c. (1998). best joke book ever. new york, ny: sterling publishing company, inc. kuhn, m. r., & stahl, s. a. (2003). fluency: a review of developmental and remedial practices. journal of educational psychology, 95(1), 3-21. hasbrouck, e. j., ihnot, c., & rogers, h. g. (1999). read naturally: a strategy to increase oral reading fluency. reading research and instruction, 39, 27-37. ness, m. (2009). laughing through rereading: using joke books to build fluency. the reading teacher, 62, 691-694. rasinski, t. (2005). the role of the teacher in effective fluency instruction. the nera journal, 41, 9-12. rasinski, t. (2006). reading fluency instruction: moving beyond accuracy, automaticity, and prosody. the reading teacher, 59, 704-706. rasinski, t., rikli, a., & johnston, s. (2009). reading fluency: more than automaticity? literacy research and instruction, 48, 350361. samuels, s. j. (1988). decoding and automaticity: helping poor readers become automatic at word recognition. the reading teacher, 41, p. 756-760. welsch, r. (2006). 20 ways to increase oral reading fluency. intervention in school and clinic, 41, 180-183. wilfong, g. l. (2008). building fluency, word-recognition ability, and confidence in struggling readers: the poetry academy. the reading teacher, 62, 4-13. current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 8 article citation mitchell, e., rearden, k.t., & stacey, d. (2011). comedy hour: using audio files of joke recitations to improve elementary students‟ fluency. current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/651 author notes emily mitchell university of tennessee theory and practice in teacher education, bec 512, knoxville tn 37996-3442 emitch16@gmail.com emily mitchell completed her master‟s degree in teacher education at the university of tennessee and has taught at elementary schools in both tennessee and hawaii. kristin t. rearden university of tennessee theory and practice in teacher education, bec 512, knoxville tn 37996-3442 krearden@utk.edu kristin rearden is a clinical associate professor in science and elementary education at the university of tennessee. dawn stacy university of tennessee theory and practice in teacher education, bec 512, knoxville tn 37996-3442 dawn.stacy@knoxschools.org dawn stacy is a second grade teacher in east tennessee and is a mentor for elementary teacher interns in collaboration with the university of tennessee. mailto:emitch16@gmail.com mailto:krearden@utk.edu mailto:dawn.stacy@knoxschools.org comedy hour: using audio files of joke recitations to improve elementary students’ fluency 9 volume 14, number 2 july 31, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors krista adams melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp anglea hines younsu kim angeles maldonado lisa lacy carol masser tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers microsoft word 806 layout.docx 1 volume 14, number 3 december 7, 2011 issn 1099-839x job stress and coping strategies of elementary principals: a statewide study lori boyland ball state university the purpose of this exploratory study is to gather and examine data regarding the jobrelated stress of elementary public school principals in indiana. specific job issues that principals perceive as stressful are explored, as well as self-reported changes in the stress levels of experienced principals. objectives of this research are to deepen understanding of the evolving climate surrounding public school leadership, in particular, to investigate current roles, challenges, and stress levels of principals. findings suggest that supportive measures should be considered in order to assist principals in dealing with increasing job stress and time demands. several such supportive practices are discussed. in addition, the 20 most common stress-management strategies that principals self-reported as helpful are presented in the appendix. keywords: principal stress, coping strategies, job stress, task overload, leadership issues the public school principalship has evolved considerably in recent years. changes in society, such as demographic fluctuations, economic downturns, and political shifts, have significantly affected public schools and impacted the role of the school leader (de leon, 2006; glass & franceschini, 2007). while the principalship has long been described as a challenging position, many principals are reporting escalating pressure as well as serious concerns regarding time demands (cushing, kerrins, & johnstone, 2003; friedman, 2002; queen & queen, 2005). increasingly long hours, growing lists of responsibilities, funding difficulties, and rising accountability standards are creating what some are characterizing as a culture of stress for school principals (bottoms & o’neill, 2001; combs, edmonson, & jackson, 2009; queen & queen, 2005). although some stress is a common and necessary element of life, excessive unmanaged stress has been linked to a long list of physical and mental health problems (colbert, 2008; sapolsky, 2005; weil, 2005; wheeler, 2007). as colbert (2008) explains, not all stress is harmful and a certain amount of stress is a normal part of life. however, when an individual experience high levels of ongoing stress, the excessive release of stress hormones can, over time, cause damage to cells, organs, and tissues (colbert, 2008; sapolsky, 2005; wheeler, 2007). the term that doctors use for excessive stress that continues for months or years is “chronic stress” (colbert, 2008; weil, 2005; wheeler, 2007). chronic stress is typically measured through self-reporting methods, either in interviews or with survey instruments using checklists, scales, or open-ended questions in which participants document their perceived stress levels and stressors (cohen, 2000). health care specialists are becoming increasingly concerned about chronic stress because it has been associated with a variety of health problems including muscle tension and pain, memory loss, suppression of the immune system, and even damage to the heart or other organs (colbert, 2008; larimore, 2003; weil, 2005; wheeler, 2007). in addition, larimore (2003) explains that chronic stress can weaken the functioning of the adrenal system (the source of one of the energy producing hormones, adrenalin), resulting in decreased energy during the day and disrupted sleep at night. left untreated, chronic current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 2 stress can eventually lead to exhaustion, burnout, and serious physical or mental illnesses (colbert, 2008; wheeler, 2007). armed with this knowledge, one can clearly see the value in identifying and assisting individuals who are experiencing high levels of ongoing job stress. in terms of the principalship, this issue has even broader implications because an entire school can be negatively affected when a principal becomes ill or can no longer perform at optimal levels due to chronic stress. chronic stress has been shown to negatively impact job performance and can lead to burnout or position change (brock & grady, 2002; combs et al., 2009). therefore, as the principalship evolves, it is important to monitor the stress levels of individuals in this position and to promote practices that can assist school leaders in coping successfully with their challenging jobs (brock & grady, 2002; queen & queen, 2005). review of literature the review of literature reveals several characteristics of the principalship that distinguish it as a diverse and demanding position. in addition to the daily rigors of maintaining the operations of a school, principals face a variety of taxing issues on a regular basis including meeting state and federal mandates, criticism from parents, large amounts of paperwork, funding cuts, escalating accountability, troubled students, and frustrated teachers (cushing et al., 2003; de leon, 2006; whitaker, 1995). combs et al. describe the position as “unrelenting” (2009, p. 14). in this fast-paced setting, principals may feel besieged and have difficulty finding adequate time to efficiently handle every aspect of the job (brock & grady, 2002; carr, 1994; queen & queen, 2005). however, a great deal of research has shown that successful principals really do make a positive difference in terms of student and staff achievement, parent involvement, and overall program success (edmonds, 1979; sergiovanni, 1995). larsen (1989) claimed that the effectiveness of the principal was the one consistent finding as primary to a high-achieving school. ubben, hughes, and norris (2004) stressed the magnitude of the principal’s role and summarized the research by indicating that the principal was the key element in school success. clearly, it is the public’s best interest for principals to be highly effective and productive in their important leadership positions. curiously, the research presents conflicting information regarding how principals feel about their positions. there are many reported positives about the principalship, but also many accounts of negatives associated with the role. some of the perceived positives that principals report include the opportunity to help students, leading a faculty towards a vision, being involved in the community, working collaboratively with others, serving as a changeagent, and managing an efficiently run organization (sergiovanni, 1995; malone, sharp, & walter, 2001). in addition to these perceived positives, studies have indicated that the majority of principals at both the elementary and secondary level find their work rewarding (doud & keller, 1998; graham & messner, 1998; malone et al., 2001). however, in the literature, there are also many negatives associated with the role of principal. some of these include reports of a hectic lifestyle, intense pressure, and constant conflict resulting from an inability to please all constituencies (carr, 1994; cushing et al., 2003; doud & keller, 1999). for many years, the principalship has been described as a stressful position and the degree of stress appears to be increasing over time (brock & grady, 2002; queen & queen, 2005; whitaker & turner, 2000). in the 1980’s, hiebert and mendaglio (1988) found that principals reported moderate levels of job stress, confirming results described by hembling and gilliland in 1981. however, by the mid-1990’s and early 2000’s, job-related stress was identified as a growing problem for principals by several researchers including carr (1994), whitaker and turner (2000), and brock and grady (2002). brock and grady found that over the past twenty years, principals have indicated higher levels of exhaustion and stress, resulting in reduced mental and physical stamina (2002). queen and queen called the principalship an “undoable position,” claiming that increased demands in a changing society caused great stress for principals and exposed them as major candidates for exhaustion and serious health concerns (2005, p. 10). cushing et al. (2003) also reported that the long hours and high stress of the position were taking a toll on principals’ personal lives and their health. while both elementary and secondary principals have reported feeling overwhelmed with their positions, elementary principals typically do not have assistant principals, which might put them at additional risk for high job stress (combs et al., 2009; doud & keller, 1998). in a recent study, combs et al. (2009) found that 8.8% of the elementary school principals in their study were stressed to the point of experiencing job burnout. mitchell (2010) described the modern elementary principalship as being, “…filled with constant challenges such as meeting the needs of diverse student populations, budget cuts, and strict accountability measures” (p. 116). mitchell goes on to say that due to the pressures of the position, many elementary principals are considering leaving the profession (2010). it appears that principals are under more pressure now due to several changes in recent years that have increased the variety, scope, and demands of the position. researchers have identified time constraints, conflicting desires and needs of various constituencies, role overload, and lack of role clarity, among other things, as potential sources of increased job-related stress (holt, 1982; queen & queen, 2005; whitaker, 1995; wiggins, 1988). for example, no child left behind, which was signed into law in 2002, brought several challenges to the nation’s school principals including higher overall accountability, mandatory standardized student testing, highly qualified teacher requirements, the pressure for schools to meet adequate yearly progress goals, and the threat of sanctions job stress and coping strategies of elementary principals: a statewide study 3 (including principal replacement) for inadequate student academic performance (linn, baker, & betebenner, 2002). in addition to the challenges presented by no child left behind, there are many other issues that principals now face on a regular basis. some of these include increasing student discipline concerns, excessive bureaucracy (especially in larger urban school corporations), conflicting internal and external expectations, deteriorating and overcrowded facilities, community dissatisfaction, unfunded mandates, special interest groups, and teacher shortages (combs et al., 2009; cushing et al., 2003). school leaders have also indicated that changing demographics in many communities, for example, population increases of students who are new english language learners, combined with funding cuts, have stretched their schools’ thin resources close to the breaking point (de leon, 2006; glass & franceschini, 2007). cushing et al. stated that for principals, “stress comes from high levels of responsibility, while authority and flexibility are simultaneously reduced via union contracts and fiscal and legal requirements” (2003, p. 29). in addition, cushing et al. reported that many principals were working a 60 70 hour work-week and still not feeling that they were getting the job done. it is interesting that principals have not been found to be highly motivated towards the job by features such as higher salaries, benefits, or status (malone et al., 2001). actually, in the literature, the main factors that appear to be drawing people to the principalship are altruistic in nature, that being the opportunity to serve others, to be a change agent, and to make a positive difference for children (cushing et al., 2003; malone et al., 2001). cushing et al. (2003) suggested that the rewards for principals were intrinsic and came simply from doing a good job and seeing children achieve. malone et al. reported that the majority of principals surveyed, 72.8%, asserted that their work was rewarding because they had “…an opportunity to impact students” (2001, p. 10). therefore, it is important to recognize that even though research indicates that the demands on principals are increasing, it appears that many principals still believe that the position is rewarding, primarily because of their interest in helping others. however, when an individual faces intense job-related stress for long periods of time, even the most rewarding position can become unmanageable and undesirable. consequently, further research is needed in order to investigate principals’ current levels of job-related stress and examine factors that may promote the health and retention of quality individuals in this critically important leadership role. method theoretical framework this study views job stress from a transactional perspective, which has become a widely accepted framework for understanding the nature of stress (cox & griffiths, 2010; hiebert & mendaglio, 1988; lazarus & folkman, 1984; torestad, olah, & magnusson, 1985). transactional stress theories propose that the level and duration of the stress response an individual experiences is influenced by the interplay between environmental factors and the person’s ability to cope with the stressor (cox & griffiths, 2010; lazarus & folkman, 1984). principals can be described as high-achieving, well-educated individuals who have been found to generally have effective coping capabilities (hiebert & mendaglio, 1988). however, there is a point for an individual when the demands outweigh his or her coping abilities and stress results. the levels of stress can range from very low to very high, or anywhere in between. stress levels that remain high for extended periods of time are of particular concern, as are the abilities of the individual to identify and cope with the stressor(s) (colbert, 2008; sapolsky, 2005; weil, 2005). therefore, in addition to identifying the stress levels of principals, it is important to examine principal’s personal coping strategies and compare those with research-based stress management strategies in order to determine the effectiveness of the techniques that principals are currently employing. assessment and measures the purposes of this study are to gather and examine data regarding the job-related stress of elementary school principals and their successful coping strategies. based on these exploratory objectives, a mixed methodology using a survey assessment was deemed most appropriate. the survey first gathered participants’ demographic information, including age, gender, years of experience as a principal, and highest degree earned. then, to determine perceptions regarding stress about their positions, principals were asked to rate their levels of job stress as “low stress,” “medium stress,” or “high stress.” answers were assigned a numerical value, applying a likert-type scale that has been successfully used by other researchers in this field (e.g., hiebert & mendaglio, 1988). the participants’ demographics and reported levels of job stress are located in table 1. a secondary objective of this study was to gather principals’ perceptions regarding stress-related job issues, as well as their successful methods and techniques for coping with stress. this secondary purpose was significant in itself as helpful stress-management strategies should be documented and shared, especially with those who may be experiencing unusual high levels of job-related stress. as gmelch and chan (1995) indicated, most studies of this nature have looked at the sources of stress, while few have discussed how school administrators manage their job pressures. gathering this qualitative information was accomplished through a series of open-ended questions, which were written by the researcher and then reviewed by a panel of educators including college professors and practicing school principals. the open-ended questions on the survey included: current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 4 table 1 participants’ demographics frequency (n=193) percent mean (sd) gender female male no answer age <41 years 41-50 years 51-60 years >61 years total years as principal <5 years 6-10 years 11-15 years 16-25 years >25 years highest degree earned ms or ma ed.s. or ed.d. school community rural suburban urban student enrollment <400 students 401-600 students >601 students no answer 88 96 9 44 55 84 10 51 52 33 45 12 155 38 132 38 23 71 89 32 1 45.6% 49.7% 4.7% 22.8% 28.5% 43.5% 5.2% 26.4% 26.9% 17.1% 23.3% 6.2% 80.3% 19.6% 68.4% 19.7% 11.9% 36.8% 46.1% 16.6% 0.5% 2.43 (0.58) 2.21 (0.62) 2.47 (0.59) 2.33 (0.61) 2.36 (0.61) 2.00 (0.58) 2.25 (0.63) 2.35 (0.59) 2.34 (0.60) 2.40 (0.67) 1.92 (0.61) 2.34 (0.61) 2.16 (0.60) 2.27 (0.62) 2.24 (0.54) 2.65 (0.61) 2.28 (0.70) 2.27 (0.54) 2.48 (0.57) note: higher mean indicates higher reported job stress level with 3=high stress 1) what do you find most stressful about your job? 2) what do you enjoy most about your job? 3) for experienced principals (practicing for 5 or more years), do you feel more or less stress on the job now than in previous years? 4) for experienced principals who report more job stress now, what accounts for the increased stress? 5) do you feel that job-related stress has impacted your overall health? 6) what helpful stress-reduction strategies do you practice that you would like to share with other principals? (see appendix.) the researcher established face validity of the survey questions by identifying appropriate queries and concepts through a review of applicable literature. content validity was determined by forwarding the survey for review to a panel experienced in the development and use of educational surveys including college professors and public school principals. several changes were made in wording and sequencing on the instrument after this review. then, the survey questions were pilot tested with a group of practicing principals. after a two-week interval, the same group completed the questions again and results were compared, demonstrating overall favorable stability job stress and coping strategies of elementary principals: a statewide study 5 reliability of the instrument. for the standardized (quantitative) questions using likert-type scale responses, the cronbach’s alpha coefficient for internal consistency reliability was computed at .881. the entire survey and a cover letter explaining the study were mailed to a random sample of 25%, or 290, of indiana’s elementary public school principals. to identify the sample, a random number generator program was employed and applied to a list provided by the indiana department of education of all currently employed public school elementary principals (indiana school directory 2009-2010). the subjects voluntarily completed the survey and returned it sealed in an enclosed self-addressed stamped envelope. all surveys were anonymous (the name of the principal, school or school corporation were not asked). the counties of postmark from the return envelopes were recorded, but not matched in any way with the returned surveys. then, the return envelopes were destroyed in order to ensure participants’ anonymity was not compromised by postmark information. in summary, this study was an attempt to check principals’ current levels of job stress, to recognize the specific issues that principals find stressful in today’s schools, and to identify coping strategies that principals perceive as helpful. by examining multiple perspectives, the information from this study contributes to the body of knowledge about this topic. the fundamental goal of the researcher was, and still is, to help educational leaders develop successful stress management plans and learn to cope effectively in their high-pressure positions. results data for this study came directly from the survey results. a total of 193 principals from 79 counties in indiana responded to the survey. this was a return rate of 67% and represents 86% of the counties in the state of indiana. based on this response, there was wide representation from around the state. all survey results were entered into a spreadsheet and reported in a combined format in order to protect respondent’s confidentiality. table 1 shows the demographics of the 193 respondents whose surveys were returned. based on the analysis of data received from the participating principals, the majority were found to be experiencing moderate to high levels of job stress. of the respondents, 38.5 % reported high job stress, 53.6 % reported moderate job stress, and 7.8 % reported low job stress. with almost 40% of the principals in the high stress category, these results support the work of previous researchers in this field who have suggested the job stress for principals is increasing over time (brock & grady, 2002; cushing et al., 2003; queen & queen, 2005; whitaker & turner, 2000). table 2 shows these results. anova tests were calculated using participant demographic information as the independent variables and the reported stress levels as the dependent variable. no statistically significant relationships were found. however, it is worth noting that urban principals indicated the highest mean of any demographic group in terms of their reported levels of job stress. the principals who had been on the job the longest, 25 years or more, reported the lowest levels of job stress of any demographic group. table 1 also documents these results. in analyzing the qualitative data, the open-ended question responses were grouped using content analysis. in order to accomplish this, the responses were first coded to identify general themes and then placed into categories and also quantified (saldana, 2009; weber, 1990). on the first open-ended question, which asked principals what they found stressful about their jobs, the majority of principals reported that the difficulty of “task overload” caused them the most job stress. for this study, task overload is described as having too many tasks to accomplish in a given amount of time. while everyone experiences task overload at times, many indiana principals appear to be in a continual state of work-related task overload. there were 88 separate written comments from principals that related directly to the theme of ongoing task overload. many of these comments revealed that principals felt overwhelmed by their managerial duties, for example, “the position is stressful because i always have too much to do and not enough time as i’m bogged down in paperwork and meetings,” and “all the paperwork, deadlines, state reports, and the continual budget cuts are very stressful.” many other principals’ comments indicated table 2 level of job stress reported by participants frequency percent low job stress moderate job stress high job stress n=15 n=103 n=74 7.8% 53.6% 38.5% 6 concerns about lack of time for instructional leadership. for example, “i’m working longer and longer hours to try and get everything done, but there is not enough time left to be an instructional leader,” and “i’m trying to get into classrooms more, but just don’t have enough time. i’m always behind on something.” do principals feel that their job stress has increased over time? of the experienced principals (five or more years in the principalship), 70% reported more stress now than in previous years. there were 113 experienced principals who answered this question. most experienced principals felt that the additional stress was due to expansion of the scope and demands of the job, in particular, a greater emphasis on accountability. principals commented on increased paperwork and reports, the difficulty in meeting the needs of special populations, and generally feeling “spread too thin” by responsibilities. again, the majority of the comments could be categorized under the theme of task overload that is escalating over time. many principals specifically mentioned meeting adequate yearly progress requirements under no child left behind and the rising emphasis on test scores, for example, “the job is more stressful now because of increased pressure and time demands by the state and federal government, like more paperwork, testing, and making ayp, but we get no additional help.” the majority of this study’s participants reported that they believe that job-stress from the principalship has negatively impacted their health. of the total respondents, 69% perceived that job stress had affected their overall health and wellness. this supported reports by cushing et al. (2003) who claimed that due to high job stress, health issues were prevalent among principals, especially those who had been on the job a few years. while this researcher cannot validate the relationship between respondents’ medical problems and their job stress, it is interesting that this study’s participants perceived a relationship between the two variables. some principals even made note of the health issues that they have developed since taking the job, even though this information was not requested. these included high blood pressure (n=22), trouble sleeping (n=21), fatigue (n=16), anxiety or depression (n=13), and headaches (n=8). in addition, a large number of principals commented that they do not have time to exercise regularly and several mentioned that they frequently eat on the run. for example, one principal remarked, “i used to exercise at least four times a week, now i’m lucky to get one day in.” principals also reported that their job responsibilities often consumed their family and recreational time, for example, “there is simply not enough time to work on your own agenda or have balance between home and school.” what do principals enjoy most about their jobs? “students” was the overwhelming response on this question. there were 116 separate comments from principals regarding the importance of their students, which was the most common response categorized under any one theme. for example, “i have the opportunity to impact 500 students in a positive way,” and “the thing i enjoy most is making a difference in the lives of children.” this research supports work previously mentioned by sergiovanni (1995) and malone, sharp, and walter (2001), which found that principals consider the opportunity to help students a leading positive attribute of the position. discussion principals are expected to be many things to many people. at times, the messages are conflicting. principals are the managers of their buildings and are expected to “run a tight ship,” yet they must also be creative risk-takers and flexible change agents. principals should be talented instructional leaders, well-versed in the latest learning research; however, they are also required to work within the confines of many financial and legal restrictions. principals are charged with promoting equity and diversity, yet must make difficult financial decisions in a very tight economy. to be successful, principals must work collaboratively with a variety of constituency groups while keeping the best interest of the students they serve at the forefront, which can be problematical when some groups have their own self-serving agendas. in short, the principalship is a difficult job. one can understand how in this age of amplified accountability and public dissatisfaction with schools; even the most effective principals are feeling under immense pressure. this study found that a large majority of indiana’s elementary principal participants are experiencing moderate to high levels of job stress. in addition, most of the experienced principals indicate more stress now than in previous years. these results are concerning, especially if this trend continues, as high levels of ongoing stress could adversely affect the physical and mental well-being of principals currently practicing. chronic stress can also impact job performance and could negatively affect a principal’s ability to lead a school effectively. furthermore, the principalship being seen as an increasingly stressful position could hinder the attraction of new recruits into the profession. this research suggests that supportive structures for principals should be implemented. there are several ideas found in the literature that might be of help to principals. some of these include increased professional development regarding particular aspects of the job, training in problem-solving skills, communication workshops, time-management classes, mentoring support, improved principal evaluation procedures, and opportunities for principals to observe one another (cushing et al., 2003; de leon, 2006). however, the results of this study indicate that reducing the problem of ongoing task overload might provide principals with the greatest relief. in this study, principals reported that they were responsible for an unrealistically large number of duties. it appears that the pace and complexity of the job has increased to the point of great frustration for some job stress and coping strategies of elementary principals: a statewide study 7 principals. in addition, principals repeatedly described in their comments that the tasks that kept them the busiest were managerial in nature, yet many indicated a desire for more time to focus on meaningful leadership issues, such as school climate, instructional improvement, and professional development for teachers. consequently, the results of this study suggests that principals need to be relieved of some of their managerial responsibilities in order to provide the time necessary to be effective leaders. ideas for this include reducing paperwork, adding assistant principals, and reallocating responsibilities that do not have to be taken care of at the building level to the central office. assigning some administrative duties to teachers in exchange for additional release time or other perks might be helpful (cushing, 2003). queen and queen supported this view when they said, “recognizing which tasks principals must do and which tasks can be shared or delegated will not only alleviate stress for the principals but also empower their staff members” (2005, p. 104). in addition to a reduction in managerial duties, today’s principals must be educated about stress management. they should gain a basic knowledge of the negative impacts that chronic stress can have on their health and their job effectiveness, and learn strategies to combat negative effects. school leaders need to develop a repertory of stress-management techniques and understand the importance of taking care of themselves. in short, they need to develop and follow personal stress-management plans. professional development should be offered to all principals on this topic. also, it would be helpful to make stress management information available to candidates studying to be future school administrators, at the university level, as an early preventative measure. conclusion the principalship is a complex and challenging position. an examination of data regarding principals’ job stress gives us clues as to ways we can help principals cope effectively in this high-pressure position. as the public school principalship continues to evolve, it appears that the position is becoming even more taxing, which could impact not only the health of principals, but also the functioning of entire schools. therefore, it is important that we consider the stress levels of the people taking on this difficult leadership role. principals are high achievers who are intrinsically motivated and very dedicated to their students (cushing et al., 2003; malone et al., 2001). however, the problem of task overload due to the huge variety and number of duties principals are responsible for each day warrants a closer look by superintendents, school boards, department of education officials, and researchers alike. steps should be taken to assist and support principals in coping with the demands of their jobs. keeping job-related stress under control is a critical step towards avoiding health issues, burn out, and job or career change (colbert, 2008; gmelch & torelli, 1994). the results obtained from this study, and others of this nature, may help us reach the important goal of retaining and recruiting quality principals who are able to perform at maximum levels. references brock, b. l., & grady, m. l. (2002). avoiding burnout: a principal’s guide to keeping the fire alive. thousand oaks, ca: corwin press. bottoms, g., & o’neill, k. (2001). preparing a new breed of school principals: it’s time for action. atlanta, ga: southern regional education board. carr, a. (1994). anxiety and depression among school principals: warning, the principalship can be hazardous to your health. journal of educational administration, 32(3), 18-34. cohen, s. (2000). measures of psychological stress. psychosocial working group. retrieved from http://www.macses.ucsf.edu/research/psychosocial /stress.php colbert, d. (2008). stress less. lake mary, florida: siloam publishers. cox, t., & griffiths, a. (2010). work-related stress: a theoretical perspective. in s. leka, & j. houdmont (eds.), occupational health psychology (pp. 31-56). west sussex, uk: wileyblackwell publishing. combs, j., edmonson, s. l., & jackson, s. h. 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(1988). stress and administrative role in educational organizations. journal of educational research, 92, 120-125. job stress and coping strategies of elementary principals: a statewide study 9 appendix sharing of principals’ stress-management strategies following are the twenty most common techniques principals reported as helpful in managing their job stress. these techniques came directly from school administrators around the state of indiana. however, they closely mirror researchbased strategies found in the literature, which validates their effectiveness (larimore, 2003; queen & queen, 2005; weil, 2007). 1. regular exercise (this was the number one strategy principals reported as helpful). when you can’t leave work, take a brisk walk in or outside your school. 2. try to leave your work at work. don’t allow yourself to think about school problems when you are at home. get out of the habit of taking work home every night. 3. take time to eat during the day. principals often work through lunch. try to force yourself to set aside some time to eat and take a break each day. also, keep healthy snacks on hand and drink plenty of water. 4. don’t dwell on your mistakes. we all make mistakes, so learn from them and move on. be as forgiving of yourself as you are of others. 5. journaling. many principals said that they journal after a tough day to relieve stress and reflect. journaling can also help you put your school issues in perspective. 6. get out of the office and go be with the kids. they bring you back to your purpose and adjust your focus. 7. network with others. the principalship can be very lonely. build a supportive network. find another administrator you can talk to. get away to a conference occasionally. 8. play relaxing or inspirational music in your office during the day. 9. increase your daily levels of communication with staff and parents. more communication means fewer problems. people like to feel “in the know.” 10. write out tomorrow’s “to do” list before you leave each day. it will help you start the next day feeling prepared. 11. look at the big picture and realize that you can’t get it all done in one day, or one week, or even one month. stay organized and plan ahead, but take each day a day at a time. 12. don’t make snap decisions (unless it is an emergency). don’t rush to judgment, especially when people are upset. slow down your reaction to an emotional situation. gather input and data before you make a big decision. 13. don’t take it personally. realize that it is usually the position, not you as a person that is upsetting people. plan to serve others and realize that “thank yous” are seldom given. when you need a lift, do something nice for someone else. 14. keep your sense of humor. as one principal said, “learn to laugh at the little stuff and don’t take yourself too seriously.” 15. be optimistic. don’t lose your positive attitude. start each day with a smile. count your blessings. several principals said they keep a file of positive notes and re-read them on crazy days to regain their perspective. 16. hire good staff. surround yourself with great people who love kids and let them do their jobs. don’t feel that you have to control everything. 17. balance your life. make time for family, friends, recreation, a hobby. schedule some “down time” for yourself. schedule some fun too! 18. identify something you really enjoy that is healthy and positive for you, for example, a hot bath, a walk in the woods, or getting a massage, and do it regularly. 19. deep breathing. when you are stressed, your breathing becomes shallow. so, focus on breathing deeply, into the abdomen, hold it for a few seconds and then exhale. 20. get organized. organize your office, your desk, your computer files, and your paper filing system so that you don’t waste time and energy looking for items. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 10 article citation boyland, l. (2011). job stress and coping strategies of elementary principals: a statewide study. current issues in education, 14(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/806 author notes lori boyland, ed. d. ball state university teachers college 907 muncie, indiana 47306 765-285-8490 lgboyland@bsu.edu lori boyland is assistant professor in the department of educational leadership at ball state university. before joining the faculty at ball state in 2008, boyland served as a public school principal for 16 years in the state of indiana. manuscript received: 9/1/2011 revisions received: 10/23/2011 accepted: 12/1/2011 job stress and coping strategies of elementary principals: a statewide study 11 volume 14, number 3 december 7, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editor melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors hillary andrelchik joy anderson meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy carol masser leslie salazar jennifer shea alaya swann faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers speaking in an echo chamber: the politics of parental choice volume 13, number 3 issn 1099-839x evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets: an alternative analytical framework christopher lubienski university of illinois gregg garn university of oklahoma citation lubienski, c. & garn, g. (2010). evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets: an alternative analytical framework current issues in education, 13(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the question of how information is used by parents in selecting schools is a central issue in school choice debates, where advocates and opponents frequently intermingle theory (often economic), ideological beliefs, and empirical evidence in constructing arguments about the potential of this reform. we employ a nomination strategy to analyze rational choice claims about information on school quality, finding a much more complex picture of this issue than is typically found in policy advocacy. we offer an alternative framework for evaluating consumer information on schools, concluding that researchers and policymakers must consider the nature, quality, and equitable distribution of information. keywords: education reform, school choice, vouchers, charter schools, parent information current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: christopher lubienski affiliation: university of illinois address: 338 education building mc-708, 1310 south sixth street, champaign, il 61820 email: club@illinois.edu. biographical information: christopher lubienski is an associate professor of education politics and policy, and a fellow at the forum on the future of public education at the university of illinois. his current work examines organizational responses to competitive conditions in urban areas, and was recently named a fulbright senior scholar for research on local education markets in new zealand. author: gregg garn affiliation: university of oklahoma email: garn@ou.edu biographical information: gregg garn is professor of educational leadership and policy studies and associate dean of the jeannine rainbolt college of education at the university of oklahoma. dr. garn is director of the k20 center for educational and community renewal (k20center.ou.edu) and serves as the linda clark anderson presidential professor. evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 3 a fundamental assumption of all school choice policies is that parents are in an advantageous position for discerning and choosing the best schools for their children. this argument holds that parents are not only best situated to evaluate their own child’s educational options, but also have the incentives to choose wisely. this thinking identifies the idealized “rational consumer” in the parent, where individuals are driven by the quest for academic quality and, consequently, advantages in later economic opportunities. this thinking is aligned with what is known as “rational choice” theory, where individual actions are assumed to be based in logical weighting of different alternatives based on accumulated information and motivated by self-interest. i while this hypothesis is appealing with regard to educational choice, and is seemingly supported by common-sense evidence, empirical support for this perspective is highly contested in policy debates. in fact, contrary to the claims of some policy advocates, a comprehensive review of the evidence on parental information and choices presents a much more complex picture of parents’ use of information on academic quality — one which seriously questions the idealization on a rational consumer pursuing educational effectiveness. we note the key question is not so much whether parents can choose wisely for their children, but whether information to make effective choices is readily available and equitably distributed. in this analysis, we re-examine a framework offered by two school choice policy advocates regarding the theoretical and empirical evidence related to the rational consumer hypothesis, which has been used to support the contention that not only can parents make good choices, but “parents would do a better job choosing schools for their children than do experts in governmental agencies” (bast & walberg, 2004, p.431). this framework had been structured around three lines of research: current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 1.) survey data demonstrating that parents and “experts” come to similar assessments of school quality — indicating that parents have the necessary information on schools in order to make wise choices. 2.) survey data demonstrating that parents tend to focus on issues of academic quality when selecting schools — suggesting that parents are making choices in support of the rational consumer concern with later economic opportunities. 3.) achievement data indicating that academic effectiveness is superior in choice schools, as opposed to that in schools to which students are assigned (see bast & walberg, 2004). although such claims are often framed as emerging from empirical research, we demonstrate in this analysis that they are instead a clear example of what belfield & levin (2005) argue is ideology trumping evidence. as we note in our discussion, the empirical evidence used to support the rational consumer model is highly selective (and sometimes misinterpreted or misrepresented). a more careful review of the research indicates a much more complex picture that defies neat, ideologically pure portraits. this paper pursues the question of what we know about parents and the use of information on educational options. in the following section we question how this issue is framed, suggesting the need to consider institutional, political, and individual concerns. then we consider the different research literatures highlighted in the framework (following bast and walberg) pertinent to this issue. we examine (1) the evidence on the propensity of parents to accurately determine the academic quality of a school, and (2) whether or not academic quality is the paramount concern for parents. furthermore, we survey the research on (3) the effects of choices on academic quality; this last issue offers insights into the type of evidence that is used to support the “rational consumer” argument, and suggests the role of an ideological echoevidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 5 chamber to substantiate that model. alternatively, we propose a framework for considering the types, quality, and utility of information on school effectiveness, and provide specific recommendations on improving the availability and distribution of information for consumers. the concluding discussion highlights the need for more careful and comprehensive understanding of the complex evidence on parental choice of schools. consumer information the simple insight that parents are best able to exercise responsibility over their children’s education is quite appealing and seemingly self-evident. indeed, there are many cases where this is obviously true. however, the question is not whether this is typically the case or not, but whether or not this is to be a guiding principle for shaping public policy. fundamentally, if parents are expected to make good choices for their children, they must have sufficient information on both their children and their options in order to make this decision most effectively. in that regard, there are three essential issues that need to be addressed — issues that are too often neglected in assumptions about the appropriate role of parents in their children’s education. the first issue is institutional. parents act as proxy-consumers for their children in schools, as they do in other areas of life: medical care, nutrition, religion, and so forth (brighouse, 2000). yet, with regard to different social institutions, proxy consumers play different roles, depending largely on their knowledge and the nature of a specific sector. for instance, parents purchase food and clothing in the business sector for their children based on their assessment of preferences, costs, availability, etc. similarly, other institutions such as politics and religion are left almost exclusively to the parents to instruct the child as they see fit. however, in more specialized sectors, parents often defer to experts with arcane knowledge on current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 issues such as medicine, for instance. the issue, then, is whether education is best characterized as a market, politics, or science. but this is a question neglected in the discourse among policymakers debating parental choice. this discussion currently advances largely from the assumption that education is akin to the inculcation of political or religious values, often played out in a market arena where parents can shop for the right educational services for their children. while education does indeed embody these types of qualities, it is also the case that education may require some outside expertise (that is, moving beyond the role of advocate) in “diagnosing” and “treating” each learner — a consideration often denied in the rhetoric about parental control. the second issue is political, specifically a democratic concern. families have an interest in reproducing their values in the next generation. thus, parents rely not only on childrearing or church, but also look to institutions such as education to reinforce (or at least not contradict) the values that they emphasize in the home (bast & walberg, 2004). this is widely agreed to be a primary interest of the good parent. however, a democratic society — particularly one with any pretensions of meritocratic fairness — also has an interest in providing equitable opportunities for autonomous citizens. since family backgrounds provide an inequitable basis for determining future opportunities — with some children receiving a much greater advantage from their families — democratic societies typically look to institutions such as schooling to provide both equity and autonomy for individuals. this means, in a sense, that schools need to break the cycle of poverty (and, implicitly, then, the cycle of affluence as well) that so characterize modern market societies. that is, one of the primary purposes of schools in a democratic society is to make a child’s family factors meaningless for success in schools and life. similarly, parents typically seek to get children to respect their authority, while a truly democratic society may encourage children to question authority. evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 7 the third issue is a concern for the individual and involves the place of the child in a democratic society. choice advocates often point to a parent’s “prior” right to determine their children’s education, guaranteed in agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights, which trumps claims of other interests (monk, 2004). although it is assumed that parents will act in the child’s best interests, as a parental right, that assumption is largely irrelevant. instead, this parental right is often articulated and exercised in the manner of a property right. yet parents do not “own” their children, nor are they the only recognized authority with respect to the child. the broader public also has both a right and responsibility to care for the child’s interests. although parents are typically positioned to be the primary agent in looking after the child, it is generally accepted that democratic societies also exercise an overriding prerogative regarding a child’s welfare, particularly in instances where a parent is unwilling or ill-equipped to make wise choices on behalf of the child. although it can take many forms, this public interest is typically articulated through the role of the government in areas such as education. while these three concerns confound simplistic claims that a parent’s position makes him or her an exclusive authority in education, they are not necessarily the only issues in evaluating parental choices in education. it is also important to consider the empirical evidence on parental choice of schools. as noted above, information is a key component, so it is essential to understand the information available to parents in making school choices. below we highlight three forms of evidence on parents choosing schools. in doing so, we draw on the framework employed by bast and walberg (2004) in promoting the rational consumer model to support school choice: parent ratings of schools, parent preferences for academic quality, and effects of choice on academic achievement — these together are thought to support the classical economic current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 idealization of a rational consumer, proving that parents are inherently better positioned to make such choices than is, say, a government bureaucracy. thus, we use a nomination strategy, examining research nominated by policy advocates, under the assumption that such research represents the strongest evidence is support of that position. however, a more comprehensive review of the evidence around these three points suggests a much more complex picture, problematizing easy and attractive assumptions about parents, information, and academic quality. rating school quality many observers argue that parents are both best positioned and most likely to make the best education choices for children. some refer to empirical literatures in order to demonstrate parents’ ability, willingness, and effectiveness in making wise and informed choices. the first element of this argument is that parents and education experts rate school similarly. to support this point, bast and walberg (2004), for instance, cite three studies indicating that parents’ ratings and ranking of schools were accurate on specific criteria. however, two of the studies cited actually contradict that thesis. hoxby (2001) examines parental satisfaction with different public schools, relative to the actual academic effectiveness of those schools. yet, contrary to the thesis that parents are necessarily accurate judges of school quality, the majority of parents were incorrect in their assessment of school quality; according to the data reported by bast and walberg: only 44% were “highly satisfied” with the highest performing schools, and 15% of parents were “highly satisfied” with the worst schools — suggesting that the majority of parents (71%) assessing school quality in that study were inaccurate or highly inaccurate. a second study, examining new zealand’s educational choice reforms, noted that parent assessments of high quality schools were probably based on the evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 9 socioeconomic characteristics of the students (fiske & ladd, 2000). this finding is problematic for the argument that parents are the best judges of academic quality, since it suggests that academic quality is either difficult to discern, or parents focused on other information instead, such as the racial characteristics of students in a school, rather than actual evidence of school quality. ii thus, it appears that the evidence cited does not necessarily support claims about parents’ ratings matching those of experts, but instead actually undermines this argument, and presents a more complex picture of this issue. in fact, a comprehensive research literature suggests that parents do not necessarily always agree with objective assessments of school quality. in research on parents’ school choices in chile — a nation with a much more comprehensive market model for education than those in the us and new zealand — studies have found parents had tenuous sources of information, and were largely incorrect when asked to identify high and low quality schools in their area (espínola, 1993; gauri, 1998). and in a comprehensive study of us mathematics achievement on the national assessment of educational progress, lubienski and lubienski (2006) noted that, after controlling for student demographics, charter schools were actually performing significantly beneath the level of public schools, despite their much-mentioned waiting lists (see also braun et al., 2006a). more importantly, students in self-described conservative christian schools, which are the fastest-growing segment of the private school sector, are almost a year behind their public school counterparts, while higher performing catholic and lutheran schools often struggle to attract families — indicating that popularity with parents is not a good proxy for academic quality (see broughman & pugh, 2004; braun et al., 2006b). similarly, evidence that parents are using vouchers to send their children to higher performing schools is less than compelling (belfield, 2006). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 indeed, much evidence already indicates that parents have different perceptions around general issues of school quality than do school choice advocates. president bush’s 2006 state of the union address called for a dramatic ramping up of math and science training, a theme echoed by many business leaders and school reformers. but parents are generally satisfied with the amount and quality of instruction their children receive in these areas (johnson et al., 2006). parents often see more value to the local public schools than some advocates of rational choice believe they should. iii surveys have repeatedly demonstrated that the people thought to be best positioned to make assessments of school quality — “those who are closest to and most familiar with the situation” (bast & walberg, 2004, p. 433) — also tend to give relatively high marks to the schools they know the most: the local public school that their children attend (rose & gallup, 1999, 2003, 2005). either parents are in error regarding the quality of their local schools and therefore, by implication, are incapable of judging school quality, or the experts calling for drastic moves to market models for schooling are inaccurate in their own assessment of schools. once again, the issue is much more complex than some of the advocacy rhetoric would indicate. choosing a school based on academic quality the second pillar of the rational consumer model holds that parents are primarily interested in academic quality. we find a much less conclusive sense of the literature on this issue than advocates or opponents of school choice may like. the notion that parental preferences for schools revolve around issues of academic quality is a key element in the rational consumer idealization in much of the thinking on school choice (see schneider et al., 2000). specifically, economic logic holds that the parents are primarily interested in the academic quality of a school because this will in turn enhance economic prospects for their children (bast & walberg, 2004). iv theorists seek to support this notion by citing four sources showing evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 11 national and local survey research in which parents identify academic quality as the most important criterion in selecting a school. on the other hand, there is a substantial research literature — both survey and behavioral — from the us and other nations suggesting that parents choose for a number of reasons besides strictly academic considerations (e.g., gauri, 1998; molnar, 1996; polansky, 1998; smith & meier, 1995; wells, 1993). this is not to say that parents do not choose schools based on academic quality, but that many other considerations (e.g., location, transportation, curricular focus, uniforms, sports, or student demographics) also come into play — making for a much more complex picture than is portrayed in the rationalconsumer idealization. in fact, since school choice moved into the national spotlight, this question has been debated, and the literature hardly reflects the consensus implied by the four sources cited by some rational choice theorists (see coulson, 1999; moe, 1995; solomon, 2003; witte, 2000). of course, there are problems with citing survey data to support any contention on this issue. most importantly, surveys are notoriously unreliable when people are asked to express preferences on controversial topics, compared to when they actually reveal their true preferences away from public scrutiny. for instance, although few parents cite racial composition of schools as a factor in their choices (schneider et al., 1998), it is, in fact, perhaps the most urgent bit of information they seek when considering different schools (schneider & buckley, 2002; see also glazerman, 1998; henig, 1996). furthermore, many of these studies survey parents who have chosen to use a voucher or charter school, presenting a problem with selection bias; not only are those schools based on choice more likely to have already shed disgruntled families, who would then not be included in the survey, but, furthermore, those remaining are unlikely to admit in a survey they have chosen poorly for their child. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 finally, while parents may say that academic quality is a high priority, this does not mean that they actually have hard information on that issue. for instance, recent studies of school marketing in competitive environments suggest that evidence of academic quality is not a prominent theme in school promotional materials; instead, schools often seek to attract families through images of white or asian-american students, information about extracurricular opportunities, or symbols associated with exclusive schooling, rather than, say, test scores (identifying information removed). this trend may be troubling. even if parents act on “perceived academic quality,” school officials may recognize and respond to incentives to shape those perceptions through surrogate information on school quality that highlights racial and socio-economic criteria (bast & walberg, 2004, p. 431; emphasis added). competitive dynamics may promote sorting on these factors, and undercut incentives for school improvement (identifying reference, 2005). our analysis of the relevant literature leads us to conclude that academics may be one of a variety of factors that influence school selection by parents. moreover, problems with selection bias in the survey data and difficulty in getting trustworthy evidence of school quality complicate the rational consumer argument. academic achievement gains are higher in schools of choice the third pillar of the rational consumer argument is that academic achievement gains are higher in schools of choice than traditional public schools. the dynamics set in motion by parental choice are thought to lead to more effective schools overall (hoxby, 1994). this is a crucial claim. as bast and walberg (2004) note: higher academic achievement by students attending schools of choice, after controlling for family socioeconomic status, could be evidence that parents are evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 13 choosing wisely. however, it could also be evidence that competition produces better schools… even if parents are not choosing wisely, the fact that producers must compete or that choice motivates parents to be more engaged in their children’s schooling may lift their children’s academic achievement. (p. 436, emphasis in original) as a case in point, bast and walberg (2004) cite 25 studies on a number of school choice programs, including public school choice, private schools, charter schools, and voucher programs to support this claim. not all of the studies report original research, but some instead summarize existing research. more importantly, a review of these studies indicates a much more complex picture than is implied in the effort to support this claim. for instance, a study by grogger and neal (2000) is cited as evidence of a “positive and statistically significant” private school effect on academic achievement. in fact, grogger and neal’s study of nels:88 data found no statistically significant effect for catholic schools on mathematics achievement for students in the suburbs, but a modest advantage for white students, and larger gains for minority students, in urban areas; no private school effect was found for secular private schools. v (this is a significant omission, in view of the thesis about the competitive impact of choice, since nonreligious private schools may be more susceptible to market-like forces than catholic schools, which can rely on the more inert patronage of parishioners.) other studies cited show similarly mixed results. furthermore, causation is often implied, but cannot be supported by the data or analysis. for example, bast and walberg cite a one-page study of inputs and achievement of catholic and public school students in new york as proof that achievement “growth is greater in catholic schools than in public schools” (peterson & walberg, 2002, p. 435). however, the authors do not indicate that they used longitudinal data, nor does it appear that they controlled current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 for student demographics — two fatal errors if one is to demonstrate that a school type, and not family factors, caused achievement growth. many of the other studies cited to support this claim are actually just summaries of previous studies that have also been contested on methodological grounds. vi not only does the rational choice argument depend on a selective interpretation of these studies, but it would depend as well on a very selective review of the literature. other studies not cited found no academic advantage for schools of choice, and a few found a negative effect. for instance, studies by rouse (1998) and miron and nelson (2002) of achievement in voucher and charter programs, respectively, do not support the thesis that school choice necessarily leads to greater achievement gains. in a longitudinal study, figlio and stone (1997) found a small but statistically significant negative effect for religious schools for white students, but a positive impact for minority students (see also figlio & stone, 1999). more recently, using national samples, lubienski and lubienski (2006) and braun, jenkins and grigg (2006a, 2006b) found schools of choice to be trailing public schools in academic achievement after implementing appropriate controls for student demographics. and belfield (2006) found a negative private school effect in his rigorous study of the cleveland voucher program. we reference the aforementioned studies, not to “prove” that choice has a particular impact (or not) on student achievement, but to demonstrate that the picture is much more complex than what is implied in support of the claim that choice generates gains in academic achievement. ideology and evidence in support of rational choice in education the three pillars of the rational consumer hypothesis that parents would do a better job choosing schools than experts are tenuous at best. a selective use of the literature and a mischaracterization of several key studies undercut the rational choice argument significantly. evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 15 however, another problem also problematizes such claims. the rational choice claim relies heavily on studies of questionable value for researchers and policymakers. as table 1 demonstrates, many of them are supported and published by various think tanks rather than traditional peer reviewed publications. in an analysis of their references we found only two of the 64 total references come from traditional refereed journal articles while 32 are published by think tanks — most with definite political agendas. vii table 1: think tanks and other sources of research citations in bast and walberg (2004) source frequency brookings institution 9 hoover institute 6 school reform news (heartland institute) 2 american enterprise institute 1 national center for the study of privatization in education 1 carnegie foundation 1 pacific research institute 1 rand 1 manhattan institute 1 kettering foundation 1 morrison institute 1 goldwater institute 1 human resources policy corporation 1 reason public policy institute 1 princeton university working paper 1 public agenda 1 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 the world bank 1 national bureau for economic research 1 for example, the three surveys offered by advocates support the assertion that parents rate schools similar to experts were published by the human resources policy corporation, the hoover institute, and the brookings institution. similarly, in section 4.3.2 (p.437) bast and walberg identify nine references to support their assertion that the private school effect is statistically significant (see table 2). table 2: sources of research on school effects cited in bast and walberg (2004) reference publication source chubb & moe, 1990 brookings institution coleman & hoffer, 1987 basic books grogger & neal, 2000 brookings institution neal, 1996 national bureau for economic research patrinos & ariasingam, 1997 the world bank rouse, 2000 princeton university working paper sander, 1995 westview press witte, 1996 brookings institution peterson & walberg, 2002 the heartland institute simply analyzing the publication source raised credibility issues in several cases. in fact, the table they present on page 435 summarizing research on school choice includes only two peerreviewed journal articles. thirty-two of the references are to documents produced by think tanks evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 17 (brookings, hoover, heartland institute, etc.). in sum, the quality of the debate is weakened when publications from ideologically driven think tanks dominate the citations. towards a deeper understanding of parent information on school quality in view of these difficulties in substantiating the thesis that parents are positioned to make the best choices for their children’s schools, it makes sense to take a deeper look at the issue. indeed, it appears that there are serious shortcomings with the question itself when it is framed as: “can parents choose the best schools for their children?” or “can people be trusted to decide for themselves?” (bast & walberg, 2004; brandt, 2000, respectively). such representations of the issue treat parents as monolithic, ignoring substantial evidence that parents’ views of schools and information can be diverse and socially situated (e.g., ball et al., 1995; bell, 2005; gewirtz et al., 1995; schneider et al., 1998). furthermore, as noted above, framing the issue along strictly individualistic/ consumer lines negates any broader social or democratic interest in a child’s education. therefore, hypotheses such as “parents would do a better job choosing the schools their children attend than “experts” working for governments” (bast & walberg, 2004, p. 432), while empirically falsifiable, largely miss the point. rather than asking if parents can make informed choices (when for many the answer is obvious), it makes more sense to ask whether the requisite knowledge or information to make such choices is of sufficient quality, widely available and equitably distributed. a framework for assessing information on school quality to that end, we offer three dimensions to consider in evaluating information that could be employed in selecting a school: insights into observable productive processes, the nature of the good or service, viii and information that encourages horizontal and vertical differentiation. although there is a strong case to be made that education exhibits many of the primary aspects of current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 a public good (labaree, 2007), we can assume here, for the sake of argument, that schooling is primarily a private good, and should be examined as such. 1) information on productive processes. first, to understand information on the quality of any consumable good, it is important to consider what aspect of the good is being illuminated for the consumer. for many goods, such as a car or a computer, consumers look for information on the quality of the finished product. ix for others, such as health care, the quality of the production processes is a key concern (weisbrod, 1998). with schooling, for instance, a diploma may be important, but it tells us little about the quality of the school experience — instead, such information is often just a proxy for school inputs (such as the socioeconomic characteristics of students enrolling at a school). perhaps slightly more accurate assessments of quality come from evaluations of the more immediate educational inputs in a school (e.g., teacher qualifications, class composition and size, etc.). probably the best information on processes would be information on actual educational processes at a school: curriculum program, pedagogical practices, etc. however, productive processes and their effectiveness are not always apparent to consumers, leading to asymmetries of information between producer and consumer that put the customer at a relative disadvantage. the clarity of productive processes can be represented on a scale, where more obvious processes are transparent to the consumer, somewhat complex or hidden processes are translucent, while opaque processes are more obscured or even removed from the consumer’s view. as is noted below, schooling involves some aspects that are difficult to make apparent to the consumer. 2) information on the consumable qualities of a good. second, just as information on productive processes can be important to consumers, different goods themselves exhibit different types of qualities — qualities that are conveyed to the consumer in different ways. some goods evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 19 embed qualities that are readily apparent to consumers before purchase and consumption. for instance, we can usually decide if fruit is ripe, or if a sweater fits, and use that information in making a selection. such qualities then allow consumers to make choices based on other factors as well, such as price and availability, and competitive marketing for these search goods tends to offer information on those criteria (aggarwal & vaidyanathan, 2003; darby & karni, 1973; nelson, 1974; tirole, 1988). however, important aspects of other types of goods are not readily apparent to consumers before purchase, in the case of experience goods such as canned food or a movie; while, for credence goods, important qualities may never be really known — for instance, the effects of an herbal supplement, or the actual effects of higher octane gasoline on an engine. in these cases, marketing tends to play upon the information asymmetries enjoyed by the producer, further obscuring information on quality by appealing to emotions or allegiance. therefore, it is useful to consider the types of information available about a good: whether the information makes “softer” emotional appeals, or provides direct or “hard” evidence of product quality or effectiveness. 3) horizontal and vertical differentiation. third, in any competitive market, producers or providers are expected to differentiate their product or service from those of competitors. x while assessments of the diversity of different options can be made by examining the qualities of actual products, more importantly for the present purposes is the information made available to consumers regarding the differences between products. in sectors such as education it is important to note whether that information identifies differences between different options arranged on a vertical scale of different-but-equal programs, or on a horizontal scale of quality (glomm et al., 2005). if the information focuses on the former, that could indicate niche marketing to diverse preferences. if the information focuses primarily on the latter, that could current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 indicate a monolithic conception of quality, but it could also suggest competitive incentives to enhance market position by attracting more “preferred” customers. discussion the educational processes in schools are relatively esoteric, and largely obscured from the direct observations of current and potential consumers. since schooling does not appear to lend itself to easy comparisons between options based on explicit indicators of quality, as it would if it were a search good, competition between providers by itself is unlikely to generate the information necessary for consumers to make informed choices (identifying reference, 2001). instead, with experience or credence goods, extra-market remedies such as licensing, regulation, or accreditation are often necessary in order to compensate the consumer in light of informational asymmetries favoring producers. xi unfortunately, quality information appears to be rare, or rarely used. xii furthermore, the information that is available has little to do with program diversity, and more to do with socio-economic distinctions between students, suggesting incentives for families and schools to sort themselves by such characteristics, and thereby voiding incentives for school improvement, innovation, and equitable access to diverse options. of course, it is likely that many parents get information on schools from social networks — the word-of-mouth means of gathering information on options (identifying reference, 2005). however, it is important to note that these networks tend to be relatively homogenous, so that information disseminated through such channels will not be equitably distributed (schneider et al., 1997). as noted earlier, there are many justifications for parental choice of schools, and most school choice plans depend on the informed participation of parents. as former secretary of education rod paige so aptly put it in championing nclb: “there is no more powerful advocate evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 21 for children than a parent armed with information and options” (wrightslaw, 2002). such assertions, while simple, eloquent, and appealing, appear to be more of a statement of ideology than of evidence. this analysis finds both the ideological and empirical aspects of such claims to be problematic in light of both their own internal logic and evidence on the dynamics of school choice in the real-world context. the issue of parental choice of schools is much more complex than simplistic assertions would indicate. instead of debating whether or not parents are able to choose the best schools, it is important to consider whether the requisite knowledge or information is widely available and equitably distributed. the question is centered largely on the issue of school quality, which is difficult for researchers to identify even with advanced statistical measures, and is also difficult to convey to potential consumers. yet more useful types of information are least likely to be available to parents, thereby hindering parental choice as an effective vehicle for equity and effectiveness in education. this does not mean that parents are incapable of choosing wisely — a claim that is obviously not supported by this analysis. however, this absence of quality information problematizes easy assumptions about informed parental choice of schools as the basis for public policy. notes i “rational choice” theory (see blau, 1997; goode, 1997) is often called “market theory” when applied to education (lubienski, 2006; see, for example, walberg, 2000). ii see also (schneider & buckley, 2002). although rational from the consumer’s perspective, such patterns can also be problematic since they indicate incentives for providers to promote themselves based on evidence of the social characteristics of their students, rather than evidence of academic quality (see below; see also identifying reference, in press-c). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 the third study cited by bast and walberg — from solomon (2003) — supports their thesis, but is of highly dubious quality. not only was it never peer reviewed, but it suffers from multiple shortcomings, including low response rate (29%), selection bias (surveying only families with children currently still in charter schools), and possible responses weighted toward higher scores (with the inclusion of an a+ response). iii thus, there is a degree of irony when market enthusiast john stossel (2006) cites parental choice advocate kevin chavous in arguing that parents do not understand about school quality: “if you're like most american parents, you might think ‘these things don’t happen at my kid’s school.’ a gallup poll survey showed 76 percent of americans were completely or somewhat satisfied with their kids' public school. education reformers like kevin chavous have a message for these parents: if you only knew. even though people in the suburbs might think their schools are great, chavous says, ‘they’re not. that’s the thing and the test scores show that.’ chavous and many other education professionals say americans don't know that their public schools, on the whole, just aren’t that good.” similarly, former heritage foundation analyst and bush (ii) administration education official nina rees says: “to some extent, when you offer something new to low-income parents or to any parent group, initially you’re not going to have a surge signing up because they don't know what it is and the procedure to sign kids up is somewhat complicated” (saulny, 2006). iv bast and walberg do note — and we agree — that it is presumptuous to assume that academic achievement is the ultimate measure for school success. (there are, after all, other goals for schools that are often neglected in reform rhetoric: socialization, democratic citizenship, integration, tolerance, etc.) however, this is certainly the metric that is elevated by reform discourse on school effectiveness, so it is important to consider. evidence and ideology on consumer choices in education markets 23 v this finding caused hoover institute economist eric hanushek to wonder, in his commentary, how parents could violate basic economic logic by paying for an underperforming service when a superior alternative is free of charge (grogger & neal, 2000, p. 196). vi see, for instance, krueger & zhu (2004a, 2004b), metcalf (1998), and witte (1996). vii most of these sources are agenda-driven think tanks, although a few — including the national bureau of economic research and the national center for the study of privatization in education — focus instead on presenting research for its own sake, and thereby reflect a range of perspectives. viii for brevity, we use the term “good,” while understanding that education and other “consumables” can also be described as a service. ix in those cases, process innovations (as opposed to product innovations) may lower production costs, but are largely irrelevant to the consumer as an immediate consideration in making a choice. x of course, producers at the low end of a hierarchy have an incentive to minimize distinctions between their product and those of their more prestigious competitors, while those at the high end of the scale attempt to exaggerate any differences. in education, policymakers have used reforms such as charter schools to encourage diversification of options so that parents have a greater set of choices. xi walberg and bast (2003) focus on market mechanisms to deal with asymmetric information (p. 65). in particular, they point to information from producers, repeat purchases, and “personal and public sources of information.” however, schooling does not lend itself to repeat purchases, which would be required to punish bad providers; and children, not the choosers, are the ones who have to pay a price for unfortunate choices in this idealized “discovery process” (bast & current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 walberg, 2004, p. 433; brighouse, 2000; identifying reference, in press-b). and, as this analysis shows, information from producers, as well as personal and public sources, can be more limited than these authors assume. xii it does not appear that competition is necessarily producing quality information on schools’ value-added effects (identifying reference, in press-b). bast and walberg (2004) point to extra-market mechanisms such as school data collection sites on the internet as a possible device to equalize access to information. while the internet is certainly just one means of accessing information on schools — and, of course, access to the internet is not equitably distributed — it is fast becoming a primary method for gathering information on schools (as bast and walberg note). indeed, while gaps in access exist, we might expect the most demand for high quality information from the relatively sophisticated consumers with internet access. still, the quality of information from school information websites is relatively poor, and speaks more to school inputs and demographic characteristics than to school effectiveness (identifying reference, in press-c). references aggarwal, p., & vaidyanathan, r. 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(2002, december 2). no child left behind act — final regulations published. wrightslaw, 6. ________________________________________________________________________ note from the spring 2016 executive editor, constantin schreiber april 18, 2016. a major editing issue with the original version of this article was discovered in april 2016. this issue was addressed and all content from the original manuscript has been preserved to the extent possible. no content edits occurred. spelling, grammar, and mechanical errors that may be found were present in the original publication. the cie logo and publisher information in use at the time of the article’s original publication is unaltered. however, it was not possible to identify the references that were removed from the manuscript for the purposes of peer review. therefore, the article contains references to “identifying information” that has been removed. please direct questions about this article’s repurposing to cie@asu.edu. ________________________________________________________________________ mailto:cie@asu.edu current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 30 cie template 1 volume 14, number 2 june 11, 2011 issn 1099-839x connecting to the khans: shaping national identity of the next generation through education in kazakhstan matthew stein foreign military studies office when the soviet union collapsed in 1991, kazakhs did not make up the majority of the population in their own titular state. since then, kazakhs have become the majority ethnic group and the government revised the education system to reflect this demographic change. education is an important tool for shaping national identity in a multiethnic state, especially one undergoing demographic shifts. this article is a snapshot of how the demographic change in kazakhstan has affected education and in turn how this is shaping national identity on young generations. this transformation is important to monitor and understand as kazakhstan continues to develop and become an important security partner and increasingly vital source of energy supplies for asia and europe. keywords: kazakhstan, national identity, education, multiethnic, curriculum the suffix „-stan‟ is used to form the name of several states in central and southern asia. it comes from the persian word „stān‟, meaning place or land (the macquarie dictionary, 2005). kazakhstan translates into „the land of kazakhs‟, although this carries with it a somewhat misleading meaning. out of all the post-soviet central asian states, kazakhstan is one of the most ethnically heterogeneous (szayna, 2003). at the time of the collapse of the soviet union, ethnic kazakhs did not make up a majority of the population in their own titular state. it is only during the last several years that kazakhs became the definite majority. over the last several years the government in kazakhstan passed laws and changed civic institutions that reflect this demographic change (blum, 2003). this has happened in the state‟s education system, specifically through the curriculum, the textbooks, and lessons in schools. basic compulsory education reaches a broad audience and the younger generations in kazakhstan do not have the same national identity that the previous generations did during the soviet union. this article is a snapshot at demographic change in kazakhstan, how it has affected education and in turn how this has shaped the national identity of young generations. this transformation is important to monitor and understand as kazakhstan continues to develop and become an important security partner and increasingly vital source of energy supplies for asia and europe. background history of kazakhs and kazakhstan kazakhs are turkic people who trace their roots from the descendants of turkic and turko-mongol groups. the first kazakh khanate was established in 1465-66 when two tribal leaders broke away from the uzbek khanate (another turkic group) and formed their own khanate. this khanate was divided into three groups called zhuz or a horde, namely the great, middle, and little hordes. the hordes and clan system survive to the present day, but unofficially. each of the hordes has numerous clans (esenova, 2002) and below that individual families. because of the people‟s nomadic lifestyle, the kazakh khanate was not a fixed state. the kazakhs did have, however, an identity that would later be challenged when the russian empire expanded into the region in the eighteenth century. the russian empire established a bureaucracy, including formal education, which did not follow the lines of the kazakh zhuz or clan systems (zharmukhamed, 2004). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 this education system put russian-related subjects to the forefront and marginalized kazakhs. the kazakhs formed a short-lived independent government in 1917, but then were incorporated into the soviet union in 1920 (esenova, 2002). this was the last time that kazakhs had a real hand in shaping institutions that reflected what they thought about themselves. the soviet union‟s actions ensured that kazakh identity would be shaped by an outside entity for some time. the soviet government used its control over the education system to create a soviet identity system (ro‟i, 1984; esenova, 2002). they also remapped the borders and resettled other ethnicities that made kazakhs a minority in their own republic (zharmukhamed, 2004). the most recent and relevant changes began during the last years of the soviet union (in the mid-to-late 1980s). the removal of kazakh dinmukhamed konayev as first secretary of the kazakh communist party and appointment of russian gennady kolbin, a man who had never worked in the kazakh soviet socialist republic (ssr), led to protests and a riot in almaty in december of 1986, an event known as the zheltoksan incident. kazakh university students were angry that outsiders were interfering in kazakh affairs and while this incident was a grassroots movement, it resulted in concrete legal changes. in march of 1987, the kazakh communist party central committee passed a new law “on improving the study of the kazakh language.” this was the communist party‟s way of keeping peace after the events of the preceding year. this was the first of several laws on the status of the kazakh language and highlighted changes in attitude. the 1989 “law on languages” was important because the general public had a hand in its creation. prior to its passage there were many public meetings and debates held to discuss it (fierman, 1998). alongside these new laws there was a demographic shift in kazakhstan. ethnic kazakhs were a minority in the kazakh ssr for a number of years. during the period from 1979-1989, they became the largest ethnic group, going from 36% of the population, according to the 1979 soviet census, to 40.1% in the 1989 census. while this certainly is not a majority, it is significant when compared to the next largest ethnic group, ethnic russians were 40.8% of the population in 1979 and then dropped to 37.4% in 1989 (oka, 2006). most importantly, the number of ethnic kazakhs continued to grow, and in 1999, they made up 53.4% of the population. many russians left kazakhstan following the dissolution of the soviet union and kazakhs have had a higher birth rate than other ethnicities. according to the 2009 census they now make up 63% (stat.kz, 2009). now that kazakhs make up a more solid majority of the population in kazakhstan, it is logical that they hold key positions in the government. many positions within the government require the ability to speak kazakh and many aspects of life are now bureaucratically slanted in ways that favor kazakhs, including promotion preference for kazakhs (szayna, 2003). this does not mean that minority groups are completely ignored. russian remains an important „official‟ language in kazakhstan (zharmukhamed, 2004) and the prime minister, karim masimov, is an ethnic uyghur (rfe/rl, 2007). additionally, the government set up schools for some minorities. there are schools for russian, uyghur, and uzbek speakers, the latter two being synonymous with that ethnic group. this is not an example of government segregation in schools. in a russian school it is common to find students of all ethnicities. in kazakh, uyghur, or uzbek schools, it is typical to find only those ethnic groups there. parents have a choice on what language school their child attends; it is not a government directive according to administrators i interviewed at the altynsarin institute. using education as a tool in shaping national identity national identity according to smith (1991, p.9), “involves some sense of political community, however tenuous. a political community in turn implies at least some common institutions and a single code or rights and duties for all the members of the community. it also suggests a definite social space, a fairly well demarcated and bounded territory, with which the members identify and to which they feel they belong.” there are different civic institutions that can be used to shape national identity in a multiethnic state. one of the most important and far reaching is a state‟s education system. education is one of the first places where a young generation is socialized into a larger group, which is particularly important if they come from different ethnic backgrounds (perko, 2003), and this socialization happens at a time when identities are being developed (jo, 2004). education can shape the attitude of an entire generation (christou, 2006). providing education in a multiethnic state is not a new issue. some states have used centrally controlled education as a tool (abu-saad, 2008; mclean, 2007; segawa, 2007) in an effort to assimilate other ethnicities and at times, allow them elements of educational and cultural autonomy. this is also the same for kazakhstan. kazakhstan‟s government has almost total control over the education system and there is a multi-ethnic generation that has recently finished compulsory education or are currently students in their last few years of school. they are the first generation to be educated entirely in kazakhstan as an independent state and their national identity is highly influenced by the kazakh education system. education in kazakhstan the curriculum standards are an important tool the ministry of education of kazakhstan can use to shape national identity. it represents what the government of kazakhstan wants their younger generations to know and to think about certain subjects. the standards, gosudarstvennye obshcheobiazatel’nye standarty srednego obshchego obrazovaniia respubliki kazakhstan (government compulsory standards of secondary connecting to the khans: shaping national identity of the next generation through education in kazakhstan 3 education of the republic of kazakhstan, 2002) written at the altynsarin institute in almaty named after ibrahim altynsarin, an important historical figure in kazakh education. altynsarin founded the first national secular schools in kazakhstan and is considered a key figure in kazakh educational history (altynsarin.ru, 2009). the institute is used to train teachers who will work in primary and secondary schools and many of its professors and instructors contributed to the standards. other authors of the standards teach at universities and schools around kazakhstan. a distinguishing feature of these authors is that they are almost all ethnic kazakhs. the main purpose of kazakhstan‟s education system is, not unlike any other state, to educate its citizens to either continue education in an institute or university, or to enter the workforce. kazakhstan inherited an education system from the soviet union, which was strong in math and sciences. in an effort to diversify its economy from being too dependent on energy exports, kazakhstan restructured its education system to be on a level with developed states (daly, 2008). this system, specifically secondary education, includes 19 subjects that students study from the 5th through the 11th grade. the subjects include math and science courses, physical education, and several courses in the humanities. in order to gather data on the national identity of young generations currently studying in school, five subjects from the humanities were selected because they have the most potential of shaping identity. these subjects are: literature, history, fundamentals of social studies, language(s) (both native and foreign), and geography. these subjects are closest to the fundamental features of national identity that smith (1991, p. 14) stated: “an historical territory, or homeland (for the subject history); common myths and historical memories (history and literature); a common, mass public culture (languages and literature); common legal rights and duties for all members (fundamentals of social studies); and a common economy with territorial mobility for members (geography).” smith‟s fundamentals may not fit exactly with these five subjects, but are the best possible choices. each subject in the standards has goals and requirements on what information students need to know, some of which is based on their grade level. a subject like literature for example includes important writers and novels that students will study. the other subjects have their own appropriate requirements. each subject includes a section as a guide for teachers to check the knowledge of the students. the section states that “a minimum level of knowledge (the requirements) must be obtained” and that the student either “achieved” or “did not achieve” this level. literature there are two categories of literature in the curriculum, kazakh and russian literature. the goals and requirements sections state that students need to understand different types of written literature and important writers and their works for different periods in history. kazakh literature focuses mainly on writers from the nineteenth century, called the classic enlighteners, and the twentieth century. one of the main classic enlighteners is abay kunanbaev. among kazakhs, abay is considered to be the most important writer in their history. he was the first to write about what it means to be „kazakh‟. other notable writers include mukhtar auezov, who wrote a novel about abay‟s life, saken seifullin, and akhmet baitursynov. the latter two are writers who were executed in the stalin purges of intellectuals and enemies of the state in the 1930s. due to their label as an enemy, they were not thought of as significant writers during the soviet union. the requirements of russian literature focus on writers and works of the eighteenth through the twentieth century. the section on the eighteenth century is titled the „russian classical literature of the 18th century‟ and students are required to know about well known writers like pushkin, lermontov, gogol, tolstoy, dostoevsky, and chekov and their works. the sections on the twentieth century include gorky, akhmatova, pasternak and their writings. the literature sections of the standards are inclusive of the two major ethnicities in kazakhstan, kazakhs and russians. each section has a broad historical range of literature and well-known writers and students study both topics. although not listed in the standards, ugyhurs have the freedom to teach their own literature. schools have their own literature textbooks complete with notable writers from their own history. this demonstrates that kazakhstan is acknowledging its minority groups. history according to the goals and requirements of this section students need to know about history as it relates to people, the environment, and the community. it consists of world history and history of kazakhstan. the first topic covers ancient egyptians, the greek and roman empires, the middle-ages, and recent history. the history of kazakhstan also covers an extended period from ancient history through the soviet union to the present day. there are more specific requirements that go further into topics of kazakh history such as the khans of the fifteenth century, the war against russia over the colonization of kazakh lands, and even the development strategy of kazakhstan into the year 2030. this latter topic demonstrates how a connection has been made between the past and the not-too-distant future, where kazakhstan sees itself in the group of developed states of the world. lastly, this section mentions that there is a problem of bias in teaching history, both kazakh and world history. this bias is “euro-centric” and that this perspective needs to be “studied,” implying that it needs to be altered. the two courses, world and kazakhstan history, both cover extensive periods of history. world history current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 includes a wide range but the latter topic deals mainly with history relating to kazakhs and does not include other major ethnic groups. the euro-centric bias in this case could be interpreted as the russian/soviet, european, western, or a combination of all these perspectives. kazakhs believe that the teaching of their history during the soviet union was marginalized. this is, in a sense, their way of correcting that problem. unlike literature, no other ethnic group has its own history section. fundamentals of social studies this is a subject with a range of goals and requirements that deal with the role of citizens in kazakhstan in areas of political-economic, socio-cultural, and general development of the community. other requirements are separated into categories such as people, community, and the environment. these are meant to give the students an idea of what the community is and what their role is within it. the topic of community in this section includes themes of philosophy and great thinkers. several of these listed are known throughout the world such as confucius, plato, aristotle, and hobbes. there are however, other philosophers listed like korkit, a central asian-turkic poet from the ninth century, and al-farabi, an islamic-persian scientist and philosopher also from the ninth century. additionally, there is list of kazakh philosophers like the writer/poet abay as well as toli bey, kazibek bey, and aiteke bey, famous tribal leaders from kazakh history. the social studies section is an effort to include everyone in the community. it is meant to teach students their role in the community and to think about ways that they can be involved. however, teaching the philosophies of turkic, islamic, and kazakh origin means that only students of certain ethnic groups can see a connection between themselves and the material. there are russians, ukrainians and even koreans and germans still living in kazakhstan, each group with a considerable number of people. the requirements, specifically studying turkic or islamic philosophies, do not take this latter demographic group into consideration. languages the two most important languages in kazakhstan, kazakh and russian, are subjects that every student studies. in the case of uyghur or uzbek schools, their respective languages are also studied. within the standards are three subject sections on kazakh, russian, and foreign languages, the latter of which consists of english, arabic, french, german, and chinese. the chapter on kazakh language is written for non-native speakers of kazakh, namely for russian, uyghur, and uzbek schools. it is written in the goals that because kazakh is a state language it is necessary to communicate in it and to be introduced to the culture of it. this will help to prepare the student for later opportunities. in addition to this, the standards say that being able to speak and write the language is especially important, mentioning a few more times the importance of communication and connections to kazakh culture and history. the chapter on russian language is similar in scope to that of kazakh, only that the main goals are to use the language are more in depth. it states that knowing russian is important for intellectual, emotional, and moral development in studying. it also lists further uses for the language, such as further educational and career purposes, that far exceed expectations compared to requirements for kazakh. the chapter on foreign languages has a main goal of mastering basic skills in a non-native language. the goals state that this will happen by forming simple and communicative abilities in a foreign language for use in interactions with another culture in typical situations. each of the languages has its own goals and requirements, many of which are focused on grammar, phonetics, and lexical usage. these sections do include both of the major languages of kazakhstan, as well as foreign languages, but there is some inconsistency in the requirements. in addition to their native language, most ethnic kazakh students naturally have a high level of proficiency in russian. the high requirements for russian are for all students and come as no surprise; russian is still the lingua franca among all ethnicities and its inclusion in the standards is an important acknowledgement of other ethnicities. conversely, students of other ethnicities speak their native language (russian) but have low levels of proficiency in kazakh. the standards say that it is necessary to be able to communicate in kazakh, but do not mention any specific proficiency level. these requirements are also for non-native speakers of kazakh, meaning expectations for non-native kazakh speakers are vague. considering that knowledge of kazakh is required for government positions, most russian speakers should be able to move on to higher education and find jobs, but they will have problems finding work in the government. geography the main goals of geography are more scientific than the other subjects and as a result have somewhat less of an influence on identity. however, under the requirements of the subject are a number of different topics important to the study of geography. several of these do relate to the study of geopolitical issues like natural resources, environmental problems, and how regions of the world break down economically, historically, and culturally. this is the least direct subject when analyzing how it shapes identity. geopolitical topics are mentioned but do not go into any detail. a few of the topics are literally written as „the spreading of religion in the world‟ or „green revolution‟ without any further explanation. some deductions can be made from topics like these, but it is necessary to look at how these lessons are taught. connecting to the khans: shaping national identity of the next generation through education in kazakhstan 5 research methodology observations while the national curriculum includes important information, how students are taught this material and what they think about those particular topics is more significant. to determine this i visited four schools in the city of almaty to observe lessons in literature, history, fundamentals of social studies, languages, and geography. i also gave a questionnaire out to students in order to find out what they generally think about the five subjects, but this is explained in detail later in the article. i chose four schools in the city to gather information from, two russian, one kazakh, and one uyghur. these schools are named for the main language of instruction, not necessarily for students‟ ethnicity. for kazakh and uyghur schools, however, this does represent the main ethnicity of the student population. i made a preliminary visit to each school to get permission to observe lessons and distribute the questionnaires. the schools were selected based on a cross section of the major ethnic groups. one of the russian schools, #35, is a magnet school for foreign language instruction. at each of the schools i observed lessons in the five subject areas mentioned in grades 9-11. a typical lesson observation included following along with the textbook if an extra one was available, looking at various pictures and other learning aids in the room, and speaking with the teacher for a few minutes during a break. during some of the visits i also toured the school facilities including the libraries and in the case of two schools, small museums. school #12 this is a kazakh language school that i visited four times during the course of research. i observed eight lessons in all, and toured the library. unlike other schools i visited, this one held a morning assembly on two of the four visits. the assembly took place in the lobby, surrounded by various pictures of kazakh national symbols and the flag, and included the singing of the national anthem. there was also an assistant director on hand for both assemblies who strictly oversaw everything. many of the classes i attended used the government-issued textbooks for subjects like kazakh language and literature, russian language and literature, history, geography, and in some cases english. the majority of these textbooks were printed, depending on the subject, within the past five years. this is a fairly good indication that the material being taught does follow the national curriculum standards. one of the most noticeable things i observed took place during a history lesson. in the back of the history classroom was a large poster of a timeline of the history of kazakhstan. an interesting feature on the timeline shows that modern kazakhstan can be traced back to the foundation of the kazakh khanate in 1465-66. the timeline shows that despite subsequent governments or historical periods, such as the russian empire and the soviet union, the idea of a kazakh state never disappeared. the visit to the library was also an important factor in determining the overall tone of the school. there were a dozen shelves of books; the majority of them were in kazakh and only one shelf in russian. those that were in another language like english were a series of famous novels that only an advanced or fluent speaker would be able to read. the school has other influences outside of the ministry of education of kazakhstan. several english classes used a series of books printed by oxford university press, and one teacher pointed out to me that they only use the government issued books for english when preparing for exams. i also noticed that students were conversing with each other in a mix of russian and kazakh. school #28 this is a russian language school that i visited three times and observed six lessons, toured the school museum, and interviewed a teacher. this school had various national symbols of kazakhstan in the lobby and adorning the hallways, but did not have any kind of morning assembly during any of the visits. the student population was made up of a variety of ethnicities, but mainly russian, kazakh, and ukrainian, according to a senior teacher and administrator. the geography, and russian and kazakh language classes i observed used the government-issued textbooks, all printed in the last four to five years. what made the kazakh language lessons significant was the size, as each class had no more than eight students. after the lesson i spoke with the teacher about how well she thought students were learning kazakh. she said that these were 11th grade students who had studied kazakh for seven years but were still working with an intermediate level of the language. it is worth questioning whether or not standards have been set against them achieving high levels of proficiency in the language. i asked this to the teacher after class and she agreed that expectations for non-kazakhs to learn the language were generally low. she acknowledged that kazakh is becoming a more important language but that students in almaty do not have opportunities to practice it outside of class. she suggested that an educational center be set up so that students could have a place to use the language. in contrast to this was the russian language class i observed where 25 students were packed tightly into a room. they used the government-issued textbooks and the group quickly moved through a series of exercises. the russian literature class i observed was about maxim gorky, who is specified in the standards. when i spoke with the teacher after class i noticed that the lesson was taught from a textbook from the 1970s, as the teacher felt the quality of books from that time period was better. she said that the students still read the texts from current books, but she read aloud in class and asked some questions current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 6 from the older soviet version. she also mentioned, without me asking, that the students do not see much of a connection with the material that they read to their own lives. during one of my visits to this school i was surprised to learn that the school had a museum and i was able to take a quick tour of it. the museum is made up of one room with several exhibits about the history of the school and a few well-known people who graduated from there including olzhas suleimenov, an anti-nuclear weapons activist. one of these in particular was a young woman named menshuk, who was killed during the second world war and later awarded hero of the soviet union. one entire wall was dedicated to her, including a large painting of her in battle while the area in front of it had dirt and several things picked up from the place where she died. school #35 this is a russian language magnet school that i visited four times, observed 11 lessons, and toured the library. there was not an assembly before school but i noticed that there were the usual symbols and posters of kazakhstan adorning the walls of the lobby. there was also a small section on the wall about friday being the day to speak kazakh, with a poster encouraging „let‟s speak kazakh‟. most of the lessons i observed used the government-printed textbooks, including fundamentals of social studies, geography, history, and kazakh language. the english classes used a series from the oxford university press. the english teachers i spoke with said that the quality of this series was better and helped the students, but that like school #12 the government-printed books are used to prepare students for tests. the geography teacher mentioned that the textbooks lacked useful information. i went to an additional geography lesson where students were discussing current events, focusing mainly on food products that they had recently researched. the same teacher said that she wants students to use more outside sources like the media to supplement lessons. i visited the library of the school and found that it included a fairly-even mix of russian and kazakh books, with a small selection in english. the librarian showed me books from the soviet union still in use despite some that are falling apart. i was also able to watch a kazakh language and literature class during one of the visits. the students were discussing an excerpt from a story they had read, reading and repeating sections of it in kazakh. this was the only time they used the language, except for the teacher speaking to them in kazakh during the lesson, and even during the last 10-15 minutes of the lesson, the teacher reverted to speaking russian. school #153 this is a uyghur language school that i visited three times and observed 10 lessons, and toured the library and school museum. the school featured many of the same symbols and posters of kazakhstan that other schools had, except that everything in the school was written in uyghur. the school was named for rozybakiev, a uyghur who was involved in the bolshevik revolution in kazakhstan. during one of the days i observed lessons, i arrived to find a morning assembly where the students lined up outside the school and sang the national anthem. however, a few minutes after this it changed into an informal period of exercises with dance music and a lot of joking between teachers and students. i was not able to watch a variety of class levels in this school, but instead observed a 9th grade group of students during many of their lessons. this was the arrangement that the school had set up for observations, not a choice on my part. this also meant observing a few classes not in one of the five subjects, such as physics and algebra, but turned out to be valuable proof that all of the classes are taught in uyghur. for some of the classes, such as geography and english, the government-issued textbooks were used. all of these textbooks were written in uyghur. i noticed that these 9th grade students rarely spoke uyghur to each other, instead using russian. i noticed that the teachers pushed the students to speak uyghur in class but with mixed results. many of them could easily converse in it during classes, while a few had trouble and reverted back to speaking in russian even if it meant being scolded by the teacher. during one of the visits i was able to take a quick tour of the library, where i found the usual selection of russian and kazakh materials, but also a large quantity of books in uyghur. the students who accompanied me inside were quick to point out this collection. this group of students had also taken it upon themselves to show me a small room where the school museum is housed. it included traditional uyghur musical instruments, pictures of former teachers and students, a section dedicated for the first director of the school, and a section about rozybakiev with newspaper clippings about him from the time of the revolution. even as i left the library the students continued talking about their heritage, without any questions from me. a few of them talked about how they should have a country of their own. a student showed me photos on his cell phone of the map of a potential uyghur state, the unofficial flag with a blue background and a crescent moon and a star that uyghur people associate with, and others of uyghur clothing and culture. many of these aspirations are shared by uyghurs living across the border in the xinjiang region in china. observation summary the kazakh school, #12, has teachers, textbooks, lessons and a general attitude influencing its students in a way that reflects the national curriculum standards. some of these same characteristics can be found at schools, #28, #35, and #153. in all schools there are teachers who connecting to the khans: shaping national identity of the next generation through education in kazakhstan 7 decided not to use government-issued textbooks for some lessons, instead preferring older or outside materials. the library of a russian school (#35) also retained a large number of russian-language books as did school #153 for books in uyghur. the uyghur school is also noteworthy as it represents the recognition of another ethnic group. the conclusion of observations in schools is that while there is a major focus on kazakh attributes in school subjects, there are some other features that act as a balance to this. the overall material presented to students closely follows the curriculum set out by the government. it reflects the demographic change; most material puts kazakhs at the forefront, but it is also inclusive of other ethnic groups. questionnaires the questionnaire included five questions; one for each of the subjects observed. students were instructed to not write their name on the questionnaire; this was told to them before giving the questionnaire out and written on the top of the paper. the questions were broad and open in order to allow students to answer with their own opinion. the process was intended to be similar to an interview, but questionnaires were distributed in order to get the most honest answers possible. this was done out of a cultural and peer pressure consideration; individual answers and thought are not widely encouraged in this society. it should be stressed again that this is a snapshot of how education influences identity of young generations in kazakhstan. conducting research in kazakhstan can be a difficult endeavor. despite a significant effort to open up to the western world, a foreign presence in kazakhstan is still viewed with some suspicion. even though this meant that answers may not be easily coded, i felt general questions were more appropriate. specific questions about opinions and about ethnicity in particular might be viewed by locals as inflammatory and ultimately counterproductive for this study. it should also be pointed out that directly asking about national identity is problematic. in the kazakh language the term for national and ethnic can be used as one word, ūlt. therefore, it is difficult to use the term national identity or ethnic identity with a group of people who do not have similar terminology or viewpoint. questionnaires were translated into both russian and kazakh and while a uyghur version was not translated, the teachers at school #153 felt that their students could answer in russian. i did not give out surveys at school #35 due to having enough from another russian language source, school #28. overall there were 67 surveys from school #12, 93 surveys from school #28, and 18 surveys from school #153. i translated the survey answers with the assistance of language instructors in kazakhstan and at the university of kansas. the following section will include the question followed by the consensus from each of the three schools surveyed. question #1 what do you think are the most important works of literature (for example kazakh, russian, american literature, etc.)? who are the most important writers in literature? why do you think they are important? write as many examples of works and writers you feel is appropriate. school #12 – kazakh school. all students gave answers that were very similar with the topics listed under the standards. they wrote that abay kunanbaev and mukhtar auezov are the most important kazakh writers. less than 50% of the students wrote an answer for russian literature. a dozen students wrote that shakespeare is significant, and three students answered that j.r.r. tolkien was important. school #28 – russian school. around 90% of the students wrote that abay, auezov and pushkin, tolstoy, dostoevsky, and gogol are important for kazakh and russian literature respectively. a dozen wrote that shakespeare is notable and two students answered brazilian author paulo coelho. one other thing worth mentioning is that students from this school gave the most complete answers to this question. all wrote at least one example for kazakh, russian, and foreign literature. school #153 – uyghur school. 75% of the students from the uyghur school listed the well known kazakh and russian writers. half also identified mahmud al-kashgari, an 11th century turkic scholar and writer as important in literature. question #2 what do you think are the most important periods or significant events in history (for example world, kazakh, russian, eurasian history, etc.)? why do you think that they are important? write as many examples of periods or events you feel is appropriate. school #12 – kazakh school. there was a variety of answers but around 75% of students listed four incidents or specific periods of time. they were: the years 1465-66 when the kazakh khans created a khanate, the second world war (when it involved the soviet union) 1941-45, the zheltoksan incident, and when kazakhstan gained independence in 1991. three students who wrote that the zheltoksan protests were important also mentioned that the incident helped kazakhstan gain independence. school #28 – russian school. around 75% of the students listed two events as the most significant, the second world war and the break-up of the soviet union. less than 10 students put the zheltoksan incident as important and said that kazakhstan‟s independence resulted from it, and two students even put the creation of the kazakh khanate and referred to the khans as being „ours‟. school #153 – uyghur school. the students gave a variety of answers, but around 75% wrote that the second world war and kazakhstan‟s independence were the most significant. two wrote that the break-up of the soviet union and the economic problems of 2008 were also important events. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 8 question #3 do you think it is important to be involved in your community (neighborhood, district, city, country, globally)? why or why not? who do you think plays an important role in your community? why? school #12 – kazakh school. around 65% of the students from the kazakh school said that it is important to be involved in the community and half of those also wrote that the current president nursultan nazarbayev plays an important role. seven students identified dinmukhamed konayev, the longtime first secretary of the kazakh communist party in the kazakh ssr, as a person who played an important role in the community. two students said that it is not important to be involved, and around one third did not answer the question. school #28 – russian school. the answer to these questions was split half yes and no, while a few students also left it blank. those that answered yes wrote that people in the community generally need to be involved but they did not identify any one individual. only four said that the president or government members are important. a dozen of those who answered no said that there is nothing in the community for them. school #153 – uyghur school. two thirds of the students felt that it was important to be „generally‟ involved in different areas of the community, while two specified that it is important only in almaty. no one identified a particular person as being important. question #4 what language(s) do you think are important to know in the world today? why do you think this? school #12 – kazakh school. around 90% of the students answered that knowing one‟s own native language is the most important, or that kazakh is the most important before listing other languages. they said that english is also important, for reasons of international and intercultural communication, and russian because students responded that it is still in wide use in kazakhstan. additionally important is chinese, as two dozen students feel that it is used in trade and international relations. school #28 – russian school. nearly 100% of the students answered that english is the most important language to know, even putting it before russian. these same students wrote that russian is important, but listed it at second. around 60% of students also said that chinese will become more important in the future, giving the reason that china will be a great power. school #153 – uyghur school. all of the students from this school also highlighted that english and russian are important languages, especially for communicating with others. 14 of them said that their own native uyghur was important and four added that kazakh is important to know because of the country that they live in. question #5 what countries that border kazakhstan do you think are important to its future? why do you think this? do you think there are any countries that do not border kazakhstan but are still important for its future? why? school #12 – kazakh school. russia and china were listed as the two most important countries that share a border with kazakhstan by around 80% of students. these students said that they are important for economic and political reasons, and general relations. the other countries that share a border, such as kyrgyzstan or uzbekistan, were only listed by several students. as for non-bordering states, the united states and turkey were said to have importance for reasons of trade and good relations. school #28 – russian school. 90% of the students answered that russia was the most important state for kazakhstan, followed by china. the reasons were similar to school #12, that they are important for economic and political relationships. three students also listed germany and japan as important countries that do not share a border, and said so because of economic and development ties. school #153 – uyghur school. half of the students from this school said that all five countries are important for kazakhstan and half of them gave no response. four answered that russia and china are important without giving reasons why, and two said that the u.s. is important and also did not answer why they thought that. questionnaire summary the survey results show that most of the students at school #12 think that kazakhs and topics related to kazakhstan, such as those in literature, history, language, etc., are more important than others. few students gave broad answers to questions when they had the option, instead choosing for example that only kazakh writers or that certain events in kazakh history are significant. they also wrote that knowing one‟s native language is the most important language to know in the world today. they gave similar answers as other schools for question five. overall, kazakh students responded with answers that indicate the education system has been effective in shaping their identity. the students from the schools #28 and #153 gave answers that at times proved the education system was also shaping their identity, but they gave additional answers that presented a somewhat different view of the subjects. many students, especially from school #28, gave answers that represented both kazakh and russian literature and acknowledged the importance of the kazakh language in addition to english and russian. one of the most noticeable groups of answers came with question #3, that half of the students from school #28 felt that community involvement is not important because they do not see anything in it for them. to summarize the effects of this on students of other ethnicities, their identity is being shaped by the education system. there are however, a few things connecting to the khans: shaping national identity of the next generation through education in kazakhstan 9 that act as a balance to this, most notably separate language schools. these separate schools allow other ethnicities some level of autonomy. this affects how the subjects are taught. there are other influences on students outside of school that shape their identity such as family, peers, and community institutions. education is just one area that influences the national identity of young generations. however, the survey results are as honest a look as possible into what these students think about the given subjects, and with open-ended questions given under the condition of anonymity, the answers can speak for themselves. the national curriculum is having an effect on the identity of the young generations, even if other influences are pushing them to think differently. assessment education can be used to shape national identity. given the demographic changes in kazakhstan and that kazakhs (as opposed to an outside power) have control of their education system; this identity is being shaped by education in kazakhstan. the national curriculum standards, observations, and student surveys indicate that kazakhs have asserted their views in their education system, particularly through the five previously-mentioned subjects. as this continues to be shaped, kazakhstan is developing economically through energy exports while becoming an increasingly-important global and regional security partner. as a member in the shanghai cooperation organization (sco) and the 2010 chair of the organization for security and co-operation in europe (osce), kazakhstan is involved with security issues in two important spheres in the world. kazakhstan‟s importance as an east-west bridge in eurasia will continue to grow. what this ultimately means for kazakhstan is that citizens in the next 10-15 years will have a somewhat different national identity than those currently in government and influential positions. the same identities behind those who protested at the zheltoksan incident are felt today in the education system and are in many ways are a continuation of that. kazakhs want to have their own state, free from outside rule. younger generations will very likely conduct themselves along similar lines. this change should be noticed by states or organizations that want to interact effectively with kazakhstan in the future. references -stan. in the macquarie dictionary. the macquarie dictionary searched through credo reference. retrieved on december 19, 2009 from http://www.credoreference.com.www2.lib.ku.edu: 2048/entry/macqdict/stan abu-saad, ismael. 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(2003). potential for ethnic conflict in the caspian region. in t.s. szayna & o. oliker (eds.), faultlines of conflict in central asia and the south caucasus, implications for the u.s. army, (pp. 145-183). santa monica, ca: rand corporation. zharmukhamed, zardykhan. (2004). russians in kazakhstan and demographic change: imperial legacy and the kazakh way of nation building. asian ethnicity, 5(1), 61-79. connecting to the khans: shaping national identity of the next generation through education in kazakhstan 11 article citation stein, m. (2011). connecting to the khans: shaping national identity of the next generation through education in kazakhstan. current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/ cieatasu/article/view/551 author notes matthew stein foreign military studies office 731 mcclellan ave. ft. leavenworth, ks 66027 matthew.stein2@us.army.mil matthew stein is a central asian research analyst at the foreign military studies office, at ft. leavenworth, kansas. he was a national security education program (nsep) boren fellow in kazakhstan from 2008-09. mailto:matthew.stein2@us.army.mil current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 12 volume 14, number 2 june 11, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors krista adams melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp anglea hines younsu kim lisa lacy angeles maldonado carol masser tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers reflective teaching_final volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x reflective teaching and how it aids in coping with heavy workloads, mandated policies and disagreements with colleagues mark a. minott university college of the cayman islands citation minott, m.a. (2010). reflective teaching and how it aids in coping with heavy workloads, mandated policies and disagreements with colleagues. current issues in education, 13(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the main aim of this study is to understand (from the perspective of local teachers) what constitute reflective teaching, negative in-school factors, and how teaching reflectively aid in coping with negative factors. in-school factors cited by teachers in the study are: heavy workload, mandated policies and disagreement with colleagues. by reflecting on these, the respondents arrived at a number of solutions and employed both direct and indirect coping strategies. keywords: reflection, reflective teaching, coping strategies, negative in-school factors, cayman islands, students, school context, teaching, heavy workload, policy current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: mark a. minott affiliation: university college of the cayman islands address: 168 olympic way, p.o. box 702 gt ky1-1107 cayman islands. email: mminott@ucci.edu.ky biographical information: mark minott is an assistant professor of teacher education. his research efforts focus on reflective teaching, teacher education and ict in the classroom. reflective teaching 3 the connection between reflective teaching and coping with negative in-school factors is documented in international literature. there is, however, no known local research in the cayman islands which examines these areas. this paper contributes to filling this literary gap by reporting on a study which seeks to understand (from the perspective of local teachers) what constitute reflective teaching, negative in-school factors, and how teaching reflectively aid in coping with negative factors. a review of literature on reflective teaching, indicators of the practice, and what generally constitute negative in-school factors, establishes a framework for the paper. the study, which forms the basis for the paper, is outlined and its findings discussed. teaching reflectively and indicators of the practice minott (2009), defines reflection as careful consideration or thought; it is a process of disciplined intellectual criticism combining research; knowledge of context, and balanced judgment (critical thinking) about previous, present, and future actions, events or decisions. in light of this, reflective teaching is an approach to teaching, learning and problem solving that uses reflection as the main tool. it encourages teachers to create distance between themselves and their practice, as outlined by bengtsson (1993). it involves them in analysing, discussing, evaluating, changing and developing their practice, by adopting an analytical approach to their work as purported by martin jr. wood, & stevens (1988). a common feature of the reflective process is the questioning of ‘self’, that is, one’s beliefs, values, assumptions, context, and goals, in relation to actions, events, or decisions, as outlined by cruickshank (1987). zeichner and liston (1996) put this in practical terms when they point out that reflective teaching involves teachers in examining, framing, attempting to current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 4 solve dilemmas of classroom and schools, and asking questions about assumptions and values   they bring to teaching. it also involves attending to the institutional and cultural context in which they teach, taking part in curriculum development, being involved in school change and taking responsibility for their professional development. the advantages of teaching reflectively are many, for individual teachers, the teaching profession, and schools that are willing to employ and encourage its use. for example, i can infer from farrell (2001) that reflective teaching demands that teachers employ and develop their cognitive skills as a means of improving their practice. they would recall, consider, and evaluate their teaching experiences as a means of improving future ones. cole (1997) and calderhead (1992) point out that reflective teachers develop and use self-directed critical thinking and ongoing critical inquiry in their practice, initiated by them and not administratively decreed. this results in the development of contextualised knowledge. elder and paul (1994), and halpern (1996) also point out that reflective teachers would think critically, which involves the willingness to question, take risks in learning, try out new strategies and ideas, seek alternatives, take control of learning, use higher order thinking skills and reflect upon their own learning processes. they would discuss and analyse with others, problems they encounter in their classroom, to aid their analysis of situations, which could result in improved future classroom encounters, as suggested by (cunningham 2001). i also infer from zeichner and liston (1996) that reflective teachers would be subject conscious as well as standard conscious because teaching reflectively promotes the individual as responsible for identifying subject content deficiencies and, through the act of reflection and being autonomous, address such deficiencies. reflective teaching also demands that teachers use and develop their affective skills as a means of improving their practice. according to markham (1999), they would use their intuition, reflective teaching 5 initiative, values, and experience during teaching, and exercise judgment about the use of various teaching and research skills. reiman (1999) suggests that they would identify personal meaning and or significance of a classroom or school situation and this would include the disclosure and examination of personal feelings. markham (1999) further suggests that teachers would also take personal risks, for reflective teaching demands the sharing of perceptions and beliefs with others. they would engage in the disclosure of feeling, ideas, receiving and giving feedback as a part of a collaborative experience, as purported by (day 1999) and, as cunningham (2001) states, they would confront the uncertainty about their teaching philosophies and indeed their competence. if teachers hone their cognitive and affective skills via reflective teaching, this could improve their ability to react and respond—as they are teaching—to assess, revise, and implement approaches and activities on the spot. according to cunningham (2001) and bengtsson (1993), this could also develop further self-awareness and knowledge through personal experience. more importantly, this could aid in encouraging teachers in their role as autonomous professionals, by encouraging them to take greater responsibilities for their own professional growth by deepening an awareness of their practice, set within their unique particular socio-political contexts. defining reflective teaching and outlining its benefits point to its value and role in encouraging effective teaching and teachers. however, given the focus of the paper, there is also the need to highlight potentially, what constitute negative in-school factors. what generally constitute negative in-school factors? the literature draws attention to a number of important in-school factors which affect teachers and teaching: teachers’ heavy workload, administrative requirement/mandated policies, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 6 poor student behaviour and inadequate interpersonal relational skills. teachers’ workload. the study of johnstone (1993), bridge (2004), and mcavoy (2004) are examples of studies of teachers’ workload and its impact on teachers’ stress, lesson planning, and various aspects of their lives in and out of school. workload is the most important in-school factor that contributes to teachers leaving the classroom. those who headed for new jobs stressed excessive workload as the main reason for leaving, and not the attraction of opportunities elsewhere (smithers and robinson 2003). merttens and robertson (2002) for example, point out that some primary school teachers spend many hours on sundays on work for which there is no cover provided during the week. there are, however, suggestions for addressing this issue of heavy workload. for example, a solution to one aspect of the problem of teachers’ workload i.e. lesson planning could be the use of electronic and computerized aids to planning. this includes making use of available preprepared lesson plans found on the world wide web, thus reducing teachers’ workload by reducing time spent on planning (hamilton-trust 2004 & whittaker 2002). for areas that are administrative in nature, the solution could involve hiring more support/administrative or specialists staff to relieve teachers of certain tasks. the additional staff would take on routine but essential administrative tasks to support behaviour management and provide guidance to pupils, thus giving the classroom teacher more time for planning and teaching (bridge 2004, department for education and skills 2002). another suggestion by braggins (2004) involves structural changes in schools. this requires adjusting timetables to accommodate specialist staff and/or changes in timetabling and school practices to accommodate time for lesson planning in school and during the school day. finding full solutions to these issues is not easy; therefore, what is required is further systematic research into policy, practice, reflective teaching 7 culture of schools, and school systems, which are outside the scope and focus of this paper. the other in-school factor identified in the literature and hinted at in this paragraph is administrative requirements and in particular mandated government or school policies. administrative requirements/mandated school or government policies. administrative requirements and or mandated government or school policies are also factors affecting teachers. it is understood that not every government or school mandated policy or decree is eagerly adhered to by teachers. scott (1999), in a questionnaire survey of teachers in 114 schools in eight local education authorities (leas) found that school teaching staff felt increasingly inadequate in the face of rising expectations, greater responsibilities being placed upon them and by government demands that impact their autonomy. in reference to governmentmandated policies and reform and how these affect teachers, lasky, moore, and sutherland (2001) in their study, found that—in response to mandated government educational reform in ontario—ten percent (10%) of teachers in the schools they researched took early retirement or decided to leave teaching altogether. maxwell-jolly (2000) in her study on factors influencing the implementation of mandated policy, states that teachers adapted to the situations they faced in a number of ways. essentially, then, instead of open rebuttal and defiance of mandated government and school policies, teachers performed subtle forms of resistance. maxwell-jolly’s work brings to my attention the fact that both school-mandated policy and the subsequent covert and adaptive behaviour of teachers to such policy could be either detrimental or beneficial to students’ learning. here too, what is required is further systematic research. away from government-mandated policies, teacher also saw other factors such as attending required workshops, completing home visits, attending meetings and conducting developmental review as factors affecting them; for these activities result in a loss of weekly or current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 8 daily planning or teaching time (venn and mccollum 2002). often, visits to homes are required because of another in-school factor i.e. poor student behavior. poor student behavior. poor student behavior seems to be a world-wide concern for teachers. smithers and robinson (2003) in their study found that teachers leaving secondary schools were more likely to cite the school situation, particularly poor student behavior, as a factor that contributed to their leaving. poor student behavior also puts a strain on teacher-parent relationships. while there are many tried and tested strategies i.e. non-punitive and punitive, (long, frye & long 1985) the area of poor student behaviour, especially among students in secondary schools continues to be an in-school challenge for teachers. despite this seeming challenge, reid (1991), encourages teachers to persist, and suggests way to manage behavioral problems. she points out that behavior is a result and not a cause, so there is the need to start with identifying the cause as a part of the process of attending to the behavior recognizing that at times, the cause is beyond the teachers’ control. the writer points out that while corrective measures are of value, the social– emotional climate of the classroom must be attended to, for this can contribute positively to changing poor student behavior. the social-emotional climate of the classroom involves good interpersonal relationship or the cultivation of good human relation i.e. friendliness, understanding, warmth and courtesies. this recommendation seems to place the responsibility on teachers to hone and cultivate relevant interpersonal skills, but this is not always adhered to as will be shown later in this paper. interpersonal relational skills. apart from contributing to addressing the in-school factor of poor students’ behavior, teachers must be in possession of certain interpersonal relational skills because teaching is a reflective teaching 9 social activity involving relationships (markham 1999) and peoples’ emotions and feelings are being exposed and examined. gladding (2000), belkin (1988), jacobs (1998) switzer (1986) proposed empathy as a relational skill needed by teachers. empathy refers to perceiving what another person might be feeling, or experiencing another’s emotions from the point of view of that person. this is what feldman (1997) refers to as the ‘understanding of what another individual feels’ (p. 279). mccann and baker (2001), in defining the term take it further by suggesting that to empathize is to understand your client, this means giving them time, listening to them so as to be able to hear their perspective. this also involves an attempt to understand the emotions being expressed. ‘tuning in’ is another relational skill needed, which mccann and baker (2001), hutchins & vaught (1997), suggest involves adopting a flexible and open approach to relating, including the ability to listen effectively which means carefully listening to what is said. being friendly and disclosing oneself are also necessary relational skills for teachers. mccann and baker (2001) interpret ‘being friendly’ as treating colleagues and students as people. they are not to be dealt with in a detached manner, which involves relating to them at their own level and not speaking in a condescending manner. this demands that teachers develop a non-confrontational and non-judgmental relationship in which students and colleagues feel their concerns can be openly and freely discussed. writers such as gladding (2000) and switzer (1986) suggest that a conscious sharing of personal information can facilitate a relationship. information shared between colleagues might not be a secret, but can be quite personal. the sharing of such information might demand confidentiality, which belkin (1988), jacobs (1998); mccann and baker (2001) pointed out is a relationship of trust in which one person imparts private or secret matters to a second party. belkin (1988), jacobs (1998) and mccann and baker current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 10 (2001) also suggest that the level of commitment to this principle also reflects one’s commitment to professionalism. now that we have an understanding of what is involved in teaching reflectively and what generally constitutes in-school factors affecting teachers, there is the need to point out, potentially, how teaching reflectively aids teachers in coping with in-school factors. teaching reflectively and negative in-school factors the role of reflective teaching in aiding teachers to cope with negative in-school factors is outlined by a number of writers. posner (1989) points out that it is by critically thinking about these factors that teachers will be able to make adjustments and arrive at solutions. cunningham (2001) introduces the idea of a collaborative approach when she suggests that teachers should not face in-school factors alone, but should do so by engaging with colleagues in problem solving. she makes the point that reflective teaching demands that teachers discuss and analyse with others, problems they encounter in their classrooms, to aid their analysis of situations, and this could result in improved future classroom encounters. writers such as cole (1997), and calderhead (1992), also point out that employing reflective teaching could result in creative and innovative approaches to classroom and school situations and problems and this can result in improved learning opportunities for students. cultivating interpersonal relational skills are necessary for reflective teachers if they are going to carry out the following affective behaviour and learning methods: an examination of self, beliefs and values, share their interpretations and thoughts, become involved in interaction, analysis, personal learning logs and partnership as suggested by (posner 1989, & cunningham 2001), they need to be able to do these knowing that they are being listened to and that their thoughts are seriously considered. while the connection between reflective teaching and coping with negative in-school factors reflective teaching 11 seems to be well documented in international literature, there is no known local research in the cayman islands that examines these areas. based on this fact, a study was carried out. method the aim of the study and research questions the purpose of this small study was twofold, one, to aid in filling this seeming literary gap. two, to identify from the perspective of local teachers what constitute teaching reflectively, negative in-school factors, and how teaching reflectively aid them in coping with the identified factors. three broad research questions were formulated. what constitute reflective teaching? what do participants consider negative in-school factors? how does teaching reflectively aid teachers in coping with negative in-school factors? participants i used an instrumental case study approach, which involves using the participants to provide insight into the concerns of the study. they were two female teachers – william and maxwell (obviously, these are pseudonyms and giving the respondents male names, further enhanced anonymity) with a number of years of teaching experience. maxwell was a junior high school teacher of social studies, history and religious education with over twenty-five years teaching experience and william a primary school teacher with over twenty years of teaching experience. data collection methods i used the process of purposeful convenient or opportunity sampling (creswell, 1998), in their selection, based on their years of experience of teaching in a number of different countries and contexts. their years of experience allowed them to have experienced negative in-school factors. interviews and documentary analysis i.e. teachers’ lesson plans, were the data collection current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 12 methods employed. the main instrument used for the collection of data was a semi-structured interview schedule which i piloted twice (wragg 2002). i chose to use interview, for there was the need to get in-depth information. however, the main reason for employing this method is the fact that it provides the opportunity to include follow-up as well as supplementary questions thought of during the actual interview and used as necessary to illuminate or clarify, thus facilitating depth in responses, as suggested by joffe (2001). interviews focused on participants’ experience and observations of their practice, and were approximately one and a half hours in length. participants also agreed to participate in a second round of interview, if necessary. data analysis process the data from the interviews (which were transcribed from tape recordings) were analyzed using ‘within and cross-case’ analyses. this meant that an analysis was done of each participant’s views, as was a cross-examination of emerging categories to discern findings that were common to all two cases. i also used direct interpretation of the data, which involved looking at each case and drawing meaning from it, and categorical aggregation, where a collection of instances was sought with the hope that issue-relevant meanings would emerge (creswell 1998). i examined all the responses to the interview questions to identify similarities and differences. by highlighting similarities and differences from what was said or how the respondents said it, i constructed an understanding of what constitute teaching reflectively, negative in-school factors and how teaching reflectively aid then in coping with negative factors. i also used participants’ lesson plans to supplement, that is, to confirm or make more or less plausible, findings of the interview. before commencing actual analysis of the data, i asked respondents to read transcripts of their interview and say if the account faithfully represented their experience. elliott (1991) refers reflective teaching 13 to this as validating by appealing to the participants. they both agreed and carried out this task and only minor corrections needed to be made. results and discussion what constitute reflective teaching locally? during the data analysis, three useful categories emerged in response to the question of what constitute teaching reflectively. each represents facets of teaching that the respondents described when speaking of reflective teaching. the categories are students (s), teaching context (tc), and mechanics (m).the category of students refers to the use of students in peer evaluation or their engagement in other activities specifically geared to facilitate the acquisition of information, or references made to students’ well-being, welfare, their activities, roles and learning styles. the category of teaching context, includes policies, teaching and teaching material/supplies, facilities, school responsibilities, school physical layout, school philosophy and how each respondent interpreted, conformed, interacted with, and utilised these aspects in their practice. the category of mechanics emerged from the data because the responses were replete with descriptions of ‘when’, ‘how’ and ‘what was done’ during their practice. students and teaching reflectively. both respondents seemed to believe that students were significant to the process of teaching; however, similarities and differences exist in their use of elements of reflective teaching in relation to their students. both employed reflection or ‘thinking about’ and questioned the relevance of their schools’ curricula to students’ needs for example: i find that, people say ‘oh you try to do too much’ but it is my belief that the children must be actively engaged. and so i am always thinking, ‘ what can i do current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 14 to actively engage them’ while someone will just come and give them the text books and the paper and ‘ that’s a no no.’ so they are an active part of the learning process and this is one of the philosophy which guides my own teaching’ (maxwell) now i think about it a lot, you teach them things and you wonder, ‘why am i teaching them about active and passive voice or stuff like that?’ why are we teaching them to convert fractions when in everyday life we don’t do those kinds of fractions? if we truly look at genuine life, we don’t convert anything to anything now, so it is just nonsense! it frightens me’ (william) giving thought to, and the employment of questions is compatible with the view of zeichner and liston (1996), who saw the use of questions by teachers as an aspect of reflective teaching. maxwell’s engagement in a process of questioning led her to become proactive in addressing students’ perceived need by joining the national curriculum planning team. zeicher and liston (1996), in their definition of a reflective teacher, highlight pro-activity and involvement with curriculum issues. maxwell was not only generally concerned with the students in her class, but also reflected on their differences, with the aim to improve how she taught them. the analysis of her lesson plan supports this claim, because the focus of the objectives and overall lesson were the students’ needs. for example, there was a focus on students’ need to be able to identify, list, categorise, utilise the computer, work in pairs, to critically examine a video show and participate in discussion. the idea of reflecting on any aspect of teaching with the aim to improve or change is a characteristic of reflective teaching (cunningham 2001). maxwell also seemed to have reflected on her belief regarding matters to do with students and students’ activities, for she was reflective teaching 15 able to articulate a particular personal view regarding this matter. in addition, she also carried out self-evaluation or reflection-on-action as described by (schon 1987), regarding students’ activities she included in her lessons, and the degree to which students had been actively engaged in the lessons. teaching context and teaching reflectively. similarities and differences also exist in respondents’ view regarding the use of elements of reflective teaching in relation to teaching contexts. both respondents reflected on their school layout and the extent to which it influenced their teaching activities. william reflected on, or thought about, her school layout and the extent to which it influenced her choice of student activities. she, however, extended her thinking to include the availability of school resources, space, and the degree to which the lack of these resources negatively influenced lesson implementation. maxwell reflected on the school layout and the extent to which it influenced her choice of student activities, but only in relation to class size and special occasions. she said she thinks about this when she invites special speakers to address a number of classes at the same time, which requires a large area for the students to congregate. maxwell’s lesson plan that i analysed revealed the fact that she reflected on resources, school facilities, and supplies, in relation to the lesson, and she listed these in a specific section labeled ‘resources’. differences in this area were seen in the fact that while both william and maxwell reflected on their school layout and the extent to which it influenced their choice of student activities, they did so either in relation to how their classroom could be arranged to accommodate student activities, when they were planning special events for students, when a large space and special teaching resources were required for the lesson, or when a lesson required the students to current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 16 be out of their self-contained classroom. william, however, employed reflection-on-context and the degree to which this influenced her mood. difficult circumstances at school, for example, difficulty with the school system, act as a trigger for her to question her values, beliefs, and assumptions about teaching generally, and this includes her mood. she also questions her whole interaction with students, her attitude about discipline, and not only in relation to how she planned lessons. cunningham (2001) recognizes this act of self-examination as an element of reflective teaching. the mechanics of teaching and teaching reflectively. similarities and differences also exist in the respondents’ view about the use of elements of reflective teaching in the mechanics of teaching. to varying degrees, both respondents reflected and were reflective about their teaching. both carried out reflection-in-action, framing students’ activities as the cause for making unplanned changes during a single lesson. periodically, changes to a whole lesson occurred. william tried to avoid making changes during a single lesson, by carrying out pre-testing. however, sometimes-misplaced teaching resources caused her to make changes. for maxwell, various interruptions caused changes to occur within a single lesson. maxwell and william reflected on their feelings, values, beliefs and assumptions, about teaching, and the degree to which these influenced their teaching generally. maxwell for example, considered the degree to which lessons that she planned displayed her assumptions, values, and beliefs about teaching. she also questioned the way she went about planning lessons and, by so doing had, over the year, used a number of ways of planning, which she shared with her colleagues. yesover the years, i have done different ways [of planning], i share with reflective teaching 17 colleagues to say ‘this is what i did, what do you do ‘asking what do they do, for i am always looking for best practices. (maxwell) during this sharing, she tried to get their ideas about teaching, for she was interested in ‘best practice’. while focusing on making her lessons ‘student centred’, she even questioned the effectiveness of that kind of approach to teaching and compared it with other methods that her grandmother had used. william also used established research, carried out research using students and colleagues, and read generally to improve her teaching. ‘with all the reading that i am doing, the things i learnt in college is a bit, outdated now, i do my reading and i try to make sense of all the new things that are happening now and i might plan it[ lesson] that way instead’ (william). maxwell and william reflected on self and made notes about their role in making lessons a success or failure. in other words, they employed reflection-on-action during their lesson evaluations. differences rested in the elements of reflective teaching that they emphasized or on which they focused. william periodically questioned her role in the success or failure of lessons and employed ‘flashback’ during lesson evaluation. reflecting on lesson plans in order to identify possible difficulties that students might encounter during actual implementation, is a practice of william. this results in creative and innovative approaches to classroom and school situations. maxwell’s willingness and desire to participate in collaborative exercises in order to improve an aspect of her teaching is characterised by day (1999) as a reflective act; additionally, she questioned the usefulness of a ‘student-centered’ approach to teaching. she also reflected on her role regarding students’ activities and the degree to which they were actively engaged in the current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 18 lessons she taught. what constitute negative in-school factors locally? during the data analysis, three factors were identified in response to the question of what constitute negative in-school factors, these are: heavy workload, mandated policies and disagreement with colleagues. heavy workload. in line with the literature review, both respondents spoke of being heavily involved with either additional school responsibilities or having to give certain prescribed number of hours to teaching students, and the negative impact that these had on where and how lessons were planned. this is best summed up by william: you don’t have time; you might share a thought about something that really went well or share resources, that’s about it. we don’t have time and that’s one of my areas of interest that i could go on about. in all they want us to have 190 teaching days and directed instruction and all that garbage but they don’t give teachers time to sit down and plan, talk about what is happening in the classroom, share ideas and i think this is so important but they don’t give us time for that’ (william) an examination of william’s statement specifically reveals administrative hindrances to the sharing and discussion of lesson plans with colleagues. for, she said, there was no time for this and the authorities stipulated teachers’ contact-time/ teaching time and the number of hours that they should allocate to teaching. she, however, found a solution in the use of the internet, which she uses to facilitate her lesson planning. maxwell also highlights the fact that during the school term, her heavy school reflective teaching 19 responsibilities deterred her from going over her lesson plans, looking for possible difficulties that students might encounter during the actual lesson. in an effort to improve students’ learning and to make lesson planning easier, thus reducing the stress of heavy workload, maxwell encourages colleagues to share lesson plans on the school intranet to make available a number of lesson plans from which they could easily pull ideas and ‘free up time’ to accomplish otherschool responsibilities. mandated policy and disagreement with colleagues. william’s mood influenced by a school mandated policy and disagreement with colleagues affected how she planned and, especially, how she implemented a particular lesson. there are times as teachers our moods affect the teaching. for, depend on your mood you may decide to write on the black board and let the student ‘copy’ the notes and we will discuss it ‘another day kind of thing’. we all have days like that ... any teacher who is without days like these she needs to teach me a thing or two, sometimes you start a lesson and you know that nobody is into it, not you, not them, so you say, let’s try this another way and another day (william). according to william, both the mandated policy and disagreement with her colleagues influenced her ‘bad’ mood on that occasion. for her, the policy was unnecessary and the disagreement with her colleague was related to an issue in the school, hence they were negative in-school factors. this is reflective of the thoughts of maxwell-jolly (2000) who points out that mandated policies are not always embraced by all teachers. maxwell believes that students must be an active part of the process of learning and this philosophy guides her teaching. she explained this in the next excerpt, from which i will also infer that she must have reflected on her belief regarding this matter, hence, she is able to current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 20 articulate this particular view: i find that, people say ‘oh you try to do too much; but it is my belief that the children must be actively engaged. and so i am always thinking, ‘what can i do to actively engage them’ while someone will just come and give them the text books and the paper and ‘that’s a no no’ (maxwell). the important thing about this quotation is that she identified that her colleagues’ response to her beliefs about students’ involvement was indifferent. as a result, she decided not to share her lesson evaluation with all colleagues but with a select few. how does teaching reflectively aid in coping with these negative in-school factors? gage (1977) and clark and peterson (1986), state that teachers’ practical knowledge is credited with forming a large part of the knowledge base which shapes their classroom actions. marland (1998) agrees and states that teachers, and in particular expert teachers, draw heavily on their practical knowledge about how to teach and they rely less on research. their practical knowledge—that which they build up on the job as they grapple with the daily challenges of teaching and as they seek to refine their professional practice—inevitably influences how they address the issue of heavy workload. by reflecting on the nature of the heavy workload i.e. administrative or pedagogical, and pulling on their practical knowledge, participants arrived at solutions which help them cope with heavy workload. for example, william (after reflection), decided to use the internet as a place for planning lessons which is in-line with suggestions from the literature or maxwell (after reflection) decided to encourage colleagues to place their lesson plans on the school intranet. doing so allowed access to a variety of available lesson plans that could be easily utilised at any time (hamilton-trust 2004 & whittaker 2002). this no doubt reduces the stress of their heavy reflective teaching 21 workload by ‘freeing up time’ to accomplish other school responsibilities. birrell et al (1999) make the point that when the teaching context presents a serious challenge to self, ‘strategic defensive adaptations’, or coping strategies, emerged. coping strategies may be indirect, for example, changing the way one thought about or physically responded to the situation to reduce its impact and active, for example, taking some action to change oneself or the situation. based on the study of cooley and yovanoff (1996) reflection can facilitate these coping strategies. in cooley and yovanoff’s study of how to cope with perceived contextual challenges, the writers proposed a peer collaboration program. its strength was the use of reflective problem solving interactions between two teachers about student-related problems. an overview of the process reveals that it closely resembled the activities commonly employed by a reflective teacher, for example, framing the problem as promoted by schon (1987), and asking questions, as suggested by zeichner and liston (1996). the respondents in my study employed these kinds of coping strategies based on their use of reflection. william, when faced with a mandated school policy and a disagreement with colleagues decided to teach the lesson even though these contextual situations affected her mood negatively. the way she taught the lesson (after reflecting on the issue) was also a means of coping. at that time, she felt it necessary to write notes on the chalkboard for the students to copy, instead of employing activities that were interactive and demanded verbal communication between the students and her. the decision she took was one that protected the students from possible negative reaction that could have resulted from her negative mood. in addition, her actions were acts of safeguarding her job, hence herself. here again, according to birrell et al (1999), william was employing an indirect coping strategy by changing the way she physically current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 22 carried out the lesson and she was being active in her coping, in that she took a particular action to reduce the impact of the situation. in the case of maxwell, when faced with a disagreement with her colleagues based on the fact that they lacked the interpersonal relational skills of ‘empathy’ and ‘tuning in’ gladding (2000), belkin (1988), jacobs (1998) switzer (1986) and (after reflection), decided not to share her lesson evaluation with all colleagues. she did so because of seemingly negative responses she had received and these seemed to have affected her emotionally, given the fact that she was able to vividly recount this in the interview (cahill 2003 & mcgaugh 2003). according to birrell et al (1999), maxwell was employing an indirect coping strategy, by changing the way she thought about or physically responded to the situation, and she was being active in her coping, in that she took a particular action to reduce the impact of the situation. conclusion firstly, the findings of this study highlight the fact that school context and situations can be challenging. therefore, what is required in these ever changing, demanding, and sometimes difficult contexts are teachers who employ an approach to teaching that incorporates an understanding of their particular contexts, personal beliefs, practical knowledge and particular content knowledge. this approach should enable them to survive the many contextual constrains and irritations and allow them to draw on knowledge to solve problems that are unique to their particular teaching situation. this approach should also enable creative and innovative approaches to classroom and school situations and problems, which should result in improved learning opportunities for students. reflective teaching provides an excellent opportunity to achieve these. secondly, while the study’s aim was achieved the ways portrayed of how the respondents reflective teaching 23 arrived at solutions may seem simplistic, for by simply reflection on situations and encounters they found solutions. the process however is anything but simply, for what is required is careful consideration or thought, a process of disciplined intellectual criticism combining research, knowledge of context/classroom, and balanced judgment (critical thinking) (minott, 2009). this implies there is the need to ‘make the time’ to accomplish this task and requires a willingness to adapt an attitude of inquiry and an engagement in self-assessment. achieving these are not without challenges, given that teachers are not always willing to engage in self-assessment and they are saddled with numerous and varied tasks daily. limitations of the study when considering my study and its contributions, the following limitations must be borne in mind. the study examined the impact of negative in-school factors on teachers and teaching from a narrow empirical perspective, that is, two respondents and my own. however, given my limited financial resources as an independent researcher, this narrow focus made the study both manageable and achievable. clegg (1990) states that an aim underlying almost all scientific investigation was that the findings are applicable from the specific to the general. by looking for similarities and differences between the respondents, i was able to make relatively general statements regarding their understanding of the area being researched. however, given the nature of the research i engaged in, large-scale generalization was neither appropriate nor was it the outcome i sought. therefore, while this study 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(editors) (1996). reflective teachingan introduction. usa: current issues in education vol. 13 no. 1 28 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 13, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team reflective teaching 29 executive editors jeffery johnson lori ellingford katy hirsch section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis amber johnston seong hee kim lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer wojtulewicz lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo microsoft word factors influencing stress, burnout, and retention of secondary teachers.docx teacher stress, burnout, and retention 1 volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x factors influencing stress, burnout, and retention of secondary teachers molly h. fisher university of kentucky citation fisher, m. h. (2011). factors influencing stress, burnout, and retention of secondary teachers. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this study examines the stress, burnout, satisfaction, and preventive coping skills of nearly 400 secondary teachers to determine variables contributing to these major factors influencing teachers. analysis of variance (anova) statistics were conducted that found the burnout levels between new and experienced teachers are significantly different, with novice teachers having higher burnout, but their difference in stress levels was not statistically significant. in three multiple regression tests, stress and burnout were found to be statistically significant predictors of job satisfaction; years of experience, job satisfaction, and burnout were statistically significant predictors of stress; and job satisfaction, preventive coping skills, and stress were statistically significant predictors of burnout. keywords: stress, burnout, teacher retention, job satisfaction, beginning teachers, quantitative research current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 about the author(s) author: molly h. fisher, phd affiliation: university of kentucky address: college of education, 105d taylor education building, lexington, ky 40506 email: molly.fisher@uky.edu biographical information: dr. fisher is an assistant professor of mathematics education in the stem education department at the university of kentucky. she obtained her phd in curriculum and instruction in mathematics education from the university of north carolina at charlotte. her research interests include mathematics education, distance learning, and teacher stress, burnout, and retention. teacher stress, burnout, and retention 3 factors influencing stress, burnout, and retention of secondary teachers for centuries, teaching has been characterized as a profession that is “emotionally taxing and potentially frustrating” (lambert, o’donnell, kusherman, & mccarthy, 2006, p. 105). the rate at which teachers leave the profession is significantly higher than the departure rate in other professions (minarik, thornton, & perreault, 2003). ingersoll (2002) reports the departure rate in non-teaching professions remains around 11% each year. this percentage is lower than the over 16% of public school teachers that leave the profession or change schools each year (cox, parmer, tourkin, warner, & lyter, 2007). the departure rate of novice teachers is even higher. the number of teachers who leave the profession within the first five years can range from one third to one half (hanushek, 2007; ingersoll, & smith, 2003). because of the high teacher attrition rates within the first five years of their career, this vulnerable time is “an opportunity lost for the health of the teaching profession” (national council on teacher quality, 2008, p. 3). this vulnerability can be attributed to the fact that they transition from being a student to being a teacher and this can define who they are as educators (conroy, 2004). studies have shown that teaching is a stressful career and this can lead to teachers suffering from burnout (mccarthy, lambert, o’donnell, & melendres, 2009), resulting in a national epidemic of teacher departures. this paper delves into this problem and attempts to find adequate predictors of teacher stress and burnout within secondary level teachers. this research could, in turn, help alleviate the number of teachers fleeing the profession by informing and guiding future studies on determining specific solutions to relieve stress and burnout. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 literature and framework stress and burnout factors leading to stress and burnout are often related to the characteristics of being effective or highly qualified and the pressures related to achieving those goals (grant, 2007), as well as increased accountability measures for teachers (sorenson, 1999). however, those are not the only factors that contribute to the stress of the teaching profession. according to the most recent teacher follow-up survey, 32% of teachers who changed schools cited “poor working conditions” as an important reason for their decision, and over 37% of teachers who left the profession stated they were leaving to “pursue a job outside of teaching” (cox et al., 2007). geving (2007) found that poor student behavior is a main contributor to teacher stress, especially in secondary level teachers. other cited reasons for teacher stress are lack of administrative support (blase, blase, & du, 2008; lambert et al., 2006) and the excessive number of tasks that are required of new teachers who have not acquired successful task-management skills (brown, 2005). the combination of many factors will result in nearly 50% of teachers leaving the profession before they reach their sixth year of teaching (ingersoll & smith, 2004). teaching is a highly stressful career, and teachers are leaving the profession at an alarming rate (hanushek, 2007; ingersoll, & smith, 2003). without effective teachers, class sizes increase, school administrators become frustrated, parental concerns grow, and stress levels increase. liminality the term “liminality” derives from the latin root limen meaning “boundary or threshold” (meyer & land, 2005, p. 375). in 1960, arnold van gennep wrote about the “rites of passage” a person experiences when changing cultures or a way of life. he describes this particular teacher stress, burnout, and retention 5 transition in three different stages: preliminal rites, liminal rites, and postliminal rites. the liminal stage is the stage has been the most researched and van gennep (1960) describes it as “the transitional stage” where a person is transitioning from one social state to another. he also refers to it as a “territorial passage.” thus, van gennep refers to liminality as the period when one is between states, such as during a wedding ceremony when a person is not single but not married, or when certain cultures welcome a new member but they are not yet completely transitioned. the transition was later described as being “betwixt and between” social stages, and this terminology has been used widely in studies on liminality (bettis & mills, 2006). in the terms of education, conroy (2004) explains liminality as “a threshold…the entry and exit point between zones of experience or understanding,” and this concept matches the threshold a new teacher experiences when he or she is “betwixt and between” being a student and a teacher (p. 53). this period can involve a humbling of the participant because the teacher is being “stripped” of their old identity (meyer & land, 2005). these are the stages in which a teacher is most vulnerable to stress and feelings of dissatisfaction with the profession. cooksather (2006) describes the liminal stage as when “she or he is neither what she or he was nor what she or he will become” and the hope is those teachers in this stage find their stride and become successful teachers (p. 110). teacher follow-up survey the “teacher follow-up survey” is administered every four years. it serves as a followup to the “national schools and staffing survey” from the national center for education statistics. it was completed most recently during the 2004-2005 school year. over three million teachers were surveyed for this version of the teacher follow-up survey. each teacher surveyed was placed in one of three categories. they were either classified as a “stayer,” “mover,” or current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 “leaver.” “stayers” were teachers who remained at their current teaching assignment. “movers” were teachers who remained in teaching but left their current teaching assignment for another school or district. finally, “leavers” were those teachers who left the education profession. of those surveyed, over 19% were teachers within their first three years of experience. of that 19%, over 23% were classified as movers or leavers. additionally, the study revealed that over 10,000 (36%) of the first-year teachers were movers or leavers that year (cox et al., 2007). the teacher follow-up survey reinforces some of the reasons teachers leave the profession and refutes others. teacher salaries are a widely discussed feature of american education. although 16% of the teachers stated this was one of the reasons they left, it was not the most noted reason as retirement was the highest rated reason with 38% of the teachers leaving due to retirement. hanushek, kain, and rivkin (2001) were able to show that a substantial increase in salary would reduce only marginally the attrition rate of teachers. other reasons suggested for teacher departures are violence, urban populations, and weak administration. the teacher follow-up survey indicates a weak administration is one reason teachers were movers with 37% of teachers changing schools because of weak administration, but violence and urban populations were not found to be significant contributors of teacher departures (cox et al., 2007). pointing out the contradictory nature of the results, in a qualitative study, smith and smith (2006) find that some of the teachers interviewed left urban schools for stress-related reasons including violence, lack of feelings of safety, and poor community involvement. other reasons were noted as significant factors for teachers who were leavers or movers. over 38% of movers left for a better teaching position, and almost 33% stated they were moving due to “poor working conditions.” as for the leavers, retirement is the most commented reason teacher stress, burnout, and retention 7 for teachers to leave the profession with 38% of leavers citing retirement as one of the reasons. more significant is the fact that 37% of leavers left to pursue a career outside of the teaching profession, and 18% cited they were leaving because they were “dissatisfied with teaching as a career.” stress sorenson (1999) states, “stress is a condition of twenty-first-century education that continues to increase as more accountability standards and new policy initiatives are introduced” (p. 12). many factors can contribute to high levels of teacher stress, but geving (2007) suggests student behavior is an increasing factor of the stress, especially among secondary level teachers. in her study of secondary level teachers, she found 10 specific student behaviors to be statistically significant contributors to teacher stress. the behavior factors leading to teacher stress from the most stressful to the least stressful (but still statistically significant) are: hostility towards the teacher, not paying attention during class, noisiness, lack of effort in class, coming to class unprepared, hyperactivity, breaking school rules, harming school property, hostility toward other students, and lack of interest in learning. other potential stressors may include the lack of parental and administrative support (blase, blase, & du, 2008; lambert et al., 2006), and the lack of task management for new teachers when dealing with paperwork and extracurricular duties outside the classroom (brown, 2005). these tasks can include parent conferences, bus monitoring, hallway duty, staff meetings, bathroom duty, cafeteria supervision, and a plethora of other tasks assigned to teachers. jepson and forrest (2006) conducted a multiple regression test to determine which factors contribute to teacher stress. they tested and found the following independent variables to be statistically significant predictors of stress: type of school setting, type a personality, teachercurrent issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 specific achievement striving, and occupational commitment to the teaching profession. the strongest negative predictor of stress was occupational commitment, and it revealed that as commitment increases, stress decreases. the next most significant factor was achievement striving. its positive beta value indicated the teachers who were striving to reach higher achievement were more stressed. additionally, teachers with a type a personality are also found to be more stressed. type a teachers are more aggressive, and would consider themselves to be “perfectionists.” another interesting result is that elementary school teachers have higher stress than secondary teachers. the factors that were not found to be significantly related to teacher stress were gender, years of experience, and job status (full or part time). burnout freudenberger (1974) began researching burnout during the free clinic movement and found that those involved were becoming “inoperative to all intents and purposes” due to the extreme working conditions (p. 160). maslach, jackson, and leiter (1996), some of the most well-known researchers of burnout, constructed burnout as a combination of three components: emotional exhaustion, personal accomplishment, and depersonalization. “emotional exhaustion” is the emotional lassitude a person experiences when they are fatigued and frustrated. “personal accomplishment” is the person’s self-evaluation of their own work. the final component, “depersonalization,” is when a person has a tendency to isolate themselves from others. ghorpade, lackritz, and singh (2007) found that the components of burnout are statistically related to different personality traits. emotional exhaustion was negatively related to extroversion and emotional stability, depersonalization was negatively related to agreeableness and emotional stability, and personal accomplishment was positively related to extroversion, conscientiousness, agreeableness, and emotional stability. kokkinos (2007) also found similar teacher stress, burnout, and retention 9 results when comparing burnout to personality traits; however, that study also revealed that student misbehavior and the time constraints on teachers were significant predictors of the burnout components. preventive coping skills teachers cope with school stress in many different ways. sorenson (1999) suggests simple tactics that can help a teacher control stress such as a balanced diet, exercise, adequate sleep, as well as being able to recognize work overload and stress-resistant workplaces. certain coping mechanisms can also have a negative effect on a person’s mental health. relieving stress using anger-induced methods such as placing blame on others and yelling can increase mental health problems such as insomnia, anxiety, and depression (suldo, shaunessy, & hardesty, 2008). when a potential stress threat occurs, a stress response is triggered (hobfoll, 1988). adequate preventive coping resources can reduce the number of events a teacher interprets as stress threats, which eliminates the stress response trigger (mccarthy, lambert, & brack, 1997). mccarthy (2002) and his colleagues created a model of stress prevention and coping and used this model to visually represent the use of preventive coping skills in a stressful situation, known as demands. this model is found in figure 1. the model begins with preventive coping resources and the dashed lines from that variable indicate the individual can control the degree of demands from life events, individual perceptions they have about demands encountered, and their own appraisal of the ability to handle demands. once the demand has become apparent, the individual must appraise the seriousness of the demand. optimal results would be those in which the individual feels the resources available outnumber the demands (r≥d), but the reverse can also current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 occur (rr) suffered more stress than those teachers who felt the resources surpassed the demands (d5 yrs) 238 -.274 1.080 bo 0 (<=5 yrs) 145 2.020 .854 1 (>5 yrs) 238 1.849 .797 teacher stress, burnout, and retention 21 research shows that up to fifty percent of teachers leave the profession by the close of their fifth year of experience (hanushek, 2007; ingersoll, & smith, 2003). based on those previous studies, it was decided that for this study “novice” teachers would be those with up to five years of experience and that “experienced” teachers would be those with greater than five years of experience. the anova showed that the teachers in these two groups determined by experience did not have a statistically significant difference in their stress scores. teaching is a stressful career at all levels of experience. perhaps the causes of stress are different for those teachers in their inaugural year of teaching than for those in their twentieth year of teaching. more experienced teachers generally carry more non-classroom duties such as committees and coaching whereas less experienced teachers may struggle more with teaching responsibilities. finding a significant difference in the burnout scores between the two groups was an interesting result since the less experienced teachers were the ones with the higher burnout scores. many people feel more experienced teachers would have higher burnout due to the prolonged exposure to stressful conditions. stress, burnout, and job satisfaction a multiple regression analysis was conducted with the dependent variable being the participants’ responses on a single item about job satisfaction and the independent variables being burnout and stress. the independent variables were found to be moderately correlated (r=.502), but the variance inflation factor remained at a reasonable level (vif=1.329). the regression analysis was found to be statistically significant (r2 adj=.337, f=96.77, p<.001) and both stress (β=.129, p=.008) and burnout (β=.508, p<.001) were found to be statistically current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 significant indicators of job satisfaction with burnout being a stronger indicator of job satisfaction. the results reveal that 34% of the variance in job satisfaction of teachers in this study can be attributed to stress and burnout. dissatisfaction in a profession can lead to departures by the professionals in that career. although 34% may not seem like a large percentage of variance, there is a moderate effect size (f2=.508), which means it could result in a large number of teachers that continue teaching and opt not to leave the profession. that variance indicates the possibility of a substantial number of teachers remaining in the profession if a remedy is found to reduce stress and burnout. this could result in more successful teachers, improvement of schools, and better educated students. factors contributing to stress and burnout two more multiple regression analyses were used to determine which factors contribute to stress and burnout among the teachers in the study. the tests are outlined in table 5 below. table 5 variables of multiple regression analyses dv iv test 1 stress number of student taught year of experience age gender self-acceptance (preventive coping skills) job satisfaction burnout test 2 burnout number of student taught year of experience age gender self-acceptance (preventive coping skills) job satisfaction stress teacher stress, burnout, and retention 23 correlations pearson correlation coefficients were computed among the independent variables. the results are reported in table 6. table 6 pearson correlation coefficients of independent variables n um be r o f st ud en ts y ea rs o f ex pe rie nc e a ge g en de r se lfa cc ep ta nc e jo b sa tis fa ct io n st re ss b ur no ut number of students 1 -.009 -.031 -.070 -.037 .136** .096 .119* years of experience -.009 1 .741** .003 .116* -.143** -.186** -.128* age -.031 .741** 1 -.075 .104* -.140** -.125* -.130* gender -.070 .003 -.075 1 -.049 .051 .080 .098 self-acceptance -.037 .116* .104* -.049 1 -.401** -.314** -.540** job satisfaction .136** -.143** -.140** .051 -.401** 1 .382** .572** stress .096 -.186** -.125* .080 -.314** .382** 1 .499** burnout .119* -.128* -.130* .098 -.540** .572** .499** 1 ** significant at the .01 level * significant at the .05 level the correlation coefficients indicate statistically significant bivariate correlations between some of the independent variables. job satisfaction correlates statistically significantly with all variables, with the exception of gender, which does not correlate with any of the variables. additionally, the teacher’s years of experience, self-acceptance, age, and stress all correlate with each of the variables, with the exception of the number of students taught and gender. test 1, stress. mahalanobis’ distance was computed to determine if multivariate outliers occurred in the dataset. three participants were found to be outliers (p<.01) and they were current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 removed from the dataset. additionally, 17 other participants failed to receive a score for at least one of the variables which resulted in missing data for those participants. from the pearson correlation coefficients found in table 6 above, it was determined that years of experience, age, job satisfaction, self-acceptance, and burnout were all deemed significantly correlated to stress. variance inflation factors (vifs) were computed and none were found to be unacceptable. the highest vif was found to be for age (vif = 2.263). the results of the multiple regression were found to be significant (r2 adj=.263, f=19.527, p<.001). the results indicate that years of experience, job satisfaction, and burnout are the statistically significant predictors of stress with number of students, age, gender, and self-acceptance being not significant. the standardized and unstandardized betas are reported in table 7 below. table 7 results of multiple regression test 1 unstandardized β standardized β t sig. vif num students .002 .073 1.594 .112 1.048 yrs. exp. -.019 -.156 -2.313 .021 2.252 age .062 .077 1.139 .255 2.263 gender .101 .047 1.035 .302 1.023 satis .212 .129 2.293 .022 1.563 bo .492 .385 6.280 .000 1.850 sa -.025 -.012 -.214 .831 1.447 r = .527, r2 adj =.263, f2=.356 test 2, burnout. when analyzing this multiple regression, 18 participants were not included due to the lack of a score for one of the independent variables. mahalanobis’ distance was computed to find multivariate outliers. two participants were deemed outliers (p<.01) and both were removed from the dataset. similar to the first test, all of the independent variables, except gender, were found to have bivariate correlations with burnout. the variance inflation factors were again found to be teacher stress, burnout, and retention 25 within reasonable ranges with the highest vif (2.285) being for years of experience. the results of this multiple regression were also found to be significant (r2 adj=.504, f=53.791, p<.001). the outcome of the multiple regression analysis reveals that job satisfaction, self-acceptance, and stress are the significant predictors of burnout with number of students, years of experience, age, and gender not being found significant. the standardized and unstandardized betas are reported in table 8 below. table 8 results of multiple regression test 2 unstandardized β standardized β t sig. vif num students .001 .041 1.095 .274 1.051 yrs. exp. .003 .028 .497 .620 2.285 age -.020 -.031 -.557 .578 2.270 gender .056 .033 .888 .375 1.021 satis .429 .332 7.819 .000 1.324 sa -.562 -.331 -8.052 .000 1.236 stress .207 .263 6.390 .000 1.246 r = .716, r2 adj =.504, f2=1.016 factors contributing to stress and burnout. the multiple regression analyses conducted revealed that years of experience, job satisfaction, and burnout were all statistically significant predictors of stress. the beta values indicate that as years of experience increases, stress decreases, while as burnout increases stress increases as well. there was a positive beta value for job satisfaction, but job satisfaction was coded in order in which they appeared on the survey with zero being most satisfied and three being least satisfied. this indicates the reverse of how the results may immediately appear: as job satisfaction decreases (score rises) the stress increases. the results indicate that years of experience, job satisfaction, and burnout contribute to 26% of the variance of the stress scores. with the large variance accounted for being attributed to years of experience, job satisfaction, and burnout, it seems feasible that if local, district, and state current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 administrators could find ways to increase job satisfaction and reduce burnout, then the stress level of teachers should decline, resulting in fewer teachers leaving the profession. the second multiple regression test shows more statistically significant results. it reveals that job satisfaction, self-acceptance, and stress are all significant predictors of burnout. the beta values indicate that as job satisfaction and preventive coping skills decrease, burnout increases. also indicated is that as stress increases burnout increases. the results of the regression analysis reveal that those three are statistically significant and these predictors account for over 50% of the variance in the burnout scores. when referring to the retention and general well-being of teachers, 50% can be considered a very substantial number. job satisfaction. in this study job satisfaction was a single item contained on the classroom appraisal of resources and demands (card). there are many nationally normed and validated job satisfaction surveys that could be used for future studies. the reason that one was not included in this study was an effort to reduce the number of questions on the survey. the general social survey (gss) conducted by tom w. smith (2007) at the university of chicago found that only 47% of americans are satisfied with their jobs. despite such a low percentage overall, teachers were found to be near the top of the list of professions where the participants were generally happy. clergymen, firefighters, and physical therapists were the top three most satisfied at 87%, 80%, and 78% reporting being very satisfied, respectively. special education teachers were near the top of the list with 70% very satisfied, all teachers were next with 69%, and education administrators followed with 68%. the participants in the gss study were “full-probability samples of adults living in households in the united states.” this study has been conducted yearly since 1972 and in this 2006 study, 4,510 participants were interviewed. they were asked two questions: “on the whole, how satisfied are you with the work teacher stress, burnout, and retention 27 you do – would you say you are very satisfied, moderately satisfied, a little dissatisfied, or very dissatisfied” and “taken all together, how would you say things are these days—would you say you are very happy, pretty happy, or not too happy?” there was a significant correlation found in the answers of the two questions. participants in this study were asked how satisfied they were with the teaching profession. they were offered similar responses as they were asked to check “very satisfied,” “somewhat satisfied,” “somewhat dissatisfied,” and “very dissatisfied.” of the 380 teachers who answered this question, only 54% responded as being “very satisfied”. this number is lower than the 69% reported in the gss study. the mean score in the gss study was 3.61 with a high score indicating higher degrees of satisfaction. the mean score in this study was .53 with lower scores indicating high satisfaction. if the .53 was normed to meet the same criteria as the gss study, the mean would be 3.47, which is similar to the results found in the gss study. final remarks and implications the data collected in this study reveals many interesting and relevant facts about stress and burnout that teachers face; however, there is a strong need for additional research in this field. novice teachers are particularly vulnerable, but the classification of “new” and “experienced” still needs further investigation. it appears just measuring the years of experience in the profession may not be adequate enough and further investigations should be conducted using more in-depth studies of the psychological levels a teacher progress through during their beginning stages of teaching. it is interesting to note that when the number of years of experience was included in the multiple regression tests, it was found to be a significant predictor of stress, but not a significant predictor of burnout, when the anova test between novice and experienced teachers showed otherwise. the contradictory results could be explained by the current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 choice of the cutoff point between novice and experienced teachers and that it may need to be lowered. perhaps novice teachers should be defined as those with up to three years of experience instead of five. to further investigate this concern, a test was conducted using this data that presented inexperienced teachers as those with less than three years of experience and experienced teachers as those with three or greater years of experience. when this stratification change was conducted, neither stress or burnout was found to be statistically significant between the newly formed novice and experienced groups (fstr=1.596, pstr=.207, fbo=.546, pbo=.460). by changing the stratification levels, only 78 teachers remained in the inexperienced group and 306 in the experienced group. the unmatched groups could result in data that is not tenable for a study of this nature. this could be an interesting change for future studies comparing the stress and burnout of novice and experienced teachers when the teachers are not in the specific scenario of those used in this study. some may insist that the use of ap teachers for a study of this nature could be a limitation of this study. however, even though the participants were scheduled to teach ap courses at their respective schools the next school year, the majority of those teachers do not teach only ap courses. of the 385 participants, only six participants reported that they only taught ap courses in the previous school year. the remainder of the participants taught other non-ap courses of various subjects and ability-levels. ap teachers still have strict demands in their ap courses. many could say they are under more scrutiny for accountability due to the nature of the national test they are required to prepare students for, as compared to other subject area tests in their field that are only state mandated. teacher stress, burnout, and retention 29 this data does show the need for more specific stress reducing tactics for our teachers that can result in more satisfied educators who are willing to remain in the profession. the most popular methods of combating stress are positive peer collaboration, better mentoring for new teachers, and more effective professional development, however the specificity of those three methods has yet to be determined. novice teachers need camaraderie in the form of informal collaboration, but this collaboration must avoid negative feelings that can only increase the stress of teachers. in order for this to happen, new teachers cannot be isolated from their peers (brown, 2005). unfortunately, this can happen physically and socially resulting in the lack of collaboration among teachers. it is also important that novice teachers are assigned mentors in their content area to share ideas and concerns. unfortunately, in many cases, the mentor is asked to become an evaluator of the new teacher, which can cause animosity between the new teacher and the more experienced teacher, resulting in additional unnecessary stress (adams & adams, 2003). professional development is needed in order to grow and reflect professionally and teachers desire this form of collaboration (cwikla, 2002). however, teachers do not see all professional development activities as effective. in order to reduce stress and increase retention, teachers need better professional development that they can see as useful contributions to their teaching. professional development activities can range from simple school-level tasks for new teachers such as copy machine usage and how to complete administrative tasks to more advanced sessions on content knowledge or best practices. teaching is a stressful career and few will refute the significance of the amount of stress involved in the career. when freudenberger (1974) initially began his research on burnout, he started by researching burnout on all professions, not specifically education. this led up to current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 discussions on the teaching profession. when discussing who is prone to burnout, freudenberger claims those most at risk are “the dedicated and the committed” who are “seeking to respond to the recognized needs of people” (p. 161). that description can be interpreted to include teachers who “would rather put up than shut up” (p. 161). when even more pressure is added from administrators, stress levels increase and burnout worsens. unfortunately, this causes many teachers to never see beyond their fifth year in the profession. teacher stress, burnout, and retention 31 references adams, k.l, & adams, d.e. 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(2007). stress management in education: warning signs and coping mechanisms. management in education, 21(3), 10-13. suldo, s. m., shaunessy, e., & hardesty, r. (2008). relationships among stress, coping, and mental health in high-achieving high school students. psychology in the schools, 45(4), 273-290. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 36 weller, l. d. (1982). principals, meet maslow: a prescription for teacher retention. nassp bulletin, 66(456), 32-36. van gennep, a. (1960). the rites of passage. chicago: the university of chicago press. teacher stress, burnout, and retention 37 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt microsoft word improving student engagement.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x improving student engagement leah taylor and jim parsons university of alberta citation taylor, l. & parsons, j. (2011). improving student engagement. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the paper that follows reviews research literature in the area of student engagement. our goal in this work is practical: we hope to discover in this literature curricular and pedagogical ideas educators might successfully use to better engage students in learning. prior to outlining the specifics of our research, we offer a general overview of what we have found as we have studied the literature to provide a context that might help readers better understand this area of study. specifically, our reading suggests that work in the area of student engagement seems to have grown in a number of ways – the greatest of which is the change from focusing upon disengaged current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 students (who are not learning) to engaged learners (who are learning). we theorize that older work about student engagement attempted to reshape ‘renegade’ students back into the fold of schooling, but current work is more willing to revision schools to fit the learning needs of students. this change seems crucial and promises to organize how the study of student engagement will be carried out in the future. keywords: student engagement, student learning, pedagogy, assessment for learning improving student engagement 3 about the author(s) author: leah taylor email: leahtaylor@shaw.ca biographical information: leah taylor is an educator who works for westjet airlines. she is a long-time collaborator with jim parsons. she is a parent of two who works with the comox valley school division on vancouver island, canada. her interests are parental involvement and educational research. author: jim parsons affiliation: university of alberta email:jim.parsons@ualberta.ca biographical information: jim parsons has been a professor in the department of secondary education, university of alberta, edmonton, canada, for 35 years. he is a teacher educator whose interests are student learning and instructional leadership. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 improving student engagement pedagogy should at its best be about what teachers do that not only help students to learn but actively strengthens their capacity to learn.” david hargreaves, learning for life, 2004, p. 27. student engagement has primarily and historically focused upon increasing achievement, positive behaviors, and a sense of belonging in students so they might remain in school. because the focus was high school completion, research on student engagement targeted students in middle school and high school, where disengagement typically becomes a concern (willms, friesen, & milton, 2009), and student engagement was seen as a way to re-engage or reclaim a minority of predominantly socio-economically disadvantaged students at risk of dropping out of high school. over time, student engagement strategies were further developed and more broadly implemented as a way to manage classroom behaviors. more recently, student engagement has been built around the hopeful goal of enhancing all students’ abilities to learn how to learn or to become lifelong learners in a knowledge-based society (gilbert, 2007, p. 1). student engagement has become both a strategic process for learning and an accountability outcome unto itself. defining and measuring student engagement clearly, educators hope students will become successful learners. teachers’ experiences also clearly tell them that students disengage and do so for a variety of reasons – perhaps each of which could be studied and mediated on its own. for very good reasons, a large number of researchers have studied student engagement. however, the literature we reviewed did not agree upon a definition of what student engagement might be. several types of engagement were noted – academic, cognitive, intellectual, institutional, emotional, behavioral, social, and psychological to name a few. these differences beg a number of questions. must a learner function in all arenas improving student engagement 5 of engagement for successful learning to take place? for example, some researchers studied students’ need to “belong” to achieve high grades and graduate. but, must students belong to be academically successful; or, must they simply behave? are high-achieving students who work but do not participate in extracurricular school events disengaged learners? (willms, friesen, & milton, 2009; willms, 2003; harris, 2008). such questions stir both our interest and the age-old question: what might our education system do to help students engage successfully? perhaps one way to define student engagement is to see how it is measured. historically, a number of common measures have been used to identify if students are actively engaged in learning. these measures have predominantly focused on quantitative data such as attendance, standardized test scores, and truancy or graduation rates. the majority of these measures track levels of achievement (outcomes such as high scores, full attendance for the year) but not levels of student engagement in learning (interest, time on task, enjoyment in learning). more recently however, researchers are beginning to ask students and teachers how they would measure engagement. this question is producing both interesting qualitative criteria and further definitions of engaged learning, which, consequently, have impacted how we ‘assess’ learning. answers to this refocused question have revealed a gap between what teachers consider engagement in learning and what students consider engagement in learning. the promise of student engagement clearly, student engagement is a rich research area. educators must continue to seek to understand and apply specific, well-considered, if not agreed upon, strategies that support student engagement in learning both in and beyond the classroom. the consequences of not engaging students in learning are reportedly dire (prensky, 2001; tapscott, 1998; gilbert, 2007; willms, 2003, p. 56; claxton, 2007). “some educationists consider engaging disengaged pupils current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 to be one of the biggest challenges facing educators, as between 25% (willms, 2003) and over 66% (cothran & ennis, 2000) of students are considered to be disengaged” (as cited in harris, 2008, p. 57). it is obvious that students live in world that engages them differently than the world their parents experienced. that students respond to this world and have changed over the last twenty years in response to their engagement within a technology rich society and changes in upbringing almost goes without saying. how schools respond is key to student success. a great issue might be that students leave school incapable of or unprepared for a productive and healthy life in the “knowledge society” in which they will live and lead (gilbert, 2007). if we fail to change our pedagogy, curriculum, and assessment strategies, we fail our students and jeopardize our own futures (willms, 2003; robinson, 2009; tapscott, 1998; prensky, 2005; gilbert, 2007). students have changed over the last twenty years; perhaps as a result of a technology rich upbringing, they appear to have “different” needs, goals, and learning preferences than students in the past. we must better understand these youth to determine how to best engage them in learning; yet, there is a notable lack of “student voice” or student perspectives in the literature on student engagement. that said, some critics (carlson, 2005; young, 2006; carnivale, 2006; bennett, maton, & kervin, 2008) do not believe today’s students require special educational concessions. in fact, they believe we are dumbing down an entire generation through coddling. as “professor baron” is quoted in carlson (2005): it is very common to hear people say, ‘here's the millennial or the digital generation, and we have to figure out how they learn. poppycock. we get to mold how they learn.’ administrators push professors to use technology in the classroom because they believe that is what today's students want, says ms. baron. and faculty members feel pressured improving student engagement 7 to shorten lectures, increase group-discussion time, and ignore the “multitasking” student who is e-mailing his friends in the back of the room -all to attract and satisfy a generation that doesn't have the discipline of its predecessors. ‘we think that the students will come if we teach in a way that meets the expectations we have of what the students want. at some point, what we are doing is killing higher education’ (carlson, 2005, p. 2). however, this view is a minority; the majority of the literature we read embraces the idea of changing education. in fact, most educators practically implore transforming education and pedagogy from kindergarten through post-secondary and strongly believe we fail to meet the needs of students who have grown up in a digital world and are heading into different cultural and economic futures rich in ever-advancing technology and information (project tomorrow, 2010). today’s world absolutely requires collaborative critical thinkers, creative and courageous innovators, and true lifelong learners (prensky, 2005; tapscott, 1998; robinson, 2009). common elements when we sift the literature for common strategies to improve student engagement in learning, a rather clear pattern of practices has emerged and certain “best practices” were recommended and repeated. for example, windham (2005) recommends that, to engage learners in learning, new educational curriculum and activity must include – “interaction, exploration, relevancy, multimedia and instruction” (pp 5.7-5.9). her themes echo throughout the literature. various elements of windham’s (2005) list are shared by willms (2003, 2007, 2009), claxton (2007), hay (2000), barnes, marateo, & ferris (2007), dunleavy & milton (2009), and oecd (2003) to name a few. we have synthesized the following categories from our reading and will use these to elaborate further: (1) interaction, (2) exploration, (3) relevancy, (4) multimedia, (5) instruction, and (6) authentic assessment. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 interaction. respectful relationships and interaction – both virtual and personal – are shown to improve student engagement. students today are intensely social and interactive learners. those surveyed by willms, friesen, and milton (2009) stated that they want to interact with people both within and beyond the classroom and school environment. the results from imagine a school, design for learning, and what did you do in school today? repeatedly show that: • students want stronger relationships with teachers, with each other, and with their communities – locally, provincially, nationally and globally. they want their teachers to know them as people. • students want their teachers to know how they learn. they want their teachers to take into account what they understand and what they misunderstand, and to use this knowledge as a starting place to guide their continued learning. • students want their teachers to establish learning environments that build interdependent relationships and that promote and create a strong culture of learning (p. 36). today’s learners want to connect and communicate constantly and want an environment to support these connections. educators from “older” generations might see forms of communication such as computer chatting or texting “as the opposite and the antithesis of contact,” but for the net gen it “allows interaction with a variety of people and material” (windham, 2005, p. 5.7) dunleavy & milton (2009) asked students what their ideal school would look like and what learning environment increases engagement. students listed three criteria that correlate to the concept of interaction: (1) learn from and with each other and people improving student engagement 9 in their community, (2) connect with experts and expertise, and (3) have more opportunities for dialogue and conversation (p. 10). these dialogues and conversations extend beyond the classroom. if learners engage physics, they want to talk to engineers in the field. windham (2005) suggests, “students should be given the opportunity to interact with faculty and researchers outside the confines of the curriculum and to develop meaningful relationships with them (p. 5.8). facilitating such expanded relationships requires a shift from vertical to horizontal classrooms – no longer the sage on the stage, teachers are learning along side students, helping them actively construct their learning experiences and knowledge. as friesen notes in dunleavy & milton (2009), authentic intellectual engagement requires a deeper reciprocity in the teaching-learning relationship where students’ engagement begins as they actively construct their learning in partnership with teachers, work toward deep conceptual understanding, and contribute their own ideas to building new knowledge or devising new practices in activities that are “worthy of their time and attention (friesen, 2008, p. 8, as cited in dunleavy & milton, 2009, p. 14). such teaching contains more interaction, negotiation, and exploration among learners and teachers, who explore and discuss content together, often with teachers modeling learning as opposed to telling students what the answers, process, or outcomes should be (claxton, 2007). open, caring, respectful relationships between learners and teachers are essential to develop and support social and psychological engagement in learning, but also are part of the new curriculum itself, as described by dunleavy & milton (2009). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 effective learning experiences are also shaped by student-teacher relationships that support the development of young peoples’ social and emotional competencies. as students progress through middle and secondary schools, they face increasing complexity. students themselves consistently say that what most helped them thrive in spite of these challenges was the quality of relationships they developed with adults in their schools. when students have opportunities to connect with adults who approach these relationships with a spirit of caring, empathy, generosity, respect, reciprocity and a genuine desire to know students personally, they can make a unique contribution to young peoples’ emerging adaptive capacity, self-sufficiency, resiliency, confidence, and knowledge of themselves as learners (dunleavy & milton, 2009, p. 15). one might conclude that this “interaction” criteria falls under social engagement. but, the literature connects social engagement and intellectual engagement. to be engaged in learning, today’s students need social interaction. dunleavy & milton (2009) list strategies for social engagement, but these same strategies emerge for other types of engagement: in the early development of the concept, measures of social engagement were considered a constructive way of identifying students who were at risk of disengagement and, ultimately, of dropping out. since then, this dimension of student engagement has also provided schools with direction for adopting proactive dropout prevention strategies focused on improving school climate factors that tend to have the most influence in supporting high levels of engagement in the life of school. these include, for example: • an ethic of caring and supporting relationships. • respect. • fairness, trust and a strong disciplinary climate. improving student engagement 11 • teachers’ sense of shared responsibility and efficacy related to learning. • a school-wide culture of “academic press” (lee, bryk, & smith, 1993), or high expectations for academic success (dunleavy & milton, 2009, p. 8). it is worth noting that students expect and respect challenging, rigorous, disciplined, positive, and safe learning environments. willms, friesen, and milton (2009), in transforming classrooms through social, academic and intellectual engagement, suggest one factor of relationship building that stands above others: “the importance of a positive classroom disciplinary climate. students who describe their classroom disciplinary climate as positive are one and a half times more likely to report high levels of interest, motivation and enjoyment in learning” (p. 35). exploration. classroom practices reported to engage learners are predominantly inquirybased, problem-based, and exploratory (willms, friesen, & milton, 2009; brown, 2000; hay, 2000; oblinger & oblinger, 2005; barnes et al., 2007). our own longitudinal alberta-based research (parsons, mcrae, & taylor, 2006) about the efficacy of problem-based learning supports these findings. today’s learners ask for the opportunity to explore and to find solutions and answers for themselves (windham, 2005): just as we want to learn about the web by clicking our own path through cyberspace, we want to learn about our subjects through exploration. it’s not enough to accept the professor’s word. we want to be challenged to reach our own conclusions and find our own results. the need to explore is implicit in our desire to learn (p. 5.8). how important is it to help students engage the digital world? crucial, say linguist james paul gee and educator elisabeth hayes, whose recent language and learning in the digital age suggests that digital media are reshaping language especially the role of oral language. gee and current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 hayes note that new forms of digital media draw children increasingly toward video games, social media, and alternative ways of learning. their insightful work explores how alternative methods of learning might create a paradigm shift for schools. hay (2000) reports that “net geners want more hands-on, inquiry based approaches to learning and are less willing to simply absorb what is put before them” (as cited in barnes, marateo, & ferris, 2007, p. 23). they want to turn the thing on, get in there, muck around, and see what works. today’s kids get on the web and link, lurk, and watch how other people are doing things, then try it themselves. this tendency toward “action” brings us back into the same loop in which navigation, discovery, and judgment all come into play in situ (brown, 2000, p. 6). as brown (2000) says, “learning becomes situated in action; it becomes as much social as cognitive, it is concrete rather than abstract, and it becomes intertwined with judgment and exploration” (p. 6). if the environment in which learners explore is sterile and lacks context, there is a chance transference of knowledge will not occur beyond the classroom. such exploration is also tied to learners’ requests to move past classrooms: students often ask to take their research and learning into the larger community and into the fields they are studying. seeing how “a thing works in real life” is more engaging than reading about it in class. relevancy. one common prerequisite for engaging learners is “relevancy.” today’s learners ask that their learning apply to real-life scenarios whenever possible as opposed to being theoretical and text-based. working with authentic problems or community issues engages students and builds a sense of purpose to the learning experience (claxton, 2007; dunleavy & milton 2009; willms, friesen, & milton, 2009). “the work students undertake also needs to be relevant, meaningful, and authentic – in other words, it needs to be worthy of their time and attention” (willms, et al., 2009, p. 34). students, themselves, clearly want their work to be improving student engagement 13 intellectually engaging and relevant to their lives. effective teaching is characterized by thoughtfully designing learning tasks with these features: • the task requires and instills deep thinking. • the task immerses students in disciplinary inquiry. • the task is connected to the world outside the classroom. • the task has intellectual rigor. • the task involves substantive conversation (willms, friesen, & milton, 2009, p. 34) ramaley & zia’s (2005) chapter in oblinger & oblinger’s (2005) educating the net generation speaks to the need to make learning contextual. they point to research-based recommendations produced by the board on children, youth, and families’ 2004 national research council report focused on keeping young people in school, engaged, and motivated. two key ideas emerged: (1) forming good connections between learners and the social contexts in which they learn and (2) making curriculum and instruction relevant to their experiences, cultures, and long-term goals. claxton (2007) further suggests that activities and curricula must have the following factors to engage learners: (1) relevancy: the topic connects with students’ interests and concerns; (2) responsibility: students have genuine control over what, why, how, and when they organize their learning; and (3) reality: solving problems or making progress genuinely matters to someone (p. 12). multimedia & technology when it is simply not possible to move past the classroom to speak with and learn from experts in the field, technology helps students interact globally with people and events. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 technology brings learners accessible and relevant subject matter and experts and is a tool for engaged learning. both students and researchers issued a common call for new tools in the classroom toolbox, expanding beyond standard computer stations and overhead projectors to facilitate deeper research and learning and to build relationships among learners and experts (brown, 2000; parsons, mcrae, & taylor, 2006; kvavik, caruso, & morgan, 2004; project tomorrow, 2010; barnes, marateo, & ferris, 2004). barnes, marateo, and ferris (2007a) synthesized a list of multimedia tools from the literature; but, these represent only a few of the technological methods that can help students engage their learning, explore, and construct new knowledge. their list includes webquests, blogs, wikis, youtube, video documentaries, and a variety of other multimedia projects. such examples show how students might incorporate technology into autonomous learning activities while ensuring time is devoted to information literacy and higher-order, critical thinking skills. although project tomorrow’s speak up 2009 (2010) suggests that the value of some technologies is hotly debated by educators, students who use cell phones, iphones™ and blackberries ™ and other mobile devices for research, collaborative communication, or socialbased learning activities have been shown to increase their engagement by as much as 78% (project tomorrow, 2010, p. 8). multimedia and technology (cameras, video, and video editing, projectors, smartboards, sound recording equipment, animation and gaming software, and the ubiquitous powerpoint™) have proven helpful in engaging students in learning about subjects, in exploring ways to present their learning, and in helping students control their learning (dunleavy & milton, 2009; barnes, marateo, & ferris, 2007; project tomorrow, 2010). kvavik, caruso, and morgan (2004) state, “students recognize a number of benefits of classroom it. included are convenience, improving student engagement 15 management of classroom activities, time savings, improved learning, better and more effective communications, and better presentation of their class assignments” (p. 12). in a recent paper titled “unleashing the future: educators “speak up” about the use of emerging technologies for learning” (2010), teachers report that technology increases factors of student engagement – including cognitive, affective, behavioral, academic, and social engagement. the reported outcomes of increased access to technology in classrooms increases aspects of student engagement, such as taking initiative and responsibility for learning, using resources wisely, time on task, and having interest and desire to pursue information and learn in and beyond classrooms. as a result of using technology in the classroom, students are more motivated to learn (51%), apply their knowledge to practical problems (30%), and take ownership of their learning (23%). teachers also report that, by using technology, students are developing key 21st century skills including creativity (39%), collaboration (30%) and skills in problem-solving and critical thinking (27%). furthermore, the learning experience becomes more meaningful for the student as teachers have newfound time to differentiate instruction (31%) to a greater degree, and have more information to how their students are doing academically (29%) (project tomorrow, 2010, p. 2). in celebrating school improvement (2006), parsons, mcrae, taylor (2006) report that students in k-12 schools used technology to gather information, analyze information, and share information (pp 110-111). the positive outcomes included higher achievement and quality of work, and, “perhaps more important, student motivations and time spent on task were reported to have increased significantly with the integration of technology into alberta’s classrooms” (p. 112). a second element of “multimedia and technology” for improved learner engagement was current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 to create a “rich learning environment” that allowed cross-curricular, interactive, and exploratory learning. the term rich learning environment not only includes physical devices, such as experiment kits or computers, but also the teaching technique, the type of activity pupils engage in, and the method of assessment. associating science and technology studies with a rich, flexible, computer-embedded learning environment may enable pupils to attain higher academic achievements and overcome their cognitive and affective difficulties (barak, waks, & doppelt, 2000, as cited in barak & doppelt, 2002, p. 22). in a province-wide evaluation of school projects that integrated technology into core curriculum, parsons, mcrae, and taylor (2006) found that “report after report further substantiated current research that ict-based curricula and problem-based learning combine to engage students as never before in learning and working together” (p. 112). students were engaged, staying after school and during lunch hours to work on projects together. similar stories of engagement come from barak and doppelt’s (2002) study of students given the opportunity to work with lego™ robotics technology. these otherwise disengaged and low-achieving students, when provided a “rich, modern, and flexible technological learning environment, … created authentic technological projects, using their own imagination and documented their own work in rich portfolios” (barak & doppelt, 2002, p. 28). they also developed a genuine passion for learning and a solid set of learning and research skills: “findings all indicated improved pupil self-esteem and self confidence. pupils changed their attitudes towards their everyday learning and their future intentions to continue studying” (barak & doppelt, 2002, p. 28). brown (2000) calls these rich learning environments learning ecologies. “an ecology is basically an open, complex, adaptive system comprising elements that are dynamic and improving student engagement 17 interdependent” (p. 14). he argues the need to develop “learning ecologies” in classrooms by having the right tools and environments for learning, (there is) an interesting shift that i believe is happening: a shift between using technology to support the individual to using technology to support relationships between individuals. with that shift, we will discover new tools and social protocols that help us help each other, which is the very essence of social learning. it is also the essence of lifelong learning a form of learning that learning ecologies could dramatically facilitate” (p. 17). it is important to note that not everyone agrees that digital technology is the best option for cognitive and affective engagement in children. one study by oecd (2008) suggested that many researchers and educators believe harm can come to learners who are too entrenched in technology. oecd (2008) reports that negative consequences of technology in learning are frequently reported, but there is limited empirical research about the positives. however, our review suggests that research is beginning to show positive correlations between technology and student engagement. (this research) presents and discusses the main research findings in controversial areas such as the effects of technologies on i) cognitive skills development, ii) social values and lifestyles, and iii) educational performance. this section reveals how little is known and examines how empirical research has contributed more to highlighting the negative impacts of technology than to unveiling and documenting its positive sides. accordingly, a plea for more empirical research as well as for more cumulative efforts is made (oecd, 2008, p. 2). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 engaging and challenging instruction two aspects seem to encourage engagement – engaging pedagogy and engaging curriculum. according to the research, we need to change how we teach as well as what we teach if we are to engage learners – moving from didactic to constructivist pedagogy. constructivist instruction requires strong respectful relationships and safe learning environments, especially as teacher-student relationships shift from expert-disciple towards peer-based collaborative learning. several authors note that this shift might require an uncomfortable change in locus of control over process and, at times, content. given the freedom and sense of safety to do so, “students can find material that challenges the faculty member’s worldview and expertise; they can uncover stories and research results that the faculty member has never heard about. it can be uncomfortable when the instructor no longer controls the subject matter the students will use” (windham, 2005, p. 8.16). affecting a deeper transformation to school and classroom practices calls upon all of us to begin looking at school improvement as a collaborative knowledge-building activity where teachers themselves are actively engaged in co-constructing ideas that contribute directly to school improvement and development” (dunleavy & milton, 2009, p. 18). meyer and turner (2006) speak to emotion and motivation to learn in classrooms and talk about creating safe environments conducive to learning and “academic risk-taking” (p. 377). claxton (2006) also discusses the need to make it safe to speak up, challenge, and engage in learning. expanding the capacity to learn means creating a climate in which that feeling of enfranchisement and entitlement is systematically broadened and strengthened – not improving student engagement 19 weakened, undermined or simply ignored. in such a climate, students’ questions are welcomed, discussed and refined, so the disposition to question becomes more and more robust; more and more evident across different domains; and more and more sophisticated (claxton, 2006, p. 7). creating an engaging learning environment includes ensuring students feel able and safe to challenge teachers as part of the learning process. it also means students will need to learn interpersonal skills to engage in dialogue respectfully and constructively, as well as learn the subject content. students want more autonomy to engage in and design their own learning (glenn, 2000; tapscott, 1998; hay, 2000; carlson, 2005). they want to learn and utilize their learning preferences and styles and want support to do so. the research call to change our pedagogy is clear, but the ways we can change are still being developed. contrary to the suggestion that today’s students are asking for a diluted or moderated curriculum, research shows that students prefer to be held to high expectations: they also desire quality, rigorous, and meaningful curriculum and high academic goals. students’ desires for instructional challenge were reported by a majority of authors reviewed, including willms, friesen, and milton (2009), dunleavy and milton (2009), oblinger and oblinger (2005), windham (2005), parsons, mcrae, and taylor (2006), barak and doppelt (2002), shernoff, csikszentmihalyi, schneider, and shernoff (2003), and barnes, marateo, and ferris (2007). the research noted above suggests that students desire engagement. perhaps here csíkszentmihályi’s seminal work flow: the psychology of optimal experience is worth noting more specifically when speaking to the potential of student engagement. csíkszentmihályi theorizes that people are most happy in a state of flow, which he defines as complete absorption with the activity and situation in which they are engaged. sometime students note they “are in a current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 zone.” this zone – the flow state – is intrinsic motivation at its best, where people are so fully immersed in doing that they are totally engaged and fulfilled. during such times, concerns like time, food, and in the case of students behavior issues are typically forgotten. teachers have reported to us that such flow states are possible when students are fully engaged. the research also pushes for interdisciplinary curriculum – the “what” we teach. the new, “more engaging” curriculum reported in the research primarily calls for cross subject exploration and collaboration, often called “century 21 skills” in recent literature. such curriculum is preferred by students. students interviewed by dunleavy and milton (2009) stated that engaging learning includes considering teacher’s ideas and having opportunities to “see how subjects are interconnected, learn from and with each other and other people in their community, and have more opportunities for dialogue and conversations” (p. 10). unlike curriculum of the last 150 plus years, which focused on learning and mastery of individual “specialties” or “majors,” the new curriculum is intentionally interdisciplinary. changes in curriculum referred to in the literature also include the addition of new “literacies.” expected outcomes of education are no longer limited to acceptable (according to standardized testing) levels of knowledge in core disciplines. new literacies and skills are required –critical thinking, interpersonal relationship skills, creativity, information, media and technology skills – all infused into core content as both process and outcome. for example, the call for rigorous instruction in “information navigation” (brown, 2000) or “digital information literacy” (oblinger & oblinger, 2005; windham, 2005; barnes et al., 2007) shows up repeatedly in the research. while they are frequent users of electronic tools, net geners typically lack information literacy skills, and their critical thinking skills are often weak (oblinger & oblinger improving student engagement 21 (2005). they may be digital natives, but they do not necessarily understand how their use of technology affects their literacy or habits of learning. for educators, providing the technological bells and whistles needed to engage net geners may not be as effective or as critical as improving their information literacy and critical thinking skills (barnes, marateo, & ferris, 2007a, p. 28). engagement does not mean core knowledge and traditional literacy (aka 3rs) should be discarded; instead, students want to learn these in more engaging ways, while also learning how they learn. they desire quality instruction delivered in socially, emotionally, and intellectually engaging ways. assessment for learning willms, friesen, and milton’s (2009) research found that five effective teaching practices promise to increase engagement in learning – (1) creating thoughtful, intentional designs for learning; (2) making learning meaningful; (3) building relationships; (4) improving teaching practice in the presence of peer teachers; and (5) using assessment to improve learning and guide teaching (pp 33-37). given the opportunity to “co-create assessment criteria with their teachers, … students figure out the criteria of powerful work, they are able to use the criteria to guide their own learning, both in school and beyond” (p. 35). assessment for learning (afl) calls for teachers to use formative assessment practices to monitor student success and engage in regular sharing conversations with students about how they are learning. afl is noted to increase student engagement and is more about “learning for further development” and less about “marking to standard expectations” or meeting externally dictated accountability measures. standardized testing often leads teachers to teach to the test instead of to learner’s needs, interests, and abilities (armstrong, 2006) and removes current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 responsibility and accountability from the learner, a side effect that can disengage learners. barrett (2005) provides “ten research-based principles of assessment for learning (afl) to guide classroom practice:  afl should be part of effective planning of teaching and learning  afl should focus on how students learn  afl should be recognized as central to classroom practice  afl should be regarded as a key professional skill for teachers  afl should be sensitive and constructive because any assessment has an emotional impact  afl should take account of the importance of (and foster) learner motivation  afl should promote commitment to learning goals and a shared understanding of the criteria by which they are assessed  afl develops learners’ capacity for self-assessment so that they can become reflective and self-managing  afl should recognize the full range of achievements of all learners  learners should receive constructive guidance about how to improve (as cited in barrett, 2005, p. 17) barak and doppelt (2002) and barrett (2005) both recommend alternatives to standardized testing. student portfolios were the most frequently suggested method for assessment for learning because they actively helped learners explore and articulate what they wanted to learn and how they would demonstrate they learned it. the time is right to study the potential of electronic portfolios to engage students in active participation in assessing and managing their own learning. in 2005, the level of improving student engagement 23 available technologies makes possible an international study…to support student learning, engagement and collaboration. we have the technology. we have the vision. we need to better understand what works, especially with adolescent learners and their teachers (barrett, 2005, p. 23). summing up student engagement barnes, marateo, and ferris (2007a) cite glenn (2000): “net geners need self directed learning opportunities, interactive environments, multiple forms of feedback, and assignment choices that use different resources to create personally meaningful learning experiences” (p. 2). claxton (2007) summarizes his recommendations of strategies that promote learning engagement. he recommends the following eight ideas to successfully create “epistemic cultures” that support learning how to learn. 1) language – speak “learnish” (talk about process of learning, nature of oneself as a learner, one’s improvements and intentions as a learner.) 2) activities – a potentiating milieu (learning is both attractive and challenging; activities and topics that stretch the learners) 3) split-screen thinking – the warp and weft (keeping both content and process in mind; make sure students understand how they just learned some content; embed metacognition into lesson plans) 4) wild topics – rich, real, responsible (problems or projects are real, relevant, and make a positive difference in some way – real life feedback and benefits for all) 5) transparency and involvement – students as epistemic co-workers (students are made aware of what’s going on, given significant input or control in assessing their own learning and learning styles) current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 6) transfer thinking – looking for wider relevance and application (explicitly discussing where current learning could be useful: what else could we do with this? where else would this be useful knowledge?) 7) progression – stronger, broader, deeper into subjects and learning 8) modeling – walking the learning talk (claxton, 2006, pp. 9-14) when dunleavy & milton (2009) discuss the requirements for intellectual engagement, they note how difficult it is to “pinpoint which classroom practices will be most effective in supporting it” (p. 13). however, they summarize the following list of common instructional “designs for learning that begin with the goal of intellectual engagement:” 1. emphasize conceptual learning and opportunities for students to work with authentic ideas and problems, develop a deep understanding of ideas, sort through misconceptions, learn new ideas and create or improve upon ideas, see conceptual connections across disciplines. 2. require high levels of student participation and provide time for in-depth work. 3. incorporate authentic assessment as a strategy that helps students set goals and assess their own learning. 4. use work that is relevant, interesting, and connects with students’ aspirations; is rigorous and allows students to think as “professionals” and create professional” quality outcomes; is challenging and allows students to experience a sense of deep intellectual and emotional investment in learning; is built from diverse and improvable ideas; and is informed by the current state and growing knowledge bases of different subject disciplines. 5. promote students’ sense of ownership and responsibility for their own learning. improving student engagement 25 6. invite students to be co-designers of their learning in classrooms; support student voice and autonomy. 7. provide a high level of social support for learning and encourage students to take risks, ask questions, and make mistakes. 8. foster collaboration and community building. 9. engage students in becoming literate with technologies as social networkingknowledge building tools. 10. connect students with opportunities to develop abilities in critical thinking, intellectual curiosity, reasoning, analyzing, problem solving, communicating, etc. 11. bridge students’ experience of learning in and outside of school by exposing them to digital technologies in knowledge building environments (dunleavy & milton, 2009, pp. 13-14). dunleavy, milton, and crawford (2010) sum up their research from the students’ perspective: students want to experience work that is meaningful, not easy: they want to work with ideas that matter, solve real problems, learn from each other, people in their communities, and experts in the subjects they are studying, engage in dialogue in their classes, and know that their learning contributes to making a difference in the world. they consistently demand to be respected (p. 1). to summarize improving student engagement, the themes and ideas that surface most often in the literature are: embedded collaboration, integrated technology, inquiry-based learning, assessment for learning, and making learning interdisciplinary and relevant to real life. as barak and doppelt (2002, p. 22) note, “imparting creative thinking … requires not only current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 changing the teaching methods and learning environment, but also adopting new assessment methods such as portfolio assessment, which is based on records of pupils’ activities.” ramaley and zia (2005, p. 8.15) add, “significant changes in teaching and learning are possible, particularly when interactive technologies are involved. the changes noted in our review promise to better engage student learners. research suggests that successful, student-engaging classrooms combine these five aspects: 1. learning that is relevant, real, and intentionally interdisciplinary – at times moving learning from the classroom into the community. 2. technology-rich learning environments – not just computers, but all types of technology, including scientific equipment, multi-media resources, industrial technology, and diverse forms of portable communication technology (project tomorrow, 2010). 3. positive, challenging, and open – sometimes called “transparent” learning climates – that encourage risk-taking and guide learners towards co-articulated high expectations. students are involved in assessment for learning and of learning. 4. collaboration among respectful “peer-to-peer” type relationships between students and teachers (horizontal organization model); 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(2005). the student’s perspective. in d. oblinger & j. oblinger (eds), educating the net generation (pp. 5.1-5.16). boulder, co: educause. retrieved december 2010, from http://www.educause.edu/educatingthenetgen young, j. r. (2006). the fight for classroom attention: professor vs. laptop. the chronicles of higher education, 52(39). retrieved september 2010 from http://chronicle.com/article/the-fight-for-classroom/19431 improving student engagement 33 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt microsoft word curriculum integration and adaptation individualizing pedagogy for linguistically and culturally diverse students.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x curriculum integration and adaptation: individualizing pedagogy for linguistically and culturally diverse students tynisha d. meidl & christopher meidl st. norbert college citation meidl, t. & meidl, c. (2011). curriculum integration and adaptation: individualizing pedagogy for linguistically and culturally diverse students. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract in the united states, populations identified as linguistically and culturally diverse (lcd) are increasing at the fastest rate in public schools (samway & mckeon, 2007). lcd students have not performed as well as their monolingual and/or affluent peers on state mandated assessments. no child left behind act (2001) stressed this disparity as “the achievement gap,” resulting in highly structured curricular demands from districts forcing teachers to grapple between those demands and meeting the academic and cultural needs of lcd students. using case-study methodology, this research explored how teachers’ beliefs about teaching and learning influence curriculum decision-making for lcd students. through the triangulation of interviews, observations, and document analysis, three teachers and their students in a low-income, urban, k4 school in a predominantly spanish-speaking community was investigated. participants integrated and adapted curriculum based on personal beliefs about teaching and learning, the needs of their lcd students, and the mandated curriculum. keywords: linguistically and culturally diverse, curriculum planning, curriculum integration, curriculum adaptation current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: tynisha d. meidl affiliation: st. norbert college address: 100 grant street, de pere, wi 54115 email: tynisha.meidl@snc.edu biographical information: dr. t. meidl is an assistant professor at st. norbert college in teacher education. her research focuses on literacy, preparing pre-service teachers for the reading classroom, and academic service learning in teacher education. author: christopher meidl affiliation: st. norbert college address: 100 grant street, de pere, wi 54115 email: chistopher.meidl@snc.edu biographical information: dr. c. meidl is a visiting assistant professor at st. norbert college in teacher education. he currently teaches undergraduate courses in early childhood education. his research includes character education. curriclulum integration and adaptation 3 curriculum integration and adaptation: individualizing pedagogy for linguistically and culturally diverse students the changing climate of classrooms in the united states increasingly includes populations who are linguistically and culturally diverse (lcd) (samway & mckeon, 2007). to better understand what linguistically and culturally diverse students are defined as “minority populations” (darder, 1991). based on the u.s. census bureau’s definitions of race and for the focus, when discussing individuals from lcd backgrounds refers to any person who is (1) of non-white ancestry and/or (2) utilizes english as a second language. nieto (2005) states given the inexactness of language, just one term cannot fully encompass all that composes a person. research has indicated that students from racial and ethnic-minority backgrounds do not perform as well academically as their mainstream peers (darder & torres, 2004). sleeter (2001) suggested “education in many communities of color, as well as many poor white communities, is in a state of crisis” (p. 94). she continued by saying, “students are learning far too little, becoming disengaged, and dropping out at high rates” (sleeter, 2001, p. 94). in a climate of standards/objectives based reform, educators have to seek ways to address diversity in classrooms and employ practices that concentrate on the needs of lcd student populations. as a result, many public schools adopt curricula aligned to state standards under the auspice of making planning easier for teachers or preparing students for standardized assessments. often times, classroom teachers may not be included or have limited input in the process of adopting curriculum. when teachers are not included in the curriculum adoption process or curriculum decision-making, they are forced to plan and deliver curriculum that may neither be appropriate for meeting the needs of their diverse students nor permit opportunities for current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 individualized instruction. tomlinson (2000) summarized the notion of stripping from teachers the ability to create effective curricula when he wrote: for many teachers, curriculum has become a prescribed set of academic standards, instructional pacing has become a race against a clock to cover the standards, and the sole goal of teaching has been reduced to raising student test scores on a single test (p. 7). a disconnect occurs between the needs of children from diverse cultures and the system of instructional delivery, including curriculum, planning, and materials, in public education in the united states (darder & torres, 2004). the curriculum materials should be chosen based on evidence that they contribute to the production of meaningful learning experiences. educators, on the front lines, are attempting to close the achievement gap as judged against proficiency delineated by standards in academic areas, without being equipped with the proper tools to both meet both state standards and students learning needs. in an era of educational reform, appropriate curricula and materials are essential for embracing the background knowledge of diverse learners. teachers’ voices and involvement are essential for developing and adapting curricula and adjusting learning experiences and formative assessments to create educational success (owings & kaplan, 2001). appropriate curricula allow teachers to create lessons that empower students to be successful learners. when teachers are not given the autonomy to create appropriate curricula, the planned curricula, especially when scripted, is informally modified through instructional delivery (tomlinson, 2000). objectives-driven curricula provide the exact content, written in measurable terms, to which district administrators expect teachers to adhere (darder & torres, 2004). instead of teachers using objectives based “melting-pot” mentality and the “one-size-fitsall” approach, they should be encouraged to incorporate differentiation of learning, inclusive of curriclulum integration and adaptation 5 language, culture, community, and socioeconomic status that best serves students (darder, 1991). currently, teachers are confined to the curricular demands of the school or district while grappling with the academic and cultural needs of lcd students. curriculum adoption and teacher voice nieto (2002) stated, “teachers sometimes view curriculum development as little more than a technical activity rather than as a dynamic and potentially empowering decision-making process” (p. 190). curriculum should challenge students to think creatively and critically. according to nieto (2002), teachers have tremendous power when deciding how to execute a curriculum. effective learning occurs when teachers “learn to view curriculum as a decision making process in which their own creativity and talents can be used” (nieto, 2002, p. 191). the following explores curriculum in these contexts: curriculum adoption and teacher voice, nclb requirements, effects of standards/objectives-based reform, scripted curriculum, and addressing student academic needs through individualizing instruction. teachers’ voices in curriculum decision making is paramount to student outcomes and the ability for teachers to meet individual student needs. shavelson (1983) believed that a unique feature of teacher decision-making is that most decisions are made in front of the class during the instruction process. he called this “real time” decision-making (shavelson, 1983, p.325). because many teacher choices are done spontaneously in front of the classroom, teachers must rely on their own knowledge and experience to determine the appropriate path to take. owings and kaplan (2001) found that teachers who have an active voice in curriculum development or leeway to adapt and adjust curriculum are able to design creative and unique learning experiences and formative assessments so learners experience success. as ladsonbillings (2006) explained, teachers demonstrate the ability to make professional decisions about current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 curriculum in the process of constructing, deconstructing, and reconstructing curriculum. this process is never to “tear down” (ladson-billings, 2006, p. 32), but to expose weaknesses, discover ways to address weaknesses, and then, through critical analysis, make decisions about the best ways to fill the weakness. effects of standards-based reform in an era of standards/objectives based reform, curricular focus is on alignment to state standards/objectives with state testing as the anchor. standards and objectives suggest a “onesize-fits-all” approach (samway and mckeon, 2007). decisions of curricula creation and “pedagogical imperatives of the classroom” are founded on state standards and objectives (darder & torres, 2004, p. 80). the curriculum, as a result, has become a prescribed set of skills leading instruction (tomlinson, 2000). the intent of standards/objectives based curriculum is for all students to become competent applying skills demonstrating mastery of content matter. standards/objectives based reform in american public schools are a response to criticisms that schools were not preparing students with the knowledge and skills necessary for college or fulltime employment (owings & kaplan, 2001). standards based instruction, often times assessed through high-stakes testing, is believed by some to be the most effective way to raise student achievement (mclaren & farahmandpur, 2001). a standardized approach to school curriculum has resulted in teachers being given exact content and expected to adhere to the form of delivery prescribed by the curriculum designer (darder & torres, 2004). some policy makers have argued that is what is needed to decrease the achievement gap between students. in contrast, kaplan and owings (2001) argue that standards and objectives deprive students and teachers of a broad range of creative learning experiences. curriclulum integration and adaptation 7 scripted curriculum some school districts, under the pressure of accountability due to the residual effects of nclb and currently race to the top, are choosing scripted curriculum designed to complement state standards, thought to lead to increased achievement. scripted curriculum not only takes away the decision-making ability of teachers, but also articulates the exact words teachers are to say during instruction (ladsonbillings, 2006). thinking that meaning is enhanced or depleted by emphasizing the specificity of exact words epitomizes hall’s concept of the united states as a low-context society (bennett, 2003). giving educators the exact words to be spoken viewed by some as a strategy to “teacher proof” learning by prescribing a particular sequence and format, that is often skill driven (darder & torres, 2004). the system of high-stakes testing and standards/objectives based instruction legislated by federal government and state governments, and endorsed by many school districts has led to a very trade like culture to teaching. the concept of “right or wrong” approaches to instruction has led to what darder and torres (2004) have called a “deprofessionalized” vocation driven by “mistake” free scripted curriculum. “deprofessionalizing” or what shannon (2007) calls “deskilling,” is where planned or mandated curriculum reduces teaching to a technical skill. with teachers being accountable for student learning as demonstrated solely on high-stakes tests, there is pressure for instruction to center around skills found in district and state tests. hence, teaching becomes a procedure of teaching skills in a similar fashion to a technical job where success is based on a job being done to code, and entails a sense of correctness or incorrectness. the emphasis on skills supports traditional “melting-pot” and the one-size-fits-all approaches to instructional delivery. differentiation, from a standards/objectives based model, is not grounded in the appreciation of current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 language, culture, community, and social economic status as darder (1991) suggests. instead, it is anchored in approaches meant to teach and reteach skills until “mastered” by students. darder (1997) states how scripted curriculum, “fails to acknowledge the creative potential of educators to grapple effectively with a multiplicity of contexts found in classrooms and to shape environments according to the lived experiences and actual educational needs of their students” (p. 332). this approach to curriculum design employs banking methods to teach basic skills; with the assumption students will score higher on standardized tests (darder & torres, 2004). therefore scripted curriculum reinforces instruction with what freire (1970) described as “banking” (p.72). freire’s (1970) notion of “banking” describes a process where teachers, the depositors, make deposits of knowledge and information into the minds, depositories, of passive students. the adoption of scripted curriculum insinuates teachers need to be directed in what and how to teach while students are expected to attain specific skills deemed necessary for future success in society by politicians, businessmen, and administrative level educators of the dominant culture. a major effect of scripted and planned curriculum, according to kayes and maranto (2006), is that recently graduated pre-service teachers are leaving certification programs with the expectation they don’t need to be able to develop curriculum because, “the curriculum people will tell you what to teach” (p. 41). when teachers are required to use scripted curriculum, both “students and teachers, as subjects of classroom discourse who bring their personal stories and life experiences to bear on their teaching and learning, are systematically silenced by the need for the class to ‘cover’ a generic curriculum at a prescribed pace established by the state” (darder & torres, 2004, p. 87). nieto (1999) summed up the backlash of planned and scripted curricula as curriclulum integration and adaptation 9 learning environments in which students are subjected to “stale teaching and irrelevant curriculum” (p. 78). addressing student needs through individualized instruction brisk and harrington (2007) elucidated upon lived constructs related to teaching and learning saying, “students are individuals very different from each other” (p. 16). individualizing instruction is not a means to “water down” curriculum. nieto (2002) claims, “good teachers know that learning begins where the students are at” (p.192). effective individualized instruction necessitates identifying and recognizing students’ abilities as strengths and not weaknesses. pang and kamil (2004) suggested that instruction should build on students’ knowledge and experiences as well as present opportunities for students to make connections between school and community-based knowledge sources. perez and torres-guzman (1996) discussed setting up learning environments where instruction does not consist of drills, but projects, dramatic presentations, storytelling, and encouraging teachers to seize teachable moments when students have real purpose for learning. another way to individualize instruction is through an understanding of students. brisk and harrington (2007) discussed teachers’ knowledge of students’ personal life, home and situational factors, in establishing individualized instructional techniques helping to teach, motivate, and evaluate students. an active voice in curriculum development increases teachers’ ability to adapt curriculum and adjust learning experiences, including formative assessments so each learner experiences success (owings & kaplan, 2001). standards-based reforms have led many schools to make objectives-based curriculum aligning to state standards as evidenced by samway and mckeon (2007). current education reforms and policies such as nclb and race to the top have endorsed curricular materials current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 debatably described as being based on sound evidence, sometimes through research funded by for profit educational companies who profit from the perceived evidence. states and districts in hopes they ensure students’ proficiency in academic content areas adopt these marketed curricular materials. increasingly the result of this movement is away from teacher-based decision making to state and school districts mandating teachers use scripted curriculum as a means to raise test scores. methods this qualitative study focused on how teachers in a small, urban elementary school in the northeast negotiated their beliefs, teaching materials, and instructional delivery in linguistically culturally diverse (lcd) classrooms. the central focus of the study was based on the “overarching” research question (creswell, 1998, p. 99): how do teachers’ beliefs about teaching and learning influence curriculum decision making for lcd students? this question, as it applies to everyday classrooms, seeks to understand what it means when teachers use rhetoric such as “every student can learn.” investigation site the elementary school featured in this case study was chosen because it serves a lcd community in an urban area. the school site serves a low-income, inner-city, k–4 school in a predominantly spanish-speaking community. the building is over one hundred years old and was built to serve 125 students, but served 334 students at the time of the research. the largest demographic group represented in the school was latino at 93.4%, while the remaining population was 3.3% african american and 2.7% caucasian. although the student population was largely spanish-speaking, all classes were taught in english with an emphasis on english as a second language (esl) strategy. curriclulum integration and adaptation 11 participants the participants invited to take part in this research were state certified thirdand fourthgrade teachers. these teachers held teaching certificates in their content areas and each had over ten years of teaching experience. each had worked in this school for a minimum of four years. all three of the teachers identified as caucasian, and one spoke spanish. all other demographic data regarding teachers and students was collected through interviews to understand the background characteristics of the teachers and the classrooms where they were teaching. observations and interviews this research focused on teachers’ beliefs about lcd student populations influence their curriculum decision-making, one form of data collected was observations designed to understand the instructional intersections between the written curriculum, curriculum planning, and instructional delivery through the actions and interactions of the participants. observations were conducted on a daily basis for eight weeks during literacy instruction. the researcher made daily visits to the elementary school and visited the three participants for 60 minutes of the 90-minute literacy block. the observations were of direct instruction, mini-lessons, small groups, one on one conferences, and assessments. the research employed a field log to organize and document data. systematic field observations and maintained detailed written records of the observations established a contextual basis for understanding and interpreting the interviews. in-depth, semi-structured interviews were the primary source of data used to understand participants’ perceptions about teaching and learning with lcd students. teachers were interviewed to collect information about past and present experiences as a means to assist the researcher in making sense of the participating teachers’ beliefs and philosophies about teaching and learning. in addition, teachers reflected on their instructional practices and defined their current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 beliefs about teaching and learning for lcd students. the interviews were scheduled, securing a time and location, to occur after the first week of the school year. the interviews took place at the school site during the school day or at the end of the school day. the follow-up interviews were intended to draw explanations about teachers’ instructional delivery based on observations and data from the initial interview. the explanations created an understanding of how teachers negotiate between their beliefs and the needs of their classrooms in planning and delivering instruction. each follow-up interview lasted about thirty minutes. follow-up interviews were designed to obtain clarification of teachers’ beliefs about practices, addressing the needs of lcd students, observed and statements made during previous interviews. analyzing interviews, observations, and documents three sources of data were analyzed both as single sources of data and for the relationships between them (stake, 1995). using yin’s (2003) analytic strategies for observations and interviews, a descriptive framework for organizing this case study was developed. first, interviews and field notes were transcribed. the researcher searched for patterns of behavior and outcomes that generated a list of categories. after categories were identified, the data were manually coded to visually denote the patterns and the contradictions. besides analysis of documents the researcher collected from observations and interviews, documents relevant to prescribed content involved in curriculum planning, such as district time lines, also called pacing schedules, were analyzed. the purpose of engaging in document analysis was to explore the triangulation of the researcher’s observations, the teachers’ responses from the interviews, and the documents guiding and influencing teacher pedagogy. as merriam (2002) pointed out, “the strength of documents as a data source lies with the fact that they curriclulum integration and adaptation 13 already exist in the situation; they do not intrude upon or alter the setting in ways that the presence of the investigator might” (p.13). this is of importance because all of the documents are used for either planning, instruction, or for both. they are available on the district’s website and are expected to be used by teachers in daily classroom instruction. triangulation of data sources allows the interpretation of data to make sense of the case, and establish trustworthiness of relationships between the three data sources (stake, 1995). results data collected by the researcher consisted of an initial and concluding interview, observations of each teacher’s literacy instructional period along with a follow up interview after each week of observations. as the data was coded the following themes emerged: (a) curriculum adaptation and (b) curriculum integration. curriculum integration and adaptation were strategies teachers employed to create equilibrium between teaching the content and skills of the mandated curriculum required for the six-week assessment and the learning needs of the lcd students. the following sections analyze and synthesize the data, incorporating relevant literature as it pertains to the findings focused specifically on curriculum adaptation and integration through the use of non-district mandated supplemental resources and technology. the particpants described the curriculum used in their classroom as a “mandated curriculum based on the state standards,” that the district calls the “core curriculum.” tomlinson (2000) explained that, “for many teachers, curriculum has become a prescribed set of academic standards, instructional pacing has become a race against a clock to cover the standards, and the sole goal of teaching has been reduced to raising student test scores on a single test” (p. 7). as participants thought about how they planned for instruction in their classrooms many of them referred back to the district’s pacing guide or pacing schedule as a docment that “may not current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 always fit every student or every classrom because student needs are not taken into account” (participant response). in reflection on the needs of their individual students and their classrooms, participants discussed the tension between what the mandated curriculum prescribed for them to teach and their ability to do so. the following vignette attempts to capture the tension expressed by partcipants: … if i realize that students don’t get it, i am re-teaching it in, it’s the sixth week. if i realize i'm never touching it again according to the curriculum; [but] not according to me. what i do, according to me, is i would further the skill. i would further predicting [for three weeks], because i know it's a very important strategy that they need to have. they need to go deeper into it. not just tell me a basic prediction. they have been doing that since kindergarten, so i feel that even if it says we are done predicting, and never talking about again, it can always be touched on. these are important strategies, just like all the other comprehension strategies. they are all very important. in resolving the tension between teachers’ beliefs about teaching, learning, and the mandated or planned curriculum, the participants individualized and adapted instructional pedagogy. curriculum integration and curriculum adaptation are conceptually individualized pedagogical approaches to address teachers’ perceptions of inadequate curriculum choices. the implemented curriculum is how teachers interpret curriculum and “maximize the value of their lessons in light of the dynamics of their classroom” (marsh & willis, 2007, p. 185). supporting clandinin’s (1986) work, participants sought ways to either integrate other strategies, viewed as “best practices,” or incorporate alternative resources into the mandated curriculum. they used resources and programs that fit their beliefs about teaching and learning along with the intention of addressing the needs of diverse learners in their classrooms. curriclulum integration and adaptation 15 curriculum adaptation the mandated curriculum was organized by one-size-fits-all objectives and standards intended for designated grade level instruction. incongruence occurs when designers of mandated curriculum presume students have the prerequisite skills necessary to introduce new skills. not only are prerequisite skills disregarded, but also a delinquency within the mandated curriculum to revisit skills taught previously in lieu of maintaining a pace so “coverage” occurs. teachers navigate the incongruence using one or more strategies. for example, a third grade teacher states: “…if i realize that students don’t get it, i am re-teaching it. what i do, according to me, is i would further the skill. i would further predicting for three weeks, because i know it's a very important strategy that they need to have.” the particpants “do more clarification” or find ways to “slow things down” for students instead of focusing on “coverage.” during an observation one fourth grade teacher was teaching students how to make predictions. she knew students had learned making predictions. she modeled making predictions thorugh a read aloud and prediction chart. every student had a white board and she would read then stop and have students make predictions. students during their independent reading time were making predictions about what would happen next or how their story would end. as she conferenced with individual students she would have students orally make predictons for her. participants referred to this approach as “going deeper” rather than “reteaching” which is what teachers did. the mandated curriculum perpetuates maximum coverage of material, breadth over depth, with greater amounts of surface knowledge leading to a mastery of subject knowledge (tomlinson, 2002). the participants validated the quality of the parts of the planning and scheduling timeline that fit their personally constructed beliefs about teaching, learning, and current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 instructional practices. dissonance came when they disagreed with the mandated skills within the planning and scheduling timeline. when the participants perceived deficiencies in the curriculum for the abilities of their students, they found concordance of the various influences on classroom pedagogy through adaptations and supplements to the curriculum. some strategies for modifying the curriculum included clarifications/connections of concepts or adjusting the pacing schedule, completely or in part, for students. the idea of “going deeper” was echoed by all participants, especially when students needed more time to learn the skills outlined to be learned during a specified period of time. “going deeper” would challenge students to engage in higher order thinking such as synthesizing and evaluating information. observations indicate this pedagogical practice as “reteaching” or “differentiating” instruction based on students needs. participants reteach concepts and skills students do not master or as a means to make the curriculum recursive. curriculum adaptation portrays the way that participants “tweak the curriculum.” “tweaking the curriculum defined by participants are ways curriculum is perceived to be adapted to create a “good program” with “what works in the classroom and what doesn’t.” participants believed they could reconcile the limitations of the mandated curriculum by “tweak [ing] it to fit the children and learners in the class.” a participant stated, “i take what i know will work, i take what they [students] need. i model it into a lesson i know that my children will get something from.” participants explained that the curriculum did not leave room for creativity or for prerequisite concepts to be taught. while the document informs teachers as to what concepts and skills to teach, it also “fails to acknowledge the creative potential of educators to grapple effectively with the multiplicity of contexts they find in their classrooms and to shape environments according to the lived experiences and actual educational needs of their students” curriclulum integration and adaptation 17 (darder et al., 1997, p. 332). the pacing timetable dictates when specific concepts and skills have to be taught while making assumptions as to how certain concepts will be taught in order to prepare for the district and state assessments. teachers used curriculum adaptation and integration to make curriculum decisions based on their beliefs about creativity and best practices learned throughout their experience as described by nieto (2002). participants adapted curricula when it conflicted with what they believed was good teaching. as a result, teachers who recognized the importance of cultural relevance appeared to have greater dissonance between personal beliefs about teaching and learning, the mandated curriculum, and addressing their lcd students’ needs. for example, a third grade teacher stated, “at times there may be a need for mini-lessons.” in this case it was a phonics lesson in the middle of the literacy lesson that the researcher observed; later the teacher described, “if the students need a phonics review i am not going to neglect that need and keep going. i am going to teach the phonics lesson that is needed because that is going to impact learning later on.” teachers incorporated mini-lessons to adjust for students’ lack of prior knowledge with a skill or concept presented in the district’s pacing schedule. the mini-lesson also provided an opportunity for the teacher to model thinking about text, make connections across content areas, and introduce or re-teach literacy strategies. mini-lessons, aligned to the objectives but not necessarily in congruent with the pacing schedule allowed for instruction as a means to either extend learning or fill in gaps beyond the set objectives. for instance, if the third-grade curriculum indicated predictions were to be taught for a week, then making predictions was a mini-lesson taught and reinforced throughout the week. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 the participants believed they continued to use “good teaching and learning” by using supplemental resources to focus on skills and re-teaching. many opportunities were created for students to learn skills taught through additional teaching. small groups and independent instruction were two strategies discussed and observed to address students’ needs. curriculum integration unlike curriculum adaptation, which takes the currulum and makes modifications using the same materials and resources idenitfied by the district, curricululum integration combines outside resources with the existing curriculum to “fill the gaps” or “meet student needs,” where the core curriculum seems to fail to do so. during observations the researchers saw teachers using outside resources or approaches to deliver the planned curriculum. for example, a third grade and a fourth grade teacher used aspects of other curricular approaches such as: readers and writers workhop and message time plus, to meet the needs of their students in the area of literacy. technology played an integral role in delivering instruction; however, its use is not defined in the curriculum. in numerous observations the researcher watched one participant rely on the smart board in the classroom for instruction. a smart board has been provided by the district to assist in instructional delivery, however was only present in this participants classroom. in addition, the curricular materials did not identify technology integration, technology support or the use there of as a means to meet the standards. the data indicates that the core curriculum, which informs instructional practice, is not designed to incorporate this type of technology as supported by the following vignette. while teaching is going on, you constantly have to scan the room to differentiate what kind of delivery you are giving them, to differentiate the kind of activities you are going curriclulum integration and adaptation 19 to give them. there have been times i've had an activity ready, and i'm like i'm not going to give them this today because they are no way ready for it; or, it's too boring for them because they've already got it. so you modify right there, and that's where the smart board is a really great tool, because you can come up with another activity (snaps fingers) on the spot. finally, teachers found ways to integrate students language into instruction as a means to “clarify” or “make connections” with what students know. curriculum integration “help[s] build the prerequisite skills so that they [students] can get the target skills that are identified by the pacing schedule.” from an observation, one of the fourth grade teachers used an old set of english textbooks with her students. when asked about this on a follow up interview she stated, “i am outsourcing. it is the content that i am working on. i try to use as many sources as i can to implement the core curriculum.” in addition, another particpant discussed how many students have a limited number of experiences and as a result it makes it hard for them to connect with the texts in the basal reader, the reading program purchased by the district, and other parts of the curriculum. the use of newspapers in the classroom, helps when it is integrated into the curriculum. unlike curriculum adaptation, curriculum integration combines supplemental resources with the existing curriculum to “fill the gaps” or “meet student needs” where the core curriculum was perceived to fail to do so. curriculum integration, as observed and explained by participants, “help[s] build the prerequisite skills so that they [students] can get the target skills that are identified by the pacing schedule,” as stated by a participant during an interview. all of the participants make use of supplemental resources, like a smart board, to assist in current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 instructional delivery. the particpants drew on their past experiences, likes and dislikes to make not only teaching choices, but curriculum choices as well (shavelson, 1983). discussion this study set out to explore how teachers’ beliefs about teaching and learning impact curriculum planning to meet the needs of linguistically and culturally diverse students. the findings from this qualitative case study offer us a glimpse into the pedagogical approaches and instructional strategies that drive what teachers do in the classroom to meet the needs of lcd students. as in any case study, generalizability is left to the reader and the findings may not be generalizable to all contexts. when teachers are able to reflect, identify, and name their own socialization process and experiences, they will be better able to recognize and identify those qualities in their students (ladson-billings, 2006). ultimately “you as a teacher, a professional, know what’s best for you students, your class and what works,” said a fourth grade teacher. teachers know what students “need in their heart.” this was a sentiment shared by participants. despite the strengths and weaknesses of the core curriculum, one participant statement encompasses the importance of being a reflective practitioner, “you don't want to have them [students] leave your room and not feel you've done the best possible job you could just because the curriculum says do this. you need to give them what they need to be lifelong learners.” the teachers clearly had beliefs about teaching and learning, but believed they should use the mandated or planned curriculum. although the participants recognized the deficiencies in the planning and scheduling timeline, they also validated it by using it as the foundation of their instructional practice. dissonance occurred in all three teachers when faced with a mandated curriculum that did not fit the needs of their students nor their beliefs about teaching and curriclulum integration and adaptation 21 learning. they chose one or more strategies to balance came when they disagreed with the mandated skills within the planning and scheduling timeline. the two major ways teachers met the needs of lcd students as identified through this research was curriculum adaptation and curriculum integration. a conclusion drawn from the data was that behind closed doors teachers made curriculum decisions based on their beliefs of what was best for their students rather than strict obedience to the district created pacing schedule. quality instruction for lcd students, where instruction is continually adjusted to address the needs of the students is supported by nieto and bode’s (2007) call for a standards-conscious curriculum. a standards-conscious curriculum is where standards are a tool for promoting a rigorous, demanding, and inspiring curriculum that can be creatively designed around the needs for diverse student populations. teachers must present opportunities for students to construct knowledge and reinvent their world through a curriculum providing activities, texts, and a variety of learning experiences. educators must be willing to transform curriculum and instructional pedagogy to engage students and connect learning to the real world. freire & macedo (1987) states: “what we do in the classroom is not an isolated moment separate from the ‘real world.’ it is entirely connected to the real world” (p. 25). connections to the real world provide authentic learning experiences that validate individual people, who they are, what they bring to the classroom, culturally and linguistically, which can be used to stimulate student engagement and academic success. teachers found ways to adapt and supplement the curriculum to balance the perceived deficiencies of curriculum. some strategies for modifying the curriculum included clarifications/connections of concepts or adjusting the pacing schedule, completely or in part, for students. the contentious part of the planning and pacing timeline is that teachers are current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 expected to teach in a way leading to high achievement on the state test. as one participant elaborated, “everything has to be linked to the test.” data such as this reinforces silvermail’s (1996) evidence that standardized testing promotes a narrowed curriculum. teachers used curriculum adaptation and integration to make curriculum decisions based on their beliefs about creativity and best practices learned throughout their experience as described by nieto (2002). although participants adapted curricula, they supported the mandated curriculum as a legitimate foundation for teaching and learning, as evidenced by lessons connectivity to the goals and objectives of the mandated curriculum. the more teachers recognized the importance of cultural relevance and context, the greater the dissonance between beliefs about teaching and learning, the mandated curriculum, and addressing their lcd students’ needs. the participants believed they continued to use “good teaching and learning” by using supplemental programs or curricula to focus on skills and re-teaching. many opportunities were created for students to learn skills taught through additional teaching. small groups and independent instruction were two strategies discussed and observed to address students’ needs. implications this study unveiled the how teachers used their professional judgment or “real time” decision making in the classroom to benefit their students. the use of professional judgment was explicated, as “you know what the kids need to know to survive.” explicitly structured curriculum, like the planning timeline, is teaching and learning operating at a technical level, in which content and skills are the predictors of the outcomes and goals of students as measured by benchmarks and the state assessment. as a result not all teachers are struggling, as professionals, to implement practice meant to address the unique needs of diverse students through an understanding of their students (language, culture, and lives). some have found ways to do what curriclulum integration and adaptation 23 is best for their students once the classroom door is closed, although the incongruence in what is being taught and a solid way to assess learning gets lost. although students’ needs may be met, they still are left behind their peers who have many more advantages when it comes to testing. another implication from this study could be the use of formal or informal dialogue may guide school-based curriculum planning meetings in which teachers reflect on their beliefs and goals for their students. school stakeholders must have dialogues where the needs of students represented in the school community as are identified and defined in an effort for greater application of academic and social learning. dialogues must include planning for teaching and learning experiences developed in intentional and innovative ways to meet students’ needs, while allowing them to develop a love for learning. dialogue in this sense is not simply having a conversation, but rather engaging in an on-going forum between and among colleagues, mentors, administrators, and others. the lack of dialogue or collaborations between constituents was evident as a fourth grade teacher indicated when discussing the mandated curriculum, “it does not always have what we need” and “needs more open ended writing in the curriculum.” the curriculum has “no flow with it.” it is, “missing great strategies; inferring, questioning, and visualization.” through reflective practices veteran and pre-service teachers begin to see themselves as learners and understand that they are also engaging in the learning process and are able to find ownership in the curriculum to be taught. conclusion in creating classrooms where the needs of lcd students are met, teachers need to become more aware of their own beliefs about teaching and learning, presumptions about mandated curriculum, and a true understanding of the instructional strategies that meet the needs of lcd students. mandated curriculum is implemented more fully when it is in line with current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 teachers’ beliefs about teaching and learning. when the curriculum is identified not coordinating with teachers’ beliefs, it will be adapted or integrated in some form to meet the perceived needs of the students. as mandated curriculum necessitates specific prior knowledge for success on current learning, those 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(2003). case study research design and methods (3rd ed.). thousand oaks: sage. current issues in education current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 30 http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt microsoft word the effect of computer supported problem.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x the effects of computer supported problem based learning on students’ approaches to learning serife ak adnan menderes university citation ak, s. (2011). the effects of computer supported problem based learning on students’ approaches to learning. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/712 abstract the purpose of this paper is to investigate the effects of computer supported problem based learning on students’ approaches to learning. the research was conducted as a pre-test and posttest one-grouped design used to achieve the objectives of the study. the experimental process of study lasted 5 weeks and was carried out on 78 university students. the scale of approaches to learning was used as the data collection instrument, which was developed by researcher. the collected data were analyzed by paired simple t-test. according to the results, it can be stated that problem based learning has a significant effect on adopting a predominantly deep approach to learning by students. keywords: problem based learning, approaches to learning, deep, surface current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 2 about the author author: serife ak phd affiliation: adnan menderes university address: aydin, tr,09010 email: serife.ak@adu.edu.tr biographical information: serife ak works as a assistant professor in the department of computer education and instructional technology at adnan menderes university. she holds a phd degree in computer education and instructional technology at ankara university. her research interests include instructional design, computer supported education, problem based learning (pbl), educational technology and technology integration into education. moreover, she has contributed to various projects and researches about integration of ict into teacher training. the effects of computer supported problem based learning 3 the effect of computer supported problem based learning on students’ approaches to learning effective learning is a unique combination of the learning environment and the student's preferred orientation toward learning (woods, hrymak, & wright, 2000). in the literature, it is suggested that the learning environment affects the student’s approaches to learning. this assertion is supported by some research evidences (ramsden & entwistle, 1981; biggs, 1987; campbell & smith, 1997; webb, 1997; dart, burnett, boulton-lewis, campbell, smith, & mccrindle, 1999; trigwell, prosser, & waterhouse, 1999; dart, burnett, purdie, boulton-lewis, campbell, & smith, 2000; hativa & birenbaum, 2000; lizzio, wilson, & simons, 2002; goh, 2005; groves, 2005). it is generally believed that the use of deep approach to learning is associated with higher quality learning outcomes and surface approach with lower quality learning outcomes (gijbels, dochy, van den bossche, & segers, 2005), and the deep approach will contribute positively to learning outcomes (zeegers, 2001). therefore, it is considered to be important to encourage students to adopt a deep approach. according to felder and brent (2005), a goal of instruction should be to induce students to adopt a deep approach on subjects that are important for their professional or personal development. it is suggested that problem based learning (pbl) is one of the learning environments to foster a deep approach to learning (davis & harden, 1999; spencer & jordan, 1999; wood, 2003). in pbl environment it is hypothesized that students focus on understanding rather than the memorization of facts. according to groves (2005), pbl’s capacity to stimulate intrinsic interest has been well documented. although in the literature it is suggested that students in pbl processes are more likely to adopt a dominantly deep-learning approach to learning (davis & current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 4 harden, 1999; spencer & jordan, 1999; wood, 2003), it is not clear what the available research says about this correlation. therefore, this paper focuses on the relationship between pbl and students’ approaches to learning pbl pbl is an approach of teaching and learning that requires the student to apply higher level learning processes. students who are presented with a complex problem need to undertake higher level processes such as analyzing, comparing and contrasting, explaining causes, and hypothesizing, and to apply the outcome of these processes towards the development of a solution (mcalpine & clements, 2001). the historical underpinnings of pbl date back to the work of john dewey (1963) at the university of chicago and his commentary on experimental education (mcdonald, 2002). in addition, pbl also builds on social constructivism as developed by vygotsky (1978). besides the idea of “psychological tools” that reflect the cultural instruments offered to learners to guide their learning (language, symbols, speech …), he especially emphasized the mediating role of the others (teachers, tutors, peer students) during the learning process. recognizing that dewey’s work could be used in medical school, barrows, a physician and medical educator at mcmaster university, wanted to develop methods of instructing physicians that fostered their own capabilities for reflection of school in ordinary life (mcdonald, 2002). the medical faculty at mcmaster university pioneered pbl in the 1960s as an innovative solution to make learning more relevant and effective. since then, pbl has been implemented in several areas of higher education, including: medicine, business, education, architecture, law, engineering, social work, and in high school as well (savery & duffy, 1995; wilson & cole, 1996; wee, kek & sim, 2001). the effects of computer supported problem based learning 5 pbl is a student-centered learning model whose main attributes are related to real-world problems, student control, and group based processes. in pbl, learning occurs while working on problems in small groups and students determine their own learning objectives when trying to understand or resolve the problem. therefore, it can be stated that pbl requires the student to develop a deeper understanding of the content and, to adopt the use of higher level learning processes. approaches to learning researchers have done numerous studies of students’ approaches to learning since marton & saljo’s (1976) approaches to learning were first identified. the approaches to learning are considered by many educators to be a powerful means of modeling students learning and the quality of students learning outcomes (duff, dunlop & connelly, 2002). an approach to learning describes the nature of the correlation between student, context, and task (biggs et al., 2001). basically, two approaches to learning have been identified: the ‘surface’ approach and the ‘deep’ approach (marton & saljo, 1976). the surface approach describes the intention to reproduce information in compliance with externally imposed task demands, while the deep approach involves the intention to understand (chan, 2003). the deep approach to learning is considered to be an appropriate approach as students learn for understanding, derive enjoyment from the learning task, and apply the acquired knowledge to the real world. on the other hand, the surface approach to learning is inappropriate as students rely on rote learning and memorization, avoid personal understanding and are unreflective about their learning experiences (biggs et al., 2001; tiwari et al., 2006). biggs and ramsden identified a third approach, called the strategic or achieving approach (entwistle, 1998). the achieving approach implies that a student wish to achieve positive outcomes is characterized by students who intend to obtain high grades and organize their time (biggs, 1987). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 6 which approaches to learning will be adopted by students is determined by a great deal of variables. several studies about the influence of the learning environment and the personal characteristics of the learners on their approaches to learning are available in the literature (ramsden & entwistle, 1981; campbell & smith, 1997; dart et al., 1999; trigwell et al., 1999; dart et al., 2000; hativa & birenbaum, 2000; goh, 2005). approaches to learning are influenced by student characteristics, the learning environment and learning outcomes. therefore, approaches to learning cannot only be seen as mere student dependent characteristics. the approach to learning that will be adopted by students is determined by a large number of variables. when the relation of students’ approaches to learning with these variables is considered, it can be argued that the learning environment is one of the most important variables. therefore, if proper strategies are applied, it might be possible to move students learning approaches from a surface to a deep orientation. computer supported pbl the incorporation of pbl strategy into a computer supported learning environment provides the engaging, collaborative, and learner centered activities that are required to encourage a student to fully participate in the learning process (gooding, 2002). the use of computer supported technologies in pbl plays a critical role in terms of organization of the pbl course and use of online resources to support a pbl course (watson, 2002). in literature there is some research evidences about computer supported technologies impact positively on pbl process and learning outcomes (cho & jonassen, 2002; dennis, 2003; kerfoot, masser & hafler, 2005; an, 2006; donnelly, 2006). according to sage (2000), pbl is an effective way to integrate technology into the classroom. hoffman and ritchie (1997) identified ways in which interactive multimedia might the effects of computer supported problem based learning 7 be used to support pbl. the key benefits they anticipated were fidelity, representational richness, time and timeliness, individualization, assessment, efficiency, and increased power of agency (albion & gibson, 1998: 42). pbl builds on social constructivism as developed by vygotsky (1978). he especially emphasized the mediating role of the others (teachers, tutors, peer students) in the learning process. in this respect, it can be stated that the integration of computer technologies to pbl may be considered to be a facilitative factor of interactivity. for these reasons, in this study pbl application supported online discussion boards and computer supported instructional materials. problem statement a review of literature indicated that the learning environment is one of the most important variables that affects student approaches to learning. in pbl, environment students are encouraged to take responsibility for their own learning (strømsø, grøttum & lycke, 2004). in this respect, it can be stated that pbl environment may also have an effect on students’ approaches to learning. although in the literature it is suggested that students in pbl processes are more likely to adopt a dominantly deep-learning approach, it is not clear what the available research says about this relationship. also, the effect of computer supported pbl environments on approaches to learning is quite ambiguous. for these reasons the current study aimed to investigate the effects of computer supported pbl on students’ approaches to learning. the following research questions were addressed: 1. does computer supported pbl environment effect on adopting surface approaches to learning by students? 2. does computer supported pbl environment effect on adopting deep approaches to learning by students? current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 8 3. does computer supported pbl environment effect on adopting achieving approaches to learning by students? methods research design in the current study, the pre-test and post-test grouped design was implemented to investigate the effects of the independent variable (computer supported pbl) on dependent variables (deep, surface and achieving approach). study group the experimental process of study has been carried out on 78 pre-service teachers (41 female and 37 male) who attended information technologies in education ii course in their second semesters. the study group ages ranged between 21-27 years old. instruments the learning approaches questionnaire (laq), developed by researcher, was used to measure each student’s approach to learning on a scale ranging from deep, surface, and achievement. the questionnaire contained 39 items. students responded to each item on a five-point likert scale, where 1 point was given for “never true” and 5 points were given for “always true”. the scores for each subscale (surface, deep and achieving) were determined by adding up all items and taking the average. subscale reliabilities ranged between 0.85 and 0.94. pbl implementation pbl implementation lasted 5 weeks. initially, students were informed about pbl and the pre-questionnaire was administered. then students were introduced to complex, illthe effects of computer supported problem based learning 9 structured problem with no obvious solutions by means of computer supported instructional material. students worked in small, heterogeneous groups to identify what additional information they needed based on the initially given facts. they then brainstormed ideas and hypotheses related to the problem, decided on the key issues, and identified the resources to be used. after these meetings each student conducted an independent search for information regarding issues related to the problem. the process of research and group discussion continued until all groups were satisfied that they had learned sufficient basic knowledge to solve the problem. for interaction within groups and between groups, online discussion boards were used. the last week, study groups presented their report to the others and the post-questionnaire was administered. throughout the implementation process, the researchers monitored and facilitated group activities. data analysis paired simple t-test was conducted to see the effects of online pbl on approaches to learning. at the inception of interpreting significance of the results, the probability value was set as α=05. results the results of pre-test and post-test scores of surface approach subscale were compared with t-test and given in table 1. table 1. t-test-surface approach scores n mean sd df t p surface pre-test 78 45.87 15.52 77 3.58 .001 post-test 78 39.38 8.60 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 10 as seen from table 1, there is a significant difference between students’ pre-test and post–test mean scores [t(77)=3.58, p<.01]. while mean score of surface approach subscale was 45.87 before pbl implementation, it declined to 39.38 after pbl implementation. these findings show that pbl might negatively affect adopting of surface approaches to learning by students. table 2. t-testdeep approach scores n mean sd df t p deep pre-test 78 39.92 7.55 77 -5.74 .000 post-test 78 46.23 8.29 as seen from table 2, there is a significant difference between students’ pre-test and post–test mean scores [t(77)=-5.74, p<.00]. while the mean score of deep approach subscale was 39.92 before pbl implementation, it increased to 46.23 after pbl implementation. these finding shows that pbl might positively affect adopting of deep approaches to learning by students. table 3. t-testachieving approach as seen from table 3, while the mean score of achieving approach subscale was 33.64 before pbl implementation, it increased to 35.58 after pbl implementation. but the scores were not found to be significantly different [t(77)=-2.00, p>.05]. these finding shows that pbl have no effect on adopting of achieving approaches to learning by students. scores n mean s df t p achieving pre-test 78 33.64 8.42 77 -2.00 .056 post-test 78 35.58 7.78 the effects of computer supported problem based learning 11 discussion the current study revealed that computer supported pbl environment has both a positive effect on adopting deep approaches to learning by students and a negative effect on adopting surface approach to learning. these findings are consistent with previous publications (newble & clarke, 1986; spencer & jordan, 1999; woods et al., 2000; wood, 2003; waters & johnston, 2004; tiwari et al., 2006). pbl enhances motivation, because when learners work on problems whose relevance is clearly related to their professional work, they are much more likely to tackle them wholeheartedly rather than when they are working on more abstract or theoretical situations. this increased motivation may be considered an important component of connection between pbl and deep approach to learning. in a pbl environment, a student who does not apply higher level processes (such as analyzing, comparing and contrasting, explaining causes…) simply cannot complete the task as lower order processes, because memorizing, describing, or following a simple procedure are insufficient (mcalpine & clements, 2001). this characteristic of pbl process, and also the positive impact of computer supported technologies on pbl process, might be considered to be a factor in encouraging the adoption of deep approach to learning. however, future research is needed to examine which contextual elements in the pbl learning environment foster deep learning. there are several characteristics of computer supported pbl environment that help to understand why deep learner can be expected to be fostered. pbl entices student control, complex problems, group work and collaborative tasks, and a focus on process assessment. but future research is needed to clarify what mixture of ingredients and which mediators (other student characteristics) in the pbl learning environment encourage deep learning. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 12 future research needs to be geared toward developing and testing the complex nature of the interrelations between the processes and variables studied. in this context, path-analysis and structural equation modeling could be helpful in studying the impact of mediating variables, and to consider the multiple co-variations that are regularly observed in analysis results. the testing and validation of more complex models could also help to research the feedback loop in the complex set of variables since dependent variables could feedback to the way independent variables are being perceived, interpreted, etc. current study was focused on effects of computer supported pbl on students’ approaches to learning. future research is also needed that clarifies how approaches to learning adopted by students affects their learning outcomes in pbl process, such as: performance, motivation, and problem-solving skills. also, the effects of formative feedback provided by teachers during the pbl process on students’ approaches to learning should be analyzed in following studies. the effects of computer supported problem based learning 13 references albion, p. r. & gibson, i. w. 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(2001). approaches to learning in science: a longitudinal study. british journal of educational psychology, 71, 115–132. the effects of computer supported problem based learning 19 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors andrew darian lori ellingford assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik kerry brewster meg burke miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afel hossain jeffery johnson seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol messer john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melisa tarango andrw tesoro jill wendt 
 microsoft word exploring mathematics.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x exploring mathematics college readiness in the united states nancy
j.
mccormick
and
marva
s.
lucas middle tennessee state university citation mccormick, n. & lucas, m. (2011). exploring mathematics college readiness in the united states. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/680 abstract large numbers of students graduate high school unprepared for post-secondary education and illequipped for the labor force of the 21st century. research on college readiness reveals the prominent role that mathematics preparedness plays in the fulfillment of hopes and dreams for a college degree. as requirements for post-secondary education and qualifications for the workforce merge, college readiness in mathematics is a significant factor in job opportunities and career choices. this report provides an in-depth exploration in mathematics college readiness in the united states and offers a compilation of recommendations from many significant constituents who have made notable advances in mathematics preparedness in the education of today’s high school students. keywords: college readiness; mathematics college readiness; workforce readiness; underprepared students; remediation current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 2 about the author(s) authors: nancy j. mccormick and marva s. lucas affiliation: middle tennessee state university address: department of mathematical sciences, middle tennessee state university, murfreesboro, tn 37132 email: nmccormi@mtsu.edu biographical information: dr. nancy j. mccormick is currently an associate professor in the department of mathematical sciences at middle tennessee state university. she has served as an area representative and as the chapter treasurer for the tennessee association for developmental education. her work with online courses earned an outstanding achievement in instructional technology award in 2003, as well as a tennessee board of regents distance education innovations award in 2004. dr. marva s. lucas is currently an associate professor and chair of university studies at middle tennessee state university. she teaches mathematics and is responsible for testing and placement of incoming students. in 2004, she received certification as a developmental education specialist from the kellogg institute of appalachian state university. in the past, she has served as president and political liaison for the tennessee association for developmental education (tnade), a chapter of the national association for developmental education (nade). exploring mathematics college readiness 3 exploring mathematics college readiness in the united states research shows a surprisingly large number of students in the united states (u. s.) graduate from high school unprepared for post-secondary education. various sources resoundingly echo each other in the conclusion that the u. s. faces a college readiness crisis (act, 2004; bradley & blanco, 2010; conley, 2007; kaye, lord, & bottoms, 2006). according to a 2004 report from american college testing (act), higher education is in the midst of an ongoing college readiness deficit that has not shown any significant improvement in the decade leading up to the report. greene and winters (2005) reported only 34% of the graduating class of 2002 left high school equipped with the skills necessary for college-level work. a report issued from the u.s. department of education indicated that 28% of first-year students enrolling in four-year institutions in fall 2000 required remedial coursework (adelman, 2006). the proportion rose to 42% for students entering public two-year colleges (kobrin, 2007; russell, 2008). a similar study in 2001 conveyed a more disturbing number stating approximately 50% of first-year college students were enrolled in remedial courses (morgan & michaelides, 2005). moreover, as requirements for readiness in post-secondary education and readiness for the workforce continue to converge, many high school graduates also find themselves ill-equipped for the 21st century job market (achieve, 2005; ali & jenkins, 2002). mathematical skills and abilities are often tested and used to judge the qualifications of job applicants in many career choices (duranczyk & higbee, 2006). a joint publication of the national governors association center for best practices, the national conference of state legislatures, the council of chief state school officers, and the national association of state boards of education (2008) stated more than half of all new jobs through 2014 will require some college experience. studies also emphasize the significant role that mathematics college readiness plays in an applicant’s choice of and admission to current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 4 institutions of higher education (olson, 2006) and even in the eventual attainment of a college degree (adelman, 2006; hall & ponton, 2005). this literature review explores the following questions: 1. what is mathematics college readiness? 2. what is the status of college readiness in mathematics? 3. why is mathematics college readiness important? 4. why is there a deficit in mathematics college readiness? 5. what efforts are underway to address mathematics college readiness? finally, this investigation offers a compilation of recommendations from many significant constituents. using this information, the authors outline the elements of a strong mathematics program for today’s high schools. what is mathematics college readiness? college readiness is a vital issue to several important groups. high school teachers have heightened interest because as key players in a student’s final preparation prior to college, they are more likely to be held accountable when students graduate without skills necessary for postsecondary education. parents are apprehensive because the hopes and dreams for their children’s futures hinge most likely on a college degree (greene & winters, 2005). students who receive a high school diploma want to have the assurance that they are prepared to meet the challenges of a postsecondary curriculum leading to a college degree and a promising career. employers desire qualified personnel who will enable companies to be productive and competitive in a global economy. lastly, government officials at both state and national levels realize the value of an educated citizenry. this diversity of stakeholders at various points of involvement attests to the importance of college readiness (achieve, 2005; ali & jenkins, 2002). exploring mathematics college readiness 5 in spite of the attention that has been devoted to this topic, a great deal of ambiguity remains about the definition of college readiness. as a result, research identifies several perspectives by which college readiness is measured and defined. these perspectives include, but are not limited to, high school courses completed, high school grade point average (gpa), mathematics content and procedural standards, scores on national tests and college placement exams, and success in firstyear college courses. a summary of the viewpoints is reflected by conley’s (2007) statement that “college readiness can be defined operationally as the level of preparation a student needs in order to enroll and succeed – without remediation – in a credit-bearing general education course at a postsecondary institution that offers a baccalaureate degree or transfer to a baccalaureate program” (p. 5). applying conley’s definition, mathematics college readiness is a student’s ability to be successful in college-level mathematics courses without the need for remedial or developmental coursework (conley, 2007). efforts to establish standards or benchmarks that are indicative of a student’s readiness in mathematics have been undertaken by both secondary and post-secondary educational systems in various states and by several national organizations. at the secondary level, successful completion of a required number of high school mathematics courses signifies college readiness while college readiness at the post-secondary level is more often judged by scores on institutional placement exams or on nationally recognized college entrance exams. using national data, act in a 2007 report defined mathematics college readiness by a correlation of act benchmark scores with success rates of students in credit-bearing mathematics courses at post-secondary institutions. the act benchmark score for mathematics college readiness was determined to be 22, which is associated with a 50% chance for a student to earn a grade of b or better and a 75% chance of a c or better in college entry-level mathematics courses (act, 2007; kaye, lord, & bottoms, 2006). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 6 in defining college readiness, kobrin (2007) examined scores on the reasoning test component of the scholastic aptitude test (sat). first-time students enrolling at 41 postsecondary institutions in 1995 were studied in an effort to establish benchmarks that predict at least a 65% probability of attaining either a first-year college gpa of 2.7 or higher or a first-year college gpa of 2.0 or higher. it should be noted that this investigation looked at the overall college gpa, while act considered gpas for specific entry-level college courses. the research determined benchmarks for a first-year college gpa of 2.7 or higher to be 590 on the sat verbal and 610 on the sat mathematics. indicators for a first-year college gpa of 2.0 or higher were 360 on the sat verbal and 370 on the sat mathematics. various state initiatives identified both procedural and content standards in defining mathematics college readiness. the transition mathematics project (tmp) in washington state undertook a collaborative endeavor involving k-12 education, colleges, and universities to determine requirements for college readiness in mathematics. procedural standards included the abilities to communicate, to reason and problem-solve, to make connections between mathematical concepts, and to relate mathematics to other disciplines and real-life situations. content standards included number sense, geometry, statistics and probability, algebra, and functions (tmp, 2006). ohio, one of the early partners in the american diploma project (adp), emphasized both content and process for college readiness in mathematics and asserted, “algebra continues to be the most fundamental prerequisite for success in college mathematics” (ohio board of regents [obr], 2007c, p. 12). similar standards defining mathematics college readiness were developed by faculty from seven campuses in the university of maine system (n.d.). this group also stressed procedural and conceptual knowledge as important achievements for the understanding of mathematics. in considering the role of technology in college readiness, its proficient use is an important standard that can be used to promote students’ understanding of mathematical concepts, but with exploring mathematics college readiness 7 the stipulation that proficiency in technology does not equate to competency in mathematics (obr, 2007a; tmp, 2006). ohio’s position statement on technology advised that a mathematics curriculum provide students with the knowledge of how to use technology and, more importantly, with the ability to recognize when the use of technology is warranted for efficient problem solving (obr, 2007c). what is the status of college readiness in mathematics? the work to define mathematics college readiness reveals and quantifies a lack of preparedness on the part of many students enrolling in institutions of higher education. only 43% of students tested nationally reached the established act benchmark. though test scores for caucasian and asian students were slightly to somewhat higher than the national average, 52% and 68%, respectively, minority students did not fare as well with 13% of african-american students and 27% of hispanic students tested reaching the benchmark (act, 2010). studies also revealed that female students are less likely to be prepared for college-level mathematics than their male counterparts (kobrin, 2007; long, iatarola, & conger, 2009). assessment of college readiness benchmarks as defined by sat research and presented by the college board showed that for 1995 and 2005 only 22% and 25%, respectively, of college-bound students met the criterion for a 2.7 or higher first-year college gpa (kobrin, 2007). the national assessment of educational progress (naep) showed one-fourth of high school seniors in 2005 were proficient in mathematics (boser & burd, 2009; huebner & corbett, 2008). although 66% of high school graduates enroll in colleges and universities, many of this number are unprepared for college-level work (achieve, 2008a). ohio reported that for first-time freshmen entering post-secondary institutions in fall 2003, 70% had completed the minimum college preparatory curriculum that includes four english courses and three courses each of mathematics, science, and social studies. twenty-four percent had taken current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 8 the complete core of college preparatory courses consisting of four courses in english, mathematics, and social studies, and three courses (biology, physics, and chemistry) in science (obr, 2007b). yet, 32% of these first-time freshmen required remedial or developmental coursework in mathematics (obr, 2007a). for students who had taken the complete core of courses, every measured outcome was better with remediation rates of 15% and average act scores of 24 (obr, 2007b). overall, almost one-third of the nation’s high school graduates who enroll in college are not prepared for college-level mathematics (long, iatarola, & conger, 2009). why is mathematics college readiness important? the number of students seeking enrollment in higher education institutions has been increasing steadily. according to the national center for education statistics, undergraduate enrollment was 7.5 million in 1970, 15.2 million in 2006, and projected to be 17 million in 2017. (national center for education statistics [nces], 2008). approximately 33% of all first-year college students enroll in remedial programs, which are available at 99% of public two-year institutions and at more than 75% of public four-year institutions (boser & burd, 2009) the cost of remediation for these students ranged from 2.31 to 2.89 billion dollars in public post-secondary institutions during the 2004-2005 academic year (strong american schools [sas], 2008). citing difficulties in obtaining reliable information as to the exact costs associated with remediation, russell (2008) stated a cost of $1.4 billion annually for community college students as estimated by the alliance for excellent education. it should be noted that this calculation represented only the cost for students who were recent high school graduates and did not include non-traditional students and students attending four-year colleges. within the larger post-secondary population, there are a growing number of underprepared students who also find themselves unready for a workforce that has changed considerably (american council on education, 2004). according to ali and jenkins (2002), several studies have indicated exploring mathematics college readiness 9 increased commonalities between skills necessary for the workplace and post-secondary success. employers have expressed a need for applicants to have not only a high school diploma, but to have comparable skills and knowledge required of students entering post-secondary education (achieve, 2005). based on national surveys conducted by the american management association, many potential employees fail literacy and mathematics skills tests. the 17% increase in failure rates from 1996 to 1998 was attributed to the testing of more advanced job skills as opposed to an actual decline in the skills of applicants (ali & jenkins, 2002). a more recent survey by the national association of manufacturers indicated 84% of companies surveyed suggested that k-12 schools were not doing an adequate job of preparing students for the workforce (eisen, jasinowski, & kleinert, 2005). employers identified the following areas of great concern: basic skills related to timeliness, attendance and work ethic; mathematics and science; and reading comprehension (eisen, jasinowski, & kleinert, 2005). the cost of remediating these basic skills is shouldered by many employers and providing this service can be very expensive. in michigan, the most conservative estimate of the cost for remediation of basic skills by businesses was $222 million yearly (greene, 2000). approximately 60% of jobs in the labor force require some education at the post-secondary level and that percentage is expected to continue to increase. in addition to basic skills, employers also want to hire individuals who have the ability to be effective oral and written communicators, to be independent researchers, and to be complex problem solvers (achieve, 2005). it is predicted that almost twothirds of future jobs will require college-level mathematics skills (huebner & corbett, 2008). the role of higher-level mathematics is increasingly significant in paving the way to postsecondary and workplace success. in 2008, the vice president of achieve appeared before the house committee on education and referred to mathematics as a “gateway” to college and career goals (achieve, 2008a). act (2006) reports that high school students need a comparable level of current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 10 readiness in mathematics for success in college and in workforce training programs. advanced mathematics courses, upper-level courses beyond algebra ii, are among the high school courses act labels as courses for success and greatly affect students’ readiness for college (act, 2004). the texas college readiness standards adopted by the texas higher education coordinating board in 2008 and published by the educational policy improvement center (epic) goes even further in stating the increasing importance of mathematics as the world becomes more and more quantitative in nature. the standards indicate “mathematics knowledge is essential to becoming a productive citizen” (achieve, 2008a, p. 15). the understanding of mathematics bridges all subject areas, as well as the globalization of today’s society, and provides measures to effectively interpret, critically analyze, and evaluate data in both numeric and visual presentations. in a global economy where american 15-year olds ranked 25th among 30 developed countries in mathematical literacy in 2006, there is a growing concern whether the u.s. can remain competitive without a greater emphasis on mathematics in its schools (chikoore, 2008). the economy, security, and government of the nation depend more than ever on a college-educated population in the workforce (sas, 2008). mathematics readiness affects college admission and acceptance to many degree programs. although many public two-year institutions of higher education have an open-door policy for admission, students often find they are denied access or have limited opportunities for enrollment in some four-year institutions or universities based on a lack of readiness for college-level mathematics (huebner & corbett, 2008). even when admitted to higher education institutions, a deficit in a student’s preparation in mathematics often limits choices of college majors and careers. in addition, there is a strong correlation between preparedness for college mathematics and the actual completion of a college degree. students who need remediation in mathematics are considered atrisk for academic success and for retention and perseverance in their post-secondary education (ali exploring mathematics college readiness 11 & jenkins, 2002). act reports that students who are prepared for college mathematics are more likely to enroll in college. once there, students who are college-ready in mathematics are far more likely to earn grades of b or better in college algebra and to earn college gpas of 3.0 or better. also, a greater number of them return to the same institution for their second year of college (act, 2007). clifford adelman (2006) reports a far higher percentage, 71%, eventually complete a bachelor’s degree if they have completed their college-mathematics credits by the end of their sophomore year compared to a 38% graduation rate for students who have not completed their mathematics credits during the same time frame. why is there a deficit in mathematics college readiness? clearly, not enough graduates are exiting high school with the preparation that will be needed to be successful either in college or in the workplace (achieve, 2008a; eisen, jasinowski, & kleinert, 2005). one reason offered for the lack of preparedness for college mathematics includes the number of students not tracked to the college-preparatory curriculum. only in recent times has the need for all students to be college-ready been recognized by educators. prior to the 1980s, few believed that high school should prepare all students for college. until then, barely 50% of high school graduates enrolled in higher education (sas, 2008). as a result, the k-12 educational system was not designed to prepare all students for college (russell, 2008). more recently, the number of high school graduates who enroll in higher education has risen considerably. approximately 66% of graduates now enroll in institutions of higher education in the fall following high school graduation (boser & burd, 2009). a major impetus to the growing number of high school graduates seeking college degrees lies in changes in the skills and training necessary to be competitive. yet, most high schools are not preparing students for the rigors of coursework at the university level (sas, 2008). only 29% of low-income students are tracked to college preparatory classes, compared to 49% and 65% for mediumand high-income students, respectively. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 12 similar disparities exist for african american and latino students whose enrollment rates in a college-prep track are 28% and 23%, respectively, compared to 34% for white, non-latino students (chait & venezia, 2009). a 2006 report prepared by the national math panel of act reveals an actual loss of momentum in students’ progress toward college readiness during their high school years. the loss is attributed to a lack of direction on the part of the states in establishing and defining specific course standards and expectations for mathematics achievement in high schools. while more than twothirds of high school teachers surveyed believe they are meeting state standards for preparing students for college-level mathematics, approximately the same ratio of post-secondary educators believe students are coming to college unprepared (act, 2007), indicating a serious misalignment between the expectations of k-12 and post-secondary education. the high school exit exams in several states are assessing mathematics content at an eighth or ninth-grade level (achieve, 2004; boser & burd, 2009). in many cases, teachers at the secondary level are focused on preparing students to pass state exams that are not aligned with post-secondary expectations for mathematics (conley, 2007). also, teachers at the secondary level often assume they need to cover a broad range of topics in advanced mathematics courses while teachers at the post-secondary level are more concerned that high school students receive a rigorous and in-depth coverage of the fundamental mathematics topics (chait & venezia, 2009). one of the more significant factors in mathematics college readiness is whether high school students take a higher mathematics course following completion of algebra ii. seventy-three percent of students who had completed a course higher than algebra ii placed into college-level mathematics at north arkansas college compared to a 29% placement for students who did not take a course beyond algebra ii (berry, 2003). in a higher education policy brief by the american exploring mathematics college readiness 13 association of state colleges and universities, russell (2008) reported only 21% of students who completed three years of high school mathematics were college-ready. several studies of students in post-secondary public institutions noted increased test scores on standardized exams for students taking more advanced mathematics courses in high school (act, 2004; berry, 2003; obr, 2007b). a study conducted on students in florida high schools who continued to public higher education institutions in the state found that 35% of the deficit in readiness gaps for students of hispanic ethnicity could be attributed to the differences in courses taken when compared to caucasian counterparts. it was also determined for higher readiness rates among asian students, compared to caucasians, that 75% of the readiness gap was attributable to the number of mathematics courses taken. however, african american students and those students from a poorer socio-economic background received smaller gains from completion of higher-level mathematics courses than their racial and socio-economic counterparts, suggesting differences in the quality of educational opportunities ( long, iatarola, & conger, 2009). research has shown that schools in low socio-economic communities do not offer the higher-level mathematics courses needed for a college preparatory curriculum. adelman (as cited in huebner & corbett, 2008) reported that while 72% of high schools in the wealthiest communities offer calculus, only 44% of high schools in high poverty communities do so. even when the right courses are offered, often a lack of rigor or inconsistency in the level of rigor still leaves students unprepared for college mathematics (act, 2005). additionally, some students may opt to take easier courses, especially in their senior year, and others may be discouraged from taking the more challenging courses as a result of low expectations by teachers (bamburg, 1994; russell, 2008). ali and jenkins (2002, p. 18) went so far as to state “the cycle of low achievement begins and ends with low expectations of our students.” what efforts are underway to address mathematics college readiness? current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 14 nationally, president bill clinton introduced legislation in 1994 requiring states to develop more rigorous academic standards and to provide ways to assess student performance. president george bush followed up on this action by endorsing the no child left behind act in 2002. other federal initiatives focused on assisting low-income students in gaining access to post-secondary education. three such programs include trio talent search, trio upward bound, and gear up. for disadvantaged middle and high school students who have been recognized as having college potential, trio talent search offers both inand out-of-school programs to encourage these students to pursue higher education. trio upward bound works with high school freshmen and sophomores to provide academic support for core subjects, and gear up begins in middle school grades establishing college partnerships to make counseling and other college outreach services available to disadvantaged students (boser & burd, 2009). achieve, an independent, bipartisan, non-profit education reform organization based in washington, dc, launched the adp network in 2005. the goal of achieve through adp is to help states raise academic standards and graduation requirements, thus enhancing college and career readiness. since its inception, the adp network has grown to include 35 states (achieve, 2010). this growth is an indication that states are acknowledging the problem and are actively involved in seeking solutions. often mathematics courses with the same name are not created equal. for example, a student’s high school transcript may list algebra ii as a course successfully completed. however, algebra ii could have been classified as “general” or “honors” at the high school attended, indicating that the course requirements were different. furthermore, “honors” algebra ii can be quite different in content covered from one school to the next or from one state to the next (kaye, lord, & bottoms, 2006). recommendations emphasize the importance of aligning content on high school exit exams to reflect newly developed college readiness standards. criteria should be consistent and built on skills and knowledge that high school and post-secondary faculty have agreed exploring mathematics college readiness 15 as necessary for success in beginning college-level courses (kaye, lord, & bottoms, 2006; spence, 2007). in an effort to promote instructional rigor, consistency, and accountability among high schools, the southern regional education board (sreb) advocates end-of-course exams particularly in mathematics and english (kaye, lord, & bottoms, 2006). in may 2005, representatives from fourteen states participating in the american diploma project, with support from achieve, took initial steps toward the development of an algebra ii end-of-course exam. secondary and postsecondary faculty, working together, constructed the exam to directly assess content knowledge following completion of algebra ii. test items were designed to correspond to identified standards that faculty agreed correlated to college-readiness in entry-level mathematics courses. constructed in this manner, the exam was judged to be “significantly more rigorous than most statewide high school exams” (achieve 2008b, p. 11). many sources have noted that high school exit exams often test mathematical content at an eighth or ninth grade level and do little to measure college readiness in mathematics (act, 2007; boser & burd, 2009; chait & venezia, 2009). in spring 2008, approximately 90,000 students across 12 states took the exam. in the initial administration, student performance on the exam was low, as expected, with average scores ranging from 21-35% (achieve, 2008b). the low performance was attributed to the increased level of difficulty of the exam, to it being the first year of using the test instrument, and to a lack of motivation as no consequence or reward was associated with students’ test scores. in 2009, an algebra i end-of-course exam was also developed and administered. with the exams firmly in place, the consortium acknowledged the next step would require states to ensure a level of consistency and rigor within the mathematics curriculum. for optimal results, states must also provide students and teachers with necessary resources (achieve, 2009). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 16 mathematics college readiness merits special attention due to the prominent role that mathematics preparedness plays in admission to post-secondary institutions and in ultimately earning a college degree. according to two landmark studies conducted by the u.s. department of education, “the highest level of math taken in high school is the most powerful predictor of whether a student will ultimately earn a bachelors degree, and that students completing algebra ii in high school more than doubled their chances of earning a four-year college degree” (massachusetts department of elementary & secondary education, 2007, ¶ 7). the sreb advocated that all students take an essential core of mathematics courses that go beyond algebra ii to include a mathematics course in the senior year. however, for the core to be effective, sreb also proposed the development of uniform standards and end-of-course assessments to promote instructional rigor in these courses. in six of the sreb states that utilized end-of-course tests in algebra i, initial pass rates have increased (kaye, lord, & bottoms, 2006). prior to end-of-course evaluations, instruction can be tailored to meet the needs of students through formative assessments administered over several short periods throughout the academic year. both informal and formal assessments can be used to modify teaching and learning strategies in an effort to address student deficiencies. informal reviews include teacher observations and classroom discussions, while formal reviews include homework and tests (boston, 2002). when citing elements of a strong mathematics program, huebner & corbett (2008) stated “this kind of assessment can provide critical and timely information about what students understand and where they need help. armed with this knowledge, teachers are better prepared to adjust their instruction, keep students on track, and help them meet learning goals” (p. 3). using this approach, fenway high school in boston, massachusetts adjusted mathematics instruction based on students’ specific needs and recorded a 91% pass rate for tenth graders taking the state’s mathematics exam (huebner & corbett, 2008). exploring mathematics college readiness 17 in washington, a statewide effort began in 2004 to develop standards for mathematics college readiness. representatives from both secondary and post-secondary faculty groups formulated a set of standards called college readiness in mathematics (crms). the project revised a mathematics placement test given at both two-year and four-year post-secondary institutions to align with the newly developed standards. the revised placement exam provided “a standard definition of college readiness in mathematics” (office of educational assessment, 2007, ¶ 2). a version of this placement test will be administered to 11th graders in the state as an earlier assessment of college readiness in mathematics to identify areas of weakness and to provide needed interventions (office of educational assessment, 2007; tmp, 2006). interlake high school in bellevue, washington made dramatic improvements to its mathematics curriculum that resulted in noteworthy increases in achievements for all students. the school had been noted as the poorest performing school in the district. since 2003, interlake has been reported by newsweek as one of the highest ranking schools in the nation (as cited in huebner & corbett, 2008). unlike the state, interlake high school strongly encourages all students regardless of their past academic history to take four mathematics courses including pre-calculus. all basic mathematics courses were eliminated, and all mathematics courses were offered at the honors level or higher. to go along with this recommendation, numerous support options were made available to enhance the students’ chances for success. the school staff operated on the premise that “every student is a math student” (huebner & corbett, 2008, p. 9). as a result of this approach, students’ mathematics scores on the washington assessment of student learning improved from less than 49% to almost 75% proficiency over a three year period. this improvement in the state assessment was also reflected at the national level on the sat college entrance exam. in the reporting period for 2007, interlake students had an average mathematics sat score of 550, which was 19 points above the state average and 32 points above the national average (huebner & corbett, 2008). according to current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 18 sat benchmarks, a score of 550 predicts a first-year college gpa between 2.0 and 2.7 (kobrin, 2007). examples of student support efforts at interlake include a summer program offered to students before their entrance to high school. middle school teachers identify students who may need additional assistance in mathematics and communicate with the high school to direct students to this program. the high school also recognizes that some problems with student success are not academic, but rather problems with self-regulatory behavior such as being organized, coping with stress, and managing time. interlake provides an after-school program in which students receive assistance in these areas (huebner & corbett, 2008). granby high school in norfolk, virginia emphasizes collaboration among its teachers in the mathematics department to encourage the exchange of ideas for more effective teaching methods and strategies. this sharing of teaching techniques cultivates an atmosphere of continual teacher development and professional learning. teachers, working collaboratively, collect and analyze student data to provide on-target and timely changes in instruction. at granby, “professional learning is a constant, guided by teachers’ real-world needs and, thus, targeted to their daily efforts to help all students succeed in mathematics” (huebner & corbett, 2008, p. 17). based on findings from the third international mathematics and science study (timss) and the national science foundation (nsf), granby high school is taking the right approach for improving mathematics education (zucker, 1997, 2010). granby high school students have shown increased pass rates of 84% and 90% for algebra i and algebra ii, respectively, and now take more advanced mathematics courses including calculus. faculty professional development at granby high school contributed significantly to granby’s student achievement gains (huebner & corbett, 2008). although states are looking for ways to strengthen students academically prior to receiving a high school diploma, state officials are concurrently providing support for underprepared students exploring mathematics college readiness 19 who, nevertheless, have been granted admission to higher education. state funding is often used to help post-secondary institutions respond to the college readiness crisis and to effectively serve the needs of underprepared students. across the nation, many programs and initiatives have been implemented. most of these efforts include offering remedial courses that are designed to bring students to a level where they can be successful in entry level college courses. over the years, the discipline addressing this concern has been termed “developmental education” (boylan & bonham, 2007). for many institutions, developmental education programs have been enhanced through the achieving the dream project, another national effort that focuses on improving the success rates of community college students (boser & burd, 2009). various projects aimed at aligning secondary and post-secondary standards include, but are not limited to, the following: ap courses, dual enrollment, international baccalaureate degree program, tutoring services, and professional development for teachers (boser & burd, 2009). conclusion the literature reveals the significant role that mathematics readiness plays in admission to higher education. mathematics readiness merits special attention because a deficit in a student’s preparation in mathematics limits choices of college majors and careers. there is also a strong correlation between preparedness for college mathematics and the prospect of earning a college degree (ali & jenkins, 2002). this review provides a broad examination of college readiness in mathematics. many studies have established that the lack of college readiness is a long-standing and prevalent problem, affecting greater and greater numbers of u. s. high school graduates. overall, nearly 33% of students admitted to post-secondary institutions are not prepared for college-level mathematics (long, iatarola, & conger, 2009). the sreb reports the number of students requiring remediation in mathematics exceeds numbers for remediation in either reading or english (kaye, lord, & bottoms, 2006). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 20 the mathematics readiness problem significantly impacts college success, workforce eligibility, and u. s. competitiveness in a global economy. this study presents various factors influencing college readiness and reveals a serious disconnect between a high school diploma and a student’s preparedness for post-secondary education. historically, secondary and post-secondary institutions have functioned as separate entities. the goal of formulating realistic and effective college readiness standards obligates these two groups to collaborate in identifying skills and content knowledge that students will require to be successful in entry-level college courses. the elements for a strong mathematics program as indicated from the examination of literature should be implemented within an emerging culture focused on intellectual development and high expectations for all students. only then will real value be restored to a high school diploma enabling graduates to reach their highest potential in post-secondary education and in a labor force geared to a global economy. recommendations a review of college readiness in general suggests that all high schools should foster a climate of academic challenge necessitating continuous intellectual development on the part of students and teachers alike. specifically, the literature indicates the following elements of a strong mathematics program: 1. a common college preparatory core of rigorous courses for all students; 2. an offering of advanced courses beyond algebra ii; 3. a continual emphasis on teacher professional development to improve content knowledge and pedagogical skills; 4. a culture of high expectations and intellectual development for all students; 5. student support services; 6. formative assessments utilizing student data to modify instruction as needed; and exploring mathematics college readiness 21 7. standards developed by secondary and post-secondary educators with exit exams reflecting agreed-upon standards for college readiness. taking higher-level mathematics courses in high school relates positively to student success in initial post-secondary coursework (russell, 2008). a high school curriculum consisting of more rigorous coursework is needed for all students. tracking all students to a college preparatory curriculum has been shown to be particularly effective for minority students and for students formerly classified as low-achievers. in fact, a rigorous course selection has been shown to be more important in student success than either income or education level of parents (act, 2005, 2007; ali & jenkins, 2002; boser & burd, 2009; huebner & corbett, 2008; olson, 2006). a curriculum of demanding courses needs to go beyond the traditional core to span four years of mathematics including courses beyond algebra ii. students taking more advanced courses are the ones who are most likely to be ready for college. advanced mathematics courses are a part of the courses for success that act recommends for all students going into college or the workplace (act, 2004). increasing student requirements to include more advanced mathematics courses necessitates teacher development in content knowledge and pedagogical skills to address new standards (achieve, 2009; conley, 2007). strategies for teaching should include ways to serve a diverse student population and multiple learning styles. support for students in challenging college preparatory courses might be provided in the forms of double class periods for some subjects and through afterschool and summer programs that target those students needing extra help. additionally, customized learning plans based on formative evaluations and individual needs could be generated for at-risk students (achieve, 2005). states are recommended to reevaluate and change teacher licensure requirements to correspond to the more rigorous curriculum that is being promoted. concurrently, post-secondary education needs to make adjustments in teacher preparation programs to produce qualified teachers for current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 22 effective instruction in more advanced course offerings (achieve, 2005; chait & venezia, 2009; spence, 2007). the elements of a strong mathematics program reflect a school culture of high expectations and an environment where all students are given the opportunity to reach their potential. such an environment promotes the success of individual students and serves to narrow achievement gaps among ethnicities and socio-economic groups within the student population (achieve, 2005). a demanding school curriculum immersed in a culture that not only emphasizes content knowledge, but also recognizes the importance of developing key cognitive strategies such as analysis, interpretation, precision, accuracy, problem solving, and reasoning prepares students for success both in post-secondary education and in the workplace (conley, 2007). exploring mathematics college readiness 23 references achieve, inc. 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(2010). the growing need for professional development. retrieved from http://www.nctm.org/resources/content.aspx?id=1632 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1, 2011 28 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain jeffery johnson seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt value of the first days of school field experience for teacher education candidates the value of experiencing the first days of school for preservice teachers sarah c. blackwell and kaye pepper school of education university of mississippi biographical information: sarah c. blackwell is an assistant professor in the department of curriculum and instruction. her research interests focus on teacher preparation, with emphasis on reflective instructional decision making and active participation by preservice teachers in educational settings. kaye pepper is an associate professor in the departments of curriculum and instruction and educational leadership. her primary research interests focus on the use of program evaluation results as an impetus for change and organizational leadership. correspondence should be addressed to: sarah c. blackwell, university of mississippi. guyton 308, university, ms, 38677. phone: (662) 915-5037. fax: (662) 915-6718. email: sblackwe@olemiss.edu abstract quality teacher education programs recognize the importance of field experiences in preparing teacher candidates. a field experience planned during the first days of school is invaluable to the success of a new teacher. the school of education faculty at the university of mississippi took on the challenge of implementing a first days of school field experience which proved to be beneficial to the teacher candidates. the information provided in this article explains the steps involved in implementing the plan, as well as the perceptions of the teacher candidates regarding the experience during the preparation program and later during their first year of teaching. value of the first days of school field experience for teacher education candidates field experience is one of the most common “real world” learning experiences implemented in schools of education across the united states (mcglinn, 2003). teacher education programs recognize the need for candidates to participate in a variety of quality field experiences. teacher education candidates also understand the importance of field experiences. according to guyton and mcintyre (1990), they often tend to believe that field experiences provide the only “real” learning in their teacher education programs. quality field experiences at the beginning of the school year provide candidates with many of the tools they need to be successful and prepare them to start the school year on the positive note their k-12 students deserve (sommers, 2000). probably the most frightening time for beginning teachers is the first day of school. insuring that teacher education candidates have an opportunity to experience the beginning of school prior to having their own classroom is essential. wong (2000) contends that the first day of school is the most important day of the school year because what the teacher does can determine success or failure for the entire year. teacher education candidates and beginning teachers deserve to know how to prepare for this most important time. teacher candidates often have misconceptions about what they believe is involved in beginning a school year (darling-hammond & bransford, 2005). however, first days of school field experiences provide candidates with an opportunity to see how classroom procedures and routines are established and put into motion, how teachers get to know their students and build an understanding of their families and communities, and how prior planning for instruction and procedures enhances classroom management (lepage, darling-hammond, akar, gutierrez, jenkins-gunn, and rosebrock, 2005). candidates better understand the challenges and necessary problem-solving skills inherent in teaching when they have the opportunity to actually experience the first days of school and build on that knowledge through class discussion later in coursework. in addition, these experiences allow them to make connections between the content learned in coursework and real-life experiences in the classroom (darling-hammond, hammerness, grossman, rust, and shulman, 2005). learning to make these connections increases the probability that the theories, concepts, and skills teacher candidates learn in coursework are remembered and used later as they begin their career (bransford, darlinghammond, and lepage, 2005). ross, hughes and hill (2001) acknowledges there are advantages for learning when students are required to connect educational concepts with application observed in school classrooms. they conclude that field experiences, such as the first days of school experience, produce measurable improvement in understanding theory taught in university courses. it is important for teacher education candidates to recognize that reflection and evaluation are as important as having adequate content knowledge and skills for teaching. in addition, they should learn from their teaching so that it continually improves (bransford, darling-hammond, and lepage, 2005). according to moore (2003), field experiences hold great potential for providing candidates with opportunities to practice decision-making. university instructors advise teacher candidates about the instructional situations they encounter in the classroom, yet through reflection candidates analyze classroom situations and practice effective decision-making skills. student teaching is one field experience opportunity in which routine reflection focuses on classroom situations. moore (2003) contends that teacher education programs need to provide opportunities for teacher candidates, their supervisors, and their mentor teachers to examine and discuss the rationale behind decisions prior to student teaching. ingersoll (2003) suggests that understanding the issues beginning teachers face and how university faculty can support them during the initial years of teaching is a proactive measure for maintaining those new to the profession. teacher education programs realize the need to provide field experience opportunities that include preparing for a new school year. the goal of the teacher preparation program is to provide teacher candidates with the experiences necessary to build the complex schema required to be an effective classroom teacher (holing, 1998). in order to help future teachers cope with the challenges and diversity of current schools and classrooms, darling-hammond (2005) recommends participating in more authentic experiences. assisting a classroom teacher prior to the first day of school and on the first day of school offers an excellent authentic experience to reduce candidates’ anxiety and heighten their awareness that teaching is complex and multifaceted. the challenge facing many teacher education programs is deciding how to implement a field experience during the first days of school since the starting dates for the k-12 school year and the starting dates for the university are different. a review of the teacher preparation programs across the nation revealed that some universities offer optional first days of school observation field experiences. in these optional programs, teacher education candidates choose to participate in the first days of school observation or elect to substitute another form of field experience. in areas where the k-12 school year begins after the beginning of the university school calendar, soe programs place candidates in local professional development school (pds) sites near the university. faculty at one university in canada found that placing candidates in pds sites was a very beneficial field experience for their candidates. placing candidates in schools on the opening day not only provides their candidates with insight into what it takes to prepare for the first day of school, but also provides the best possible preparation for the candidates’ own first day as a newly qualified teacher the following year (russell, 1999). after years of discussing the feasibility of implementing a first days of school field experience, the school of education faculty at the university of mississippi (um) took on the challenge of devising a workable plan for implementing a first days of school field experience and were rewarded with very encouraging results. the plan revealed promising effects in better preparing secondary, elementary and special education teacher education candidates for their first teaching job. unlike the optional field experience offered at other universities, the um school of education required all k-12 teacher education candidates entering their senior year to participate in the first days of school field experience. placing candidates in schools typically used for field experience within the teacher preparation program was not an option because the starting dates for k-12 schools and the university did not coincide. the solution was to allow teacher education candidates to complete this field experience at a public or private k-12 school that they found in the area where they were located during the month of august. implementing the plan in this manner makes it a unique and flexible alternative that better accommodates the teacher candidates. method the university of mississippi’s school of education has administered the teacher education program evaluation (tepe) to teacher candidates, university supervisors, clinical instructors and administrators in the cooperating schools for over 15 years. as a result of concerns raised on the tepe and during focus-group interviews held with candidates, the school of education planned and implemented the first days of school field experience with senior teacher education candidates. a review of the research supported this decision. candidates’ reflective journals, written during the field experience opportunity, were analyzed to determine their perceptions of the benefits of working with and observing an experienced teacher as they prepared for the school year. in addition, a follow-up study was conducted with graduates who participated in the initial first days of school field experience during their first year of teaching to determine the effectiveness of this experience. the research questions that guided the study are listed below. 1. what connections did teacher candidates make between university instruction and the k-12 setting in relation to preparing for a new school year? 2. what were first-year teachers’ perceptions as to the value of this experience? 3. what evidence was revealed that assisted in making improvements to the experience? research design a mixed-method research design was utilized to answer the questions posed in this study. incorporating both qualitative and quantitative methods allowed for a more complete understanding of the issue at hand. qualitative research incorporates participants’ own words as they relate their ideas, perceptions, and attitudes about the phenomenon. survey research utilizes quantitative methodology that provides an explanation of the phenomenon through numerical data (gay, mills, & airasian, 2006). sample the participants in this study were 244 elementary, secondary, and special education teacher candidates beginning their senior year at the university of mississippi. the first days of school field experience was required for all teacher education candidates at this stage in their program. participants consisted of one hundred sixty-one elementary teacher education candidates, sixty-five secondary teacher education candidates, and eighteen special education teacher education candidates. procedures university instructors talked with teacher education candidates about the importance of the first days of school and the benefits they would receive from participating in this “event” during the semester prior to their senior year. candidates were given a packet of materials that provided specific guidelines of what they were to observe, assist with, and reflect upon. (see guidelines at the end of this article.) other materials included an informational letter from the dean of the school of education and a form to be completed by the school principal where the field experience would take place. in order to make this field experience possible, teacher education candidates were allowed to assist in a k-12 school convenient to them during the opening of the school year, usually during the first weeks of august. it was their responsibility to contact the principal, provide the letter from the dean, and explain their assignment. the principal was asked to complete the form provided and return it to the school of education. the dean’s office then contacted the principal to thank him/her for providing this important opportunity for our student. the teacher education candidates were required to assist one day prior to the first day of school and on the first day of school. following the field experience, the principal notified the dean’s office verifying that the teacher education candidate completed the field experience requirements. candidates turned in their written responses for each item on the observation guideline sheet when they reported for senior orientation at the beginning of the university school year. guideline criteria included information about the physical environment of the classroom, procedures and routines used on the first day of school, implementation of a classroom management plan, and teacher affect. the reflection component of the guidelines required candidates to explain the rationale for decisions made by the classroom teacher and the implications for impact on student and teacher success. candidates were also asked to explain how their ideas about the first days of school were influenced during the observation. teacher education candidates’ written responses to the observation guidelines were utilized in the classroom management course the following semester during student teaching. the candidates’ knowledge and understanding of the importance of the first days of school were extended by using their written responses as a supplement to the course content. their understanding of classroom management was enhanced through group discussions focused on management issues related to their observations during the first days of school experience. in addition, course instructors discovered that some candidates had much richer experiences than others did. candidates were able to benefit from one another’s experience through the structured discussions facilitated by the instructors. data analysis in the initial stage of this study, student written responses to items on the observation guideline sheet were coded and categorized to identify themes within the responses. the follow-up portion of the study was completed by asking first year teachers who participated in the first days of school field experience to complete a survey to indicate their perceptions of the value of the experience. a percent was calculated for each response choice for each survey item. for the open-ended item, responses were coded and categorized to reveal themes. information for improving the first days of school field experience was generated from results of both the qualitative and quantitative approaches. results analysis of observation guideline written responses valuable information about candidates’ conceptualization of preparing for the first day of school was gathered through the analysis of their written responses. this analysis also provided feedback that assisted the school of education in making changes in the first days of schools field experience that better met the needs of the teacher education candidates. two themes emerged from the written responses: realizations about preparing for the school year and management on the first day of school. theme 1: realizations about preparing for the school year. the teacher education candidates assisted with a variety of tasks before the students reported to school. these tasks included putting up bulletin boards, hanging posters, writing names in textbooks, rearranging desks, and copying educational materials. the review of the written responses also indicated that some candidates were not aware of some important aspects of preparing for the first day of school. special education candidates helped prepare the physical environments of classrooms for students with special needs. in those classrooms, seating arrangements were altered to accommodate students with physical disabilities. a secondary candidate was surprised to discover that by the time she got to her school site, the classroom teacher had already worked for a couple of weeks to prepare the classroom for the first day of school, leaving her little to do. one elementary candidate, who observed in a fourth grade classroom, characterized the day before students arrived as a whirlwind of activity. he admitted being exhausted at the end of the day. these were important aspects of teaching that these students had not considered prior to this experience. although most responses indicated our teacher education candidates were impressed with the organization of the physical environments of the classrooms, one candidate noted that the classroom in which she observed remained very messy, even on the first day of school. she realized that this was not how she intended for her classroom to be. candidates from each program were surprised to discover that some school districts could not equip teachers and students with needed supplies. yet they pointed out that this too was a good learning experience because future teachers need to be prepared to deal with such shortages. teacher education candidates also learned that there is more to the beginning of school than preparing the classroom for students. in addition to duties that helped prepare the classroom, some candidates attended teacher’s meetings. one candidate attended a professional development meeting that presented various teaching strategies for teaching writing. another candidate met with kindergarten teachers to plan lessons for the first two weeks of school. one elementary candidate explained how teachers at her field experience site met to discuss test scores and plan strategies to improve students’ test scores. a teacher’s meeting, attended by one secondary candidate, called attention to the need for school safety and familiarized teachers with ways to recognize potential gang related problems. to her surprise, the principal introduced the school’s police officer. this was certainly a wake-up call. theme 2: realizations about managing a classroom on the first day on the first day of school, most teacher education candidates expressed amazement at how much the teacher had to ‘juggle’ in order to take care of everything. numerous candidates were surprised to learn how many duties teachers were responsible for in addition to teaching. candidates in all three programs indicated that many classroom teachers provided clear expectations for the students by going over the classroom rules and reading the handbook to the students. teacher education candidates expressed uncertainty as to how students would behave and how teachers would react. a candidate observing in a second grade classroom expressed pleasure as she observed her classroom teacher greet each student at the door with a big smile and welcome them into the classroom. one candidate was impressed with how well behaved the students were; while another teacher education candidate was shocked to see a child spanked on the first day of school. experiences like these validated the need for an effective classroom management plan, a topic covered in several of their teacher education courses. numerous teacher education candidates indicated that the first day of school was hectic. one candidate even described it as the most organized chaos he had ever experienced. however, even with the chaos, almost every candidate agreed that the experience had been beneficial. a secondary candidate stated that this chaos revealed another dimension. she pointed out that in previous observation experiences, schools were well into their school year and functioned like well-oiled machines. witnessing this disorderly aspect revealed a surprising side she never knew existed. one special education candidate said that she found it encouraging that the first days of school can be exciting and fun when the teacher is prepared. this field experience seemed to diminish fears of the first day of school. the narratives yielded interesting information concerning how teachers spent their time prior to and on the first day of school. many of the teacher education candidates were surprised by the amount of work required to effectively plan lessons and activities for the beginning days of a new school year. most candidates felt the observation was beneficial to them because they were able to see what happened behind the scenes as teachers prepared for the first day of school. some candidates admitted they were intimidated at first, while others stated they were skeptical of the value of the experience. however, after observing these initial days of school, most of the candidates were grateful to have had this experience and felt more confident to plan for the beginning of the year. follow-up survey results teacher education candidates who participated in the initial first days of school field experience were contacted during the fall of their first year of teaching. a follow-up survey, which consisted of ten likert-type items and one open-ended question, was sent electronically to these graduates. the intent of the survey was to determine the benefits of the experience to the new teachers and to assist university faculty in strengthening the experience for future teacher education candidates. responses to the items on the followup survey ranged from strongly agree, agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, disagree, to strongly disagree. results of the survey are included on table 1: table 1 first year teacher responses to follow-up survey the first days of school observation: strongly agree agree somewhat agree somewhat disagree disagree strongly disagree 1. provided me with an opportunity to assist a classroom teacher in preparing a classroom for the beginning of the school year. 54.5% 27.3% 9.1% 9.1% 2. provided me with an opportunity to assist in a classroom the first day students reported to school. 63.6% 18.2% 9.1% 9.1% 3. was beneficial to my preparation as a classroom teacher. 63.6% 9.1% 9.1% 9.1% 9.1% 4. helped prepare me for my first day of school as a classroom teacher. 54.5% 27.3% 9.1% 9.1% 5. reduced my anxiety about the first day of school. 36.4% 27.3% 18.2% 9.1% 9.1% 6. helped me organize my classroom for the first day of school. 27.3% 18.2% 18.2% 9.1% 27.3% 7. helped me organize materials for the first day of school. 36.4% 36.4% 9.1% 9.1% 9.1% 8. provided me with effective procedural techniques to implement on the first day of school. 36.4% 27.3% 18.2% 9.1% 9.1% 9. enhanced my content knowledge during class discussions in the classroom management class. 18.2% 27.3% 36.4% 9.1% 9.1% 10. should be continued as a required field experience component in the teacher education program. 18.2% 27.3% 36.4% 9.1% 9.1% note. cells that contain a indicate that no response was made for that rating category. although the return rate was low (41%), the survey revealed some interesting results. • overall, respondents were positive about the experience and the majority strongly agreed or agreed that it was beneficial in their preparation of becoming a classroom teacher and in preparing them for the first day of school. the majority also strongly agreed or agreed that the experience provided ideas on procedural techniques to use on the first day of school. • the respondents were not as positive, however, that the experience reduced their anxiety about the first day of school or that the experience helped them organize their own classrooms or materials for the first day of school. • when asked whether the experience strengthened their understanding of the connections between course content and the classroom and whether this experience should continue to be required, only 18.2% of respondents disagreed. to better prepare teacher education candidates for the first days of school, results of the follow-up survey indicated three areas that should receive focus in our teacher education program. the areas were related to reducing anxiety about the first day of school, and providing more guidance on organizing the classroom and instructional materials for the first day of school. teacher education candidates and first-year teachers provided suggestions for improvement on the teacher candidate narratives and on the follow-up survey that would strengthen these areas. these suggestions, described below, are being taken into consideration while planning for future first day of school experiences. teacher candidates felt the experience should last longer than two days; one response indicated that it would be beneficial to remain in the classroom the entire first week of school. other candidates responded that it would be beneficial to meet with the teachers several times throughout the summer as they prepared their classroom and considered lesson plans. the days prior to school starting are hectic for teachers and the candidates did not feel they had adequate time to talk with the teachers and ask questions related to their experience. after experiencing the first days of school as teachers in their own classrooms, first-year teachers indicated they realized much more was involved in starting a new school year. they suggested that spending more than two days in a k-12 school setting would be beneficial to future teacher education candidates. the extra time in the classroom at the beginning of the school year would allow more dialogue with veteran teachers and would involve them in a wider range of beginning of the year experiences. feedback from principals and classroom teachers was also positive. they indicated the extra help at this hectic time of year has been very beneficial to the classroom teacher and students. conclusion as lepage, et. al. (2005) indicated the opportunity to participate in preparation for the first day of school is an invaluable experience for teacher education candidates. being a part of this allows them to acquire knowledge about procedures and routines that should be in place; about planning for instruction and classroom management; and learning about the community, the students, and their families. findings from the study conducted at the university of mississippi support these ideas and indicate the need for the program to add more time to the first days of school experience to address teacher candidate concerns related to anxiety and preparation for the beginning of school. the results also provide information about the transfer of learning teacher candidates made between the university course content and the k-12 classroom that later became useful in their first year of teaching. allowing teacher candidates to observe and assist in-service teachers as they prepare for the beginning of the school year heightened candidates’ awareness of what was involved. providing a predetermined list of items on which candidates focus during the experience and use as they reflected on the time spent in the classroom proved very beneficial to their understanding of the importance of establishing a positive k-12 environment. as a follow-up activity, these candidates were surveyed during their first year of teaching to determine the value of the first days of school field experience and to provide suggestions of ways the experience may be improved. improvements to the field experience for future teacher education candidates were based on the reflections and the suggestions for improvement provided by the participants. the initial first days of school field experience plan used at the university of mississippi shows promise for programs searching for a plan that will allow their teacher education candidates to spend time in the k-12 setting at the beginning of the school year. however, each teacher preparation program must consider their own circumstances when developing a plan to meet the needs of the future teachers in their education preparation programs. if scheduling a field experience for teacher candidates during the first days of school is not possible because of time constraints, the use of video clips, interactive videos, or other electronic means could be an alternative. this opportunity will be beneficial to teacher candidates however it is structured. references bransford, j., darling-hammond, l., & lepage, p. (2005). introduction. in l. darlinghammond and j. bransford (eds.). preparing teachers for a changing world: what teachers should learn and be able to do (pp. (1-39). san francisco: josseybass. darling-hammond, l. (2006). powerful teacher education: lessons from exemplary programs. san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. darling-hammond, l., hammerness, k., grossman, p., rust, f., and shulman, l. (2005). the design of teacher education programs. in l. darling-hammond and j. bransford (eds.). preparing teachers for a changing world: what teachers should learn and be able to do (pp. 390-441). san francisco: jossey-bass. gay, l.r., mills, g. e. and airasian, p. (2006) educational research: competencies for analysis and application (8th ed.). upper saddle river, nj: pearson. guyton, e., & mcintyre, d. j. (1990). student teaching and school experiences. in w. r. houston (ed.) handbook of research on teacher education (pp 514-535). new york: macmillan. hammerness, k., darling-hammond, l., bransford, j. (2005). how teachers learn and develop. in l. darling-hammond and j. bransford (eds.). preparing teachers for a changing world: what teachers should learn and be able to do (pp. 358-389). san francisco: jossey-bass. lepage, p., darling-hammond, l., akar, h., gutierrez, c., jenkins-gunn, e., & rosebrock, k. (2005). classroom management. in l. darling-hammond and j. bransford (eds.). preparing teachers for a changing world: what teachers should learn and be able to do (pp. 327 357). san francisco: jossey-bass. moore, r. (2003). reexamining the field experiences of teacher education candidates. journal of teacher education, 54 (1), 31-42. ingersoll, r.m. (2003). the teacher shortage: myth or reality? educational horizons, 81(3), 146-152. mcglinn, j. (2003). the impact of experiential learning on student teachers. clearing house,76 (3), 143-148. ross, s., hughes, t., & hill, r. (2001). field experiences as meaningful contexts for learning about learning. journal of educational research, 75 (2), 103107. russell, t. (1999). the challenge of change in teacher education. journal of teacher education, 45, 86-95. sommers, r.c. (2000). learning to set the stage. washington, d.c. (eric document no. ed 468 427). wong, h.k., & wong, r.t. (2000). the first days of school. sunnyvale, ca: harry k. wong publications. first days of school observation guidelines teacher education candidate: grade: program: elementary secondary special education district school: principal classroom teacher part 1: respond to the following in narrative form based on your first of the school year two-day observations. • what preparations were made by the classroom teacher prior to the students’ first day? • how did students enter the class, and how/where were they seated? • describe the room environment (e.g., posters, bulletin boards, teacher table, etc.) • what was the desk/table arrangement? provide a brief description and attach a detailed diagram. • were there posted/written objectives or daily agenda? if so, describe: • were there posted classroom/school rules? if so, describe. if not, how were the students informed of the rules? • how were textbooks and other materials they distributed? • what was the routine for dismissal (bell or other)? • describe the teacher’s effect (e.g., tone, smiling, friendly, strict, humorous, etc.) part 2: reflection of observation experience • what procedure and routines did the teacher introduce on the first day that will clearly be used all year long? • what did the students learn on their first day of class about behavior expectations from the teacher? what did the teacher do (both implicitly and explicitly) to teach the students about his/her behavior expectations? • what did you find surprising or unexpected about your observations? how have your ideas about the first days of school been influenced by this observation?  teacher education candidates will turn in the completed computer generated narrative at the beginning of the next school year at the senior orientation. microsoft word 807-4235-4-le.doc twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 1 volume 15, number 3 october 5, 2012 issn 1099-839x twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources abigail l. larrison,ab alan j. daly,a and carol vanvoorenb university of california, san diegoa california state university, san marcosb as the number of public waldorf schools operating in the u.s. continues to grow, there is a need to examine the effectiveness of this approach in the public sector. this empirical study provides a beginning look at available quantitative and qualitative extant data on public waldorf schools obtained from state and national websites. available data included standardized tests and parent comment boards hosted by the independent source, greatschools.org. public waldorf schools were compared to their district standardized test scores in reading and math as well as matched comparison schools. test score results suggested the waldorf experience provided a slower academic build-up resulting in poorer test scores in the lower grades followed by higher levels of advanced performance in the 8th grade. quantitative content analysis of parent comments supported the idea that public waldorf is indeed a more holistic approach with greater emphasis on the arts, community and developmentally appropriate practice. findings suggest standard measures of school quality may midjudge the effectiveness of holistic education particularly with regards to academics. challenges for successfully bringing holistic education into the current cultural-political climate are discussed. keywords: charter schools, holistic education, steiner, testing, waldorf it has been more than two decades since the first public waldorf methods school opened its doors in the high poverty urban area of milwaukee, wi. the milwaukee urban waldorf elementary school created in 1991 was an immediate success, increasing grade level reading scores from 26% to 63% in just three years (mcdermott et al., 1996). since that time, the number of public waldorf methods schools has continued to grow across the united states, with more than half operating in the state of california. although waldorf has predominantly existed in the private sector and has been called a “special philosophy for special children” (see oberman, 2008, p. 10), on its inception waldorf was intended to meet the needs of all types of students. in speaking to teachers, rudolf steiner described the aims of the school as, “a school for all classes” with the aim of taking into “account of what is universally human.” he goes on to say, “in the waldorf school what is considered is the educational principles and no difference is made in their application between a child of the proletariat and a child of the ex-kaiser” (steiner, 1922/1947, lecture 4). steiner also made specific recommendations as to how the school must adapt to fit sufficiently well within the existing structures of traditional schools. this running in parallel with the traditional schools was both strategic and practical as steiner stated: this arrangement to run parallel with the organization of ordinary schools was an current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 2 endeavor to accord our own intentions and convictions with things as they are, to make a certain harmony. for there is nothing unpractical about the waldorf school, on the contrary, on every point [waldorf education] aims at realizing things which have a practical application to life. (steiner, 1922/1947, lecture 4) nonetheless, waldorf schools in today’s modern public educational milieu face unique challenges when operating within the policy structure of standards driven high stakes testing. the difficulty of this endeavor is highlighted by the recent closing of the milwaukee urban school. hence, research on the potential of waldorf to provide a holistic experience for public school children is critical if we are to protect this approach from the encroachment of rigid policies misaligned with developmental and holistic pedagogies (nichols & berliner, 2007; ravitch, 2010). waldorf is not an add-on program to a traditional approach; rather it is structurally and functionally different from conventional public education. it is not a free school where students can decide whether to attend class or not, and it is not a democratic school where students vote on coursework and other aspects of running the school. waldorf education follows a learner-centered pedagogy within a specific curricular framework including content suffused with texts from mythology and classical literature (ogletree, 1975). the order of the curriculum across grades is set to accord with the developmental and psychological challenges of each specific age range. teachers are trained to appreciate these specific challenges and utilize meditative practice to fully understand and meet the needs of each student in his/her classroom (woods, ashley, & woods, 2005). steiner describes his approach as being “based on educational theories founded on a real knowledge of the growing, developing human being” (steiner, 1971, p. 15). the waldorf curriculum moves through learning first by engaging students’ motor/action systems, then students’ emotions and finally engaging students’ knowledge and skill base; this is referred popularly to teaching to the head, heart and hand (steiner, 1919/1997). perhaps the most significant difference between waldorf and conventional education is the structure of the school day. rather than switching from class to class in 50 minutes blocks, the students engage in what is called the main lesson presented at the beginning of the school day while the afternoon is spent entirely in what some schools would be considered electives: second languages, drama, painting, movement, music, and handwork. the main lesson contains the core of the academic content and is fully integrated across disciplines. for example, when the students in 7th grade study the renaissance, the main lesson includes content from history, math, science and art from that time. discussions of the major figures of the time are presented as historical narratives within which cross discipline content is presented via the major discoveries of those historical figures. so for example, learning about leonardo da vinci, students might hear how he was commissioned to draw images for the mathematician luca pacioli. from there the discussion of the mathematical concepts of the golden ratio could be followed by student created geometrical constructions as well as perspective drawing. across the grades, the main lesson content follows logically and/or historically so that each year provides the foundation for the following years of schooling. in this way students are able to have significant context allowing for greater ability for meaning making, something that is well recognized in the brain sciences as critical for learning (tokuhamaespinosa, 2011). all basic content is addressed through the main lesson, and the subject is presented for several weeks during which students prepare a high quality product called the main lesson book. general themes and sequencing of content are defined by the waldorf curriculum, however, the details and specific focus is left to the teacher’s discretion, and can be based on the interests of the students. completely original content is added to meet the specific needs and interests of the community as steiner was clear that waldorf education must be responsive to the space and time in which it would be enacted (steiner, 1919/1966). other central aspects of traditional waldorf include: (1) the integration of the arts into all subjects, (2) a slower, more developmental approach to academics, (3) looping of students with a single main lesson teacher, (4) block scheduling in which two hours a day are spent on a single subject for several weeks, (5) two second languages starting in first grade, and (6) no text books or standardized testing (ogletree, 1975). modern day waldorf schools also have rules regarding exposure to media. the incorporation of technology is delayed, with some schools not introducing computers until high school. public waldorf schools attempt to maintain as much of this framework as possible, but of course must also follow the requirements of public schools, including the administration of standardized tests. the empirical research on waldorf education is surprisingly limited given its nearly 100 year history. however, the available studies suggest a positive impact of waldorf on a number of cognitive and social outcome measures. these outcomes are aligned with some of the more recent initiatives in education to promote greater creativity and critical thinking in students (partnership for 21 century skills, 2008; bellanca & brandt, 2010). waldorf has been shown to be associated with greater creativity (ogletree, 1971), critical thinking (gidley, 1998; mitchell & gerwin, 2007) and potential for engagement as global citizens (dahlin, 2010; oberman, 2008). research suggests that students attending waldorf schools show more mature social and moral impulses twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 3 (armon, 1997; dahlin, 2010; rivers & soutter, 1996) as well as better social skills (payne, river-bento, & skillings, 2002) and a reduction in bullying of peers (rivers & soutter, 1996). further, studies indicate that waldorf students value lasting relationships and helping others (mitchell & gerwin, 2007) and have a tendency to have more long term friendships (oberman, 2007). research findings on the academic outcomes of waldorf students are scarcer. oppenheimer (1999) reported that waldorf graduates’ sat scores are well above the national average; however these findings are confounded by the fact that most waldorf schools are private, and that parents tend to be well-educated and financially stable. studies in public waldorf schools, although limited, indicate a positive impact of waldorf on academic achievement (oberman, 2008; schieffer & busse, 2001). schieffer and busse (2001) compared achievement scores on national assessments of 4th graders in the urban waldorf school to scores in a neighboring school with a similar demographic profile. overall there were a greater number of students achieving higher levels of performance in the waldorf schools. oberman (2007) examined not just overall test scores, but the interaction of performance and grade level. overall, test scores were significantly lower for waldorf students; however, this effect was isolated to the early grades. the significantly lower second grade test-scores in her sample were replaced by superior scores by the 8th grade waldorf students, and these standardized test scores were on par with the top ten peer-alike public schools in the state (oberman, 2007/2008). in an article examining parent and teacher’s perceptions on the outcomes of waldorf on students, smith (1998) reported that parents felt that waldorf education developed artistic abilities and appreciation of nature in students as well as imagination, intuitive abilities, and a strong sense of self. there was also a belief that waldorf contributed to academic and intellectual skills and, although less frequently cited, a responsibility to the local and global community and spiritual awareness. the study by smith (1998) was performed in private schools. parent perceptions of public waldorf schools have not been formally examined, and hence this research addresses this gap in the literature by examining parent’s self-reported perceptions of their experiences with waldorf using available online data. in their extensive report on waldorf schools in the uk, woods, ashley, and woods (2005) point to the fact that: no research was found on steiner schools entering the public sector, nor on the process and outcomes of mutual sharing of practices between steiner and mainstream schools. both of these topics would benefit from systematic investigation, through action research and other methods. (p. 6) although the number of waldorf schools in the public sector continues to grow, the dearth of literature continues. beyond the need to examine waldorf in particular, there is a noteworthy value in determining how holistic approaches are faring in the current context of high stakes testing. by examining the ways in which waldorf schools are performing under the constraints and structure of public education, we can begin to identify the issues facing holistic and alternative approaches in general as they are implemented under the current standards driven model of education. this study compared standardized test measures of public waldorf schools using three different data sets. data set a examined national public waldorf schools against district standardized test scores for the year 2008, data set b examined performance on standardized testing and reporting (star) for california public waldorf schools for the year 2009, and data set c examined longitudinal performance on the star for california public waldorf schools from the years 20052011. in addition to examining quantitative test scores, this study looked at open-ended school comments posted from the parents, teachers, and students obtained from the third-party resource greatschools.org. content analysis of parent comments from waldorf schools were examined for multiple themes including issues surrounding holistic education. the current challenges and successes of waldorf schools can be connected with greater emerging trends and issues being faced nationally. becoming aware of how alternative approaches perform might help guide practice to meet the concerns and issues of communities working towards greater holism in their local public schools. methods school selection all public waldorf schools in the united states were considered for use in our study. a list of public waldorf schools were obtained from the waldorf answer website (http://www.waldorfanswers.com/ publicwaldorf .htm#list) and from oberman (2007) producing an initial sample of 34. schools were selected from the list given they met the criteria outlined in table 1. the exclusion of schools that had been in operation for less than five years acted to assure the student had had a minimal number of years participating in the waldorf curriculum. the initial exclusion criteria for data set a were also applied to the two following data sets, but were expanded to exclude schools outside of california. this was done so that differences and variability caused by the comparison of multiple state standardized tests would be eliminated. for data set a, standardized test scores in reading and math by public waldorf schools were compared to the district averages. twenty waldorf current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 4 table 1 school exclusion criteria data set a – 2008 national waldorf data set b – 2009 california waldorf data set c – 2005-2011 ca. waldorf longitudinal charter less than 5 years (n=2) non-california schools no available data from 2005/20062010/2011 court ordered/alternative schools (n=1) same as data set a same as data set b grade range less than 6th grade (n=8) unavailable test scores (n=3) table 2 school selection criteria quantitative data sets data set a data set b data set c waldorf schools all national waldorf public schools (n=20) ca waldorf public schools (n=15) ca waldorf public schools (n=11) control/comparison schools district averages (n=20) matched in district for ses & % minority (n=20) highest-performing k-8th schools in ca (n=11) data sources www.greatschools.org www.schoolmatters.com california department of education http://star.cde.ca.gov/ california department of education http://star.cde.ca.gov/ dates collected 11/2009-2/2010 4/2010 2/2011-8/2011 schools were used for this data set, and were compared to their 20 district scores. data sets b and c examined california waldorf schools matched to comparison schools according to appropriate criteria (see table 2). data set b comparison schools were selected from the same districts and matched for socioeconomic status (ses) and percent of minority groups with known achievement gaps, i.e. african american and hispanic. fifteen waldorf schools were compared to twenty comparison schools. this was because only ten of the comparison schools provided a full k-8 education. the remaining matches represented separate elementary and middle schools, each matched for demographics. for data set c, the longitudinal study, because it used a within-subjects design, there was a greater requirement for matching schools with continuous enrollment of their student body from 2nd – 8th grade. eleven waldorf schools met this criteria, and eleven schools with k-8 education were matched. the reduced number of available schools meeting the criteria of k-8th and data available from 2005-2011 made it not possible to match across every demographic variable or to maintain cohesion within the district. for data set c, rather than matching schools for demographic variables, comparison schools were selected based on performance. the schools with the highest performance ratings according to the greatschools.org rating system were selected as our final eleven matches (see appendix ii). school selection, qualitative data set qualitative data were collected from the greatschools.org website from may to june 2011. all waldorf public schools for which parent comments were available were utilized in the qualitative data analysis, resulting in a total of 23 schools (see appendix i for list). comparison schools represented all of the matched schools utilized across the quantitative data analyses for which parent comments were available on the greatschools.org website. all of the 26 comparison twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 5 schools used from data set b and data set c had parent comments available for analysis (see appendix ii). data analysis –quantitative data anovas. for data set a and b reading and math score data were submitted to individual between subject anovas where group (comparison, waldorf) and grade (2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th) represented the two between factors. any significant interactions were further submitted to a post-hoc fisher lsd. for data set c, data were submitted to repeated measures within and between factor anovas where the between factor was group (comparison, waldorf) and the within factor was year (2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011). treatment of missing data. there were several missing values in all three of the data sets. for data set a there were the following missing data values: 7th grade reading (2 schools), 7th grade math (3 schools), 8th grade reading (5 schools), 8th grade math (7 schools). there was also no 2nd grade test score data in several schools since nclb does not require 2nd grade testing. data from the following states did not provide 2nd grade scores: arizona (n=3), oregon (n=1), alaska (n=1) or wisconsin (n=1). no attempt was made to replace or estimate missing values in these cases. however, a missing value for a waldorf school resulted in the elimination of the district score for that school so that scores were paired with their comparison districts only. thre greater number of missing values for math was due to the use of alternative testing in the algebra subtest in 8th grade. for this reason, data sets b and c excluded 8th grade math scores. for data set b there were the following missing data values: 7th grade reading and math (2 schools), 8th grade reading (4 schools) making the group totals (n=13 and n=11, respectively). only five out of the 15 schools provided general math scores for the 8th grade, as mentioned previously, due to school alternate assessment of algebra; therefore, 8th grade math scores were excluded from both this data set and data set c. missing values from comparison schools were eliminated when no comparison values from waldorf schools were available. no attempt was made to replace or estimate missing values. for data set c, the use of repeated measures, made it necessary to replace missing values with appropriate estimates. there were three missing data points: two from year 2005 and one from 2011. the estimated values for these missing data points were determined by taking the mean difference between the missing year, and adding it to the closest available year. so the for example, the mean difference between 2005 and 2006 for waldorf schools was -8, so taking the 2006 score and subtracting 8 provided the estimate. there were no missing values from matched comparison schools. estimated values were required in order to run the repeated measures anova, however, to verify that these estimated values did not impact the overall performance scores, t-test values of year-by-year differences were run, demonstrating that no changes the data output were seen when the estimated values were removed. qualitative data analysis-content analysis first coding: emergent themes. in the first stage of coding we examined 606 comments from 23 public waldorf schools. these comments were coded by hand using in vivo and descriptive coding techniques (saldana, 2009). hand coding was performed by the first author and results were discussed with the other authors. coded comments were assigned, based on these discussions, into three groups: (1) parent school relationships, which corresponded to the codes of: community, parent involvement, teachers, leadership; (2) academic core: second languages, academics, curriculum; and (3) whole child education: 21st century skills, art and music, holistic education, developmentally appropriate practice (dap), love of learning, world citizens. each code from these three emergent themes was then utilized for the second coding procedure. although there are the opportunities for teachers, students, administrators, and other community members to submit comments on the greatschools.org site, our data showed that approximately 97% of the comments were from parents (also including the very few comments by grandparents or other direct relatives or guardians of the students). non-parent/guardian comments consisted of less than 1% of comments from teachers, and slightly less than 2% from students or former students. because of the low numbers of comments from other sources than parents we refer to the analyses as parent comments and no effort was made to distinguish between comments from any of the subgroups during the frequency and subsequently autocoding process. second coding: autocoding procedure. autocoding is an approach to content analysis that acts to minimize subjectivity. the use of predetermined keywords allowed for examination of patterns of responses in waldorf schools compared to non-waldorf schools. the same 606 responses from the 23 waldorf schools used in the first coding were compared to the 1013 comments posted for the 26 comparison schools. there was a higher average number of responses for comparison versus waldorf schools (mean= 39, 26 respectively) however, median values for comments were fewer for comparison versus waldorf schools (median= 11, 17 respectively). each school was entered as a separate case into hyperresearch™ qda software and was coded using key terms relating to our selected themes (see appendix iii). the autocodes were checked for accurate correspondence with the theme before being included in the final counts. the frequencies counts were then changed to percents and compared for pattern in responses using an exploratory factor analysis. as with current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 6 our first hand-coding procedure, each of the parents’ comments was separated into positive and negative statements. patterns of responding across positive and negative comments were submitted to separate independent-samples t-tests with school type as the grouping variable. results data set a – 2008 scores there were several significant differences between waldorf student performance compared to their district scores in both reading and math. for reading, there was no significant difference for group, f(1,240) = 1.13. however, there was a significant effect of grade f(6,240) = 13.93, p<0.0001, as well as a group x grade interaction, f(6,240) = 4.65, p<0.001 (fig. 1a). this effect was due to an increase in reading scores progressing from the lowest to the higher grades in waldorf-based curriculums. fischer lsd post-hoc analysis revealed significant differences for group at second grade (p<0.01), where waldorf methods showed significantly poorer test scores than their matched districts. there were no significant fisher test values for 3rd, 4th or 5th grades. for 6th, 7th and 8th grade, however, waldorf students significantly outperformed district comparisons (p<0.05 and p<0.01 respectively). for math scores, unlike reading, there was a significant main effect of group, f(1,240) = 9.47, p<0.01, but there was no significant main effect of grade. similar to reading, there was a significant interaction between group and grade, f(6,240) = 2.53, p<0.05, (see fig. 1b). fisher lsd post-hoc analyses revealed significant differences between waldorf and district scores at 3rd grade (p<0.01). this was due to poorer performance by waldorf students at this grade level. no significant differences were noted at any other grade level. data from our first analysis were taken from nationwide public waldorf programs compared to their district scores. some concerns over the validity of these comparisons, specifically regarding use of multiple state measures and comparing average district scores with individual waldorf schools, needed to be addressed. a second set of data was collected to address these issues. the criteria for the second data set are outlined above (see table 2). data set b – 2009 scores waldorf schools in california matched to nonwaldorf schools in the same or neighboring districts figure 1. waldorf curriculum was associated with poor initial performance in the early grades in reading (1a) and math (1b) this effect was reversed in the higher grades. (error bars = sem). twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 7 table 3 demographic information from waldorf schools in california and matched comparisons waldorf n=15 comparison n=20 class size % ses parent education % minority teacher credentials waldorf 23.4 19.9 3.93 11 89.8* comparison 25.4 20.7 3.76 15.4 98.7 (* = p<0.05)(parent education 1= did not grad hs; 5=completed graduate school, % minority = %hispanic+%african american) figure 2. waldorf school scores compared to comparison schools matched for ses. scores are presented as those students performing at or above the proficient level (2a., 2c) and those performing at the advanced level (2b, 2d). waldorf students performed more poorly in early grades, but these differences were no longer present in the upper grades. (error bars = sem). current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 8 showed similar demographic profiles (see table 3) five out of the 15 matches were taken from separate elementary and middle schools, the other 10 matches provided k-8th education. demographic data were submitted to separate individual t-tests and showed no significant differences between waldorf and matched non-waldorf schools on any of the demographic measures, except teacher credentialing, where waldorf schools were associated with fewer credentialed teachers p<0.05. anova analysis the california department of education website breaks down performance not only by percent proficient or above, but into five levels: far below, below, basic, proficient, and advanced. we compared performance across schools by comparing percent proficiency and above (proficient + advanced scores) as well as looking at students who were in the advanced range for both math and reading. there were several significant differences between waldorf school scores and district scores in both reading and math. for reading, there was a significant difference for group for both those scoring above proficient, as well as for percent advanced only, f(1,198) = 15.4, p<0.001; f(1,198). =6.7, p<0.01, respectively. there was also a significant group x grade interaction for both proficient, f(6,198) = 12.2, p<0.001 (fig 2a) and advanced scores, f(6,198) = 4.0, p<0.001 (fig. 2b). this effect was due to poorer performance in reading and math in early grades shifting to better performance higher grades in waldorf schools. fisher lsd post-hoc analysis revealed significant differences between groups at second and third grade (p<0.01), for students above proficiency (advanced + proficient) and for second grade and third grade (p<0.01, p<0.05 respectively) for students in advanced proficiency. although not significant, there was a trend towards significance for 8th grade reading scores in the advanced range, (p=0.08). this was due to higher percentages of waldorf students scoring in the advanced range by 8th grade. for math scores, there was a significant main effect for group and a group x grade interaction both for students’ scoring above basic, as well as those scoring in the advanced range f(1,188) = 18.7, p<0.001; f(1,188). =26.9, p<0.001, f(6,188) = 5.7, p<0.001 (fig 2c), f(6,188) = 4.7, p<0.001 (fig. 2d). fisher lsd post-hoc analysis revealed significant differences between groups in second through fifth grades for students above basic (advanced + proficient) and for students in advanced proficiency. this effect was no longer significant in 6th through 8th grade. data set c – 2005 to 2011 waldorf schools are unique in their continuity of education. more than simply remaining in the same school through the elementary and middle school years, the students and teacher in waldorf are intentionally kept together through the practice of looping; i.e. instruction by a single main lesson teacher from grade one to grade eight. data from our previous analyses indicated improved test scores of students in the higher grades. however, examining cross-sectional data from a single testing year limits the assumptions regarding the growth of those same students. in order to address whether individual classes of students would demonstrate the same pattern of performance as our cross-sectional data, test scores of waldorf school classes from grades two to grade eight corresponding to the academic school years of 20052011 were submitted to repeated measures within subject anovas. grade eight data for mathematics were excluded based on the loss of subjects in that year due to the high number of schools opting to take the algebra portion of the math exam rather than the general math exam for eighth grade. performance of waldorf students from california schools were compared to schools matched for continuity of grade (i.e. combined elementary and middle school program) and the availability of test scores from 2005-2011. because of the limited number of schools meeting these criteria, it was not possible to match on all variables known to affect standardized test scores (see table 4). comparison schools were chosen based on the nationally recognized greatschools.org table 4 demographic information from 2010 for waldorf and comparison schools included in the longitudinal analysis waldorf ( n=11) comparison ( n=11) charter school class size ses parent education minority teacher credentials parents’ school rating great school rating waldorf 9 22.1 18.8 3.83 13.1 92.9 4.36 5.82 comparison 8 22.2 19.4 3.55 32.9* 95.2 4.09 7.45* (*p<0.01) (parent rating, 1=poor, 5=excellent) (greatschool rating, 1=low, 10=high) twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 9 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!reading!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!math! 3a.!students!above!basic! 3c.!students!below!basic! 3b.!students!advanced! 0! 10! 20! 30! 40! 50! 60! 70! 2005! 2006! 2007! 2008! 2009! 2010! 2011! pe rc en t'o f's tu de nt s' cont! wald! 0! 10! 20! 30! 40! 50! 2005! 2006! 2007! 2008! 2009! 2010! 0! 10! 20! 30! 40! 50! 60! 2005! 2006! 2007! 2008! 2009! 2010! 2011! pe rc en t'o f's tu de nt s' cont! wald! 10! 20! 30! 40! 50! 2005! 2006! 2007! 2008! 2009! 2010! 0! 10! 20! 30! 40! 50! 60! 70! 80! 90! 2005! 2006! 2007! 2008! 2009! 2010! 2011! pe rc en t'o f's tu de nt s' cont! wald! 10! 20! 30! 40! 50! 60! 70! 80! 90! 2005! 2006! 2007! 2008! 2009! 2010! figure 3a-c. reading and math scores (column 1 &2 respectively) for california public waldorf schools compared to high performing california k-8 schools. waldorf students scored poorer in the early grades, but show significant improvement in the later grades (error bars = sem). current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 10 table 5 t-test post-hoc analyses of waldorf and non-waldorf schools* reading – t-tests & p values t-test p-values 2nd grade 3rd grade 4th grade 5th grade 6th grade 7th grade 8th grade above basic -4.53 -1.82 -1.16 .38 .06 .42 2.02 .00 .08 .26 .71 .95 .68 .06 advanced -5.23 -1.27 -.14 .84 .27 2.22 1.99 .00 .22 .89 .41 .79 .04 .06 below basic 5.25 2.38 1.75 1.29 1.19 -.70 -.33 .00 .03 .10 .21 .25 .49 .74 math – t-tests & p values 2nd grade 3rd grade 4th grade 5th grade 6th grade 7th grade above basic -2.94 -3.42 -2.86 -1.77 -.69 1.58 .01 .00 .01 .09 .50 .13 advanced -4.24 -3.21 -2.70 -1.16 -.32 1.75 .00 .00 .01 .26 .75 .10 below basic 2.78 3.37 2.81 2.14 1.52 -.63 .01 .00 .01 .05 .14 .53 note. * data corresponds to fig 3a-c. darker blue indicates significantly poorer performance by waldorf students, while darker orange indicates significantly better performance. lighter blue indicates performance trending towards significantly poorer performance, while lighter orange indicates performance trending toward significantly better performance. (above basic = proficient + advanced; below basic = below + far below basic) rating system score. this score is based on a number of performance variables (http://www.greatschools.org/finda-school/defining-your-ideal/2423-ratings.gs). in addition, the greatschools.org site provides the opportunity for parents to rate their own school. notably, the greatschools.org performance measure was significantly higher in our selected schools, suggesting that the schools selected for comparison were “better” schools. however, there was no difference between parent ratings on their satisfaction with the school. there was no significant difference in the ses measure between our groups. however, there was a significantly greater number of african american and/or latino minorities in our comparison schools. although previous research has shown a relationship between minority students and standardized test performance, correlational analysis between percent minority and students scoring proficient or above in our sample did not indicate a negative impact of percent minority. on the contrary, using a pearson’s bivariate correlation, california standardized test (cst) performance measures were positively correlated with increasing percent minority, these included reading scores for 2005, r(20)= 0.514, p<05; and math scores for 2007, r(20) = 0.575, p<0.01. this reflects the nature of the schools that were selected for comparison, of which many utilized unique approaches to teaching, i.e. international schools, open classroom, positive discipline, project based learning (see appendix ii). anova analysis. for the test score longitudinal data analysis we performed separate mixed between and within factor anovas for the following four categories: basic level, above basic (proficient + advanced), below basic (below basic + far below basic), and advanced. there were no group main effects or group interactions on the percent of students achieving basic level performance, and therefore basic scores were not included in any other of the analyses. the findings from the remaining three categories were as follows. for reading scores above basic (i.e. proficient and above), there was a main effect of time, f(6,15)=71.6, p<0.0005, but no main effect of group. this was also true for those scoring in advanced only f(6,15)=54.7, p<0.0005. there was also a significant group x time interaction for both above basic f(6,15)=12.7, p<0.0005, and advanced only f(6,15)=8.59, p<0.0005. this was the result of increasing numbers of students in waldorf twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 11 education achieving higher levels of proficiency by later grades compared to no change seen in comparison students. in math there was no main effect for either group or time, for above basic and advanced only. however, there was a significant interaction, between group x time for both above basic f(5,16)=7.89, p<0.0005 and advanced f(5,16)=7.89, p<0.0005. this was due to increasing scores in later grades for waldorf students, while matched schools declined in their average scores (fig 3a, 3b). for scores below basic the trend was reversed. reading and math showed main effects for group (p<0.005; p<0.05, respectively) and time (ps < 0.0005). in addition, both reading and math scores below and far below basic resulted in significant interactions for group x time f(6,15)=14.8, p<0.0005; f(5,16)=4.04, p<0.01 (figure 1c). post hoc analysis: independent samples ttests. the initial repeated measures anova was significant for group x time for above basic, advanced and for below basic. in order to examine which of the grade levels differed between our groups we examined differences at each time point using independent sample t-tests (table 5). there were several significant differences between our two groups in the early grades. all of the performance levels for reading and math show significantly poorer performance by waldorf students in 2nd grade (ps < 0.01). by the 6th grade waldorf students were no longer performing more poorly than matched schools, and for advanced students by 7th grade there was a significant difference in performance in reading, and a trend towards better performance in math (p<0.05, p<0.10, respectively). in 8th grade, both those scoring above basic and in advanced range in reading showed a trend towards better performance than non-waldorf students (p<0.10). qualitative data results first coding. the first coding of the parent comments utilized waldorf school data only. this first coding sequence segregated positive and negative comments, an approach supported by quantitative content analysis using frequency coding (saldana, 2009; weber, 1990). by far the majority of the comments were positive, with the emotional tones of enthusiasm, gratitude, appreciation, ownership, and pride. approximately 10% of the codes were negative, and these had the tones of warning, insulting, sarcasm, disappointment and anger. once positive and negative comments were separated, differences in code frequencies between the positive and negative codes provided a look at tendencies within the data. the frequency of the more common hand-codes is presented in order (table 6). many of the codes corresponded to the central elements of waldorf education. parents appreciated the arts integration, music and handwork along with second language starting in the early grades and continuing throughout the child’s education. in reference to the waldorf approach, parents particularly liked the holistic model, and cited frequently the attention to “head, heart and hand” (steiner, 1919/1971). positive comments included an appreciation for the slow build-up to academics and the use of play in the early childhood without formally teaching reading until later. in fact there were positive comments for almost all of the aspects central to waldorf (see ogletree, 1975). although the data are rich, it is beyond the scope of this paper to go into too much depth. here we report specifically on the most common themes that could provide indicators as to how waldorf schools in the public sector are being received by parents. for the first coding, i.e. hand-coded waldorf school data, the most common code was teachers. parents referred to teachers as caring, committed, dedicated, aware, knowledgeable, and doubly-credentialed. teachers were seen as being sensitive and responsive to their child and respecting individual differences. not all teacher comments were positive. negative posts were more varied and mentioned several problems including: communication, flakiness, cold, cliquish attitudes, aggressive behavior towards their child, and brushing off parents. one aspect of the teacher-student relationship that was specific to waldorf spoke to the difficulty of successfully “looping” with the child given factors such as teacher attrition and inconsistent teacher quality. by some, getting a good teacher was considered the luck of the draw and was deemed critically important in the quality of the education. negative comments surrounding disciplinary issues, with parents mentioning lack of teacher control of the class and/or parent led classrooms. several comments mentioned bullying as a problem with a lack of intervention or taking of responsibility. this was more frequently cited as a leadership problem than the fault of the teachers. besides art, the most common positive theme was community. waldorf parents described the community as warm, welcoming, loving, nurturing, supportive, diverse, open-minded, dynamic, active, magic, and rare in comparison to traditional public education. community was often associated with parent involvement and a sense of ownership towards the school. there was mention of the participation in festivals and school performances. the community was compared to a family and thought to foster sensitivity and respect for others. many of the parents reported with enthusiasm how much their children loved school and felt this was the beginning of life-long learning. there was great enthusiasm from many parents that this education was free, and that their children were obtaining a private school experience in a public school. although parent involvement was a decidedly positive theme, there were some negative comments current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 12 associated with involvement. these related to parents feeling they were being used as piggy banks, and serving mandatory volunteer hours, especially for single, working parents. parents reported feeling unappreciated and that their voice was not heard or that they were not allowed in the classroom. on the other-hand, parent involvement was also seen as negative when it seemed pervasive. several comments mentioned parents dictating classroom activities and teachers not being in control. one comment suggested that certain parents, referred to as “waldorfites”, controlled the school. along those lines there were a few extreme comments of waldorf as being a cult, having a secretive feel, or that there was a spiritual undercurrent to the school. in terms of academics, many parents appreciated the slow build-up to academics, with positive comments that revolved as much around the lessened focus on academics as the quality of academics themselves; however, this was also one of the more common negative codes. negative comments referenced poor test scores, although test scores also came up in positive comments too, with parents praising the fact that their schools were not just about test scores, and that they did not ‘teach to the test’ as other public schools did. with respect to the reduced academic load and holistic focus, one parent commented that waldorf was teaching laziness and mediocrity, another that students were being taught arts and crafts at the expense of real learning or factual knowledge. parents also feared that the reduced academic load would leave their child unprepared for high school or life. parents voiced concerns that the waldorf approach was not preparing their children for the future. in some cases the same parents who were concerned with the lack of academics stated that they appreciated the arts, and others appreciated the slow pace for the younger grades, but were decidedly unhappy with the pace in the later grades. a number of these comments were associated with decisions to take a child out for middle school due to ‘lack of rigor’ in the upper grades. frequency based content analysis. following analysis of hand coding a frequency report of the codes was generated. raw data was not used for this analysis, rather the codes themselves were counted. looking at the pattern of codes some things become immediately apparent (table 6). overall, frequency of comments tended to be more positive than negative, and there were distinct differences in the balance of that positive negative frequency across the codes. table 6 waldorf hand-coding counts based on positive/negative comments handcoding frequency counts waldorf positive negative teacher 208 52 arts 171 16 community 168 6 waldorf curriculum 78 12 love of learning 84 0 academics 53 24 music 73 2 parent involvement 64 10 holistic ed 56 2 leadership 25 32 relationships 47 6 second language 35 0 discipline 7 18 testing 10 6 slow pace 4 11 media 4 4 special needs 1 6 total 1088 207 twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 13 two codes showed only positive comments: love of learning and second language, and only three codes had greater numbers of negative to positive codes: leadership, discipline, special needs, and slow paced. examining the pattern of responding was used to validate the second phase of coding. second coding: auto-coding. the second coding consisted of analyzing the frequency of words using auto-codes (see appendix iii). unlike the handcoding where some subjective assessment of the comment will be used to assign a code, the use of auto-codes provides an unbiased analysis of word frequency. autocodes were selected based on the three themes that emerged through discussion of the hand-codes, parentstudent relationships, whole child learning and academic core. because both hand-codes and auto-codes were performed on the waldorf schools, comparisons between the two allowed for internal validation of the accuracy of the chosen auto-codes. comparing the responses in table 6 and table 7 it is possible to see that there is a similar pattern of positive and negative responses as in the hand-codes. this is true even though the hand-codes used actual counts, and the auto-codes used percents or proportional responses, something more appropriate when applying parametric statistical measures (weber, 1990). furthermore, the high level of concordance between the hand and auto-codes, supported the validity of the selected key-words as representing our hand-coded categories. responses from waldorf and the comparison schools indicated several similarities between the two data sets (table 7). for example, both waldorf and comparison schools showed the greatest overall number of responses to the themes teachers and leadership. in addition, both had similar patterns of positive versus negative comments surrounding the themes. for leadership, there was a greater percentages of negative responding compared to positive responses for both waldorf and comparison schools. factor analysis & t-tests. we examined our data for alignment with our intended three factors: parent school relations, academic core and whole child education. the use of a factor analysis is typical in basic content analysis (weber, 1990) and although our absolute number of cases was small (n=50), the actual number of participant comments exceeded 1600 postings. furthermore, there is some precedence for using a factor analysis with as few as 50 units of analysis (arrindell & van der ende, 1985). the rotated varimax output from our fourteen variables showed that our categories did not separate into their presumed groups. setting eigenvalues at 1.1, a five factor model emerged that explained 71.25% of the variance. in this model none of the variable loadings were less than 0.5, and three were greater than 0.80. the use of a factor analysis with such high explanatory value, and high factor loadings further supported this approach (costello & osborne, 2005). therefore the five factor model was used to organize our table as well as to guide the interpretation of the data (see table 7). five factor model. there were distinct differences between our waldorf and non-waldorf comments with regards to the five factors. factor a and factor b both showed higher rates of responding by nonwaldorf schools, whereas for factors c-e, waldorf schools had greater rates of responding. interestingly, these higher rates of responding were seen in both negative and positive comments, indicating the greater presence of these themes overall, and that not all members of the community were in agreement on the value of each. independent t-tests. using independent t-tests we then looked at differences between the frequency of responses across our 12 themes for positive and negative comments. table 7 shows significant differences between waldorf and comparison schools and these differences related to both significantly higher rates of responses (light orange shading), and significantly lower rates of responses (light blue shading). however, there were no significant differences for any negative comments. this might reflect the relatively few number of negative comments that contributed to the data set. there were several response patterns between waldorf and non-waldorf schools that were unexpected and did not fit within our initial categories of related codes. parent-involvement versus community. we had initially assumed that parent involvement would be related to community in parent-school relationships, however, these did not load together in our factor analysis, and they showed distinct differences between waldorf and non-waldorf school comments. waldorf schools show lower rates of responding around issues related to parent involvement, and higher rates of responding for community. the difference between community and parent-involvement suggests that community is supported by the holistic philosophy of waldorf. parent involvement may reflect a more independent activity than involvement through community. this difference should be further investigated with regards to effective parent engagement. curriculum versus academics. we had also initially assumed curriculum and academics would be related under the theme of academic core, however, the factor analysis grouped these separately and again, there was a distinct difference between waldorf and nonwaldorf schools responses. waldorf school comments were higher for the term curriculum, while the term academics was more often seen in non-waldorf school comments. again, the difference between what is signified by a curriculum versus academics can be current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 14 table 7 percent positive and negative responses across 12 codes pos (ns= 23, 27) factor waldorf nonwaldorf positive negative neg (ns=12, 14) loadings pos neg pos neg t-test p-value t-test p-value factor a parent involv. .61 6% 3% 12% 8% -1.57 p=0.11 -0.72 p=0.48 leadership .68 7% 30% 17% 56% -2.75 p<0.01 -1.88 p=0.07 teachers .72 43% 47% 59% 69% -2.77 p<0.01 -1.55 p=0.14 factor b academics .82 9% 16% 16% 24% -1.99 p=0.05 -0.47 p=0.64 testing .68 4% 10% 6% 12% -0.97 p=0.34 -0.11 p=0.92 factor c curriculum .66 17% 21% 9% 11% 1.95 p=0.06 0.77 p=0.45 holistic ed .61 10% 3% 2% 0% 3.79 p<0.001 1.01 p=0.34 second language .69 7% 0% 2% 0% 2.29 p<0.05 na na factor d arts & music .87 29% 1% 12% 7% 3.35 p<0.005 1.01 p=0.39 love of learning .83 10% 0% 3% 0% 1.63 p=0.11 na na factor e community .51 24% 4% 14% 0% 1.85 p=0.07 1.00 p=0.34 21c skills .65 4% 0% 1% 2% 2.13 p<0.05 -0.92 p=0.34 dap .65 6% 17% 1% 0% 2.78 p<0.01 1.48 p=0.17 world citizen .79 6% <1% 4% <1% 0.98 p=0.33 0.40 p=0.69 note. individual t-tests for waldorf and comparison schools show several significant difference for positive responses only. there were no significant differences between groups for negative responses. light blue = significantly less frequent from waldorf. light orange = significantly more frequent for waldorf. interpreted as potentially more holistic, and should be investigated further. second language. rudolf steiner emphasized the early introduction of languages. “the earlier you begin, the more easily children learn foreign languages and the better their pronunciation. beginning at seven, the ability to learn languages decreases with age. thus, we must begin early.” (steiner, 1966, p. 79). the fact that this aspect of waldorf continues to be successful in the public sector is reflected in the parent comments. this point is important to validate the successful practice of waldorf principles in the classrooms. limitations of qca. although quantitative content analysis (qca) is traditionally used for documents, there is a growing trend to mine data from blogs and internet sources (berendt, 2010). the data presented here represent a select portion of the population of the attendees at the schools. these findings are considered supportive, but in no way are meant to be conclusive. future research using controlled surveys or interviews would be able to better address some of the issues that have been brought up in these data. qca is not about making causal determinations; it is rather to look for trends and tendencies within written text. the tendencies reported here lead to some interesting hypothesis that frame questions and may suggest possible directions for further investigation of these schools using more direct survey methods. limitations of qualitative data source. there is a need to recognize that the data collected here represent a unique population of participants. first, those who decided to post comments on greatschools.org represent only a few voices from the many members of the school community. nonetheless, it is safe to say that although this group is not random, the perspectives may be more meaningful in that it required a certain degree of motivation to engage in the comment writing process. this motivation could reflect a bad experience, or it could twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 15 reflect school pride and enthusiasm. in their “terms of use” policy, greatschools.org makes a general disclaimer as to the accuracy of the information, stating “greatschools does not guarantee the accuracy or completeness of any information on the website.” although there is no system by which the leadership of the school is able to delete comments, abusive comments, comments deemed to be incorrect, or posted maliciously and not by actual parents or other related members of the school community, can be challenged, and thereafter removed by a greatschools.org administer if they are deemed to not follow the guidelines (www.greatschools.org/about/guidelines.page). given this framework, the presence of negative and unflattering comments, so long as they fit within general guidelines, would be just as likely as positive comments. although this data source could most certainly be considered a convenience source, the advantage of being hosed by a third party supports the notion of impartiality, as greatschools.org would have no particular interest in promoting one school versus the other. discussion federal title i mandates of no child left behind (nclb, 2002) have created an accountability program in the educational system in the united states that relies heavily on performance on standardized tests. this emphasis on academic fact-based content knowledge presents challenges to holistic alternative education. the difficulty of undertaking a program such as waldorf, in which academics are intentionally delayed, is one that requires a great deal of risk when school test scores requiring early academic achievement in reading and math determine whether a school is considered passing or may face entering program improvement (pi). not only do schools risk state interventions such as pi, but their reputation is impacted by rating scales based on test results. even the most recent research indicates that parents generally base their perceptions of school quality almost entirely on student test scores (gibbons & silva, 2011). waldorf schools must work against the culture of competition for the highest test scores and educate parents to the purposes of a more balanced developmental approach. the basic content analysis of parent comments performed here reflected potential difficulties in parent perceptions when creating an alignment of the school curriculum away from academics and towards a more holistic approach. the unique pattern of performance by students in waldorf education on standardized tests presented here suggested a trajectory of continued improvement in both cross-sectional as well as longitudinal data. the slower developmental approach of waldorf, particularly with the delay in learning reading, is one that is misaligned with current test-based policies. unfortunately, the high value society places on test scores along with the policy structures of nclb effectively takes the focus away from effective developmental and creative approaches resulting in a narrowed view of curriculum (cawelti, 2006; daly, 2009; perlstein, 2010). the question this data presents is whether there is any value at all of using test scores in determining the quality of education particularly in the early grades. these data do not intend to say that waldorf as a pedagogical approach is better than the comparison schools. comparison schools were some of the best in the state of california, with some utilizing incredibly progressive approaches. rather these data should be interpreted with respect to their pattern of performance. waldorf student outcomes at 8th grade are on par with those of some of the top schools in the state, while in the early grades waldorf students fall below even the district averages. since the current measure of school effectiveness, api and ayp do not differentiate between the various grades, the overall measure of student outcome in waldorf schools are being grossly underrepresented and further call into question the current use of standardized testing as an accurate measure of school quality. our data and the work of others indicate that the costs of testing outweigh the benefits. research examining the impact of early focus on academics, a byproduct of early testing, has reported that the small initial benefits on academics seen in the early grades are followed by long term worsening of life outcomes (nel, 2000; schweinhart & weikart, 1997). as such we must ask the question as to what are the consequences of not moving away from a system of school evaluation that is inaccurate and flawed. research from the brain sciences suggest that the pressures on students and teachers to reach reading milestones early, may in fact, have a causal relationship to acquired learning disabilities. david boulton calls the emotional damage caused by attempting to force a child to read before they are developmentally ready, mind-shame (boulton, 2005). given that early test scores appear not to hold any predictive value for a student’s ultimate academic success, at least for waldorf, and there is no reason to suspect these children are biologically unique, it is important that we reconsider the utility of early grade testing at all. chauncey (2006) describes the challenge of evaluating waldorf education using the traditional testing assessments. we wanted to move beyond examining standardized test performance as the sole means of assessing the quality of education being provided by public waldorf schools. examining qualitative data and moving beyond test scores required some ingenuity. we utilized self-initiated comments by parents of waldorf and non-waldorf comparison schools posted on a nationally recognized website. through comparing code frequencies on critical issues, it was possible to reveal patterns in responses. waldorf schools were associated with greater frequency of responses relating to aspects of holistic education when compared to demographically current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 16 similar charters and public schools. these findings suggest that a more holistic approach is possible in a public setting even in the era of accountability. the difficulty of trying to fit waldorf into the current standards-based culture can be seen in the parents’ negative comments, particularly around issues of testing and academics. one parent stated: while i appreciate the concept of ‘teaching the whole child’, i do not believe that this school has been able to successfully merge the waldorf philosophy with the statemandated standards for public schools. i feel that my child was taught some life skills, but not exposed to some of the experiences of a traditional school. it is not possible to tell from these self-reported comments to what extent complaints regarding the waldorf approach reflect the clash in cultural values versus the inability for waldorf to maintain integrity in the public sphere. however, research reminds us that regardless of the growing number of whole child initiatives, the norm for many parents remains in support of early academics and higher test scores (chingos, henderson, & west, 2010). traditional waldorf encompasses a spiritual dimension. the inclusion of ideas surrounding spiritual and soul development can often clash with the public agenda. some have said that bringing waldorf into the public sector was done too soon and in too much of a rush. there was the feeling that as a public school, waldorf would not be able to fully maintain its philosophy, and that it would have to minimize or bury the spiritual components of the program (see ruenzel, 2001). the question as to how a so called “despiritualized” form of waldorf in the public education sector compares to private waldorf deserves further investigation. in some cases the schools have already experienced difficulties in these areas with two public waldorf schools having to go through the court system to prove they were not a religious school in order to receive state funding (retrieved from: http://www.waldorfanswers.com/lawsuit.html). the motion submitted by the agency plans (people for legal and nonsectarian schools) was denied, but the issue of spirituality continues to be critical both for the parents and for the public at large. as such, waldorf teachers participating in the public school institute in sacramento learn the physical and emotional developmental aspects of waldorf, rather than the spiritual dimension. the challenge faced by waldorf parents who misunderstand the tenets of the philosophy is further exacerbated by the existing policy structure. a delay in academics, as is prescribed by waldorf, will necessarily bring about low test scores in the early grades. this will impact a school’s rating on nclb measures and can make parents worried that their child is being “left behind” academically. it will be necessary not only to change public opinion but also change national policy of measuring a school based only on test scores if waldorf is to be able to succeed in the public sector. in an evaluation of the potential of bringing waldorf into the mainstream in england, woods, ashley, and woods (2005) make several recommendations. first, with regard to the use of a national curriculum, woods et al. (2005) recommend the “disapplication of steiner schools from the requirements of the national curriculum” (p. 10). they further recommend the allowance for evaluation of schools based on measures other than national tests and assessments. these allowances would certainly go a long way towards creating opportunities for schools, such as waldorf, to follow unique curricular and pedagogical practices that may hold significance for understanding alternative means of educating. our findings from the qca suggest that public waldorf schools are able to provide a more holistic experience for their students, while giving them the ability to be ultimately successful in academics over the course of a k-8 education. this study draws into question the value of early test scores as predictors for later performance for students in waldorf schools. based on our data, early test scores provide poor predictive value as to the quality of education of waldorf students are receiving at least as measured by test scores and national rating scales. even parents who spoke poorly about waldorf in the later grades praised waldorf for its treatment of early childhood and the early grades. this lack of correspondence of test scores to qualitative measures of schools performance should be a considerable concern for policy makers who support testing in the early grades. if we are to gauge schools based on test scores then these tests should at least be reliable measures of student outcomes in later grades. if not, then we must question the expense, time and stress of testing at all. until reliable measures of school quality are available, the impact of testing should be minimized, especially in the lower grades. the findings presented here were drawn from extant data, primarily from schools in california, and therefore generalizability of the data may be limited. nonetheless, these results support further investigation into the waldorf approach and indicate it may have potential for guiding pedagogy towards a more holistic approach in public education. future research should examine the emergence of cognitive capacities such as creativity, flexibility, and innovation specifically in students participating in public waldorf schools. as holistic education grows in the public sector, there is the need to support the approach as reliable and valid. perhaps the most significant support may come from an unlikely source, findings from the brain sciences. in their new book, educating the whole child for the twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 17 whole world, editors suarez-orozco and sattin-bajaj (2010) include a section on the emerging field of mind, brain and education (mbe). mbe is a program cofounded by one of the central figures in modern holistic approaches to education, howard gardner. the primary goal of this initiative as defined by another of the founding members, kurt fischer is “to join biology, cognitive science, development, and education in order to create a sound grounding of education in research” (fischer, 2009, p. 3). mbe is a growing field that holds promise for holistic educators (sousa, 2010; tokuhama-espinosa, 2011). a recently published report on neuroeducation calls for the use of music and the arts, not as a means of enrichment, but as a means of building cortical circuits critical for success in writing, reading and mathematics (hardiman, magsamen, mckhann, & eilber, 2009). there is also a long history of research speaking to the importance of play as the primary source of learning for young children with continued supporting evidence from the brain sciences (singer, golinkoff, & hirsh-pasek, 2006). given this growing awareness from the brain science on the beneficial aspects of holistic practices, it is not surprising that the waldorf curriculum with its full two year play-based kindergarten and fully integrated arts-based curriculum is gaining attention. references armon, j. 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(2005). steiner schools in england. report #645, department for education and skills, pg. 1-208. twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 19 appendix i public waldorf schools alice birney waldorf a, b, c, d sacramento, ca blue oak charter b, d chico, ca coastal grove charter school a, b, c, d arcata, ca desert marigold school a, d phoenix, az desert star d yavapai, az golden valley charter a, b sacramento journey charter school a, b, c, d aliso viejo, ca lighthouse school a, d north bend, or live oak charter a, b, c, d petaluma, ca monterey bay charter school a, b, c, d pacific grove, ca mountain mahogany d albuquequerqui, nm mountain oak school a, d prescott, az novato charter school a, b, c, d novato, ca ocean charter school a, b, c, d los angeles, ca pine forest charter school a, d flagstaff, az portland village school d portland, or river oak charter school a, b, d ukiah, ca sebastopol independent charter a, b, c, d sebastopol, ca stone bridge school a, b, c, d napa, ca sunridge charter school a, b, c, d sebastopol, ca the urban waldorf school a milwaukee, wi the village school a, d eugene, or woodland star charter school a, b, c, d sonoma, ca yuba river charter school a, b, d nevada city, ca (a=data set a, b=data set b, c=data set c, d=qualitative data set) current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 20 appendix ii matched comparison schools academy for academic excellence c, d san bernadino alder grove charter b, d humboldt apple blossom b, d sonoma brook haven elementary b, d sonoma forest charter b, d nevada hesby oaks b, d los angeles hooker oak elementary b, d butte international school of monterey b, c, d monterey ivy academia c, d los angeles unified julian charter c, d san diego unified las flores middle school b, d capistrano unified leonardo da vinci b, c, d sacramento mendocino elementary b, d mendocino natomas charter #19 c, d sacramento ottoman way elementary b, d sacramento pleasant valley elementary b, d marin ramona community c, d san diego river charter b, d napa sanger academy charter c, d fresno santa rosa charter b, c, d sonoma sinaloa middle b, d marin sonoma charter b, c, d sonoma temecula preparatory c, d temecula valley unified tijeras creek elementary b, d capistrano unified twin hills middle b, d sonoma vichy elementary b, d napa (b=data set b, c=data set c, d=qualitative data set) twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 21 appendix iii autocodes 21st century skills – century skill, century learn, creativity, critical think, imagination, innovation, problem solv, solve problem, think critical academics –academic, homework, home work art & music-art, music community –community, community curriculum-curricul, curicul, cirricul, ciricul developmentally appropriate practice-develop, pace, rate of learn, speed second language – foreign lang, foriegn lang, french, japanese, spanish holistic – whole child, holist, child centered, well (-) rounded leadership-admin, board, director, director, leader, organiz, principal loves learning – life(-)long learn, love(s) school, love(s) going to school, love(s) to learn, love(s) learn, love of learn parent involvement-fund raising, fundraising, parent involv, parent participation, volunteer, volunter teachers –teacher, staff, faculty testing – score, test world citizens—citizen, citez, world, glob, future, societ, steward, environmental, earth, planet current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 22 article citation larrison, a. l., daly, a. j., & van vooren, c. l. (2012). twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources. current issues in education, 15(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/807 author notes abigail l. larrison university of california, san diego and california state university, san marcos 9500 gilman drive, la jolla ca 92037; 333 s twin oaks valley rd, san marcos ca 92096 abigail.larrison@gmail.com abigail larrison received her phd in neuroscience from rutgers center for molecular and behavioral neuroscience studying mechanisms of attention and systems level neuroscience. she began working in education in 1995, applying her knowledge of the brain sciences towards teaching pedagogy and practice. she joined the joint doctoral program in educational leadership in order to further advance issues of educational reform based on the brain and learning sciences. her recent publications extend into the area of neuropharmacology, the psychophysiology of attention and critical issues in neuroeducation. alan j. daly university of california, san diego 9500 gilman drive, la jolla ca 92037 ajaydaly@uscd.edu alan j. daly is an associate professor of education at the university of california, san diego. in addition to 16 years of public education experience as a teacher, psychologist, and administrator, alan has also been the program director for the center for educational leadership and effective schools at the university of california, santa barbara. research interests include leadership, educational policy, district reform, and social network theory. his recent publications include an edited volume entitled, social network theory and educational change, published by harvard education press. carol van vooren, ed.d. california state university, san marcos 333 s twin oaks valley rd, san marcos ca 92096 cvanvoor@csum.edu carol l. van vooren has served as a teacher and school leader at all levels of instruction and is currently an assistant professor at california state university san marcos. her interest in alternative pedagogy developed as the principal of an international baccalaureate primary years programme school and as the director of the international baccalaureate certificate in teaching and learning at csusm. her research in international mindedness and leadership has resulted in publications and presentations at conferences around the world. acknowledgements: the authors would like to thank dr. alison guerra-wishard for her assistance with the quantitative research design. twenty years and counting: a look at waldorf in the public sector using online sources 23 manuscript received: 09/01/2011 revisions received: 02/22/2012 accepted: 08/26/2012 current issues in education vol. 15 no. 3 24 volume 15, number 3 october 5, 2012 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor melinda a. hollis rory o’neill schmitt assistant executive editor meg burke layout editors elizabeth reyes copy editors/proofreaders lucinda watson authentications editor lisa lacy hillary andrelchik joy anderson laura busby michelle crowley section editors evan fishman ayfer gokalp kathleen hill sultan kilinc younsu kim carol masser bonnie mazza leslie ramos salazar melisa tarango faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers teachers' perceptions of the influence of no child left volume 13, number 3 issn 1099-839x teachers' perceptions of the influence of no child left behind on classroom practices craig a. mertler university of west georgia citation mertler, c. (2011). teachers' perceptions of the influence of no child left behind on classroom practices. current issues in education, 13(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract due to the magnitude of nclb, the pressure on teachers has increased to perhaps immeasurable proportions. one could argue that nclb has ramifications for nearly all aspects of the teaching– learning process, including classroom-based assessment. the purpose of this study was to describe the extent to which k–12 teachers perceive that nclb has influenced their instructional and assessment practices. differences based on several demographic variables were also examined. an original instrument was administered to teachers and 1,534 responses were received. salient findings revealed that teachers believe nclb is having negative impacts on instructional and curricular practices, including higher levels of stress related to improving student performance. teachers reported several changes in how they assess students. significant group differences were found, particularly on the resultant components of student test preparation and instructional changes. keywords: teacher perceptions, no child left behind, classroom practices, assessment practices current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: craig a. mertler affiliation: university of west georgia address: 102 education center, carrollton, ga. email: cmertler@westga.edu or craig.mertler@gmail.com biographical information: craig a. mertler is currently a professor of assessment and research methodologies and director of the doctoral program in school improvement in the college of education at the university of west georgia. he teaches doctoral courses focused on the application of action research to promote school improvement and reform, and also teaches quantitative research methods, introductory statistical analyses, multivariate statistical analyses, and educational assessment methods. he is the author of five books, four invited book chapters, 16 refereed journal articles, and numerous nonrefereed articles and manuscripts. he has also presented numerous research papers at professional meetings around the country, as well as internationally. he conducts workshops for in-service educational professionals on classroombased action research and on the broad topic of classroom assessment. his primary research interests include classroom-based action research, professional learning communities, and assessment practices of classroom teachers. teachers’ perceptions of nclb 3 the no child left behind act of 2001 (nclb) requires all states in the nation to set standards for grade-level achievement and to develop a system to measure the progress of all students and subgroups of students in meeting those state-determined grade-level standards (u.s. department of education, 2004). this act represents a marked departure from the efforts of the clinton administration to develop a single national test. nclb provides a mandate for national testing, but leaves the format and design of the test up to individual states (sloane & kelly, 2003). furthermore, because of the inconsistencies in the implementation of the mandate, students in some states will not graduate or be promoted unless they are able to pass their respective state's test (kober, 2002). in this most recent era of high-stakes testing, the amount of pressure and stress imposed upon students—and teachers, as well—has increased immensely. many leaders believe that this push for increased test scores, with little regard for how those improvements are attained, have created an accountability system that tends to cultivate inappropriate and sometimes unethical behaviors on the part of educators. additionally, research has cited the fact that large-scale, high-stakes standardized testing movements actually result in decreases in student learning. for example, in their study of high-stakes test data from 18 states, amrein and berliner (2002) concluded that student learning is indeterminate, remains at the same level it was before the policy was implemented, or actually decreases [emphasis added] when high-stakes testing policies are instituted. they further concluded that a transformation of current high-stakes testing policies is warranted due largely to this lack of improvement to student learning, as well as unintended consequences associated with high-stakes testing policies (e.g., increased drop-out rates, teachers' and schools' cheating on exams, teachers' defection from the profession). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 due to the magnitude of the nclb testing mandates, the extent of this "pressure to perform" and its impact on teachers and their classroom practices has increased to perhaps immeasurable proportions. nonetheless, it is imperative for the educational community at large to better understand the degree to which teachers have altered their instructional and assessment practices based primarily on their knowledge, understanding, and implementation of nclb. the purpose of this study was to describe the extent to which k–12 teachers perceive that nclb has influenced their instructional and assessment practices. additionally, the study sought to determine if any differences in these perceptions existed based on gender, school level, education level, teaching experience, and school and district rating. the impact of "no child left behind" the no child left behind act has been the topic of substantial debate since its enactment in early 2002. arguably, its most crucial component is the heightened requirement for—as well as its greater importance placed on—accountability and high-stakes testing. few people would disagree with the notion that high-stakes testing can be a driving force behind fundamental change in schools. however, there is little agreement as to whether this change is for better or for worse (abrams, pedulla, & madaus, 2003). whereas, some have argued that the guarantee of rewards and the threats of sanctions will promote higher quality teaching and, therefore, higher student achievement, others have argued that focusing instruction on the ultimate goal of performance on high-stakes tests only limits the scope of classroom instruction and student learning. research studies have revealed somewhat mixed findings regarding the impact of nclb, depending on whether one examines its effects on student achievement or its effects on motivation and stress. teachers’ perceptions of nclb 5 in comparing student achievement and growth in achievement prior to the implementation of nclb (school year 2001-2002) and following its implementation (school year 2003-2004), researchers at the northwest evaluation association found mixed results in their analyses of mathematics and reading assessment data from over 320,000 students in more than 200 school districts in over 22 states. the main finding reported by cronin, kingsbury, mccall, and bowe (2005) was that mathematics and reading scores had improved over the initial twoyear period of nclb. however, they also found that student growth scores had decreased, that students in grade levels tested by state assessments have higher achievement and growth than students who are in non-tested grades, and that student growth in every ethnic group had decreased slightly since nclb was implemented. the researchers concluded that there is evidence that nclb has improved student achievement, but if the change in achievement continues at roughly the same magnitude, nclb will not bring schools anywhere near the requirement of 100 percent proficiency by 2014. research has not been limited to examinations of the effects of nclb and its testing requirements on student achievement, but has also investigated the effects on student and teacher motivation. abrams et al. (2003) and stecher (2002) delineate several positive and negative effects on both students and teachers. the positive effects on students include that high-stakes tests motivate them to work harder in school, provide them with better information about their own knowledge and skills, and send clearer signals to students about what to study. frustration, discouragement from trying, increased competition, and a general devaluation of grades and school assessments are the primary negative student effects. positive effects on teachers include improvements in the diagnosis of individual student needs and the identification of strengths and weaknesses in the curriculum, as well as increased current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 motivation to work harder and smarter, to align instruction with standards, and to identify content not mastered by students, thus allowing for redirected instruction. these positive effects are countered by the facts that high-stakes tests increase stress and decrease morale among teachers, encourage teachers to focus more on specific test content rather than on standards, lead teachers to engage in inappropriate and unethical test preparation practices, and entice teachers to cheat when preparing or administering tests (abrams et al., 2003; stecher, 2002). according to teachers, much of this pressure comes from district administrators, building administrators, and the media (herman & golan, n.d.). that being said, there is certainly a lack of agreement regarding the effects of testing on student motivation. some believe that high-stakes accountability testing is unfairly criticized for these effects (sloane & kelly, 2002). the authors discuss that it is not clear if the anxiety experienced by students in high-stakes testing situations is due to the tests themselves—as well as the consequences of the resulting test scores—or to generally ineffective preparation for learning, which may be attributable to numerous causes, which could possibly include poor instruction. teachers' perceptions of "no child left behind" since the implementation of nclb, research has shown that, generally speaking, teachers do not have favorable perceptions of the law. in 2004, researchers at the civil rights project at harvard surveyed over 1,400 teachers regarding their knowledge of nclb and how they were responding to its mandates (sunderman, tracey, kim, & orfield, 2004). among the key findings from the study, teachers confirmed that the accountability system created by nclb is influencing the instructional and curricular practices of teachers, but is also producing unintended and possibly negative consequences. specifically, teachers reported that they ignored important teachers’ perceptions of nclb 7 aspects of the curriculum, de-emphasized or completely neglected untested topics, and tended to focus their instruction on tested subjects, sometimes excessively. additionally, these teachers rejected the idea that nclb's testing requirements would ultimately focus teachers' instruction and/or improve the curriculum. finally, teachers who were teaching in schools that had been identified as needing improvement reported that they did not plan to be teaching in those same schools five years in the future. generally, teachers believed that nclb sanctions would cause teachers to transfer out of schools not making adequate progress (sunderman et al., 2004). in a survey conducted by the nclb task force of the national staff development council, nearly half of the 2,000 educators responding to the survey believed that the impact of nclb on professional development has had "no discernable effect." these teachers reported that professional development activities were more of an obligation, as opposed to being meaningful, useful professional learning opportunities. only a small percentage (14%) believed the nclbfunded professional development is "improving the quality of teaching" (national staff development council [nsdc], 2004). furthermore, and perhaps more pertinent to this study, the results of the nsdc survey revealed that nearly 60% of teachers believed that the law is having a negative impact on their work settings. forty percent reported that they experience nclb implementation pressures that negatively impact teacher morale and performance (nsdc, 2004). one-tenth reported that one effect of the law is that teachers are being forced to divert their attention away from more important educational issues that could improve teaching and learning. approximately the same proportion believed that educators are carrying on their work much as they did prior to the implementation of nclb. in contrast, over one-fourth of responding teachers indicated that the law is having a more positive effect, as evidenced by the fact that many educators were current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 beginning to think, talk, and act in new ways that could ultimately result in higher levels of student performance (nsdc, 2004). "no child left behind" and classroom assessment since nclb places such high-stakes consequences on its mandated standardized testing, teachers must do a more thorough job of teaching to their respective curricular standards. they must also engage in meaningful and valid classroom assessment in order to accurately determine the knowledge and skills that have been mastered by their students, as well as those content areas that may require redirected instruction to entire classes or individualized student reinforcement. one could make the argument that nclb has far-reaching ramifications for nearly all aspects of the teaching–learning process, of which classroom-based student assessment is a part. unfortunately, at this point in time, very little research exists regarding the relationship between nclb and teachers' classroom assessment practices. in a statewide survey conducted with teachers in virginia, mcmillan, myran, and workman (1999) found that more than three-fourths of elementary teachers and one-third of secondary teachers believed that their statewide testing program had a "somewhat" or "extensive" impact on their teaching and assessment. specifically, teachers reported that they did not cover untested areas of the curriculum nearly as much as those areas that were tested, and that they tended to emphasize breadth rather than depth of content coverage. teachers also reported greater use of multiple-choice formats on their self-developed classroom tests. many teachers identified accountability and increased pressures as the driving forces behind these changes in assessment and instruction (mcmillan et al., 1999). these results have been supported by a more recent, nationwide survey of more than 4,000 teachers (abrams et al., 2003). teachers’ perceptions of nclb 9 with respect to a smaller, yet important, aspect of this relationship, there is research that has examined the arena of test preparation practices. researchers have identified five types of legitimate test preparation practices that help students demonstrate more completely their knowledge and skills. these strategies include teaching the entire content domain, using a variety of assessment and test item formats, teaching time management skills, fostering student motivation, and reducing test anxiety (gulek, 2003; miyasaka, 2000). these practices are considered by the measurement community to be ethical strategies for helping students prepare to take high-stakes tests, largely because they produce student learning that is robust; that is to say, the learning is generalizable to contexts beyond student performance on the test (gulek, 2003). however, inappropriate test preparation practices also abound. the basic problem with these practices is that they focus only on raising scores on a given test without also increasing students' knowledge and skills in the broader subject being tested (kober, 2002; gulek, 2003). these practices include such teacher behaviors as limiting content instruction to a particular item format, teaching of those objectives from the domain that are sampled on the test, using instructional guides that review actual items from a recent issue of a test, and limiting instruction to actual test items (gulek, 2003; mehrens, 1991). abrams, pedulla, and madaus (2003) summarized research in which teachers reported giving greater attention, with regard to instruction and assessment, to content areas they knew would appear on a state test. some teachers reported de-emphasizing or completely neglecting untested subjects or content. these types of practices are arguably a result of the stress and pressure experienced by teachers to raise test scores (stecher, 2002; mehrens, 1991). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 purpose of the study the purpose of this study was to describe the extent to which k–12 teachers perceive that nclb has influenced their instructional and assessment practices. additionally, the study sought to determine if any differences in these perceptions existed based on gender, school level, education level, teaching experience, and school and district rating. the specific research questions addressed in this study were: 1. what are k–12 teachers' perceptions of nclb? 2. in what ways do teachers believe that nclb has influenced their instruction and assessment practices? 3. what differences in the perceptions of nclb's influence on assessment practices exist between groups as determined by gender, school level, education level, teaching experience, and school rating? methods participants the population for this study included all k–12 teachers in the state of ohio during the 2005–2006 school year. participation was sought through initial contact with superintendents from 156 school districts (roughly 25% of the total 614 school districts in the state). this initial list was randomly selected from the ohio department of education's online database of school districts (http://www.ode.state.oh.us/data/extract_oed_addgrades.asp). email communications with the superintendents provided them with an explanation of the study and asked for their agreement to allow their teachers to participate. by using this procedure, the researcher was not required to have access to individual teachers' email addresses. once a superintendent agreed to teachers’ perceptions of nclb 11 allow the district’s teachers to participate, he or she was asked to simply forward an email "cover letter" to respective teachers via email. thirty-eight of the 156 districts (24%) agreed to participate. the researcher sought an additional random sample of 105 districts. from the second random sample, 15 districts agreed to participate. completed surveys were submitted from 1,534 teachers representing 53 school districts (more than 20% of those districts randomly sampled) across the state. instrumentation an original web-based survey instrument, titled the nclb * cap (classroom assessment practices) survey, consisting of 22 items, was developed for purposes of data collection. teacher respondents were instructed to respond to each statement on a four-point likert scale, ranging from "strongly disagree" to "strongly agree." for purposes of addressing research question #3, six additional demographic questions were asked of respondents. they were asked to indicate their gender, teaching level, education level, years of teaching experience, and school district and school building rating, as determined by the ohio department of education (ode). with respect to these last two questions, some explanation of this rating system is in order. each year, ode provides local report cards for each school district and building in the state of ohio. both districts and individual buildings are provided with a rating based on multiple measures, including the results from statewide assessments, graduation rates, and attendance as the input variables (ohio department of education [ode], 2004). specifically, the three measures are: § the school's or district's adequate yearly progress (ayp) for students in 10 student groups; current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 § a series of state indicators, defined as a minimum percentage of students at or above the proficient level on grade-level achievement tests (at grades 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. and 8) and on the ohio graduation test; and § a performance index score, ranging from 0 to 120, and defined as the average of performance level scores (i.e., below basic, basic, proficient, and advanced) received by students on each of five subjects tested in grades 4 and 6 (ode, 2004). school district ratings and their descriptions are as follows: § excellent—district meets 22 or 23 (of 23) indicators, or has a score of 100 or more on the performance index (pi); § effective—meets 17 to 21 indicators, or has a score of 90 to 99.9 on the pi; § continuous improvement—meets 11 to 16 indicators, or has a score of 80 to 89.9 on the pi, or meets ayp (the lowest a district can be rated is they meet ayp is continuous improvement); § academic watch—meets 8 to 10 indicators, or has a score of 70 to 79.9 on the pi and has missed ayp; and § academic emergency—meets 7 or fewer indicators, has a score less than 70 on the pi and missed ayp (ode, 2004). the rating for an individual school is based, in part, on the percentage of indicators that apply directly to that school (rather than out of a total of 23 for the entire district). these school-level ratings are as follows: § excellent—school meets 94% or more of applicable indicators, or has a score of 100 or more on the performance index (pi); teachers’ perceptions of nclb 13 § effective—meets 75% to 93.9% of applicable indicators, or has a score of 90 to 99.9 on the pi; § continuous improvement—meets 50% to 74.9% of applicable indicators, or has a score of 80 to 89.9 on the pi, or meets ayp (the lowest a district can be rated is they meet ayp is continuous improvement); § academic watch—meets 31% to 49.9% of applicable indicators, or has a score of 70 to 79.9 on the pi and missed ayp; and § academic emergency—meets 30.9% or fewer indicators, has a score less than 70 on the pi and missed ayp (ode, 2004). the initial set of content-based items were adapted from a handful of existing instruments (i.e., abrams et al., 2003; nsdc, 2004; sunderman et al., 2004). the nclb * cap survey underwent pilot-testing (with data collected from a randomly-selected sample from the population previously described) and revision prior to its implementation. content-evidence of validity was also collected during the pilot-testing phase, based on reviews from survey research experts, as well as from classroom teachers. an alpha coefficient value equal to .76 was obtained for instrument's overall reliability. procedures school district participation was sought through email communications with the superintendents from the randomly selected districts during late summer. once a superintendent, or an appropriate designee, agreed to permit the survey to be accessed by the district's teachers, the researcher sent the email "cover letter" to the superintendent and asked that the message be forwarded to the entire teaching staff of that district. teachers were informed that the survey would require only about 10 minutes to complete, that their responses would remain confidential, current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 and that only aggregate results would be reported. this email message contained an embedded link which provided direct access for respondents to the nclb * cap survey. the survey was administered during a three-week period extending from mid-september through early-october. all data were collected and stored electronically. data analyses all data analyses were conducted using the statistical package for the social sciences (spss, v. 15). initial data analyses included frequencies, percentages, means, and standard deviations to summarize the overall results. an exploratory factor analysis was conducted as a data reduction technique in order to reduce the number of items for purposes of group comparisons. analyses of variance were then used to compare group responses based on gender, teaching level, education level, years of teaching experience, district rating, and school rating. all anova results were evaluated at an alpha level equal to .05. results the descriptive, overall results of the analyses are presented first. these results are followed by a discussion of the data reduction procedure and the subsequent group comparisons. provided in table 1 is a summary of the demographic characteristics of the sample. table 1 demographic characteristics of teachers as represented by frequencies and percentages demographic characteristic frequency percentage gender female male 1186 319 78.8 21.2 school level elementary 697 50.4 teachers’ perceptions of nclb 15 secondary 687 49.6 education level b.a./b.s. m.a./m.s. doctoral/specialist 408 1039 76 26.8 68.2 5.0 years of teaching experience 1-5 years 6-10 years 11-15 years 16-20 years 21-25 years 25-30 years more than 30 years 228 316 238 194 166 199 179 15.0 20.8 15.7 12.8 10.9 13.1 11.8 district rating excellent effective continuous improvement academic watch academic emergency 84 808 248 298 44 5.7 54.5 16.7 20.1 3.0 school rating excellent effective continuous improvement academic watch academic emergency 280 657 326 122 49 19.5 45.8 22.7 8.5 3.4 overall results the descriptive results for the 22 items appearing on the survey, including the percentages of response for each point on the scale, means, and standard deviations, are presented in table 2. with respect to teachers' knowledge of nclb, nearly three-fourths (72%) of teachers responding to the survey indicated that they believed that they knew a lot about current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 nclb and nearly half (43%) specified that they did not care to know anything more about it and its effects on their work as classroom teachers. nearly three-fourths (73%) of teachers believe that nclb has forced teachers to divert their attention away from the types of issues that can actually improve teaching and learning. only 31% believed that the overall effect of nclb on their schools has been positive, and only 24% believed that most teachers are carrying on their work much as they did prior to the law. table 2 percentages of teachers' responses, means, and standard deviations for items appearing on nclb * cap survey (n = 1,531) frequencies (percentages) of response item 1 sd 2 d 3 a 4 sa mean (sd) i believe that i know a lot about the no child left behind (nclb) act. 35 (2%) 392 (26%) 931 (61%) 167 (11%) 2.81 (.65) nclb has forced me to change the focus of my classroom instruction. 68 (5%) 441 (29%) 748 (49%) 260 (17%) 2.79 (.77) nclb has changed the nature of academic motivation for students and has placed more stress on students. 68 (5%) 338 (22%) 579 (38%) 530 (35%) 3.04 (.87) nclb has changed the nature of instructional motivation for teachers and has placed more stress on teachers. 12 (1%) 98 (7%) 599 (40%) 805 (53%) 3.45 (.65) the importance placed on ohio's achievement tests and the ohio graduation test (ogt) has lead to instruction that violates the standards of good educational practice. 36(2%) 380 (25%) 613 (40%) 488 (32%) 3.02 (.82) i feel more pressure and stress as a result of the increased testing mandates in ohio and 26 (2%) 166 (11%) 629 (42%) 696 (46%) 3.32 (.73) teachers’ perceptions of nclb 17 the related need to improve student performance. my students feel more stress as a result of the increased testing mandates in ohio. 16 (1%) 201 (13%) 642 (42%) 655 (43%) 3.28 (.73) nclb has forced me to change the ways in which i assess my students' academic performance. 21 (1%) 356 (24%) 806 (53%) 325 (22%) 2.95 (.71) as a result of nclb, i create a greater number of my classroom tests such that they mirror the same format and types of questions on the state's achievements tests and/or the ogt. 37 (3%) 284 (19%) 743 (49%) 439 (29%) 3.05 (.76) i use multiple-choice classroom tests more frequently than i have in the past. 139 (9%) 837 (56%) 398 (27%) 119 (8%) 2.33 (.75) i have substantially decreased the amount of time spent on instruction of content not tested on the state-mandated tests. 49 (3%) 345 (23%) 635 (42%) 476 (32%) 3.02 (.82) i have not let nclb or the state-mandated testing program in ohio influence what or how i provide instruction to my students. 424 (28%) 842 (56%) 213 (14%) 33 (2%) 1.90 (.71) i have substantially increased the amount of time spent on instruction of content that i know is covered on the statemandated tests. 28 (2%) 240 (16%) 742 (49%) 491 (33%) 3.13 (.74) i have not let nclb affect how i assess the academic achievement and progress of my students. 283 (19%) 849 (57%) 322 (22%) 42 (3%) 2.08 (.71) i spend much more time throughout the year preparing my students for the state-mandated tests. 28 (2%) 272 (18%) 721 (48%) 472 (32%) 3.10 (.75) as a result of nclb, i now spend more time teaching 28 (2%) 291 (20%) 817 (55%) 358 (24%) 3.01 (.71) current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 test-taking skills to my students. i have used sample test items from the state tests, approved by the ohio department of education, to help prepare my students to take the tests. 49 (3%) 268 (18%) 699 (47%) 477 (32%) 3.07 (.79) as a result of nclb, i use standardized test data to help guide and improve my instruction. 46 (3%) 394 (26%) 835 (56%) 219 (15%) 2.82 (.71) in my school, i believe that most teachers are carrying on their work much as they did before nclb. 311 (21%) 831 (55%) 315 (21%) 46 (3%) 2.06 (.73) in my school, i believe that nclb has forced teachers to divert their attention away from more important issues that can better improve teaching and learning. 38 (3%) 375 (25%) 674 (45%) 418 (28%) 2.98 (.79) i do not care to know any more about nclb and its effect on my work as a classroom teacher than i do right now. 148 (10%) 704 (47%) 495 (33%) 153 (10%) 2.44 (.81) i believe that the overall effect of nclb on my school has been positive. 331 (22%) 698 (47%) 436 (29%) 34 (2%) 2.12 (.77) the majority of the survey items dealt with the impact of nclb on classroom practice. some of the more prominent individual item results were found with statements that addressed increased amounts of pressure and stress that are being caused by nclb. an overwhelming majority (n = 1,404, 93%) of teachers indicated that nclb has changed the nature of instructional motivation for teachers and has placed more stress on teachers, although a slightly smaller number of teachers (n = 1,325, 88%) believed that they personally were feeling more pressure and stress. a smaller, but meaningful, number (n = 1,109, 73%) of teachers believed teachers’ perceptions of nclb 19 that nclb, in general, has changed the nature of academic motivation for and has placed more stress on students; however, more teachers (n = 1,297, 85%) felt that their students were feeling additional stress, as compared to students in general. two-thirds (n = 1,008, 66%) of teachers agreed that nclb has forced them to change the focus of their classroom instruction. an even greater amount (n = 1,101, 72%) indicated that the law and its required testing mandates have lead to instruction that violates standards of good educational practice. according to these teachers, nclb has had a major impact on their instruction of content. the vast majority (n = 1,266, 84%) of teachers agreed that nclb had influenced what or how instruction is provided to students. additionally, 74% (n = 1,111) indicated that they have substantially decreased the amount of time spent on content that they knew was not tested on the state-mandated tests. similarly, 82% (n = 1,233) responded that they had substantially increased the amount of time spent on content that they knew would appear on the state tests. finally, with respect to the assessment of student learning, teachers clearly indicated several prominent impacts of nclb. three-fourths (n = 1,131, 75%) of teachers indicated that nclb had forced them to change the ways in which they assess their students' academic performance. a substantial majority (n = 1,193, 80%) indicated that they spent much more time throughout the school year preparing students for the state-mandated tests. many teachers engaged in this type of preparation by teaching test-taking skills (n = 1,175, 79%), by using sample items from previous versions of the state tests to help prepare students to take the tests (n = 1,176, 79%), and by creating a greater number of classroom tests so that they mirror the format and item types which appear on the state's tests (n = 1,182, 78%). interestingly, 65% (n = 976) disagreed with the statement that they use multiple-choice classroom tests more frequently than in the past. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 factor analysis results in an effort to reduce the number of items into more meaningful clusters of items for purposes of group comparisons, the data were subjected to an exploratory factor analysis. principal components extraction with varimax rotation was used in order to reduce the number of items to a smaller set of uncorrelated variables for use in analysis of variance procedures. using the criterion of eigenvalues equal to 1, the analysis returned four components. however, items composing two of the components were so diverse that naming those components proved quite difficult. therefore, the researcher requested the extraction of three components, which lent themselves nicely to interpretation. this three-component solution explained 52% of the variability across the items. the loadings for this resultant three-component solution are shown in table 3. based on the relationships between items within components, it was feasible to attach conceptual labels to each. following an interpretation of these loadings, component 1 was labeled student test preparation, component 2 was labeled stressful motivation, and component 3 was labeled instructional changes. table 3 loadings, eigenvalues, percent of variance accounted for, and reliability coefficients for resulting components component item 1 2 3 i spend much more time throughout the year preparing my students for the state-mandated tests. .79 .23 .13 i have used sample test items from the state tests, approved by the ohio department of education, to help prepare my students to take the tests. .78 .03 .01 i have substantially increased the amount of time spent on instruction of content that i know is covered on the state-mandated tests. .77 .13 .14 as a result of nclb, i create a greater number of my classroom tests such that they mirror the same .71 .08 .17 teachers’ perceptions of nclb 21 format and types of questions on the state's achievements tests and/or the ogt. as a result of nclb, i now spend more time teaching test-taking skills to my students. .70 .24 .12 i have substantially decreased the amount of time spent on instruction of content not tested on the state-mandated tests. .69 .32 .15 i have not let nclb or the state-mandated testing program in ohio influence what or how i provide instruction to my students. -.68 -.01 -.25 i have not let nclb affect how i assess the academic achievement and progress of my students. -.66 -.02 -.27 as a result of nclb, i use standardized test data to help guide and improve my instruction. .63 -.20 .18 i use multiple-choice classroom tests more frequently than i have in the past. .40 .24 .01 in my school, i believe that most teachers are carrying on their work much as they did before nclb. -.31 -.20 -.29 i believe that the overall effect of nclb on my school has been positive. -.11 -.80 .06 in my school, i believe that nclb has forced teachers to divert their attention away from more important issues that can better improve teaching and learning. .15 .77 .08 the importance placed on ohio's achievement tests and the ohio graduation test (ogt) has lead to instruction that violates the standards of good educational practice. .11 .76 .14 my students feel more stress as a result of the increased testing mandates in ohio. .32 .57 .29 nclb has changed the nature of instructional motivation for teachers and has placed more stress on teachers. .19 .54 .50 i do not care to know any more about nclb and its effect on my work as a classroom teacher than i do right now. -.09 .50 -.04 i feel more pressure and stress as a result of the increased testing mandates in ohio and the related need to improve student performance. .41 .49 .36 nclb has forced me to change the focus of my classroom instruction. .32 .14 .68 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 nclb has changed the nature of academic motivation for students and has placed more stress on students. .17 .45 .60 i believe that i know a lot about the no child left behind (nclb) act. .01 -.19 .58 nclb has forced me to change the ways in which i assess my students' academic performance. .46 .21 .52 eigenvalue 5.57 3.59 2.27 percent of variance accounted for a 25.33 16.31 10.34 alpha reliability coefficient b .57 .53 .64 a total percent of variance accounted for by three components = 51.98 b overall alpha reliability = .76 group comparisons the responses (as the three component scores) from teachers were compared across the various demographic data collected (i.e., gender, teaching level, education level, years of teaching experience, district rating, and school rating). these results are summarized in table 4. table 4 summary of significant group comparison results demographic factor dependent variable (component) f-ratio p-value eta squared gender student test preparation 5.58 .02 .004 instructional changes 32.14 < .01 .024 school level student test preparation 34.40 < .01 .031 instructional changes 53.10 < .01 .042 years of teaching experience student test preparation 2.80 .01 .013 district rating student test preparation 7.03 < .01 .022 school rating student test preparation 6.61 < .01 .021 teachers’ perceptions of nclb 23 females scored higher (i.e., they had a higher level of agreement) on each of the three component scores than their male counterparts. however, the differences between females and males were significant only for student test preparation, f(1, 1298) = 5.58, p = .02, η2 = .004, and for instructional changes, f(1, 1298) = 32.14, p < .01, η2 = .024. the difference for stressful motivation was not significant, f(1, 1298) = 1.54, p = .216, η2 = .001. these results indicate that female teachers are doing more to prepare students to take the state-mandated tests and that they are making more nclb-induced instructional changes than are male teachers. however, it is important to note that the discrepancy in sample sizes between females (n = 1,186) and males (n = 319) certainly could have impacted these statistical results. a similar pattern of differences was apparent for the comparisons between elementary and secondary teachers in the sample. elementary teachers scored higher on all three components than did secondary teachers. however, only two of these differences were significant. the difference for student test preparation was significant, f(1, 1198) = 34.40, p < .01, η2 = .031, as was the difference for instructional changes, f(1, 1198) = 53.10, p < .01, η2 = .042. the difference for stressful motivation was not significant, f(1, 1198) = .57, p = .45, η2 = .000. these results indicate that elementary teachers are doing more to prepare students to take the state tests and that they are making more instructional changes than are secondary teachers. although none of the education level comparisons were significant, teachers with masters degrees scored higher than both those with bachelors or doctoral/specialist degrees on student test preparation, f(2, 1313) = 1.11, p = .33, η2 = .002. those teachers with bachelors degrees scored higher than the other two groups on stressful motivation, f(2, 1313) = 3.03, p = .05, η2 = current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 .005. finally, those with doctoral/specialist degrees scored highest on instructional changes, f(2, 1313) = .458, p = 63, η2 = .001. those with 6-10 years of teaching experience scored highest on student test preparation, where there was a significant difference, f(6, 1309) = 2.80, p = .01, η2 = .013. scheffé post hoc tests revealed the only significant difference to be between those with 6-10 years of experience and those with more than 30 years of experience. there were no significant differences based on years of teaching experience for stressful motivation, f(6, 1309) = .77, p = .59, η2 = .004, or for instructional changes, f(6, 1309) = .74, p = .62, η2 = .003. with respect to the current school district rating, a significant difference was found for the student test preparation component, f(4, 1279) = 7.03, p < .01, η2 = .022. teachers from districts rated as "academic emergency" scored significantly higher (indicating that they were engaged in more of these practices) than those rated "excellent" or "effective." additionally, "academic emergency" and "academic watch" were both significantly different from those rated "continuous improvement." although there were no significant differences for stressful motivation, f(4, 1279) = .70, p = .59, η2 = .002, those from "academic watch" districts scored highest. similarly, there were no significant differences for instructional changes, f(4, 1279) = 1.18, p = .32, η2 = .004, those from "effective" and from "academic watch" districts scored highest. finally, with regard to the current school building rating, a similar pattern of results was found. there was again a significant difference for student test preparation, f(4, 1241) = 6.61, p < .01, η2 = .021, with teachers from "academic emergency" and "academic watch" schools scoring significantly higher than those from "excellent" and "effective" schools. again, although there were no significant differences for stressful motivation, f(4, 1241) = 1.55, p = .19, η2 = teachers’ perceptions of nclb 25 .005, those from "academic emergency" schools scored highest. similarly, there were no significant differences for instructional changes, f(4, 1241) = 1.96, p = .10, η2 = .006, those from "academic emergency" schools scored highest. discussion the results of this study support those of the limited studies previously conducted on the topic of the impact of nclb on teachers' classroom practices. consistent with recent studies (abrams et al., 2003; mcmillan et al., 1999; nsdc, 2004; sunderman et al., 2004), this study found that teachers do not have favorable perceptions of nclb. specifically, teachers believe that nclb is having negative impacts on both instructional and curricular practices of teachers. the vast majority of teachers in the large sample employed in this study also reported that they have substantially reduced the amount of time spent teaching content that they know is not tested on the state-mandated tests and substantially increased time spent on tested content. previously, 60% of teachers surveyed indicated that nclb was having a negative impact on their work settings (nsdc, 2004); in the present study, 69% of teachers believed that its impact on their work, as well as on their school setting, was negative. teachers in this study also reported experiencing much greater levels of pressure and stress related to the need to improve student performance as a result of nclb and its associated testing mandates. this stress has also "trickled down" to the students of these teachers. this study has provided empirical evidence of assertions made by abrams et al. (2003) and stecher (2002). specifically, with respect to classroom assessment practices, the results of this study have strongly supported previous research (abrams et al., 2003; mcmillan et al., 1999). a substantial majority of teachers in this study reported that they had changed the ways in which they assess students, spent more time teaching test-taking skills, used sample items from previous tests, and current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 created a greater number of classroom tests that paralleled the format of state tests. the lone finding from this study that seems to contradict previous research (e.g., mcmillan et al., 1999) is that well over half of the teachers reported that they did not use multiple-choice classroom tests more frequently than in the past. this study found that teachers have experienced a substantial increase in stress and pressure as a result of its testing mandates, as well as the push to improve student performance on those tests. teachers in this study have reported altering numerous aspects of their instruction, including content coverage and methods of assessing student performance. teachers believe that these types of changes have forced them to take time away from more important aspects of the teaching–learning process. these results seem to support an assertion made by abrams et al. (2003) that these state tests are the more powerful influence on teaching practices, as opposed to the content standards themselves. while it is important to remember that the ultimate purpose of any test is to improve teaching and learning (kober, 2002), this study strongly supports previous research (e.g., abrams et al., 2003) that nclb, with its emphasis on and pressure to improve student performance as measured by standardized assessments, has quite possibly led to an increased level of teacher-led student test preparation in our schools. while this appears to be an ethical and admirable effort on the part of teachers, abrams et al. (2003) are quick to point out that these "highly consequential tests encourage teachers to employ test preparation strategies that may result in improved test scores...but may not represent an actual improvement in achievement" (p. 25). the group comparisons from this study revealed some interesting findings. the fact that there were no significant differences between any subgroups on the stressful motivation teachers’ perceptions of nclb 27 component suggests that all teachers—regardless of gender, school setting, education level, years of teaching experience, or effectiveness ratings—are feeling the stress of this increased accountability and the need to improve student performance. although the effect sizes were not large, the two largest group differences were obtained for comparisons between elementary and secondary teachers on the student test preparation and instructional changes components. elementary teachers indicated significantly more time spent on test preparation and that they had made more instructional changes than secondary teachers. this is not surprising when one takes into consideration the nature of state-mandated testing in ohio. there is substantially more testing that occurs during the elementary years of school. in addition to diagnostic testing in grades 1 and 2, students in elementary grades are required to take achievement tests in the following grade levels and subjects: § grade 3—mathematics and reading § grade 4—mathematics, reading, and writing § grade 5—mathematics and reading (science and social studies will be added in 20062007) § grade 6—mathematics and reading (ode, 2005). at the secondary level, students are tested in mathematics and reading in grades 7 and 8. additionally, students begin taking the ohio graduation test (ogt) in grade 10. arguably, there is more pressure at the elementary level for students to demonstrate academic achievement on these tests since they are being tested every year in grades 1 through 6. however, at the secondary level, students are tested only three times between grades 7 and 12. elementary teachers in ohio may feel it necessary to spend more time current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 28 preparing students to take the state tests and may engage more frequently in making changes to their instruction. similarly, more pressure to demonstrate improvements in student achievement may be felt by those districts or individual schools that are currently rated low (i.e., "academic watch" and "academic emergency") on the state's effectiveness scale. these districts and schools are on a much shorter timeline, so to speak, to show improvements and to demonstrate adequate yearly progress than those that are rated as being more effective. teachers, as well as administrators, in these districts and buildings undoubtedly feel that they must do more, and do it sooner rather than later, to improve student performance. however, this fact raises an interesting set of questions. in light of greater pressure to perform, are these teachers preparing students for these tests by using only those practices that are generally agreed-upon as being acceptable by the greater measurement community? if not, they may be engaging in practices that are truly, and only, artificially inflating test scores (urdan & paris, 1994). examples of these unacceptable test preparation practices include: § acquiring actual test questions from a current test form and teaching students the answers; § giving students actual test questions for drill, review, or homework; and § copying, distributing, or keeping past versions of a test that have not been officially released as practice exams (kober, 2002). a second question relates to teachers' knowledge of these practices. if teachers are using any of these practices, are they aware of their ethical “violations?” we might assume and take for granted that teachers would know what is and is not appropriate practice in this arena. for example, however, it is possible that a given teacher may not be aware that the state may reuse some of the same test questions, or the same entire test version, from year to year (kober, 2002). teachers’ perceptions of nclb 29 a final question of interest is that if these teachers are engaged in unethical test preparation practices, have they taken this initiative on their own, or are they feeling increased pressure to do so from district or school-level administrators? again, it is possible that this is happening without realizing that certain practices are considered unacceptable. it is important to note a couple of limitations of the results of this study. although the findings are limited by geographic location (all teachers currently work in school districts in ohio, a state which includes a series of state-mandated achievement tests), external validity of the findings of this study is suggested through the large and broad nature of the sample. the study sought to describe teachers' beliefs with respect to specific classroom-based instructional and assessment practices. of course, the findings are based purely on self-reported data, and no efforts were made within the scope of this study to validate the extent to which these beliefs are consistent with actual classroom practice. worthy of reiteration is the fact that this was a study of teachers’ perceptions of the impact of nclb, and not one of scientifically studying the extent to which actual classroom practices have changed as a direct result of nclb. in light of the findings from this study of teacher perceptions, it is imperative for various groups to be aware of any unintended effects of nclb. for example, policymakers need to be aware of how the law is affecting teachers. the increased pressure that has been placed on teachers to raise levels of student academic achievement has made their daily work much more stressful. furthermore, teachers have been forced to change the ways that they provide instruction to students and assess their resultant academic performance. they have substantially altered the amount of time spent on specific content, which sometimes conflicts with their respective academic content standards and violates sound educational practice. additionally, teachers have resorted to spending much more time teaching students how to take standardized current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 30 achievement tests, perhaps turning to unethical practices in order to achieve higher test scores. similarly, administrators need to be mindful of these issues as well. they should be aware of these unintended consequences of nclb and should look for ways to address increased stress levels, perhaps through professional development activities. they should definitely be cognizant of the potential for their teachers to utilize unethical test preparation practices. closely examining how teachers are instructing students in the skills of test-taking may be a critical first step. in light of the earlier discussion of unacceptable test preparation practices, it is recommended that teachers gain a better understanding of not only these unacceptable practices, but also activities whose practice would be more acceptable. some students do not perform to the best of their abilities because they lack skills in test taking (hogan, 2007; linn & miller, 2005). specifically, students can be taught “testwiseness” skills (i.e., test-taking strategies) in order to prevent this type of inadequacy from lowering their test scores. these skills can be mastered by most students, but they need practice in order to develop them (linn & miller, 2005). testwiseness skills that students should be taught, and given the opportunity to practice, include: § listening to and/or reading test directions carefully (including following proper procedures for marking responses on the answer sheet); § listening to and/or reading test items carefully; § establishing a pace that will permit completion of the test or subtest; § skipping difficult items (instead of wasting valuable testing time) and returning to them later; § making informed guesses, as opposed to just omitting items that appear too difficult; teachers’ perceptions of nclb 31 § eliminating possible options (in the case of multiple-choice items), by identifying options that are clearly incorrect based on knowledge of content, prior to making informed guesses; § checking to be sure that an answer number matches the item number when marking an answer; and § checking answers, as well as the accuracy of marking those answers, if time permits (linn & miller, 2005). the importance of engaging in these types of practices with students in advance of the administration of standardized tests is not only that they are seen as acceptable and ethical, but that they likely will result in test scores that demonstrate real student learning (mertler, 2007). since there were so many group differences on the student test preparation component, it is imperative that we shed light on the phenomenon. in order to understand this potential "problem" more completely, it is recommended that researchers look more closely at how teachers engage in student test preparation, focusing perhaps on particular test preparation strategies used by teachers. we need to better understand what specific techniques are used, why those techniques are used (i.e., what teachers are hoping to accomplish by using them), and the nature of their overall effectiveness. if they fail to improve actual student learning, their use should be strongly discouraged. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 32 references abrams, l. m., pedulla, j. j., & madaus, g. f. (2003). views from the classroom: teachers' opinions of statewide testing programs. theory into practice, 42(1), 18-29 american psychological association. (2001). publication manual of the american psychological association (5th ed.). washington, dc: author amrein, a. l. & berliner, d. c. (2002, march 28). high-stakes testing, uncertainty, and student learning education policy analysis archives, 10(18). retrieved february 19, 2010 from http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v10n18/. cronin, j., kingsbury, g. g., mccall, m. s., & bowe, b. (2005, april). the impact of the no child left behind act on student achievement and growth: 2005 edition. retrieved february 14, 2006, from the northwest evaluation association web site: http://www.nwea.org/research/nclbstudy.asp gulek, c. (2003). preparing for high-stakes testing. theory into practice, 42(1), 42-50. herman, j. l., & golan, s. (n.d.). effects of standardized testing on teachers and learning: another look. (cse technical report 334). los angeles, ca: university of california, national center for research on evaluation, standards, and student testing. hogan, t. p. (2007). educational assessment: a practical approach. hoboken, nj: john wiley & sons. kober, n. (2002). teaching to the test: the good, the bad, and who's responsible (testtalk for leaders, issue no. 1). washington, d.c.: center on education policy. linn, r. l., & miller, m. d. (2005). measurement and assessment in teaching (9th ed.). upper saddle river, nj: merrill/prentice hall. mcmillan, j. h., myran, s., & workman, d. (1999). the impact of mandated statewide testing on teachers' classroom assessment and instructional practices. paper presented at the annual meeting of the american educational research association, montreal, canada. mehrens, w. a. (1991, april). defensible/indefensible instructional preparation for high stakes achievement tests: an exploratory trialogue. paper presented at the annual meeting of the american educational research association, chicago, il. mertler, c. a. (2007). interpreting standardized test scores: strategies for data-driven instructional decision making. thousand oaks, ca: sage. teachers’ perceptions of nclb 33 miyasaka, j. r. (2000, april). a framework for evaluating the validity of test preparation practices. paper presented at the annual meeting of the american educational research association, new orleans, la. national staff development council. (2004). nclb: survey finds many educators experience little positive nclb impact on professional development. retrieved may 20, 2005, from http://www.nsdc.org/library/policy/nclbsurvey2_04.cfm ohio department of education. (2004). 2004-05 ohio school district rating definitions. retrieved july 15, 2005, from http://www.ode.state.oh.us/reportcard/definitions/rating.asp ohio department of education. (2005). implementation schedule of ohio statewide assessments. retrieved march 2, 2006, from http://www.ode.state.oh.us/proficiency/pdf/implementation_schedule_ohio _statewide_assessments083005.pdf sloane, f. c., & kelly, a. e. (2003). issues in high-stakes testing programs. theory into practice, 42(1), 12-17. stecher, b. (2002). consequences of large-scale, high-stakes testing on school and classroom practice. in l. s. hamilton, b. m. stecher, & s. p. klein (eds.), making sense of testbased accountability in education. (pp. 79-100). santa monica, ca: rand. sunderman, g. l., tracey, c. a., kim, j., & orfield, g. (2004). listening to teachers: classroom realities and no child left behind. cambridge, ma: the civil rights project at harvard university. urdan, t. c., & paris, s. g. (1994). teachers' perceptions of standardized achievement tests. educational policy, 8(2), 137-156. u.s. department of education. (2004). a guide to education and "no child left behind." retrieved september 10, 2005, from http://www.ed.gov/nclb/overview/intro/guide/guide.pdf current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 34 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. teachers’ perceptions of nclb 35 editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian section editors krista adams hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain jeffery johnson seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo volume an an citation karadağ, d 13 abstract to asses researche frequent correlatio bivariate statistica introduce techniqu keyword 13, numbe nalysis of doctoral , e. (2010). a doctoral diss 3(4). retriev t s research m ers, this stud tly used rese onal study; e correlation al technique ed into educ ues stayed re ds: research er 4 f researc disserta e an analysis sertation at th ved from http methods and dy surveyed earch metho and a case s n, many wh s analysis. t cational diss elatively stea h method, st ch method ation at th engi eskişehir os s of research he education p://cie.asu.ed d analysis of d unpublishe ods consisted study. descr itney-u test though som sertation, th ady. tatistical ana ds and st he educat in karadağ smangazi u h methods an n sciences in du/ f statistical t ed doctoral d d of experim riptive statis t, and krusk me new statis e trends of f alysis, docto tatistical tion scien ğ university and statistica n turkey. c techniques e dissertation mental resea stics, t-test, kal wallis-h stical techni frequently u oral disserta is techniqu nces in t al technique current issue employed by from 2003 arch; a surve anova, f h test were f iques analys used analysi ation, educat sn 1099-83 ues used turkey es used by es in educati y education to 2007. ey; a factor analys frequently u ses were is of statistic tion science 39x d by ion, al sis, used cal es current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 an analysis of research methods and statistical techniques used by doctoral dissertation at the education sciences in turkey educational research worldwide has played a major role in influencing and informing educational practice. indeed, the last decade has seen a proliferation in the number of articles published in educational research journals. some of these published works have been the basis of educational reform in many settings. moreover, most investigators utilize previous research in developing their conceptual and theoretical frameworks, as well as in providing qualitative (e.g., content analyses) and quantitative (e.g., meta-analyses) reviews of the literature in which the key findings are summarized. in conducting literature reviews, researchers often assume that the documented findings are trustworthy (onwuegbuzie & daniel, 2003). for the last 20 years a large body of literature on ways of synthesizing research in education has been developed (dunkin, 1994; walberg, 1986). approaches to gleaning the accumulated findings of that research have varied from the narrative through vote counting of box scores to meta-analysis. some of these approaches make more demands on the conceptual and interpretative skills of the synthesizer than others and, therefore, contain more scope for error and bias than others, although all approaches are subject to the fallibility of the synthesizers and those upon whom they necessarily rely. it is important that the validity of all syntheses is subject to be tested as for they are the mail ways in which assessments can be made about the accumulation and development of research-based knowledge. syntheses of research are influential in regard to subsequent research, policy, and practice. they provide the empirical bases for applications for research grants, for higher-degree dissertations and theses as well as for individual and institutional research. they are used by policymakers both in designing strategies for development and to guide practitioners in the enhancement of professional activity. research methods and statistical techniques 3 they provide the contents of highly regarded publications in handbooks, encyclopedias, and textbooks and become the best known statements of the state of knowledge on the topics to which they are addressed (dunkin, 1996). different research methods and analysis of statistical techniques have been preferred in the research of different disciplines. for example, laboratory experiments tend to be used in physical sciences, while field studies are carried out more often in social investigations. more correlation-related statistics are used in biological and medical research. in agricultural research, however, analysis of variance and covariance (anova/ancova) are used most frequently. what methods/analyses are preferred in educational research? what are the application trends of these methods/analyses over the years? educational researchers have shown interest in these questions throughout the years. surveys on methods/analyses used in articles published by educational and psychological journals have appeared in literature continuously (hsu, 2005). surveys on research methods, which were treated separately from statistical techniques analysis in this study, are reviewed first. walker (1956) identified the following as the commonly used educational research methods in the 1950s: survey, historical research, library method, case study, experimental design, action research, statistical method and content analysis. observation, interview, measurement and opinion polls were frequently used data collection techniques. shaver and norton (1980) reviewed articles in the american educational research journal (aerj) published in 1968, 1971, 1973 and 1975–1977 in terms of several design issues such as design types, randomization, replications and sampling. they found that almost more than half of the articles were correlation studies and that the percentage remained about the same throughout the years. the number of true-experimental studies declined as the number of quasi-experimental studies increased. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 the review by keselman et al. (1998) involves both statistical techniques analysis and research design. four hundred and eleven articles in the 1994 and 1995 issues of 17 educational and psychological journals were reviewed in terms of the practice of using anova (analysis of variance), manova (multivariate analysis of variance) and ancova (analysis of covariance) in four types of design: between subjects univariate design, between subjects multivariate design, repeated measures design, and covariance design. results show that many researchers failed to verify assumptions, report effect sizes, and examine power of the statistics employed. however, it is interesting to note that the repeated measures design was used most often, about 55%. the percentages of the remaining three designs range only between 11 and 19. the trends and shifts of research methods during the past decade are well summarized by kelly and lesh (2000). in general, more emphasis is given to qualitative methods than quantitative methods. experimental method is no longer the only dominant method in math and science research. in determining the existence of certain factors, ethnographic descriptions are often used instead of statistical tests. designs involving one-time summative measure or pre-post tests are less frequently used. instead, approaches involving iterative cycles of observations of complex behavior are employed. this article deals with research methods employed in mathematics and science education research. the question to be answered here is whether research practice in education as a whole has made similar shifts in research methodology. there are many surveys on statistical techniques analysis used in studies published by educational and psychological journals. for example, edgington (1974) reviewed seven journals of the american psychological association each year from 1948 to 1972. his results showed that the percentage using anova increased steadily from 1948 to 1972. however, the percentages using t-test and correlation declined. the percentages employing chi-square and factor analysis research methods and statistical techniques 5 were about the same throughout the period. willson (1980) surveyed aerj between 1969 and 1978. he discovered that approximately 41% of the statistical techniques analyses were biostatistics (such as correlation, multiple regression, discriminate analysis, multivariate analysis of variance). approximately 34% were agricultural statistics (such as anova/ancova). in comparing the statistical procedures used in articles published in the journal of educational research (jer), 1970 and 1980, with the exception of descriptive statistics, west, carmody and stallings. (1983) found more multivariate statistics were used in 1980. the most frequently used statistics in 1970 were correlation, anova, t-test, chi-square, multiple regression, and nonparametric statistics. the most frequently used statistics in 1980 were anova, multivariate, multiple regression and t-test. goodwin and goodwin (1985a, b) surveyed statistical techniques used in the journal of educational psychology (jep) and aerj between 1979 and 1983. the most commonly used statistics in aerj were anova/ancova (17%), correlation (12%), descriptive statistics (10%) chi-square/non-parametric statistics (7%), multiple-comparison (6%) and t-test (5%). statistics most frequently used in jep were anova/ancova (26%), correlation (17%), multiple-comparison (13%), t-test (8%) and regression (8%). elmore and woehlke (1988) reviewed aerj, review of educational research (rer) and educational researcher (er) between 1978 and 1987. they discovered that the most frequently used statistics were anova/ancova, descriptive statistics, multiple correlation/regression, bivariate correlation, multivariate and non-parametric statistics. later, they extended their survey to include 1978 to 1997 (elmore & woehlke, 1998). the extension changed the rankings of the most frequently used statistics to descriptive statistics, anova/ancova, correlation/regression, qualitative techniques, bivariate correlation, and multivariate. the discrepancies between goodwin and current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 goodwin (1985b) and elmore and woehlke (1988, 1998) were due to the different nature of the articles published in er (consisting of more interpretive and philosophical articles) and rer (consisting mostly of reviews of research). the rankings were almost identical when only the articles in aerj were considered. purpose an expressive review of the literature revealed that all authors (e.g., hall, ward, & comer, 1988; onwuegbuzie & daniel, 2003; thompson, 1998; vockell & asher, 1974; ward, hall, & comer, 1975) who have examined the research methods and statistical techniques analysis made by researchers have utilized journals published in the united states and these errors occur in the other parts of the world as well. thus, as the purpose research methods/designs, and data statistical techniques analysis appeared in research studies unpublished by doctoral dissertation from 2003 to 2007 the purpose of the study was to assess the research methods and statistical techniques analysis used by doctoral dissertation at the education sciences in turkey. more specifically, this study was designed to address the following questions: (i) what are the frequently used research methods? (ii) what are the frequently used statistical techniques analyses? results of the investigation should be of concern not just to the publishers of educational research journals and the practitioners of educational research, but also to the instructors of research methodology as well. graduate students in education are required to take research method courses so that they can become both/either good consumer of research publications and/or conductors of quality research. however, educators disagree on exactly how much knowledge of methods/analyses should be required for which levels of graduate students. research methods and statistical techniques 7 information about research practice in the field may provide some helpful guidelines. the present study is different from previous surveys in several aspects. first, it does methods/analyses without considering the subject matters investigated. second, unlike most of the previous surveys, this survey separates statistical techniques analysis from research methods. research methods include approaches, plans or designs of investigation with the exception of procedures to deal with data and their interpretations. third, it covers dissertations published from 2003 to 2007 (hsu, 2005). method data for the present study were obtained from a database developed by a cross-cultural study of educational and psychological research methods (hsu, 2005). the construction of the database included the following steps: (i) initially 211 unpublished doctoral dissertation original research studies in education sciences in turkey from 2003 to 2007 were indentified. years were coded by numbers: 6 (2003), 7 (2004), 30 (2005), 79 (2006), 89 (2007). (ii) as shown in table 1, each article was reviewed and classified in terms of three aspects: (i) research methods (15 categories); and (ii) statistical techniques analysis (23 categories). the categories of research methods; and data analysis procedures were adapted from the study of hsu (2005). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 table 1. categories of research methods, and statistical techniques analysis categories of research methods 1-action research 2-case study 3-experimental design 4-causal comparative/model 5-comparative approach 6-correlational study 7-cross culture 8-survey 9-ethnography 10-phenomenology 11-histography 12-other methods 13-interpretative/rhetorical 14-observational study 15-policy study categories of statistical techniques analysis 1-ancova 2-anova 3-bivariate correlation 4-canonical correlation 5chi-square 6-cluster analysis 7-descriptive statistics 8-discriminant analysis 9-effect size/power analysis 10-factor analysis 11kruskal wallis h test 12-kormogrov smirnov 13-linear regression 14-mancova 15-manova 16-many whitney-u test 17-meta-analysis 18-multiple correlation 19-multiple regression 20-path/structural equation 21-psychometric statistics 22-t-test 23wilcoxon the selection of categories for methods/analyses was based on an extensive review of methodology literature (keeves, 1988), encyclopedias of education and psychology (alkin, 1992) and categories used in surveys reviewed in a previous section. unlike some previous studies, as mentioned previously, analyses of statistical techniques were treated separately from research methods because they served somewhat different functions in the research process. for methods that were named after analysis of statistical techniques such as meta-analysis, multilevel analysis and structural equation modeling, they were included in statistical techniques analysis in research methods and statistical techniques 9 this study. rationales of some subjects/methods/analyses categorizations will be clarified in the following sections when appropriate. for studies employing more than one research method, up to three of the most important methods were recorded for each study. for data analysis, all procedures in the article were recorded. however, if a procedure was used more than once in the same doctoral dissertation, it was counted only once. it is important to note that qualitative interpretation was also considered as one technique so that data treatment procedures of qualitative research could be considered. to assure that the same criteria were used in classifying the articles, a manual description of the characteristics of each category was prepared. the frequencies of methods/analyses appearing in each doctoral dissertation from 2003 to 2007 were tabulated and their percentages were computed. to compute the percentage for each subject matter, its frequency was divided by the total number of doctoral dissertation and multiplied by 100. the frequency for each category was divided by the total number of methods/analyses and multiplied by 100 because a doctoral dissertation may have more than one method/analysis. to explore the trends of application, categories for plotting were selected because they were classified as frequently observed (at least 5%) in at least two of the doctoral dissertations. the unpublication years from 2003 to 2007 were divided into seven periods with five years each. in situations where a combination of categories was required (e.g., where experimental research is a combination of pre -quasiand true-experimental designs) frequencies of the combined categories were summed for that period before the percentage was computed (hsu, 2005). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 findings table 2 shows frequently used research methods and the least frequently used methods in unpublished doctoral dissertation. four of the frequently used methods are identical for all unpublished doctoral dissertations: experimental research, survey, correlational study, and case study. comparative approach was used to describe a study when it compared different techniques, methods, instruments, procedures, or objects and when it was neither an experimental study nor a correlational study. descriptive research involves the collection of data to describe the existing conditions of the problem under investigation. some publications use this term to include most non-experimental studies such as case studies, developmental studies, and observational studies, which were treated separately in this study. descriptive research was used only to identify studies describing existing characteristics that were not case studies, developmental studies, or observational studies. action research, phenomenology, causalcomparative approach, grounded theory, arge is also shown in table 2 as the least frequently used methods. table 2. research methods/designs used most and least frequently in the unpublished doctoral dissertation methods η % 1-experimental design 85 37.1 2-survey 78 34.0 3-correlational study 28 12.2 4-case study 26 11.3 5-action research 5 2.1 6-phenomenology 4 1.7 7-causal-comparative approach 1 0.4 8grounded theory 1 0.4 9-arge 1 0.4 total 229 100 research methods and statistical techniques 11 percentages of statistical techniques analysis most frequently appearing in articles published by unpublished doctoral dissertations presented in table 3. again, there are similarities among these unpublished doctoral dissertations. in fact, five of the six frequently used analyses are identical: descriptive statistics, t-test, anova, factor analysis, bivariate correlation, many whitney-u test and kruskal wallis-h test. actually, if the percentages were rounded to a whole number, psychometric statistics (3%) for unpublished doctoral dissertations could be classified as a frequently used data analysis procedure too. psychometric statistics included statistics designed for data collection instruments such as indices of reliability and validity. this category did not include factor analysis because it was treated as a separate category. in the present study, we deliberately included two categories that were normally omitted in surveys of analysis of statistical techniques: descriptive statistics and qualitative interpretation. descriptive statistics is the foundation of quantitative analysis. its role cannot be overlooked simply because advanced statistics are also used in the same studies. with the increasing popularity of qualitative research, qualitative interpretation should be included to account for treatment of qualitative data. fifteen (15) of the statistical techniques analyses were classified as the least frequently used procedures in table 3. this large number is unusual but was expected because the categorization is so specific. for example, multiple regression, linear regression, kormogrov smirnov, manova, and path analysis on this list can be grouped into a single category of multivariate statistics. same table also presents the percentages of the number of different statistical techniques analysis used in the same study. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 table 3. statistical techniques analysis used most and least frequently in the unpublished doctoral dissertation analysis of statistical techniques η % 1-descriptive statistics 181 28.46 2-t-test 138 21.70 3-anova 114 17.92 4-factor analysis 58 9.12 5-bivariate correlation 33 5.19 6-many whitney-u test 29 4.56 7-kruskal wallis-h test 19 2.99 8-ancova 19 2.99 9-chi-score test 12 1.89 10-wilcoxon 10 1.57 11-multiple regression 8 1.26 12-linear regression 7 1.10 13-kormogrov smirnov 4 0.63 14-manova 2 0.31 15-path analysis 2 0.31 total 636 100 results and discussion this study identified and tabulated research methods and statistical techniques analysis from studies unpublished in doctoral dissertation from 2003 to 2007. in addition, it also identified the subject matters under which these methods/analyses were applied. percentages of frequently used methods and analyses were plotted over for being unpublished in doctoral dissertation so that its trends of practice could be assessed and compared. as for being connected with the research model, it is related to the distribution of the models used in dissertation studies. in the case it has been determined that totally 9 different research models were used in 211 doctoral dissertation studies. among the models determined, research methods and statistical techniques 13 experimental design (37.1 %), survey (34.0 %), correlational study (12.2%) and case study (11.3 %) models are frequently used ones. besides this, only a few researchers carried on their works by taking the improvement on research methodology into the consideration and applying to causal-comparative approach and qualitative models. hsu(2005), who has studied a similar matter about methodological errors, suggests that the frequently used research methods, mentioned through the articles published by american educational research journal (aerj), journal of experimental education (jee) and journal of educational research (jer) between 1971 and 1998, are composed of experimental, defining, correlational, causal-comparative approach and case study, but, till middle of 1980s, percentage of the experimental and defining studies have continuously decreased in number; on the contrary, causal-comparative and the qualitative research has increased. when the results of this study are discussed in terms of these outputs, the experimental and scanning model applications in the three of four thesis studies in turkey can be shown as an indication of lack of an adaptation to innovations in this field, compared to the international tendency. furthermore, frequent use of experimental and scanning models in the study held by balcı (1993), and the findings of akkoyun’s study (1989) that show the existence of a modeling difference between the researches on consultation physiology held in america and turkey, supports this comment. as far as the data analysis dimension is concerned, the other comprehensive result relates to the distribution of the statistical techniques applied during data analysis in dissertation studies. it has been determined that 23 different statistical techniques were used in 205 doctoral dissertations in which statistics applied. among the techniques determined, descriptive statistics (28%), t-test (21%) and anova (17%) are most frequently used. when these techniques current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 analyzed, it can be said that descriptive statistics and differential statistics are applied in most of the dissertations. other statistical techniques which are limitedly applied are manova, mancova and path analysis. on the contrary, while there exists more than one variable in most of the dissertations, an evaluation has been done as if there were only one. thus it has prevented the study from achieving its purpose by using the techniques with one variable such as t-test and anova instead of applying multi variable statistical techniques in dissertation studies in which attitude and success are discussed together as a sample. most favorable explanation of this situation was done by loftus (1994). he states that a force effect exists on differential researches and relatively a negative view has been encountered in some studies. corresponding with this dimension of the research lots of works can be encountered in international literature; these studies mostly include the published articles on education. (table 4). wilson (1980) stated in his articles in american educational research journal (aerj) between 1969 and 1978 that anova, ancova, correlation, multiple regressions, discriminate analysis and manova are mostly applied tests. in 150 articles issued at journal of educational psychology (jep) between 1979 and 1983, anova and multiple regressions, correlation tests were stated as mostly applied ones (goodwin & goodwin, 1985a). in another study held by goodwin & goodwin (1985b) variant and covariant analyses, multiple regressions, correlation, descriptive statistics and manova were stated as largely used ones in the articles issued in aerj between 1979 and 1983 and t-test was found to be the one among the least preferred methods. the research results, which were repeated to determine the statistical techniques used in aerj published by elmore & woehlke (1998) since 1997, are parallel to the research outcomes of goodwin & goodwin’s (1985b). kieffer, reese & thompson (2001) determined that variant and covariant analyses, regression analyses, and correlation analyses had research methods and statistical techniques 15 been frequently used in 756 articles issued in journal of counseling psychology (jcp) and american educational research journal (aerj) between 1988 and 1997. in addition to american oriented journal analysis, at onwuegbuzie’s (2002) studies published in british journal of education psychology (bjep) in 1998, the most applied analyses techniques were variant, covariant and factor analysis. some parts of these outcomes are relevant to those found in this research. however, when a comparison made among the studies carried on after 2000, the fact that the research going along with the results of the study are desperately dated, can be interpreted as an indication our being behind the international progress with regard to statistical analysis in the research on education held in turkey. fortunately, some slow, glacial progress in the incremental movement of the field was reflected in the apa (1994, p. 18) style manual “encouraging” the reporting of effect sizes. but enlightened editorial policies now provide the strongest basis for cautious optimism (thompson, 1998). finally, even the criteria for the combination of different categories might not be identical; the differences of the results among surveys are relatively minor. it should be noted, however, that the percentages presented in table 4 were aggregated over the time periods covered. the percentages of procedures might vary from one year to another for different surveys, which was not addressed in this table. to have a more accurate comparison among these results, trends of application over the years should be explored (hsu, 2005). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 table 4. a comparison of most commonly used statistical techniques analysis identified by selected surveys reference journals statistical techniques analysis (%) edgington [1974] 7 apa journals [1948-1972] [54%] anova [26%] correlation [22%] t-test chi-sq. [15%] non-parametric [15%] factor analysis [3%] willson [1980] aerj [1969-1970] [41%] based correlation/regression [34%] anova/ancova [12%] factor analysis goodwin & goodwin [1985a] jep [1979-1983] [26%] ancova/anova [17%] correlation [13%] multiple comparison t-test [8%] regression [8%] goodwin & goodwin [1985b] aerj [1979-1983] [17%] ancona/anova [12%] correlation [10%] descriptive statistics non-parametric [7%] multiple comparison [6%] t-test [5%] elmore & weohlke [1988] aerj [1978-1987] [25%] ancova/anova [15%] correlation/regression [10%] multivariate bivariate correlation [9%] non-parametric [8%] t-test [8%] elmore & weohlke [1998] aerj [1978-1997] [31%] ancova/anova [19%] multiple regression [12%] multivariate bivariate correlation [11%] nonparametric [10%] t-test [10%] onwuegbuzie [2002]  bjep [1971-1998] [38%] anova [22%] manova [19%] factor analysis correlation [11%] regression [11%] chi-sq. [8%] hsu [2005] aerj [1971-1998] [24%] descriptive [19%] anova/ancova [13%] correlation regression [7%] qualitative interpre. [7%] t-test [6%] hsu [2005]  jee [1971-1998] [29%] descriptive [24%] anova/ancova [13%] correlation t-test [7%] non-parametric [6%] regression [6%] hsu [2005]  jer [1971-1998] [29%] descriptive [23%] anova/ancova [12%] correlation t-test [8%] regression [7%] non-parametric [6%] this study [2003-2007] [28%] descriptive [21%] t-test [17%] anova factor analysis [9%] non-parametric [6%] bivariate correlation [5%] note: apa: american psychological association, aerj: american educational research journal, jep: journal of educational psychology, bjep: british journal of education psychology, jee: journal of experimental education, jer: journal of educational research research methods and statistical techniques 17 references akkoyun, f. (1989). danışma psikolojisindeki araştırmaların gelişimi [development of research in counseling psychology]. paper presented at the meeting of the ii. ulusal sosyal bilimler kongresi, ankara, turkey. american psychological association. (1994). publication manual of the american psychological association. washington, dc: author. balcı, a. (1993). türkiye’de eğitim araştırmalarının durumu: a.ü. ebf örneği [status of educational research in turkey: a.u. f.e.s. example]. in eğitim bilimleri birinci ulusal kongresi (pp. 89-120). ankara: milli eğitim basımevi, dunkin, m. j. (1994). teaching, synthesizing research on. in t. husen & t. n. postlethwaite (series eds.), the international encyclopedia of education: vol. 10. research and studies (pp. 6235-6240). oxford, england: pergamin press. dunkin, m. j. (1996). types of errors in synthesizing research in education. review of educational research, 66(2), 87–97. edgington, e. s. 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(1998). published educational research: an empirical study of its quality. journal of educational research, 81(3), 182-189. hsu, t. (2005). research methods and data analysis procedures used by educational researchers. international journal of research & method in education, 28(2), 109-133 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 keeves, j. p. (ed.) (1988) educational research, methodology, and measurement: an international handbook, oxford, england: pergamon press. kelly, a. e. & lesh, r. a. (2000) trends and shifts in research methods. in a. e. kelly & r. a. lesh (eds), handbook of research design in mathematics and science education (pp. 35-44), mahwah, nj: lawrence erlbaum associates. keselman, h. j., huberty, c. j., lix, l. m., olejnik, s., cribbie, r. a., et al. (1998). statistical practices of educational researchers: an analysis of their anova, manova, and ancova analyses. review of educational research, 68, 350-386. kieffer, k. m., reese, r. j., & thompson, b. (2001). statistical techniques employed in aerj and jcp articles from 1988 to 1997: a methodological review. journal of experimental education, 69(3), 280-309. loftus, g. r. (1994). why psychology will never be a real science until we change the way we analyze data. current directions in psychological science, 5, 161-171. onwuegbuzie, a. j. (2002). common analytical and interpretational errors in educational research: an analysis of the 1998 volume of the british journal of educational psychology. educational research quarterly, 26, 11-22. onwuegbuzie, a. j., & daniel l.g. (2003). typology of analytical and interpretational errors in quantitative and qualitative educational research. current issues in education [on-line], 6(2). http://cie.ed.asu.edu/ volume6/number2/ shaver, j. p., & norton, r. s. (1980). randomness and replication in ten years of the american educational research. educational researcher, 9(1), 9-15. thompson, b. (1998). five methodology errors in educational research: the pantheon of statistical significance and other faux pas. (eric document reproduction service no: ed419023). vockell, e. l., & asher, w. (1974). perceptions of document quality and use by educational decision makers and researchers. american educational research journal, 11, 249-258. walberg, h. j. (1986). syntheses of research on teaching. in m. c. wittrock (ed.). handbook of research on teaching (pp. 214-229). new york: macmillan. walker, h. m. (1956) methods of research, review of educational research, 26, 323-344. ward, a. w., hall, b. w., & schramm, c. e. (1975). evaluation of published educational research: a national survey. american educational research journal, 12, 109-128. research methods and statistical techniques 19 west, c. k., carmody, c., & stallings, w. m. (1983). the quality of research articles in the journal of education research, 1970 and 1980. journal of educational research, 77(2), 28-36. willson, v. l. (1980). research techniques in aerj articles: 1969 to 1978. educational researcher, 9(6), 5-10. current is about th author: affiliatio address educatio email: e biograp educatio educatio ssues in educ he author engin kara on: eskiseh s: eskisehir on, meselik enginkarada phical infor on at eskis onal leaders cation vol. 13 adağ hir osmang r osmangaz k, eskişehi ag@ogu.ed rmation: en sehir osman ship, social 3 no. 4 gazi univer zi, college r, turkey du.tr ngin karada ngazi univ l constructi rsity of educati ağ is an ass versity. his ivism, and ion, depart sistant prof research in advanced e tment of pr fessor of el nterests inc educational rimary lementary clude l statistics. 20 research m volume authors articles publishe an kr hilla d ju an h mi methods and e 13, num hold the copy s in other jour er and include ngela abeyta rista adams ary andrelch diana barela ulia boukara ndrew darian aiying dong iriam emran statistical te curr mber 4 yright to artic rnals should b e the url of t provide a hik n n echniques rent issu http:// cles published be addressed t the cie publi ed cie is cred edit exe lor katy e jeffr sec sar mar me amb seo tiff calv linds fac gusta jean de ues in e /cie.asu.e d in current is to the author. ication. permi dited and cop torial team cutive editor ri ellingford elizabeth his rey i. johnso ction editors rah heaslip rlene hinton elinda hollis ber johnston onghee kim fany o’neill vin richards say richerso culty advisers vo e. fischm nne m. power ebby zambo educati edu issues in educ reprints sho ission is here pies are not so m rs d rich on n n s on s man rs on issn cation. reque ould credit cie eby granted to old. ror ta kar luc ker jennife ky n 1099-83 ests to reprint e as the origi o copy any art ry schmitt apati sen ri visconti cy watson rie wilkins er wojtulewi yle wright 21 39x cie inal ticle, icz microsoft word five secondary teachers.docx volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x five secondary teachers: creating and presenting a teaching persona janine s. davis averett university citation davis, j. (2011). five secondary teachers: creating and presenting a teaching persona. current issues in education, 14(1). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract this qualitative study investigates the ways that five secondary teachers developed and presented personae. the researcher collected and analyzed data using a theoretical frame based in social psychology, including goffman’s presentation of self in everyday life (1959), and miles and huberman’s (1994) three-step approach to qualitative data analysis. findings indicate that teachers drew on three major realms—the physical, psychological, and social—when constructing classroom personae. implications include increased opportunities for teacher reflection on persona and its effects. keywords: persona, social psychology, qualitative, reflection current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 2 about the author(s) author: janine s. davis affiliation: averett university address: 4880 cox road #101, glen allen, va 23060 email: jsdavis@averett.edu biographical information: an assistant professor in the averett university graduate and professional studies m.ed. program, janine is currently teaching courses in philosophy of education, curriculum development, and models of instruction. her research interests include teacher persona and identity, preservice teachers, and qualitative research. creating and presenting a teaching persona 3 five secondary teachers: creating and presenting a teaching persona teachers and actors have similar jobs—they perform for audiences, and those audiences can interact with the actors and change the outcome of the performance based on their reactions. elliot eisner (2002) calls the classroom a context for improvisation and likens teaching to standup comedy. those who teach know that they do not necessarily play the same role in class as they do at home or among friends. we adopt personae and present the sides of our selves that suit us and the situation. the word persona comes from the latin word for mask and suggests the “taking on of a mask,” that “involves artifice” (parini, 1997). this aspect of teaching is especially relevant to the current push to determine what successful teachers do: a recent new york times magazine article suggests that teaching is “decidedly not about being yourself” (green, 2010). persona is complex, and we know little about how and why teachers create certain personae in their classrooms. it is crucial to know all we can about what goes on in the classroom, including the ways that teachers enact roles; investigating how teachers create personae may impact teacher training in the future. the construct of persona the persona provides external clues about one’s self-image (sadoski, 1992). since the time of aristotle, when public speakers employed the rhetorical technique of ethos to highlight their character to sway their audiences, people in society have engaged in playing social roles (minot, 1989). more recently, social psychologists have investigated how and why people enact social roles: symbolic interactionism states that we adopt roles and define our selves depending on our understanding of and response to situations (blumer, 1969; mead, 1982; zurcher, 1983); thus, as applied to teaching, describing one’s persona helps others understand how the actor views the teaching act. in education, symbolic interactionists might refer to the novice teacher current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 4 who “takes on the role” or persona of the teacher (knowles & holt-reynolds, 1991; labaree, 2000; lortie, 1975). among the reasons for certain personae are one’s expectations and understanding of specific professions, which include rigid role expectations for teachers due to our extended time as students (lortie, 1975; perlman, 1986; weber & mitchell, 1995). studying social roles has extended to poker games, college football fans, and sorority houses and revealed that people do play roles consciously based on the audience’s expectations and the context (zurcher, 1983). however, there are few clear examples of studies that investigate the ways that personae emerge within the complex sociological interactions of teaching. theoretical frame various ideas from the literature underpin this study. figure 1 details the interrelationships of theory that informed data collection and analysis. the process of persona creation set forth in figure 1 also served as an a priori hypothesis about the ways that the participants would create personae. figure 1. theoretical frame. creating and presenting a teaching persona 5 as seen in figure 1, consideration of context serves as a filter for managing impressions and constructing persona (gardner & avolio, 1998; schlenker, 1980). teachers are primarily influenced by the classroom context as they create personae. the context can shape a leader’s presentation of self; charismatic leaders use positive characteristics like high self-esteem and motivation and manage their audience’s impressions through framing, scripting, staging, and performing, which leads to positive group outcomes (gardner & avolio, 1998). the next stage of the diagram shows the various ways that people construct a persona in society: goffman (1959), in his theory of the presentation of self in everyday life, separated the methods of creating a persona into discursive and non-discursive actions. non-discursive actions might include such signals as clothing or gestures; it is partly through these that a teacher conveys his or her ideas about the role of the teacher. discursive speech is influenced by relationships and social norms, which comes from the field of sociolinguistics. relationships and social norms influence discursive language because they are a part of the discourses that preservice teachers encounter in their own schooling and teacher training programs (kagan, 1992; lortie, 1975; zeichner & gore, 1990). as indicated in the third stage of the diagram, the purpose of these actions is for the teacher to display a persona and manage the students’ impressions of him or her. part of the point of managing students’ impressions is for the teacher to continue to do his or her job (schlenker, 1980); depending on the teacher, this may take the form of increasing student attention or learning, or simply be to make the teacher want to continue appearing in front of the class day after day. this process of persona creation and presentation occurs in all social settings, including the classroom. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 6 study’s purpose because there has been little research in the area of teacher persona, the purpose of this study was to investigate the ways that teachers create a persona in their classrooms. the research question guiding this study was “how do teachers develop and present a teaching persona?” it is important to know how teachers present personae in the classroom because the method infuses and modifies content—or how one teaches is constituent with what is taught (eisner, 2002). this study’s findings provide insight into the ways that teachers construct personae in the classroom, which can in turn inform pre-service teacher education and teacher staff development. once we know more about the choices that teachers make when creating personae, we may be able gauge the effectiveness of various personae in future studies and intervene to enable teachers to construct the most effective personae possible. method site and participants participants were a convenience sample of teachers at the trinity school; i gained access to the site through an acquaintance who taught at the school. the site was conveniently located but was not as saturated with other researchers as other public schools in the area due to the presence of a large research university in the vicinity. the five participants volunteered for the study in response to an email sent to all teachers at the school. the teachers were all caucasian, between the ages of 30 and 65, and had been teaching for more than three years, some for more than a decade. the participants taught math, english, science, history, and government. trinity school, a private, religious, k-12 school of about 700 students, is located in a residential area of a small city in the mid-atlantic region. the approximately 400 seventh to 12th creating and presenting a teaching persona 7 grade students pay tuition of more than $12,000 a year; most students are caucasian and uppermiddle-class. the school website indicates that 13% of the student body is made up of minorities and 20% of the students receive some financial assistance. observations suggest that the largest group of minority students are asian, followed by a small number of latino, africanamerican, and biracial students. sports are an important component of student life at trinity: almost 80% of students play at least one school sport, and the hallways showcase newspaper clippings about teacher-coaches or student-athletes. data collection data collection involved observations, interviews, and document analysis and took place from september 30 to december 1, 2008. observations totaling 15 hours included class periods at multiple class levels, such as honors or regular, as well as time immediately before and after the class periods to observe “backstage” (i.e. not engaged in teaching) behavior at those times. i conducted semi-structured, audio recorded interviews of between 45-60 minutes with each participant. these interviews included questions that were grounded in the literature and probed teachers’ ideas about their personae, including their responses to different school and student contexts and prior teacher models. sample questions and sub-questions are listed below: what do you think you are like as a person? what do you think you are like as a teacher? if the two are similar or different, please explain why you believe that is the case. what kinds of personality traits do you think you present to the class purposefully? why do you choose those traits? are there any traits that you deliberately choose not to show? current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 8 how much personal information (about children, spouse, hobbies) do you choose to share with students? why do you choose to share it? i interviewed each participant once, near the end of the data collection period. interviews took place at trinity school, and i transcribed them for analysis. document collection included assignment sheets, lecture handouts, photocopied readings, and the school schedule, website, and newspaper. i collected these multiple sources of data in order to triangulate my findings—which is vital to qualitative research—and not rely on one source of data collection. all of the data that i collected contributed to answering the research question, but i relied most heavily on observations for the initial phase of analysis. because of the nature of the research question, i used observations to determine how teachers presented their teaching personae. interviews mainly addressed how teachers had developed their personae over time. documents were a minor source of data collection and served to provide details about the classroom and school context in order to support a thick description. data analysis the data analysis involved miles and huberman’s (1994) three-step approach of data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/verification. i developed a start list of codes that was grounded in the literature and added emergent codes during the process of analysis, which ran concurrently with data collection. coding language mirrored goffman’s (1959) discussion of enacted personae, using, for example, the code “costume” for teacher clothing, “setting” for classroom decoration, and “backstage” for teacher comments that occurred when the teachers were not engaged in the act of teaching. some later codes that evolved during the analysis included “sarcasm,” “teacher sensitivity to student needs,” and “address”. creating and presenting a teaching persona 9 after uploading all data files into the nvivo computer program, i assigned codes during multiple readings of the entire data corpus. in addition to assigning codes to relevant sections of text at the phrase level, nvivo supported later phases of analysis, which included the creation of models using these codes and displays of instances of certain key codes across the participants. for a complete list of codes, see appendix i. limitations as with any study, this study has limitations that must be acknowledged. these limitations included the site and participants, time for data collection, and data collection implementation. the site for this study was one private, religious school, which means that extending the findings to public school teachers is most likely not advisable due to the difference in context. the data collection for this study took place over the course of eight weeks, starting at the middle of the semester, which is a relatively short period of time. additionally, while i compare instances of codes across the participants in the findings, my observations did not always provide a completely representative sample of each participant’s schedule. while i developed the questions for the interview protocols from the literature, it is possible that my questions did not resonate with the participants as they described their experiences. it is also possible that the themes i derived from the data were not absolutely representative of the participants’ experiences, however in order to guard against this i employed member checking. each participant accepted my analysis and played a role in shaping the final themes. finally, i did not have access to the pupils’ perspectives through interviews, although pupil voices do appear in my field notes and i observed their actions and reactions during my note taking. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 10 findings: how do teachers develop and present a teaching persona? analysis of the data revealed that the teachers were operating within and drawing from three interconnected realms—the physical, psychological, and social—when developing and presenting their personae (figure 2). each teacher’s persona was informed by all three realms, but the teachers varied in the degree to which each realm drove their choices. figure 2 illustrates the relationships among these realms and associated concepts; the subheadings listed under each realm below align with those found in the figure. figure 2. the three realms of persona development. the physical realm according to goffman (1959), we use sign vehicles, or indicators of persona, for two kinds of expression: the one that we give discursively, through speech and language, and the one that we give off nondiscursively, through such nonverbal modes as clothing and gestures. these creating and presenting a teaching persona 11 two kinds of expression are inextricably linked in the dramaturgical view of social interaction (brissett & edgeley, 1990). the participants in this study often used vocal volume, pitch, discourse, and general physicality to present their teaching personae. voice. perhaps most notable among the ways that teachers created a persona were the ways that they spoke to their students. a consideration of voice involved not only simply volume and pitch, but also the kinds of speech the teachers used in their classrooms. whether through the use of questioning at various levels, calling students by name or by nicknames, or using sarcasm, teachers conveyed differing roles of the teacher and the teacher’s relationship to students through their choices. table 1 numerically represents these findings. table 1 instances of student address, questioning, and sarcasm code ann john mary rob tina address 14 27 26 12 10 name 13 18 26 8 8 nickname 2 12 0 4 2 questioning 21 35 32 31 17 high 5 5 12 10 1 low 16 30 24 21 16 sarcasm 1 4 13 1 25 table 1 shows a clear division in the teachers’ use of discursive language. mary and tina used sarcasm often in the classroom, while ann, john and rob did not. ann even acknowledged that this choice was made deliberately when she said, “i don’t think that it’s [sarcasm] appropriate for the classroom” (ann, personal interview, november 20, 2008). tina said that she did use sarcasm purposefully because she saw it as a part of her personality (tina, personal interview, november 23, 2008). current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 12 for coding purposes, high and low levels of questioning were defined using bloom’s taxonomy, with lower-level questions involving either clear yes or no answers that drew on recently-taught information or questions that asked students to comprehend instruction and respond to it briefly. higher-level questions asked students to synthesize or apply knowledge or predict outcomes. all of the teachers asked more lower-level questions than higher-level questions, but both mary and rob often used higher-level questions as well. this could be due to the age of the students in their classes—both taught seniors—although tina taught upperclassmen as well and she asked one higher-level question to 16 lower-level questions. the teachers’ views of their content areas contributed here; tina taught math and both she and the students saw the subject as being made up of more clearly right-or-wrong knowledge. ann and john taught middle school science and social studies, respectively, and also had many more lower-level questions than higher-level questions—5 to 16 and 5 to 30, respectively. these two teachers also tended to focus much more on the process of learning, such as how to take notes, read for information, and conduct research, and acknowledged that they saw middle school students as needing this kind of support instead of a content-heavy curriculum. this contributes to the explanation of why teachers differ in their personae: they believe that their students need certain things from teachers. finally, the ways that teachers addressed students conveyed the teachers’ personae. persona is constructed within social interactions (goffman, 1959), and the ways that people address others indicates their ideas about their roles in the interaction. for example, a teacher who calls students “honey” or “sweetie” with a gentle tone may be seen as presenting a motherly persona. although in the initial analysis the difference appeared to be between teachers who did and didn’t use nicknames, later analysis showed that a bigger difference appeared when teachers creating and presenting a teaching persona 13 did or didn’t address students at all. i observed all of the teachers for the same amount of time, but while rob and tina used student names or nicknames fewer than 12 times overall, mary and john addressed students 26 and 30 times, respectively. mary did not use nicknames for students, while john, who also coaches a sports team at the school, often referred to students as “my man,” or by nicknames that slightly changed their actual names, like “macster.” ann fell in the middle of this division, addressing students 15 times. she favored nicknames like “sweet pea” or “sweetheart,” when she did use nicknames. this set up a big sister/mom persona and relationship with the students. the use of names was one way that teachers conveyed a basic relationship with their students, whether it was straightforward and collegiate, as with mary, or enthusiastic and coach-like, as with john’s persona. physicality. teachers had active or stationary styles when it came to motion in the classroom: mary usually sat a large round table while discussing literature. tina generally stood in front of the smart board while teaching and rarely circulated throughout the room, perhaps because there was little room to maneuver between the students’ desks. john and ann frequently circulated throughout the room to check on student progress. john also frequently employed fist bumps with his student in class, which created a coach-like persona and drew on the signals of physical action and tone of voice, as it was often delivered in an expectant, excited manner. rob moved purposefully, and indicated how he developed an awareness of his movements, saying: i’m probably more self-aware of my body actions than most because of my law training…and i did ceremonies for the marine corps where everything from the curl of my hand to [where my feet are] was analyzed…i choose to sit down on the desk at times, or i’ll be on a [power point] slide and then change it and consciously go to the other current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 14 side—that’s kind of a classic persuasive use of body movement (rob, personal interview, november 25, 2008). rob’s deliberate and intentional use of physical movements to make points in the classroom created a lawyerly, college-like teaching persona. other teachers did not express this level of awareness of their movements, although all acknowledged their preferences for sitting, standing, or circulating. costume. the teachers’ clothing choices contributed to their personae in the way that the costume contributes to a character onstage. both rob and john dressed in a polished and preppy style. the first time i met rob, he was wearing a pink oxford shirt with his monogram embroidered on the chest. ann’s colorful, youthful clothing choices included cowboy boots, brightly colored college sweaters, and mini skirts. ann’s style contrasted with mary’s and tina’s comfortable-looking and generally dark-colored wardrobes. tina often wore knee-length jean skirts and solid-colored shirts, while mary favored pants and tops in dark colors. setting. decorations varied from many diverse materials to almost nothing. although teachers had little control over the size, shape, and furnishings of their classroom space, they used posters and decorations to outwardly represent their personae. in this way, they served as the set decorators of their classrooms. rob controlled the setting by planning several off-campus field trips and trips to the computer lab. some choices were a function of the teachers’ content areas; for example, ann had live animals in her room because she taught science. ann also displayed family pictures and large amounts of student work. this was a highly-charged election year as viewed from a conservative religious school, which led rob, a government teacher, both to take students to a polling place on election day and to break with his usual strategy of not telling students who would receive his vote. he attributed this choice to wanting to check in creating and presenting a teaching persona 15 with students about whether he was accurately presenting an unbiased view of politics. rob also displayed personal artifacts including framed diplomas. john decorated his space with college pennants, a large american flag, and a personal pez collection. in mary’s room, there were fewer decorations, including two small pictures from nature and a bulletin board on mla style. finally, tina used the smart board during lessons, but there were very few decorations on the walls other than a few slogan stickers such as “if i throw enough at ‘em, maybe something’ll stick,” which presumably represented the tongue-in-cheek side of her view of teaching. the psychological realm predating goffman, some of the origins of our conceptions of persona can be found in jung (1875-1961), whose work centered on personality as exhibited through social interaction; for example, the popular division of types into extravert and introvert is based on one’s own interest and attitudes toward others in social settings. extending from personality and intertwining with the psychological aspect of persona creation is teacher identity. selfpresentation within the context of social interaction is seen in the research as a step toward identity formation (perlman, 1986; zembylas, 2003). in other words, persona is enacted socially with various others on a daily basis, and identity is formed by processing the effects of the accumulation of these daily personae; this relationship between persona and identity highlights that the ways people think about themselves impact the ways they conduct themselves in public. for this study, the psychological dimension of persona creation included feelings about content, beliefs about teaching such as what the role of a teacher should be and what students like or need from a teacher, and personal teacher models, whether real or fictional. feelings about content. the participants’ feelings about their content areas influenced the personae they created in the classroom. ann’s enthusiasm for the nature of scientific current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 16 discovery meant that she wanted to present an enthusiastic persona for her students, while mary’s feelings about english as an interesting but serious and scholarly pursuit led to her serious and practical persona. both rob and john described a love for the civic opportunities and relevance of social studies and government, and they revealed this through their professional but democratic personae. they made their openness and desire to hear multiple students’ voices—as in a democratic society—a part of the personae that they presented to their classes. tina saw math as important but often boring, and her often impatient and sarcastic persona flowed from these beliefs. beliefs about teaching. in considering her views of teaching the students at trinity, tina drew on her own experience as a student in a religious school and her upbringing and said, i know that these kids drink, they do drugs, they’re not sheltered…a lot of the trinity teachers actually believe that they do absolutely no wrong, and so they treat them as if they do absolutely no wrong…i don’t want them for one second to think that i can be manipulated…i’m a control freak, and a lot of it had to do with that i grew up in an alcoholic family, a bad one. (personal interview, november 23, 2008) tina acknowledged that her often inflexible, sarcastic persona came from these aforementioned beliefs about the students. during one class, tina said, “so this is solving, in the other one we were just simplifying.” when a boy offered a long explanation for how to do the problems, tina said in a joking, sarcastic way, “well, that was made a whole lot easier” (field notes, november 10, 2008). ann’s caring, motherly persona contrasted but could also be attributed to her beliefs about teaching her particular students. she said, “well, i believe the best in all my students…my kids know i love them” (ann, personal interview, november 20, 2008). rob had held a high position in the military and attended law school, and recalled the styles of creating and presenting a teaching persona 17 teaching and leadership that were effective in those settings as he considered his own persona. mary said that she enjoyed her work and english literature but admitted that she felt that “so much of teaching is scut work” (personal interview, november 24, 2008). teacher models. a common expression that is supported by the literature is that teachers teach in the ways that they were taught (lortie, 1975), and the teachers in this study did describe using their own favorite teachers as models as they formed their personae. ann named a teacher model who was “very frenetic” and who “looked for you to get things right, which is what i try to do with my struggling students” (ann, personal interview, november 20, 2008). one particular movie proved to be polarizing between two teachers with different personae. john stated, “one of the great models is actually from a movie, dead poets’ society…i remember seeing that movie early in my college career and being inspired by it…just the connection that his character was able to make with his students, i think is very powerful, even more than academe” (john, personal interview, december 1, 2008). john frequently enacted a charismatic, enthusiastic persona similar to the teacher in the film. in contrast, mary listed the prim and proper mary poppins from literature (not the film, she indicated) as one of her models, and said that, “some of the teachers that are not role models for me are people like robin williams in dead poets’ society, sort of, you know, cutting edge maverick, throw the book out the window…that’s so not who i am” (personal interview, november 24, 2008). in her teaching, she set up an opposing persona to the teacher in dead poets’ society; she could be stern, inflexible, and sarcastic, and delved deeply and straightforwardly into the text in discussions. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 18 the social realm persona is enacted in social settings, with an “audience” (goffman, 1959). the social definitions of symbolic interactionists (blumer, 1969; schlenker, 1980; zurcher, 1983) extend to the classroom and persona: students form definitions and expectations for the role and behavior of the teacher and teachers respond to these expectations (lortie, 1975; vanderstraeten, 2004; weber & mitchell, 1995). in this study, the social realm of persona construction included the teachers’ relationships with students and their (the teachers’) responses to the school context. relationships with students. as they enacted persona socially, the relevant audiences for the teachers in this study were the classes of students they taught, and the kinds of relationships that the teachers created were an important part of their personae. ann wanted to convey motherly warmth and gentle support in her relationships with students, and indicated that she would hug students when they were upset. during class, john and rob brought up experiences with students that they had had while coaching sporting activities, which highlighted their views of teacher-as-coach. tina responded to the students’ academic performance, at times openly conveying frustration when they hadn’t completed assignments or weren’t paying attention. mary listened to the students’ thoughts but pushed them to interact with and think critically about the material (in this case, novels) instead of discussing their personal lives with her or their classmates. context response. in this private, religious school, students were encouraged to get involved in extra-curricular activities such as sports, and many of the teachers responded to this context by discussing their coaching duties (as rob and john did) or interest in student or professional sports (as tina and ann did) during class time. creating and presenting a teaching persona 19 additionally, trinity school used ability grouping and at times the teachers adjusted their personae depending on the level of students that they were teaching. this became evident in observations and the teachers confirmed in the interviews that their choices were intentional. in this way, the prior and present actions of the “audience” of students informed the teacher’s performance. for example, tina was often sarcastic in class, but the tone of the sarcasm was more positive in the honors class, while in the regular class, it was harsher and directed at students’ misbehavior or lack of involvement with the class activities. when teaching a mathematical formula, tina said to a regular class, “oh yeah. this is for two by two. it’s gonna get big. abc, def, ghi.” student: [sarcastically] “i hate you.” t: “write it down. i’ll never ask you to like me, i’ll never ask you to like this class, and i’m not asking you to cure cancer” (field notes, tina, october 20, 2008). in the honors class, she said, “you have to be meticulous [she pronounces it carefully]. [to two students] guys, stop petting.” student: “were you petting her?” t: “yes, like a dog. i’ll check the numbers. you understand how, though? maybe? because i’m so nice, i printed this out for you” (field notes, tina, october 6, 2008). she changed her persona slightly based on the “audience,” and could be slightly more abrupt and negative with lower-performing students. some of these differences between class levels were subtle and were enacted through slight changes such as the level of the questions asked of the students. for a comparison of the numbers of questions by level, see table 1. at trinity, teachers pray with their classes at least once each day, and the ways that the teachers responded to this requirement contributed to their overall presentation of persona. because prayer was the one subject common to the participants in the context of trinity school (except mary, who did not teach during the prayer time), their treatment of the prayers indicated their preferred teaching style, which was a part of the persona. while rob began a prayer with a current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 20 joke and then chose some quotes from the bible and explained their significance, ann and john would ask for prayer requests from students and spend about ten minutes asking for strength and comfort for the students. in contrast, tina once prayed for students in the class who were failing and may not be asked back to the school. discussion the theoretical framework for this study served as an a priori hypothesis, and the process indicated therein did occur for each of the participants. they considered the context of their classroom and school and used non-verbal and discursive signals in order to manage the students’ impressions of them. goffman’s interaction order (1983, as cited in malone, 1997) indicates that face-to-face interaction involves “bodily displays [that] are enacted and read as if part of a natural theater.” the participants engaged in this “natural theater,” which included hand gestures, eye movements and gaze, facial expressions, and physical positioning in the classroom and in relation to the students. the importance of clothing and appearance, particularly for ann, highlights some participants’ attention to their physical presentation of self. non-verbal signals such as these, combined with speech and use of objects, form what gee (2000) calls a “combination” (109). the participants developed and presented personae in various ways, and indicated varying levels of awareness that they were doing so. research supports the actions of the teachers, including goffman’s theory of the presentation of self, which states: sometimes the individual will act in a thoroughly calculating manner, expressing himself in a given way solely in order to give the kind of impression to others that is likely to evoke from them a specific response he is concerned to obtain. sometimes the individual will be calculating in his activity but be relatively unaware that this is the case. creating and presenting a teaching persona 21 sometimes he will intentionally and consciously express himself in a particular way, but chiefly because the tradition of his group or social status require this kind of expression and not because of any particular response (other than vague acceptance or approval) that is likely to be evoked from those impressed by the expression. sometimes the traditions of an individual's role will lead him to give a well-designed impression of a particular kind and yet be may be neither consciously nor unconsciously disposed to create such an impression (1959, p.7). personal biographies can impact teacher role identity (knowles, 1992; solomon, worthy, & carter, 1993), and in this study, patterns of interaction from the participants’ family lives were also important when presenting a persona. this was especially true for tina, who recalled toxic relationships with her siblings and parents and who admitted that she sometimes resorted to negative interactions with students. the findings raise many questions which may be addressed in future studies. one of the biggest remaining questions is that of teacher choice of content area and student age level (as in middle or high school). it is unclear whether teachers made choices in response to the students in the room or whether teachers chose the kinds of situations that suited their own personal teaching preferences and personae. more work is needed in this area to know the reasons behind this complex process of persona creation. nevertheless, the research findings do have some important implications for research on teaching and teacher education. implications first, if teachers operate within these three realms, then it is reasonable to investigate how teacher educators might prepare their programs to align with these areas. results also suggest that reflection on the development and presentation of one’s personae may support teacher current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 22 awareness of their actions and interactions. this is a small sample of teachers at one private school, so more studies like this are necessary to know whether the persona-creating choices made by these teachers are similar to those made by teachers in larger and/or public schools. second, this study does not focus on effects of certain personae on students, but my observations suggest that students do respond differently to different teacher personae. future studies must consider the impact of teacher personae on both student achievement and student attitudes about learning. conclusion the kinds of personae that teachers enact in front of their student audiences vary a great deal. how do teachers develop and present their personae? this study aims to answer this question; the findings show that the physical, social, and psychological realms are vital as teachers construct their public selves in the classroom. participants signaled their differences in persona through visual and auditory cues like vocal tone, student address, classroom decoration, and teacher dress. they interacted with students in different ways and drew on a variety of experiences as they went “onstage” day after day. to what degree are the teachers’ personae intentional? this question was beyond the scope of this study, but would definitely provide a rich source of data for future studies. if we can determine if and how certain teachers construct their personae purposefully in the classroom and the effects of those personae on pupils, then we may take a step toward increasing teacher effectiveness in the future. creating and presenting a teaching persona 23 references blumer, h. (1969). symbolic interactionism: perspective and method. berkeley: university of california press. brissett, d. & edgeley, c. (eds.). (1990). life as theatre: a dramaturgical sourcebook. new york: walter de gruyter. eisner, e. (2002). the educational imagination: on the design and evaluation of school programs. upper saddle river, nj: prentice hall. erickson, f. (1986). qualitative methods in research on teaching. in m. wittrock (ed.), handbook of research on teaching, (3rd ed.), pp. 119-161. new york: macmillan. gardner, w., & avolio, b. (1998). the charismatic relationship: a dramaturgical perspective. the academy of management review, 23(1), 32-58. geertz, c. (1973). the interpretation of cultures. new york: basic books. goffman, e. (1959). the presentation of self in everyday life. new york: doubleday. goffman, e. (1983). the interaction order: american sociological association, 1982 presidential address. american sociological review. guba, e.g. & lincoln, y.s. (1994). competing paradigms in qualitative research. in n.k. denzin & y.s. lincoln (eds.), handbook of qualitative research (pp. 105-117). thousand oaks, ca: sage. kagan, d. (1992). professional growth among preservice and beginning teachers. review of educational research, 62(2), 129-169. knowles, g., & holt-reynolds, d. (1991). shaping pedagogies through personal histories in preservice teacher education. teachers college record, (93)1, 87-113. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 24 labaree, d. (2000). on the nature of teaching and teacher education: difficult practices that look easy. journal of teacher education, (51)3, 228-233. lortie, d. (1975). schoolteacher: a sociological study. chicago: university of chicago press. mead. g.h. (1982). the individual and the social self: unpublished work of george herbert mead. chicago: university of chicago press. miles, m. b., & huberman, a. m. (1994). qualitative data analysis: an expanded sourcebook (2nd ed.). thousand oaks, ca: sage publications. minot, w. (1989). personality and persona: developing the self. rhetoric review, 7(2), 352 363. parini, j. cultivating a teaching persona. chronicle of higher education, september 5, 1997. perlman, h. h. (1986). persona: social role and personality. chicago: university of chicago press. richards, l. (2005). handling ideas (chapter 6). in handling qualitative data: a practical guide (p. 146-161). thousand oaks, ca: sage. sadoski, m. (1992). imagination, cognition, and persona. rhetoric review, 10(2), 266-278. schlenker, b. (1980). impression management. monterey, ca: brooks/cole. vanderstraeten, r. (2004). emerging mechanisms of educational interaction. educational review, 56(1), 43-52. weber, s., & mitchell, c. (1995). that’s funny, you don’t look like a teacher: interrogating images and identity in popular culture. philadelphia, pa: the falmer press. zeichner, k. m., & gore, j. m. (1990). teacher socialization. in w. r. houston (ed.), handbook of research on teacher education (pp. 329348). new york: macmillan. creating and presenting a teaching persona 25 zembylas, m. (2003). interrogating “teacher identity”: emotion, resistance, and self formation. educational theory, 53(1), 107-127. zurcher, l. (1983). social roles: conformity, conflict, and creativity. thousand oaks, ca: sage publications. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 1 26 appendix i list of codes tree node address tree node affect tree node content relevance tree node humor tree node motion tree node politics tree node questioning tree node sarcasm tree node teacher models free node age free node backstage free node collective teachers free node costume free node gender roles free node ignoring free node inflexibility free node micromanaging free node onstage free node personal story free node prayer free node process of learning free node setting free node sports free node student excitement free node student frustration free node teacher sensitivity to student needs free node text reference creating and presenting a teaching persona 27 current issues in education http://cie.asu.edu volume 14, number 1 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editors lori ellingford andrew darian assistant executive editor krista adams layout editor jennifer wojtulewicz copy editor lucinda watson faculty advisers gustavo e. fischman jeanne m. powers debby zambo section editors hillary andrelchik meg burke douglas deiss miriam emran tracy geiger sarah heaslip melinda hollis afzal hossain seong hee kim younsu kim alaya kuntz angeles maldonado carol masser john michael william mitchell elizabeth reyes lindsay richerson rory schmitt tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt volume vi citation yüksel, s c abstract the purp project fo researche teachers. had more have had responsib keyword 13, numbe ews of sc s. & karada councils proj t pose of this s or school co ers develope based on th e positive vie d positive vie bility of the c ds: school c er 4 chool ma e ağ, e. (2010) ject. current study is to de ouncils whic ed a perceptio he results of ews than ma ews regardin councils wil councils pro anagers a coun sed uluda engi eskisehir os . views of s t issues in e etermine teac ch have been on scale for this research ale teachers a ng the school ll turn projec oject, democ and teach ncils proje dat yüksel ag universi in karadağ smangazi u school mana education, 13 chers' views n used in sch the project ( h, female tea and high sch l councils pr ct practices i cracy, schoo hers rega ect l ity ğ university agers and te 3(4). retriev s regarding d hools in turk (pspda), w achers and el hool teacher. roject, the la into a mere r ols is arding th eachers rega ved from http democracy e key. in the st which was ad lementary sc . although st ack of power ritual. sn 1099-83 e school arding the sc p://cie.asu.ed ducation and tudy, the dministered t chool teache taff member r and 39x chool du/ d the to the ers rs current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 2 views of school managers and teachers regarding the school councils project the 21st century places high demands on education with regard to globalisation, multiculturalism, democracy, and human rights. students should graduate from schools after they incorporate an understanding of democracy that satisfies these demands. teaching students about democracy and other relevant subjects through theoretical lessons alone does not raise awareness about democracy in students. the key factor is that students accumulate experiences based on the principles of democracy at many points in their lives, but these opportunities occur more frequently at school. there is no doubt that teaching theoretical information to students is insufficient to make democracy a lifestyle. the most basic characteristic of democracy is that it is an idea form and a cultural matter. it cannot be integrated into individuals through laws, regulations, enforcement, or teaching through school lessons. the information should be conveyed through experiences. the individual should learn democratic values at school; however, the key is to practice these values with the help of the teacher (beane, 2005; mosher, kenny, & garrod, 1994). . practicing democratic education depends on configuring school and class media based on the principles of democracy. rusch (1994) states that democratic practices at schools should consist of two related parts: (i) the values achievable in reality (creating an intellectual base for beliefs and practices); and (ii) specific practices for attendance of the individuals at school completely. calabrese (1990) states that there are several basic democratic practices, including: of the promotion of justice, a cherishing of equity, the maintenance of integrity, constituents (active and full participation), a norm of inclusion, equity in the distribution of resources, and reasonable recourse for grievances. considering these principles, it is evident that a participatory structure should be formed at school. school councils project 3 one of the most important elements of democracy is participation. participation is the basis of an education in democracy. democracy may be better learned in democratic environments where participation is encouraged, ideas are sincerely expressed and discussed, freedom of expression is truly experienced by teachers and students, and justice exists. democratic relationships between all parties (managers, teachers, students, other employees, and families) participating in school life are desired. these democratic relationships will facilitate the formation of a participatory environment. as a result, providing democratic participation in schools is a process that includes managers, students, and guardians. a system to increase the effectiveness of teachers and guardians was planned during the 1990s, and efforts were undertaken to implement this system (levin, 1998). recognition of teachers within school management and their contributions to making these decisions were seen as a factor in making the education process democratic. the idea of student participation in school management appeared after the 1990s (perlin, 2004). school councils one of the key methods for raising student participation in school management and making democracy education effective is to form “student councils” “student assemblies”. according to this practice, managers, teachers, and students should work in cooperation for modifications at school (alderson, 2000). school councils also gather students and make them aware of projects at their schools (baginsky & hannam, 1999). students can explain their demands about their schools, which will increase the quality of education and bring attention to matters ignored by management. students will take responsibility during councils, rather than observe events around them as a spectator; this will lead students to show the required sensitivity that is appropriate in these councils. they will not hesitate to explain their ideas about the events current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 4 (cotmore, 2004). according to studies, students, teachers, and guardians look favourably on active student participation in management, and believe that school councils are effective and helpful in developing democratic behaviours (parker & leithwood, 2000; veugelers & kat, 2003). however, according to some studies, teachers and students do not look on active participation of students in management with the same favour; teachers do not believe that student councils have a positive effect on schools and classes (parker & leithwood, 2000). some teachers complain that student councils create additional work burdens. students state that they cannot explain their ideas in meetings due to the time restrictions. however, it is understood that students are willing to take responsibility and have positive views on school councils (alderson, 2000; cotmore, 2003). however, it has been observed that school managers do not want student groups to participate in matters relating to schools, thus keeping their participation levels to a minimum (clune & white, 1988; conley, 1991; 1993; malen & ogawa, 1988). school councils in the turkish educational context turkish education system has democratic, modern, scientific secular and coeducational characteristics. the purpose of the turkish education system is to increase the welfare and happiness of the turkish citizens and turkish society, to support and facilitate economic, social and cultural development in national unity and integration and to make the turkish nation a constructive, creative and distinguished partner in modern civilization (meb, 2002). the age of entry to school is six or seven in turkish education system. since 1997, secondary education follows eight years of basic education and covers general, vocational and technical high schools that provide three or four years of education. general high schools do not prepare students for a specific profession but rather for higher education. the following institutions are considered to fall within general secondary education: high schools; high schools with intensive foreign school councils project 5 language teaching; anatolian high schools where a foreign language english, french or german is taught during the preparatory year and the teaching of certain subjects is provided in that language in upper grades; science high schools; teacher training high schools; anatolian fine arts schools; multi-curricula high schools; evening high schools; and private high schools. in general high schools, the average number of weekly periods of teaching in each grade varies from a minimum of 33 to a maximum of 41. in their second year, students in high schools where the general programmer is applied may choose to attend branches which specialize in the natural sciences, literature and mathematics, the social sciences, foreign languages, art or physical education. vocational high schools provide three-year secondary education, train qualified people for various professions and also prepare students for higher education. technical high schools offer a four-year programmer. subjects offered in the first year are the same as in the vocational high schools. secondary education students obtain the diploma which is the prerequisite for entry to higher education (whed, n.d.). the most important reason for this development, the european union and the modernization of the turkish education system examines the reconstruction of turkish history/social studies curriculum and accesses how well the program conforms to the established european union (eu) directions and norms. in this age of globalization, the extent to which the eu can impose its educational norms on turkish education as the membership process unfolds is in question. therefore, the problem addressed in this study concerns the relationship between educational and national development in turkey and the degree of influence the eu can exercise appropriately on that development (tarman, 2008). although positivism –as well as its corollary in the social sciences, structuralfunctionalism – continues to resurface as an influential paradigm, the last two decades have witnessed the emergence of a variety of new perspectives and approaches. these include: critical current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 6 theory (foster, 1986), hermeneutics, feminism (capper, 1999), (critical) pragmatism (maxcy, 1991, 1995), and postmodernism/post-structuralism (capper, 1998, 1993) (see also, derrida, 1982, 1984; lyotard, 1984; foucault, 1979, 1992; anderson & grinberg, 1998). anderson and ginsberg (1998) have offered a subtle theoretical account of how foucault’s ideas on power can illuminate the field of educational administration. the deployment of a range of discursive techniques has been an essential element in the legitimating of educational policies and management practices in a period of rapid change. according to turan (2000), citizens have not comprehended the importance of participatory democracy in turkey since the turkish government has not made the necessary arrangements in schools which would create a democratic environment or prepared the administrators who would implement those arrangements. school councils and practices for cooperative decision-making have been seen in canada, the u.s., new zealand, australia, and the united kingdom (malen & ogawa, 1992; mohrman, wohlstetter & associates, 1994; murphy & beck, 1995). these practices have also been started in turkey. democracy education has consistently been discussed in turkey. one of 15 basic principles in turkish education is to provide democracy education (official gazette, 24 june 1973). considering the legal fundamentals of education, this indicates the importance that is attached to education. however, the quality of democracy education has frequently been discussed. theoretical teaching in democracy education in turkey has been dominant, and attitudes and skills have been ignored until recent years. with respect to the theoretical teaching of democracy to students, subjects regarding human rights and democracy have been included in other lessons. in addition, lessons regarding “human rights and democracy” are beginning to be school councils project 7 taught in elementary and senior schools after the relevant program was recently developed in turkey. however, it is claimed that the contents of these lesson are insufficient (kepenekçi, 2000) and the subjects of human rights and democracy are not properly emphasized in lesson books (i̇nal, 2004; akbaşlı, 2000). theoretical aspects of democracy were discussed within lessons; however, there was no practical application that could help students relate to democracy at schools. thus, discussions of organising school councils began in turkey, and “the project for democracy education and school councils -pdesa” was put into effect. this project was enabled by a protocol signed between the ministry of national education (mne) and the turkish grand national assembly (tgna) on 13 january 2004, and was based on the idea that democracy can only be learned through practice. in the same year, pilot practices of the project began at 300 schools. due to the positive results that were obtained, pdesa was implemented in all schools across turkey in the 2004-2005 academic years. “the project for democracy education and school councils pdesa,” executed by the ministry of national education (mne) and the turkish grand national assembly (tgna), cooperatively aims to raise children, starting at early ages, with an awareness of democracy. this will make students more sensitive to democratic subjects, such as elections, becoming elected, voting, critical thinking, cooperation, participation, forming public opinion, and the adoption of democratic leadership (meb, 2007). there are three separate councils in the execution of this project. first, the school assembly is founded according to the votes of all students at the school; this assembly assigns one student as president through election. the city’s student assembly is founded on a general city basis, and assigns one student as president through election, who is then sent to the tgna to represent the city assembly. the presidents coming from various cities make up the turkish current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 8 students’ assembly, and discuss matters relevant to education in their cities during sovereignty week, which starts on the april 23rd of each year. the city’s student assembly notifies the minister of national assembly of its decisions, reached during this week, as recommendations for education (tezgel, 2006). there is no doubt that school managers and teachers are key factors in democracy education and in the execution of the projects for school councils. studies on attitudes, thoughts and behaviours of managers and teachers with respect to turkish democracy education indicate that managers and teachers adopt democratic principles and also consider themselves sufficient to practice them at school (bilgen, 1993; işıkgöz, 1999). however, there are often shortcomings in teachers’ democratic behaviours (ertürk, 1970; tezcan; 1982; gözütok, 1995; şahin, 1995). the physical conditions of schools often obstruct teachers’ abilities to demonstrate democratic behaviours (yeşil, 2001). studies conducted after the implementation of democracy education and the project for school councils confirm the results mentioned above. accordingly, teachers’ opinions on democracy are positive, and they believe that democracy can only be learned through education. therefore, they reported positive views regarding the project; however, there are a number of problems with respect to execution due to school conditions. teachers complain that participatory mechanisms cannot be instituted at schools, and that school managements have general intentions to supervise participation and keep the project under control (cılga, 2004; emir & kaya, 2004; kıncal & uygun, 2006; metin, 2006). however, these studies were conducted only a short time after the project was put into effect. consequently, it was assumed that teachers were still experiencing difficulties in satisfying the requirements of the project for democracy; therefore, results obtained before the project is fully and correctly integrated may be subject to change. as a result, it was decided to review the practicability of school councils at the school councils project 9 end of the third year. the aim of this study is to determine teachers’ views about democracy education and the project for school councils and its practice. the key role of teachers in democracy education and the importance of practising the concepts at school and in class have both been highlighted in the literature (giroux & penna, 1983; holmes, 1991). thus, teachers’ contributions to the execution of the project will remain high, and there is no doubt that opinions on the project will directly affect the result of its execution. method participants this is a descriptive study and was carried out on 235 managers and teachers working in istanbul and bursa at the end of the 2006-2007 academic years. istanbul and bursa are intensely populated cities, and are also industrial and commercial centres. migration to these cities occurs at high rates. as a result, schools in these cities contain students from lower, middle, and higher socio-economic classes. table 1 shows data regarding the schools in which the participants work. table 1 distributions of the schools at which the participants included in the sample work city elementary school senior school vocational high school total n % n % n % n % istanbul 61 45.9 29 21.8 43 32.3 133 100 bursa 50 49.0 25 24.5 27 26.5 102 100 total 111 47.2 54 23.0 70 29.8 235 100 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 10 almost half of those participating in this research (%47.2) work at elementary schools. 29.8 and 23 percent of the participants work at vocational high schools and senior high school respectively. table 2 shows data regarding personal features of the participants who were included in the study. table 2 distributions of personal features of the participants who were included in the study options 1 2 total gender male female – n 130 105 235 % 44.7 55.3 100.0 job manager teacher – n 19 216 235 % 8.1 91.9 100.0 education school of education other faculty – n 155 80 235 % 66.0 34.0 100.0 as can be seen at table 2, the ratios of participants were mostly female (55.3 %), teachers (91.9 %), and graduates of school of education (66 %). instrument in the study, the researchers developed the perception scale for the project for school councils project 11 democracy assembly (pspda), which was applied to the teachers. the scale was designed to question the views of the teachers regarding democracy education and the school council’s project applied in elementary and senior schools. the correlations of item-total and item-residue were calculated based on data collected from 235 teachers in order to determine the distinguishing powers of the individual criteria of the 37 questions in the draft form with respect to its features. correlation coefficients, which were obtained in item-total correlations, ranged between 0.19 and 0.80; item-residue correlations ranged between 0.23 and 0.78. all items were statistically meaningful. to determine the distinguishing power of the items existing in the draft form, raw scores (which were obtained from the scales) were ordered from highest to lowest. the scores can also be evaluated in one dimension due to the total point, which may be obtained from the form. a significant difference at a level of p<.01 was determined by comparing this ordering result with the average scores of the lower and upper groups of 27% through an independent group t test. analytic and confirmatory factor analyses were employed to determine the structural validity of pspda. analytic factor analysis for analytic factor analysis, kaiser meyer was calculated as olkin=.943, and bartlet analysis was calculated as [p<.01]. the perpendicular axial rotating technique was then performed to generalise the data to be obtained from the scale in this study. the varimax technique for perpendicular axial rotation was preferred due to the multifactor nature of the scale (kline, 1994; stapleton, 1997; stewens, 1996; rennie, 1997). it was understood that the items of the scale consisted of two (2) subscales. the specific values of each subscale are greater than 1. the total of the specific values of the subscales in the scale is 11.87. the explained variance percentage total is 56.57, and factor charges for the items of the subscales range between 0.44 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 12 and 0.78 (see table 3). when factor analysis was repeated for the remaining 21 items resulting from factor analysis, it was seen that the factor charges of these items were higher in only the subscale directly below. these subscales are as follows: (i) awareness of democracy: this consists of sixteen items, which are all positive. high scores obtained for this scale indicate that the project will help in raising awareness of democracy in the individuals. samples from the items: (1) endeavouring to be elected is a good opportunity for students to bring their personal characteristics to the fore. (2) pdesa encourages students to express their ideas. school councils project 13 table 3 the results of analytic factor analysis for the pspda scale subscales awareness of democracy national and global values item no factor charge factor charge item 15 .83 item 23 .76 item 14 .72 item 29 .71 item 28 .69 item 25 .68 item 30 .68 item 24 .67 item 17 .67 item 3 .67 item 20 .66 item 31 .63 item 27 .62 item 16 .61 item 9 .59 item 18 .57 item 6 .82 item 7 .78 item 21 .74 item 8 .57 item 11 .53 specific value 7.80 4.07 explained variance 37.18 19.38 (ii) national and global values: this consists of five items, all of which are positive. high scores obtained for this scale indicate that the project will contribute to raising national and global values in the individuals. samples from the items: (1) pdesa will help to raise awareness of scientific thinking in students. (2) pdesa will help to raise awareness of being open to global values in students. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 14 confirmatory factor analysis confirmatory factor analysis was performed in two stages as another effort to support the scale’s structural validity. in the first stage, it was determined whether the estimated values exceeded the theoretical limits before evaluation of the confirmatory analysis results of the subscales (which were obtained as a result of analytic factor analysis of the scale). according to the results, no values were found to exceed the theoretical limits. the consistency indices for confirmatory factor analysis seen on table 4 were calculated as chi-square (χ2) value [χ2=241.64, df=89, p<.01] for the scale. also, other consistency wellness indices [gfi=0.88, agfi=0.84, pgfi=0.65] show that the model recommended for scale is suitable. furthermore, factor charges, which were obtained in the confirmatory factor analysis for the scale, range between 0.54 and 0.81. table 4 consistency parameters of the scale for the confirmatory factor analysis model consistency parameter coefficient gfi 0.88 agfi 0.84 pgfi 0.65 df 89 χ2 241.64 χ2/df 2.71 cronbach’s alpha coefficients for interrelation in the scale were found to be 0.80 and 0.94 for the subscales, and 0.94 for the scale in general. table 5 shows the cronbach’s alpha school councils project 15 coefficients of subscales and item numbers of the subscales of the scale. table 5 reliability coefficients of the subscales and item numbers subscales n item number alpha 1awareness of democracy 235 16 0.80 2national and global values 235 5 0.94 total 235 21 0.94 table 5 shows the scale is consist of two subscales (awareness of democracy, and national and global values). cronbach’s alpha coefficients of subscales are 0.80 and 0.94. . analysing the data in the study, demographic variables of the sample group were grouped before statistical analysis, and the scale was then scored according to a 5-point likert system. sample number (n), describing demographic features of the teachers included in the sample, as well as percentage values (%), were calculated. sample number (n), mean (x), and standard deviation (sd) scores were calculated for the scores obtained by the scale. the distribution of the data was checked. kolmogorov-smirnov’s normality test was performed to determine whether the distribution was normal. according to the result of the test (p<.05), the data was not distributed normally. in other words, the distribution was non-parametric. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 16 table 6 test of normality: kolmogorov-smirnov dimension z df p 1awareness of democracy 2.32 235 .012 2national and global values 1.78 235 .013 total 1.43 235 .033 accordingly,  the mann-whitney-u test was employed to determine whether the scores of the teachers included in the sample varied depending on gender and job variables.  the kruskal wallis-h test was employed to determine whether the scores of the teachers included in the sample varied depending on the following variables: the type of school in which the teachers worked and the socio-economic level of the school’s district.  if variation was seen between the groups according to the kruskal wallis h test, the many whitney-u test was employed to determine the cause of the variation [between the groups].  pearson product moment correlation analysis was employed to determine the relationships between the scores of the teachers and their experiences. findings the findings of the research are as follows: table 7 shows the results of the many whitney-u test for variations in participants’ views regarding the school council’s project depending on gender. school councils project 17 table 7 mann-whitney u-test results for participants depending on gender subscale female n=105 male n=130 u z p x sd x sd 1awareness of democracy 4.09 .55 3.91 .62 5400.0 -2.756 .006 2national and global values 3.87 .62 3.54 .73 5069.5 -3.409 .001 total 7.97 1.10 7.45 1.22 5012.5 -3.499 .000 according to the statistical results, meaningful variations were found for female participants in favour of the school councils project in the subscales of awareness of democracy and national and global values, as well as in the total. that is, female managers and teachers are more positive about the school councils project than males. table 8 shows the results of the mann-whitney-u test for variations in participants’ views about the school council’s project depending on the job variable. table 8 mann-whitney u-test results for participants depending on the job variable subscales manager n=19 teacher n=216 u z p x sd x sd 1-awareness of democracy 3.76 .65 4.01 .59 1591.0 -1.626 .104 2-national and global values 3.53 .64 3.70 .71 1739.0 -1.109 .268 total 7.30 1.03 7.72 1.20 1561.5 -1.727 .084 current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 18 according to the statistical results, no meaningful variations were found for the school councils project in the subscales of awareness of democracy and national and global values, or in the total. thereby, the opinions of participants about school councils project do not change whether they are managers of teachers. this is an important finding. it would have been thought that managers would perceive such projects negatively since managers worry that students can have more power in school administration (levin, 1998), the discipline and governance of the school might be disturbed by the propaganda and election campaigns (furman & starratt, 2002). however, managers are aware of the importance of school councils project and perceive it positively like teachers. table 9 shows the results of the kruskal wallis-h test for variations in participants’ views about the school council’s project between groups divided according to the socioeconomic levels of particular school districts. school councils project 19 table 9 kruskal wallis-h test results for participants depending on the socio-economic levels of the districts in which the schools exist subscales group n xrank df p variation 1awareness of democracy lower 89 120.02 2 .488 –middle 134 118.69 upper 12 95.29 2national and global values lower 89 116.67 2 .892 –middle 134 118.11 upper 12 126.58 total lower 89 116.13 2 .930 –middle 134 119.46 upper 12 115.54 according to the statistical results, no meaningful variations were found for the school councils project in the subscales of awareness of democracy and national and global values, or in the total. that is, the opinions of the participants do not change according to socio economical level of schools at which they work. it had been assumed that those participants working at low socio-economical environments would have perceived this projects negatively since the process of the election might have been troublesome in those schools. however, these managers and teachers do not worry about the process of the elections. table 10 shows the results of the kruskal wallis-h test for variations in participants’ views about the school council’s project depending on the school type variable. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 20 table 10 kruskal wallis-h test results for participants teachers depending on the school type subscales group n xrank df p variation 1awareness of democracy elementary school 111 126.12 2 .150 –senior high school 54 104.59 vocational high school 70 115.47 2national and global values elementary school 111 129.24 2 .043 1-2senior high school 54 103.32 vocational high school 70 111.49 total elementary school 111 129.13 2 .043 1-2senior high school 54 102.38 vocational high school 70 112.40 according to table 10, it was found that variation occurs between elementary and senior school managers and teachers. the variation is in favour of the elementary school managers and teachers according to the results of the many whitney-u test performed to determine which groups caused the variation. however, no meaningful variation was found for the school council’s project in the subscale of awareness of democracy. these results show that managers and teachers in elementary schools perceive this project more positively. the reason why high school managers and teachers perceive this project negatively might be that there would be undesirable interactions among students during elections such as fighting. table 11 shows the results of the pearson product moment correlation analysis done to determine the correlation between participants’ views on the school council’s project and their job experience. school councils project 21 table 11 pearson correlation matrix between participants’ views and their job experience variables awareness of democracy national and global values total job experience -.060 -.057 -.063 n=235 according to the statistical results, no meaningful correlation were found for the school councils project in the subscales of awareness of democracy and national and global values, or in the total. namely, there is no relationship between job experience and the opinions about school council project. in fact, as the seniority of managers and teachers increase, they might have been expected to have negative opinions about this project. however, it is very important that there is no finding in this research supporting this expectation. this means that, this project does not meet considerable resistance by managers and teachers in schools discussion turkey, which is a candidate for member statehood in the european union, is undertaking efforts to satisfy eu criteria. accordingly, it is making changes in its social welfare and education systems, in addition to its official government bodies. without a doubt, one of the most important criteria of change is to make democracy an integral part of turkey’s social life. strengthening social attachment and enabling the efficient participation of citizens in social and political life are among the essential considerations of governments and the eu. schools are considered to be important organisations that can contribute significantly to the socialisation of citizens and the future development of democracy. accordingly, the council of europe current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 22 announced that 2005 was ‘european citizenship year through education’ (council of europe, 2008). the council of europe wishes to highlight the importance of education by raising awareness of citizenship and through participation in democratic society. it was seen in many european states in recent elections that participation and interest in political life and public life are decreasing, which is cause for concern, especially with regard to young people. this organisation aims to make young people aware of the need to participate in democratic life. the council of europe aims to highlight individuals’ critical thinking abilities, as well as their abilities to discuss matters within the limits of tolerance and logic (kepenekçi, 2000). thus, the development of individuals who have adopted democracy into their social lives and are respectful of democracy has become increasingly important. the turkish education system has been modified such that the lessons of democracy and human rights have been put into schools, and these subjects are now taught in social information lessons. the second stage requires that students learn democracy through experimentation and practical experience at schools. accordingly, the project for democracy education and school councils was put into effect. it is expected that democracy will effectively take place in school life if this project is successfully completed. without a doubt, two of the most important factors for integrating democracy into schools are managers and teachers. some of the most important tools in the project are the attitudes, beliefs, and views of teachers regarding democracy and democratic practices at school. the study shows that managers and teachers view the project favourably and believe in its benefits for students. this result is very important, especially since managers and teachers retain favourable views despite the additional workloads incurred due to the project. also, it is significant that managers and teachers have taken on such views since the beginning of the school councils project 23 project in light of the fact that many managers and teachers had poor views on the benefits of school councils in the beginning (leithwood & menzies, 1998). another important finding is that managers and teachers’ positive views do not vary according to the school’s socio-economic level. it was possible that staff at schools with lower socio-economic level would think that students could not benefit sufficiently from the project due to their lower socio-economic conditions. another interesting finding is that no correlation was found between the staff’s job experience and their views on the project. it is well-known that resistance to change increases with increasing experience and age (achinstein & ogawa, 2006; gonzalez, nelson, gutkin & shwery, 2004; mckenzie & scheurich, 2008; şimşek & seashore, 2008). it is significant that the staffs’ views on student council, as well as participation at older ages, were positive. more positive views from the staff working for elementary schools are normal. it may be said that students of elementary schools may benefit more from the project compared with those attending senior schools the important matter is whether this council will be effective in school management and practice. for example, leithwood & menzies (1998) failed to find strong proof for direct or indirect effects in their reviews, which covered 83 studies on the effects of site-based management and school councils. it must be said that various factors influence the effectiveness of school councils. these factors include: the makeup of the councils in direct relation to student participation (wohlstetter et. al., 1994), the council’s goals, clearly-defined objectives and purpose (daresh, 1992; jenni, 1991; malen, ogawa & kranz, 1990), and the management style of the council (easton & storey, 1994). in considering the school councils project from these points of view, the election process for making up the council was clearly defined. however, the council’s goals and mission were not defined. in fact, students in the council were not authorised current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 24 to make decisions in the school, and they carried no significant responsibilities. the authority is mostly held by a central organisation in the ministry, and partially by school managers, as was previously the case. as a result, although staff members have had positive views regarding the school councils project, the lack of power and responsibility of the councils will turn project practices into a mere ritual. unfortunately, the lack of power and responsibility of the councils (and consequently, the students) indicates that the traditional approach is still valid; this approach underestimates student participation in decision-making processes, considering them to be insufficient, illiterate, and unreliable. however, when schools fail to rely on students, who account for the main element of the school, the school fails to rely on democracy. development of a democratic lifestyle at school depends on raising awareness of ‘us’ in a school’s mentality. consequently, the project should be seated on strong foundations, relieved of its mere ‘project’ status, and made into a reality in practice. in addition, school councils should be authorised as required by a democratic lifestyle. as a result, individuals will make democracy a lifestyle in the future, which will influence and contribute to the development of democracy in society. for these reasons, turkish ministry of education should give more power to the school councils since this research reveals that managers and teachers favor school councils. thus, these educators are not expected to resist or obstruct the activities of school councils. in this respect, the power of school councils should be increased and its participation in school administration should be encouraged. as a result of this, democracy will strongly take place at schools and students will acquire more easily the democratically attitudes. this research reveals the opinions of managers and teachers about school councils project. the same topic can be studied with different samplings. moreover, quantitative and school councils project 25 qualitative research can be conducted to find the possible problems in the operation of school councils in high schools. since senior high school managers and teachers perceive this project more negatively, the reasons for this negative perception can be studied in detail by conducting research in high schools. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 4 26 references achinstein, b., & ogawa, r. t. 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(eric document reproduction service no. ed479166). whed, (no date). world higher education database. london: macmillan. wohlstetter, p., smyer, r., & mohrman, s. (1994). new boundaries for school-based management: the high-involvement model. educational evaluation and policy analysis, 16(3), 268-286. yeşil, r. (2001). i̇lköğretim düzeyinde okul ve ailenin demokratik davranışlar kazandırmadaki etkisi [the effects of schools and families on the elementary school students in the process of gaining democratic behaviours] unpublished doctoral dissertation, atatürk university, erzurum, turkey. school co about th authors affiliatio address 16059 g email: s biograp sedat y univers democra engin k osmang construc ouncils project he authors : sedat yük on: uludag s: uludag u gorukle, bu sedaty@ulu phical infor yüksel is an ity. his res acy educati karadağ is a gazi univer ctivism, adv t ksel & eng g university university, ursa, turke udag.edu.tr rmation: n associate p search inter ion and effe an assistant rsity. his re vanced edu gin karadağ y & eskise education ey r professor o rests includ fect of teach t professor esearch inte ucational st ğ hir osmang faculty, d of curriculu de hidden c hing course of elemen erests inclu tatistics. gazi unive department um and ins curriculum, es in teache ntary educa ude educati ersity of educati struction at student re er education ation at esk ional leader onal scienc uludag sistance, n. kisehir rship, socia 31 ces, al current is volume authors articles publishe an kr hilla d ju an h mi ssues in educ e 13, num hold the copy s in other jour er and include ngela abeyta rista adams ary andrelch diana barela ulia boukara ndrew darian aiying dong iriam emran cation vol. 13 curr mber 4 yright to artic rnals should b e the url of t provide a hik n n 3 no. 4 rent issu http:// cles published be addressed t the cie publi ed cie is cred edit exe lor katy e jeffr sec sar mar me amb seo tiff calv linds fac gusta jean de ues in e /cie.asu.e d in current is to the author. ication. permi dited and cop torial team cutive editor ri ellingford elizabeth his rey i. johnso ction editors rah heaslip rlene hinton elinda hollis ber johnston onghee kim fany o’neill vin richards say richerso culty advisers vo e. fischm nne m. power ebby zambo educati edu issues in educ reprints sho ission is here pies are not so m rs d rich on n n s on s man rs on issn cation. reque ould credit cie eby granted to old. ror ta kar luc ker jennife ky n 1099-83 ests to reprint e as the origi o copy any art ry schmitt apati sen ri visconti cy watson rie wilkins er wojtulewi yle wright 32 39x cie inal ticle, icz cie template 1 volume 14, number 2 june 14, 2011 issn 1099-839x entitled or excluded? attitudes toward access to postsecondary education for undocumented students courtney palmer paine intermediate school theresa davidson samford university this study examines the determinants of attitudes towards undocumented immigrant students‟ access to higher education, an area that has received little attention in the literature on immigration and public opinion. theories of symbolic politics and labor market competition frame our research question. using data from the 1994 general social survey, we find partial support for our predictions. attitudes toward bilingual education, concerns about economic growth, and family income are significant predictors of public opinion regarding access to higher education for undocumented immigrants. keywords: undocumented immigrants, higher education, public opinion, attitudes in 2004 the census bureau reported that the foreign-born population had exceeded 32 million residents with approximately one third of those entering the country since 1990 (larsen, 2004). recent estimates find that there are 9.3 million undocumented immigrants in the u.s., comprising about 26 percent of the total foreign-born population. the majority of these immigrants originate from mexico or other latin american countries (passel, 2004). while many immigrants do return to their home countries (massey, 2005), a considerable amount will remain in the country, often raising children that are themselves undocumented. indeed, a recent report found that approximately 1.5 million children in the u.s. are undocumented immigrants (passel & cohn, 2009). these children will have a significant impact on the social and economic future of the u.s. (shields & behrman, 2004), and their current and future presence demands greater consideration from policy-makers. undocumented status results in significant barriers of access to a variety of institutions and resources including healthcare, welfare benefits, food stamps, and other forms of support (capps, henderson, & reardon-anderson, 2005; levinson, 2002). while the undocumented do have access to public primary and secondary education, postsecondary education remains a largely inaccessible resource, primarily due to the prohibitive costs of college education, but also due to legal and social boundaries. a considerable body of literature documents public opinion toward immigration, yet there is a notable absence of research on attitudes toward access to higher education. given the importance of public opinion for policy design and implementation, as well as the heightened social, political, and job-market value of a college degree, we find this a remarkable shortcoming in the literature. thus, we intend to build on this literature by examining attitudes toward undocumented immigrant access to higher education. we frame our investigation using symbolic politics and labor market competition theories. literature review immigrants and education an estimated 65,000 undocumented students graduate each year from u.s. secondary schools current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 2 (drachman, 2006). the supreme court plyer v. doe decision in 1982 guaranteed children of undocumented immigrants‟ access to free public education for grades k12. the court stated that “denying undocumented children access to free public education „imposes a lifetime of hardship on a discrete class of children not accountable for their disabling status, [and that] the stigma of illiteracy will mark them for the rest of their lives‟” (drachman, 2006, p. 92). while this decision allowed children access to primary and secondary public education, it did not ensure eligibility for financial benefits for postsecondary education. providing access to public primary and secondary education to undocumented students in the u.s. may appear to reduce the lifestyle of hardship described by drachman (2006), but it is a façade. given the current economic, political, and social state of the country, it is postsecondary education that serves as the key to upward mobility. providing access to it would allow relief from drachman‟s “stigma of illiteracy” and the challenges of poverty experienced by many immigrant groups (2006). though roughly 15 percent of undocumented immigrants between the ages of 25 and 64 have earned a college degree, this figure is less than half that of legal immigrants and natives (passel & cohn, 2009). an estimated 7 to 13 thousand undocumented immigrants enroll in college after high school, however, the sites where their access is permitted are limited and the likelihood of these students completing their degree is slim (passel, 2003). generally speaking, financial and legislative barriers make it exceedingly difficult for these students to continue with postsecondary education. the barriers that make higher education difficult to access could mean even higher future costs in the labor force, healthcare services, and criminal offenses (drachman, 2006). the cost is too great for both taxpayers and undocumented immigrants to not address their access to postsecondary education. the dream (the development, relief, and education for alien minors) act has been introduced in the senate every year since 2003. the act would make undocumented immigrant students eligible to pay in-state tuition funds for public higher education. access to in-state tuition is crucial as undocumented students cannot qualify for federal aid. this act has not been implemented at the federal level; so many state legislatures are finding ways to temporarily ameliorate the problem. in 2001, texas was the first state to pass legislation allowing undocumented high school students access to public universities and colleges by allowing students to pay in-state tuition rates. nine other states followed suit: california, illinois, kansas, nebraska, new mexico, new york, oklahoma, utah, and washington (flores & chapa, 2009). however, many states with large immigrant populations still remain in opposition to immigrant access. colorado, massachusetts, nevada, and new jersey, states with some of the largest concentrations of latino immigrants, still remain without policies that support the presence of undocumented students in higher education. even after recent dramatic increases in the immigrant population in the southern region of the u.s., most southern states remain in direct opposition to the presence of undocumented students in secondary education, much less postsecondary. mississippi, north carolina, virginia, and tennessee have forbidden undocumented students from enrolling in public colleges and universities even if they can afford the tuition rates (flores & chapa, 2009). furthermore, the lack of federal support means even for undocumented students in states that permit access to funding for postsecondary education, their degree may be useless in the american workforce because of their citizenship status (flores & chapa, 2009). the long-term implications of limiting access to higher education are quite salient when one considers most undocumented students will continue to live in the united states. carens argues that “to refuse to educate a child in the modern world is to condemn that child to a life of very limited possibilities” (2008, p. 170). in our current globalized society, higher education is crucial for social mobility. globalization requires technologically based forms of education, new forms of knowledge and new standards for expertise, yet immigrant students may be limited to primary and secondary education which cannot always provide these specialized skills (vasquez, 2007). education is the key to entrance and mobility in a global society. the restriction of education will perpetuate exclusion and stratification of minority ethnic and immigrant groups (solis, 2003). as vasquez states, education provides a “safeguard for [the] human and civil rights” of immigrants whose socioeconomic status places them at a disadvantage (2007, p. 122). the more education one receives, the greater his or her worth in the social structure, giving him or her access to more resources and protection against exploitation and discrimination in the labor force (vasquez, 2007). socially inclusive policy will aid in immigrant assimilation into the larger culture through means of social mobility, possibly even reducing poverty through participation in the higher-paid segments of the labor market. indeed, “all society benefits by providing [the immigrant] population with the education and supports they need today” that they may become productive and engaged for the future (shields & behrman, 2004, p. 4). we must consider immigrant education policy in the same manner we consider other socially inclusive policy, or the result may be a marginalized and uneducated population (carens, 2008). the initial implementation of programs that promote child development and educational opportunity for immigrants may place a financial burden on society, but failure to create national policies that support the assimilation and success of the undocumented immigrant class will likely result in an even greater financial burden over time (shields & behrman, 2004). entitled or excluded? attitudes toward access to postsecondary education for undocumented students 3 public opinion considerable research has established that americans tend to hold generally negative attitudes toward immigration (espenshade & hempstead, 1996; jarret, 1999; simon, 1985; simon & alexander, 1993; stephan, renfro, esses, white, & martin, 2005). americans tend to express opposition to immigrant-specific social policy such as access to welfare services (pantoja, 2006) and bilingual education (garcia & bass, 2007). given the importance that public opinion can have in developing policy towards access to important institutions in society, it is notable that there is little research on public opinion regarding access to higher education for undocumented immigrants. though opposition to immigration is evident, when it comes to children of immigrants, many of whom are themselves undocumented, attitudes may be tempered. according to carens (2008), children are a group of “special claims”. while many may feel that undocumented immigrants have broken the law by gaining entry into the u.s., they may also feel that the children should not be held responsible for their presence within the country. as a result, states are “even more morally constrained in dealing with irregular migrants who are children, than in dealing with irregular migrants who are adults” (carens, 2008, pp.168-169). the public opinion shift when considering children and students is most likely a result of the american public favoring humanistic treatment (lee & ottatai, 2002). americans‟ recognition of the importance of education also plays a role in the development of attitudes toward educating undocumented immigrants or the children of undocumented immigrants. generally, some college has become the norm for americans, as about eighty percent of all american students enroll in either public 4-year or 2year colleges (porter, 2002). on average, college graduates earn more than high school graduates, and a bachelor‟s degree is now seen as essential for success (riley, mcguire, dessy, & dorfman, 1999). americans view higher education as having both public and private benefits. individuals with higher education experience greater social and professional mobility, sustained cultural and family values, higher salaries and greater benefits, and improved working conditions and health. also, the greater society experiences increases in the tax revenue, consumption rates, numbers of skilled workers, charitable giving, diversity, and decreases in government aid and crime (institute for higher education policy, 1998). the value placed on higher education in america, combined with a unique sympathy for children, may temper attitudes toward immigrant access to higher education predicting attitudes toward access to higher education: theoretical framework a substantial body of research suggests that the perception of an economic and cultural threat posed by immigrants affects attitudes toward immigration generally (espenshade & hempstead, 1996; esses, jackson, & armstrong, 1998; fennelly & federico, 2008), and immigrant access to public services (garcia & bass, 2007; wilson, 2001). while none of this research focuses on undocumented immigrant access to higher education, we feel that the traditional models used to predict these other attitudes might also be useful for understanding our specific interest. these models indicate that concerns about economic competition and cultural changes to america brought about by immigrants are strong predictors of opposition to their presence. to open up educational institutions to undocumented immigrants, at a cost similar to that of citizens, suggests another component of economic competition that immigrants may pose. in addition, the presence of undocumented students, who may struggle with english competency, implies changes to pedagogy that may threaten the “uniquely american” educational experience. on this basis, we test attitudes toward undocumented student access using models that have predicted different, but related, attitudes. previous literature has employed the symbolic politics and labor market competition theories to explicate public attitudes toward immigrants and their access to public services. thus, the following section discusses, within the symbolic politics framework, economic and cultural threat. we also discuss labor market competition theory as it shapes attitudes toward immigrants. symbolic politics recent waves of immigration have brought insecurity about national cohesion and how one defines “american”. according to citrin, reingold, and green (1990), through socialization we acquire cultural attitudes and definitions that can predict how we feel about those that differ from us. this reflects the basic principle of the symbolic politics argument: that cultural objects such as language, race, religion, and socioeconomic status are embedded in the social system and solidify the concept of a unique “american” identity by giving citizens a reference for their identity (keogan, 2002). this identity, when paired with political symbols such as legislation that contributes to the benefits of immigrants, evokes negative political attitudes regarding those viewed as out-groups (sears, citrin, cheleden, & van laar, 1999). within this framework, the socialized identity of the majority group contributes to one‟s perception of ingroup and out-group distinctions and influences attitudes about those considered members of the out-group (lee & ottatai, 2002). pantoja (2006) found the majority of americans identify social values such as economic individualism, humanitarianism, and egalitarianism as playing a role in shaping american identity. recently, the public has expressed toward immigrants and immigrant policy a “growing negativity…possibly caused by the perception that these newcomers threaten existing american cultural identity, beliefs, and values” (garcia & bass, 2007, pp. 64-65). pantoja‟s 2006 study shows the extent to which a growing minority group threatens core values and shapes the way citizens within the majority group respond to immigration policies such as border current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 4 enforcement, the number of immigrants admitted to the country, and the public resources to which they are granted access. lee and ottatai‟s 2002 study demonstrated that factors such as target ethnicity, perceived economic threat, and obedience to law significantly influenced participant‟s responses regarding humanistic treatment of immigrants. importantly, however, the results of this study differed when respondents considered the children of illegal immigrants and their access to resources. therefore, the perception of undocumented students as both a cultural and economic threat for the public will be key in our study. cultural threat. immigrants, who bring with them different cultural beliefs and practices, are often seen as a threat to cultural definitions of “american.” fennelly and federico (2008) and wilson (2001) found respondents with more monocultural, or ethnocentric definitions of “american” more likely to hold exclusivist views toward immigrants. americans often endorse the value of diversity, particularly within the realm of education, but continue to see immigrants, both documented and undocumented, as a threat to cherished values and traditions (chandler & tsai, 2001; lamont & morales da silva, 2009). generally speaking, citizens express concern over english language use and bilingualism, and, the possibility that public policy may favor immigrants over citizens. these issues are discussed in the following sections. research sites the use of the english language as a main factor in defining american identity (chandler & tsai, 2001). english is considered “a cohesive force solidifying united states citizenry,” and many immigrants to the u.s. do not speak english, posing a threat to the established american language standard (garcia & bass, 2007). citizen-driven movements have developed where the main objective is to make english the official language so as to clearly define what it means to be american (citrin et al., 1990). interestingly, chandler and tsai (2001) found all measurable factors linked to exclusivist attitudes to be related to english language use. exclusivist attitudes regarding english language use, however, are not solely expressed toward adult immigrants, undocumented or documented. while studying immigrant students in north carolina, wainer‟s (2006) interviews with students, parents, and educators linked exclusivist attitudes of english-speaking anglos and african americans‟ with the widespread use and growth of spanish speakers. however, within the realm of higher education, americans generally promote the concept of diversity and see bilingualism as an asset (lamont & morales da silva, 2009). paradoxically, the undocumented population could provide to our public universities a wealth of diversity in education, yet they are generally restricted as a threat to our national identity and values (lamont & morales da silva, 2009). according to wilson‟s (2001) group threat theory, dominant group attitudes toward minority groups are also influenced by fears that minority group members will be favored over their own group members. the ideal of the “american dream” denotes economic wealth, occupational success, and opportunity for upward mobility, yet the continued growth of immigrants is often perceived as competition by majority group americans who aspire to those ideals. indeed, it is the majority group‟s perception of threat to their status within the social or political system that influences attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy (wilson, 2001). feelings of threat to one‟s status can be further exacerbated if majority groups, noting an increase in immigrant populations, overestimate minority group size (alba, rumbaut, & marotz, 2005). the stronger the sense of group threat, the more likely the dominant group will express negative views toward policies that benefit minorities. americans who believe immigrants threaten employment opportunities, economic growth, or national unity are more likely to oppose policy that benefits undocumented or documented immigrants (wilson, 2001). economic threat. in addition to a cultural threat posed by immigrants, economic concerns shape attitudes toward immigrants and related policy. conditions of the national economy prove to hold great influence over citizens‟ perception of immigrants and their attitudes about their access to country entry, citizenship, and public services. keogan (2002) found exclusivist attitudes develop when the public primarily perceives material conditions as unfavorable, and, contemporary immigrants as significantly different from the european-origin population. anti-immigrant attitudes often come in response to political leaders placing blame on immigrant workers for rises in unemployment rates, economic downturns, and tax increases (citrin, green, muste, & wong, 1997). exclusivist attitudes emerge with higher levels of anxiety about the national economy. for example, eight percent of citrin et al.‟s (1997) sample supported residency time restrictions of one year before immigrants could obtain access to social services. espenshade‟s (1995) evidence seems to counter this restrictionist attitude, finding that the negative fiscal impacts from undocumented immigrants are reported to actually decrease with increased time in the u.s. among legal immigrants, only 5 percent receive welfare, which lee and ottatai deem not an “excessive demand” (2002, p. 620). while state and local governments burden about $43 billion in annual taxes for undocumented immigrants, they are estimated to produce a $23 to $30 billion annual surplus in the federal budget (espenshade, 1995). so, it is possible that the short-term costs are a small price to pay for longterm fiscal benefits and access to public services would only lessen their financial burden in order to quicken their financial contribution. if the united states continues to allow its immigrant population to remain uneducated, some argue, the lack of skilled workers in the labor force will result in a greater economic crisis (collins & reid, 2009). labor market competition new immigrants, particularly those of undocumented status working in the u.s., may be viewed entitled or excluded? attitudes toward access to postsecondary education for undocumented students 5 as competition in the labor market and a financial burden on the state. historically, immigrants have been viewed as the source of increased unemployment and poverty levels, lowered national wages, and limited provision of social services (espenshade, 1995). currently, immigrants make up about 20 percent of the low wage labor force (shields & behrman, 2004). the labor market competition theory suggests that persons with lower socioeconomic status are less likely to support immigration because it generates greater competition within their own bracket of the labor market (bonacich, 1972; garcia & bass, 2007). generally, one‟s labor market position is determined by economic status or wage bracket and level of education. immigrants, generally of low education levels, provide an economic advantage for employers, supplying a lower overall cost of labor. their citizenship and lower socioeconomic status mean immigrants have less political power, and are therefore more vulnerable to labor market abuse through underpay, exclusion of benefits, and lack of advocates (bonacich, 1972). undocumented workers are also typically paid almost 30 percent less than legal immigrants from their same native countries, despite their high rates of labor force participation (espenshade, 1995). thus, while undocumented immigrants supply a readymade low-wage labor force, they have little to no recourse to challenge their subordinate status. natives who are economically disadvantaged are more likely to express anti-immigrant attitudes as they may view immigration as having a negative personal impact (citrin et al., 1997). american employers turn to undocumented immigrants for labor because undesirable tasks in many blue-collar jobs can be completed for considerably less than the national wage, therefore increasing employer profits. by increasing the size of the minority immigrant population, the majority, mostly anglo white-collar workers, are secured in their higher status (espenshade, 1995). bass and garcia (2007) found that non-whites were indeed most likely to view immigrants as competition for employment in low-wage jobs. according to lee and ottatai (2002), direct competition for jobs in the lower wage brackets rarely occurs. nonetheless, immigrants are still perceived to hinder employment opportunities, which results in exclusivist attitudes towards their access to resources that may potentially make them even more competitive in the labor market (citrin et al., 1997). the possibility of experiencing later competition in the job market due to increased human capital among immigrant students may pose a threat to americans of low socioeconomic status and education. citrin et al. (1990) argue that those with higher levels of education, higher wages, and upper middle-class status are more likely to hold inclusivist attitudes because their own status is not threatened by immigrants in lowwage, blue-collar jobs. those in blue-collar jobs are more likely to view immigrants in a negative light, as immigrants pose a direct threat to their own job security (citrin et al., 1997). citizens with higher education are more likely to hold white-collar jobs, and a “college education gives one a regularly protected labormarket situation and instills confidence in one‟s future prospects” (citrin et al., 1997, p. 865). clearly, education level and socioeconomic status is strongly linked to how one perceives immigrants and, thus, their access to public services. background characteristics and demographics other factors that have been found to influence attitudes toward immigration and related policy include political party and ideology, gender, race, region of the country, and type of community in which one resides. research has shown that political ideology can be an important predictor of attitudes and that, generally speaking, those holding more liberal perspectives tend to be more supportive of immigration and its corresponding policies. for example, whites who identify as politically liberal are more likely to favor inclusive immigration policies (hood & morris, 1997). chandler and tsai (2001) found conservative political ideology to be the strongest factor in opposition toward immigration. likewise, those who hold a conservative ideology tend to believe too many immigrants are residing in the u.s. (fennelly & frederico, 2008). overall, political ideology, rather than political party identification, has been found to shape one‟s economic beliefs and views, including attitudes toward immigration. research on the effect of other demographic characteristics has been inconsistent. while some have found gender to be an important determinant of attitudes, with males expressing the most opposition (chandler & tsai, 2001), other research has found no such effect (espenshade & hempstead, 1996; wilson, 2001). findings on the effect of race are likewise contradictory. while burns and gimpel (2000) found blacks and latinos more likely to desire decreased immigration, fennelly and federico (2008) found latinos to be less supportive of restrictions. on the question of english-only policies, garcia and bass (2007) showed that non-whites exhibited more support for bilingual language programs in schools. recent trends in settlement patterns suggest that residents in different regions of the country may hold different perspectives on immigration policy. the decade during the 1990‟s saw substantial growth in the latino population characterized by immigrant settlement in nonborder states (kandel & cromartie, 2004; passel, 2004; kochar, suro, & tafoya, 2005). indeed, some of the highest growth rates in the country can be found in southern states such as north carolina, arkansas, georgia and alabama (kochar et al., 2005). the fact that these states may be unaccustomed to latino and other immigrant populations, combined with the fact that no southern states have adopted in-state tuition policies for undocumented students (flores & chapa, 2009), suggests that southern residents will be more likely than others to oppose higher education policy. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 6 immigrants have historically settled in urban metropolitan areas where greater receptivity and opportunities for affordable housing and jobs could be found. de jong and tran (2001) reported metropolitan atlanta, baltimore, detroit, miami, minneapolis, philadelphia, phoenix, seattle, and washington, d.c. to be most receptive of immigrants. their findings are true for many metropolitan areas, but it is important to note that attitudes in urban areas are not necessarily consistent. keogan (2002) found stark differences in public perceptions of immigrants in the cities of los angeles and new york. due to the geographic distribution of immigrants and the resulting residential segregation, immigrants in los angeles were most commonly perceived as a cultural threat, while immigrants in new york were perceived as victims of culture. americans living in metropolitan areas near the u.s.-mexico border expressed equally exclusivist sentiments as those in non-metropolitan, agricultural areas with little to no immigrant populations (de jong & tran, 2001). nonetheless, those in more rural areas have likely experienced less contact with immigrants and have been shown to be more prone to hold exclusivist views, often believing that immigrants decrease the quality of life in their community (fennelly & frederico, 2008). however, the demand for skills acquired through higher education has increased in rural areas such as the great plains states. so, rural areas in states such as nebraska, north dakota, south dakota, kansas, and missouri would benefit greatly from educating their immigrant workforce (collins & reid, 2009). hypotheses based on the previously cited research, we develop a set of hypotheses. within the symbolic politics framework, we expect the following: h1: those who oppose bilingual education will be more likely to oppose undocumented student access to higher education compared to those who do not oppose bilingual education. h2: those who feel that immigrants demand too many rights will be more likely to oppose undocumented student access to higher education than those who do not feel this way. h3: those who are concerned that immigrants are being favored over one‟s family will be more likely to oppose undocumented immigrant access to higher education than those who do not feel this way. h4: those who feel that immigrants inhibit economic growth will be more likely to oppose undocumented immigrant access to higher education than those who feel immigrants bring economic growth. h5: those who feel immigrants lead to higher unemployment will be more likely to oppose undocumented immigrant access to higher education than those who do not feel this way. concerning labor market competition, we expect the following: h6: those with higher family income will be more likely to support undocumented immigrant access to higher education than those with lower family income. h7: those with a higher earned degree will be more in support of undocumented immigrant access to higher education than those with lower levels of education. h8: those with higher occupational prestige will be in support of undocumented immigrant access to higher education than those with lower prestige. despite some contradictions in the literature, we also make predictions in regard to our control variables: h9: males will be more likely to oppose undocumented immigrant access to higher education than females. h10: whites will be more likely to oppose undocumented immigrant access to higher education than non-whites. h11: southerners will be more likely to oppose undocumented immigrant access to higher education than non-southerners. h12: those in rural areas will be more likely to oppose undocumented immigrant access to higher education than those in suburban or urban areas. h13: republicans will be more likely to oppose undocumented immigrant access to higher education than independents and democrats. h14: the politically conservative will be more likely to oppose undocumented immigrant access to higher education than moderates or liberals. data and methods to test our hypotheses we analyze data from the 1994 general social survey (gss) conducted biennially by the national opinion research center, university of chicago (davis & smith, 2000). the gss uses probability sampling techniques to select respondents from englishspeaking non-institutionalized adults. there is a core set of questions asked of all respondents, and certain years contain particular topical modules asked of a subset of the sample. we use the year 1994 data set because it is the only year that includes the specific variables of interest that allow us to test general attitudes toward immigration for their effect on attitudes toward immigrant children‟s access to higher education. the survey for 1994 sampled 2,992 respondents. after selecting only those who responded to the survey question about undocumented student access to higher education, our final sample includes 1,024 respondents. our analysis involves both univariate and multivariate statistics. first we describe our sample, including our dependent variable of interest, reporting means or percentages as appropriate. second, in order to test those factors that determine attitudes toward undocumented student access to higher education, we employ logistic regression. logistic regression is used when the outcome variable is dichotomous, or binary. this type entitled or excluded? attitudes toward access to postsecondary education for undocumented students 7 of analysis predicts the odds of an event occurring. our dependent variable is coded dichotomously, thus, logistic regression predicts the odds of supporting undocumented student access to higher education. dependent variable our dependent variable is based on the gss question, “should illegal immigrants have access to public universities at the same cost as other students?” respondents replied “yes” or “no”, so we dichotomized this variable to reflect those who feel immigrants should have access, with those in opposition as the reference group (1 = yes, 0 = no). independent variables: symbolic politics we measure two types of threat that may affect attitudes toward higher education access: cultural and economic. we employ three measures of cultural threat. the first variable (bilingual2) assesses attitudes toward bilingual education. this question asks whether respondents favor or oppose bilingual education, and the response categories are on a likert scale which ranges from “strongly favor”, “somewhat favor”, “somewhat oppose” and “strongly oppose”. we combine response categories such that 1 = those who strongly or somewhat favor and 0 = those who oppose or strongly oppose. the second variable (imprts) asks if immigrants are demanding too many rights, with the likert responses “strongly agree”, “agree”, combined into one category, and, “neither agree nor disagree”, “disagree”, and “strongly disagree” serve as the reference category. our final measure (immfavr) which asks about the chances illegal immigrants will be favored over one‟s family, is also dichotomized such that 1 = “very likely” or “somewhat likely”, and 0 = “somewhat unlikely” or “very unlikely”. next, we use two measures of economic threat posed by immigrants. econgrow asks if it is “very likely”, “somewhat likely”, “not so likely”, or “not at all likely” that immigrants will lead to economic growth. finally, unempl asks if immigrants will fuel unemployment, with likert response categories “very likely”, “somewhat likely”, “not so likely”, “not at all likely”. both variables were recoded such that 1 = very or somewhat likely and 0 = not so or not at all likely. independent variables: labor market competition we measure labor market competition using income, education, and occupational prestige. family income (hincome) is a categorical measure that we have dichotomized to reflect those who earn $25,000 or more 1 , 1 the general social survey income measure has 12 response categories, beginning with “less than $1000 per year” to the final category of “$25,000 or more”. since this measure is truncated at the $25,000 income category, we dichotomize thusly. in addition, we feel the amount of $25,000 represents a point of demarcation between those who might be considered low income and those with moderate to high incomes based on u.s. census data that and all those earning less as reference category. we measure education (degree) by respondents‟ highest degree earned, a categorical response variable. finally, we use the gss variable “prestg80” to measure the prestige of the respondent‟s occupation. this measure is based on a rating system created using census occupational and industrial classifications in combination with the norc/gss prestige scores 2 . this results in a continuous variable with lower scores indicating lower occupational prestige and higher scores indicating higher prestige. control variables the final group of variables include demographic measures and measures of political orientation. gender (male) is coded such that 1 = male and 0 = female. race is dummy coded into the category white, with black and “other” race serving as our reference category. the gss assigns respondents to one of nine u.s. regions of residence based on their state of residence. we combine three of these regions, the south atlantic, east south central, and west south central, to create one variable representing south. all other regions serve as reference category. we also include a measure of community size, derived from the gss variable “src beltcode” which assigns codes based on the place of interview. our rural variable is based on those counties having no towns of 10,000 or more 3 . we dummy code for suburb based on the suburbs of the 112 largest standard metropolitan statistical areas (smsa). finally, we include measures of political party identification and political views. repub represents those who identify as republican, with democrat and independent serving as reference categories. for political views, respondents are asked to identify themselves on a 7-point scale ranging from extremely liberal to extremely conservative. those who identify as “extremely conservative”, “conservative”, or “slightly conservative” are combined to form the category conserv. our reference category includes those who identify as moderate or liberal. findings table 1 presents the descriptives for the study sample. the mean is presented for interval measure variables, and percents are presented for categorical variables. generally speaking, the public is opposed to undocumented immigrants having access to public universities at the same cost as other students with just 31 percent in support of this type of policy. regarding our cultural threat measures, respondents are generally in support of bilingual education (58%), yet a majority agrees that immigrants demand too many rights (58%). about 32 percent feel that immigrants will be favored over their own family. on the question of economic threat, about 31 identifies median family income for 1994 at roughly $35,000 (weinberg, 1996). 2 see general social survey documentation, appendix g. 3 see general social survey documentation, appendix d. current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 8 table 1 sample statistics measure percent or mean n access to public universities 31% 1024 symbolic politics: cultural threat 1024 support bilingual education 58% 1024 immigrants demand too many rights 58% 1024 immigrants favored over one‟s family 31% 1024 symbolic politics: economic threat 1024 immigrants lead to economic growth 33% 1024 immigrants fuel unemployment 90% 1024 labor market competition 1024 family income $25,000 or more 63% 1024 degree earned 1.57 1024 occupational prestige score 43.51 1024 control variables 1024 male 48% 1024 white 84% 1024 south 34% 1024 rural 9% 1024 suburban 27% 1024 republican 29% 1024 conservative 37% 1024 entitled or excluded? attitudes toward access to postsecondary education for undocumented students 9 table 2 logistic regression, determinants of attitudes toward access to higher education for undocumented immigrants (n = 1,024) measure β (s.e.) df p-value ℮β 95% c.i. lower 95% c.i. upper symbolic politics: cultural threat support bilingual education .550 (.161) 1 .001 1.733** 1.263 2.377 immigrants demand too many rights -.013 (.153) 1 .932 .987 .731 1.333 immigrants favored over one‟s family -.079 (.159) 1 .621 .924 .676 1.263 symbolic politics: economic threat immigrants lead to economic growth .513 (.149) 1 .001 1.670** 1.247 2.236 immigrants fuel unemployment -.285 (.228) 1 .211 .752 .481 1.176 labor market competition family income $25,000 or more -.303 (.228) 1 .045 .737* .546 .993 degree earned .122 (.075) 1 .101 1.130 .977 1.308 occupational prestige score -.007 (.006) 1 .269 .993 .981 1.005 control variables male -.233 (.141) 1 .099 .792 .600 1.045 white .013 (.197) 1 .945 1.014 .689 1.491 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 10 south -.061 (.150) 1 .685 .941 .701 1.263 rural .226 (.249) 1 .364 1.254 .769 2.044 suburban -.296 (.165) 1 .074 .744 .538 1.029 republican -.330 (.172) 1 .055 .719 .513 1.007 conservative -.194 (.156) 1 .215 .824 .607 1.119 constant -.456 (.431) 1 .290 .634 notes: pseudo r 2 = .079 (***p<.001 **p<.01 *p<.05) χ 2 =70.4 percent feel that immigration will lead to economic growth and ninety percent feel it will fuel unemployment. labor market competition measures show that almost sixty-three percent earn at least $25,000 per year and more than half, roughly 56 percent, have completed high school (1.57). the average occupational prestige score is 43.51, with the scale ranging from 17.0 to 86.0. regarding our control variables, about 48 percent of the sample are male, 84 percent are white, and 34 percent live in the southern region of the u.s. nearly nine percent reside in rural areas and 27 percent in suburban areas, with the remaining 64 percent in urban communities. approximately 29 percent claim a republican political affiliation, and, ideologically, almost 37 percent are conservative. due to the binary nature of our dependent variable, a logistic regression was performed, using statistical package for the social sciences (spss), entering all independent and control variables simultaneously. table 2 presents the results of the logistic regression, predicting support for higher education access for undocumented students. only one of our cultural threat measures shows significance: attitudes toward bilingual education. the odds of supporting access to higher education for undocumented immigrants are increased by a factor of 1.7 among those who support bilingual education compared with those who do not. those who favor bilingual education are significantly more likely to support undocumented student access to higher education, than those who oppose bilingual education. concerns about immigrants demanding too many rights and being favored over one‟s family are not significantly related to attitudes toward higher education. we find partial support for our predictions regarding economic threat. the odds of supporting access to higher education increase by a factor of nearly 1.7 among those who feel immigration brings economic growth when compared with those do not feel this way. thus, those who feel immigration benefits the economy are significantly more likely to allow undocumented students access to higher education. there is no relationship between feelings about unemployment and attitudes toward educational access. our next set of variables measure labor market competition, and show that the odds of supporting entitled or excluded? attitudes toward access to postsecondary education for undocumented students 11 educational access are decreased by a factor of .74 among those with higher family income compared with those who have lower family income. so, those with higher family incomes are less supportive of undocumented student access to higher education than those with lower levels of income. level of education and occupational prestige, however, have no impact on our dependent variable. finally, we included a set of control variables measuring gender, race, southern region, rural and suburban residence, republican political party, and conservative political ideology. none of our controls show a significant relationship to attitudes toward higher education access. discussion and conclusion our goal for this research was to examine the determinants of attitudes toward access to higher education for undocumented immigrants, a question that, to our knowledge, remains unaddressed in the literature on public opinion and immigration. overall, we found partial support for each of our predictions. cultural threat is an important sentiment as the relationship between feelings about bilingual education and higher education access demonstrates. those who are in support of bilingual education in school also support undocumented immigrant access to higher education. within the symbolic politics framework, language can be seen as an important aspect of american identity. it is possible that those who support instruction in both english and the native language of students feel that this will lead to educational promotion and ultimate success in the labor force. to have mastered the english language and then experience upward mobility in the u.s. can be seen as an embodiment of the “american dream”, and an important symbol of a shared identity and common goals among natives and non-natives alike. however, it is also possible that those who support educational instruction in english and spanish are simply more tolerant toward undocumented immigrants (garcia & bass, 2007) and this warmer sentiment thus predicts greater support for undocumented student access to higher education. concerns about immigrants pushing for too many rights and being favored over one‟s family, our other measures of threat, show no salience in the matter of attitudes toward access to higher education. although this is not what we predicted, others have found no relationship between group threat measures and attitudes toward immigration and immigration related issues (o‟neal & tienda, 2009). it could be that respondents‟ anxiety about rights and favoritism shown to immigrants does not extend to the children of immigrants. the cultural symbol of the immigrant that does not assimilate, takes native jobs, and threatens the culture of the u.s. may not include the image of children or students. indeed, the “american dream” explicitly endorses education as the route to opportunity and upward mobility, including the notion that children can advance beyond their parents‟ circumstances. these sentiments may exempt children and students from hostility and opposition sometimes reserved for adult immigrants. however, as stated, these two measures were not significant; thus, interpretation of this non-finding is purely speculative. future research should consider investigating possible differences in attitudes toward undocumented immigrants and undocumented immigrant children. this could add further nuance to the group threat framework. the symbolic politics framework was partially supported when examining economic threat. while feelings about the role of immigration and unemployment were not an important determinant of attitudes toward higher education access, beliefs about economic growth were. others have determined that economic conditions are an important influence on attitudes toward immigration policy generally (burns & gimpel, 2000; citrin et al., 1997), yet no studies that we are aware of have examined these factors for their influence on immigrant educational access. clearly, concerns about the general economy are important in shaping attitudes toward undocumented immigrant access to higher education. we suspect that those who perceive that immigration brings economic growth may perceive benefits regarding their own status and competitiveness in the economic realm. the converse of this finding is that those who feel that immigration will not bring growth may perceive a constrained job market, and if undocumented immigrants are allowed to access higher education, an important form of human capital, at the same cost as citizens, they may usurp job opportunities from “deserving” natives. thus, undocumented immigrants with higher levels of education represent a real material threat to natives. our third set of measures tested the labor market competition theory and we found partial support for this hypothesis. interestingly, the findings on income are in the opposite direction than expected. while findings from other research show that those who are economically disadvantaged are more opposed to immigration because of perceived job competition (citrin et al., 1990), we find that those with higher levels of family income are more likely to oppose access to higher education for undocumented immigrants. in our view, however, this is further confirmation for the labor market competition thesis and a clear platform for future research. those who have higher levels of income are more likely to be able to finance their children‟s higher education and may perceive future competition from undocumented immigrants who also attain a college degree. thus, they may be “protecting” the future economic advantage of their progeny by opposing a more egalitarian educational policy. regarding other measures of labor market competition, others have found educational level to be an important determinant of attitudes toward immigration (citrin et al., 1990), but we did not find this to be the case. in our analysis it appears that income level is more salient in determining a sense of competition with undocumented immigrants. in addition, occupational prestige is not related to attitudes toward educational access. it may be that the wording of the question that our dependent current issues in education vol. 14 no. 2 12 variable is based on, with its emphasis on “cost” of higher education, causes income to be a more tangible and concrete factor in the consideration of this particular policy. it is notable that none of our control variables were significant, given the research outlined earlier that suggests gender, race, community type, political affiliation and political views to be important predictors of attitudes toward immigration. however, we are predicting a very specific aspect of immigration policy and it appears that other factors are more explanatory here. nonetheless, it should be noted that three of our control measures very closely approached significance, thus, future studies using other data or methods should consider investigating these potential relationships. first, gender showed near significance with a p-value of .099. this finding would be in line with other research showing males to express more opposition than females to immigration policy (chandler & tsai, 2001; garcia & bass, 2007). another interesting possibility is the connection between community type and attitudes. suburban residence approaches significance with a p-value of .074. recent research (benjamin, 2009) suggests that some suburbs, and particularly exurbs, have become a haven for many whites who experience fear and discomfort from the encroaching diversity that immigrants represent. future research should use more specific measures of community to gauge the attitudes of those in highly race-segregated areas, on issues of immigration policy. finally, republican party affiliation had a p-value of .055. while other research has shown that political ideology is more salient on immigration issues, it is possible that party identification matters on the question of educational access. a shortcoming in our research is the year of data used: 1994. although the survey data were gathered near the middle of a decade that experienced significant increases in undocumented immigration, it may be that these effects were not felt until many years later. unfortunately, the gss has yet to produce more current data generated from similar variables regarding immigration. more recent survey data could allow for a more current examination of attitudes regarding educational access. in addition, the ongoing economic crisis and rising costs of college would surely affect general attitudes regarding immigration, and particularly attitudes about equalizing the costs of higher education between citizens and non-citizens. despite this shortcoming, we feel this study contributes significantly to the extant literature that has, thus far, been deficient in examining attitudes toward educational policy for undocumented immigrants. our study underscores the relevance of the symbolic politics and labor market frameworks for understanding various forms of resistance to the “other”. though we did not find total support for our hypotheses, it is clear that real and perceived threat shapes sentiment toward this very specific immigrant-centered policy. if data are available, future research should examine immigration policy attitudes during the current recession. the economic threat framework may produce more telling results in this context. more recent data might reflect more awareness and even exposure to immigrant populations, thus group threat may be more apparent in future analyses. in recent months, the debate about immigration has become even more contentious with the passage of sb 1070 in arizona. other states are considering similar measures. we would expect that more recent analyses of attitudes would mirror our findings. the poor economy combined with hostile rhetoric suggests perceived cultural threat could be particularly predictive of opposition to undocumented student access to higher education. we hope that our study can begin a dialogue about this important policy issue and spur additional research that considers attitudes toward, and outcomes of, restricting access to higher education for this vulnerable population. while the influx of undocumented immigrants may be partly due to 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(2001). “american‟s view on immigration policy: testing the role of threatened group interests.” sociological perspectives, 44(4), 485-501. entitled or excluded? attitudes toward access to postsecondary education for undocumented students 15 article citation palmer, c., & davidson, t. (2011). entitled or excluded? attitudes toward access to postsecondary education for undocumented students. current issues in education, 14(2). retrieved [date], from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/715 author notes courtney palmer paine intermediate school 7600 gadsden highway trussville, alabama, 35173 courtney.palmer@trussvillecityschools.com courtney palmer is a 2011 graduate of samford university with a m.s. in education. she serves as an elementary public school educator at paine intermediate school. her research interests include educational policy, equality in the inclusive classroom, and the role of race and ethnicity in politics. theresa davidson samford university 800 lakeshore drive birmingham, alabama, 35229 tcdavids@samford.edu theresa davidson is an assistant professor in the department of sociology at samford university. her research interests include the intersection of public opinion and social policy on issues such as immigration, poverty, and same-sex marriage. mailto:courtney.palmer@trussvillecityschools.com mailto:tcdavids@samford.edu current issues in education vol. 14 no.2 16 volume 14, number 2 june 14, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editors krista adams melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson section editors meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp anglea hines younsu kim lisa lacy angeles maldonado carol masser tapati sen jennifer shea kara sujansky alaya swann melissa tarango andrew tesoro jill wendt faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers cie template 1 volume 14, number 3 december 2, 2011 issn 1099-839x filling in the implementation gap? problems in the greek educational system – an evidence-based explanatory framework and critical reflections argyris kyridis nikos fotopoulos ageliki chronopoulou university of western macedonia nikos papadakis university of crete christos zagkos centre for educational policy development (kanep/gsee) the greek educational system during last 50 years recounts among numerous reformations and counterreformations. all the continuous changes seem not to be characterized by a clearly defined operational aim and rational continuity. currently, educators, pupils, university students, parents, politicians and citizens criticize various structural and functional aspects of the greek educational system. the main scope of this piece of research is recording and analyzing the problems of the greek educational system according to the opinions of greek undergraduate students. we asked about 400 undergraduate students for written answers to the following question: “according to your opinion which are the main problems of the greek educational system?" the written answers have been analyzed according to the methodological standards of the classical thematic content analysis. 1468 statements have been summarized and taxonomized in ten main thematic categories. the cohen test has showed a high degree of taxonomic accordance among the reviewer of the written texts (κ=0,97). the content analysis has showed that statements can be categorized in 7 main thematic categories. themes like institutional, political and social aspects are in the epicenter of students‟ perception revealing that the educational issue is a dialectically complicated process with many facets and parameters. additionally, the sample of the research focuses on specific issues which provoke dysfunctions to the effective operation of the educational system revealing the domination of symptoms like mediocrity, bureaucracy or lack of rationalization. keywords: education policy, educational problems, implementation, greek educational system current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 2 the greek education system is divided into four main levels: pre-primary education and care provision, compulsory education, post-compulsory-upper secondary and post-secondary level and higher education. public and private sectors operate at all levels of the system, except the university level, which consists exclusively of state institutions. under a recent law (law: 3518/2006) compulsory education begins at the age of 5, with children attending pre-primary classes, before they go on to primary and lower secondary schools which are compulsory, covering therefore the age from 5 to 15 year-old pupils. provision for vocational education normally starts after the compulsory age of schooling. it is worth mentioning, at the start, that as a general rule, the majority of pupils enroll in the public education system. for example, in 2009-2010 academic year, of all students enrolled in primary and secondary education, 93.64% attended public schools (eurydice, 2011). the modern history of greece is characterised by a close embrace of education from the official state. an important element in understanding the educational changes and reforms in greece since the 19th century is the structural integration of education in shaping social policy, so that any educational changes should meet social needs and satisfy broad popular demands. the greek educational system has suffered from chronic under-funding, and has been described as having a history of „educational conservatism‟ due to country‟s nation-building effort and the primary role of education in political socialization and the formulation of a solid, common identity (dimitrakopoulos, 2004). since 1910, the ideological foundation of the national educational policy proposed by liberal political forces has dearly been the principle of equality of opportunity in education, namely, that all members of the greek nation have the moral and political right to enjoy the social benefit of education. on this basis, liberal social forces during the second half of the 20th century have repeatedly brought forward the demand for educational reforms that would make the educational system correspond to the demands of the economy and, in particular, of the country's economic development (frangoudakis, 1981). since an important reform of the education system that took place in 1964 the evolution and the development of the educational system in greece seems to be synonymous with social struggle for democracy, equality, meritocracy and social justice. during the 1960s, within the context of influential educational reforms, the demand for modernisation of the educational system was aligned with wider demands for freedom and for individual, political and social rights as well. during this period, the connection between the educational movement and the wider social struggles was very close. in the meantime, the educational and intellectual sphere of country played a fundamental role against the dictatorship period (1967-74) and the social oppression from which the country suffered since the period of civil war and later in the decade of fifties. since 1974, the year that the dictatorship in greece ironed out by the rebelled people, there were a lot of controversial reforms of the greek educational system, even by ministers of the same political party and during the same parliamentary period (tsoukalas, 1987). almost 30 years after the demolition of the dictatorship in greece and after at least two major and numerous minor reformations the greek educational system still faces a lot of problems. beyond any doubts, there were some remarkable efforts, even outcomes in some cases, towards the democratisation of the educational system, teachers‟ participation in school management, the adoption of “formal equality” regarding the access to higher education, the adoption of the nine years free of charge and public compulsory education and so on. nevertheless, there are many institutional problems that the greek educational system is experiencing even today. this is exactly what we are aiming to sketch, focusing on a very specific dimension: namely greek students‟ perception of “what‟s going wrong” within the system. currently, the greek government under the shadow of the economic crisis has put in practice a middle range reformation of the greek educational system using as battering ram the concepts of the “quality in education” and “excellence in education”. in 1980s and 1990s a great emphasis in educational quality had been stated and to the needed closed relationship between educational research and educational policy. numerous academic works (chapman & carrier, 1990; hallak, 1990; adams, 1993; hanushek, 1994; gitlin et al., 1992; ginsburg, 1991) have pointed out and strengthen this relationship but in greece the studies on this academic subject remained in an embryonic level. entering the field of educational problems deficits and disorientations via a top-down approach could contribute to the formation of a concrete explanatory framework regarding educational crisis‟ impact on young student‟s life-course. in the case of the present research, the data reflect the fact that the crisis is based on low expenditure for education and more generally on underfinancing of educational system and on phenomena related to inadequate infrastructure (about the economic context concerning educational policies see haddad, 1995), the lack of libraries, laboratories and rooms, sufficient and suitable spaces for accommodation and campus restaurants for students. furthermore, the data have revealed some of the most crucial institutional problems facing the greek educational system, such as trainers training, objectives of educational system, education orientation, educational material and books, curriculum of study, evaluation of students, teaching methods, privatisation of education and filling in the implementation gap? problems in the greek educational system – an evidence-based explanatory framework and critical reflections 3 source: commission of the european communitiessgib, 2010, based on jrc/ipts, ec/dg eac and empirica gmbh figure 1. relative occurrence of creativity, innovation and synonyms in primary and secondary school curricula in eu27. lack of meritocracy. based on our results, students focused on everything that hinders the efficiency of the educational system creating a negative climate where the academic mission loses its orientation. even though they are not familiar with the relevant terminology, they seem able to reveal the determinants of major limitations of the greek educational system, such as the active presence and development of creativity and innovation. the results of this research show an overwhelming sense of scorn from the students at the state university, as well as the lack of sufficient resources for technical, scientific and pedagogical support to the educational task. this is connected with the low public investment on education in a period where the good of free-of-charge public education is called into question and it goes through ordeals. the challenge of reliability and the future of the greek educational system are connected with its effectiveness in two levels: (a) how it achieves to transmit to young people knowledge, skills and qualifications that would constitute a solid cultural background which is deemed to be necessary for each citizen concerning his/her active participation in social life, and (b) how it achieves to form a solid background for the sustainable perspective development to the employment and the professional life. in the era of globalisation and the subsequent globalised crisis, the certainties of modernity have been substantially reduced. the educational systems, especially after the second world war, are gradually macro-economically determined instead of applying policies emanated from the field of social policy (see tracy & tracy, 1999). alterum dicum, the era where the field of educational policy action is highly involved in the fields of social policy, is definitely over. τhe results of this change are the decline of public-social character of education and at the same time the promotion of private initiative and consumerist control in the field of education. within the above mentioned context, the educational systems have lost part of their educational autonomy, while humanitarian education was inevitably delegitimized (see ginsburg et al., 1990). τhe dependence of learning outcomes of educational system on the positivist logic of results measurement creates the sense of a generic confusion among young students. when the students refer to no clear orientation of educational system, they mean the lack of clear orientation since the objectives are neither clear nor evident. will the educational organizations be deemed mainly as educational and cultural institutions or as enterprises that will be judged by measurable results in the context of competitiveness of common commercial law? despite the joint effort of eu member states to 0.00 0.50 1.00 1.50 2.00 2.50 a u st ri a b e lg iu m g e rm a n s p e a ki n g c o m m u n ity b e lg iu m f la n d e rs b e lg iu m w a llo n ia b u lg a ri a c ze ch r e p u b lic g e rm a n y b a va ri a g e rm a n y l o w e r s a xo n y g e rm a n y s a xo n y d e n m a rk e st o n ia g re e ce s p a in a n d a lu cí a s p a in e xt re m a d u ra s p a in m a d ri d s p a in n a tio n a l l e ve l f in la n d f ra n ce h u n g a ry ir e la n d it a ly l ith u a n ia l u xe m b o u rg l a tv ia m a lta t h e n e th e rl a n d s p o la n d p o rt u g a l r o m a n ia s w e d e n s lo ve n ia s lo va ki a u n ite d k in g d o m e n g la n d u n ite d k in g d o m n o rt h e rn i re la n d u n ite d k in g d o m s co tla n d u n ite d k in g d o m w a le s creativity innovation synonyms eu-27 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 4 create a mutual zone of understanding and eventually redesign european education via the european framework on key competences for lifelong learning 1 , the mismatch between a building approach to education and the quest for direct alignment to the macro-economic agenda has a certain impact in many european member states‟ educational systems and greece is not an exception in any case. the key competences are they consist of and contribute to 1. mother tongue knowledge skills attitudes personal fulfillment social inclusion and active citizenship employability 2. foreign languages 3. mathematical competence and basic competences in science and technology 4. digital competence 5. learning to learn 6. social and civic competence 7. sense of initiative and entrepreneurship 8. cultural awareness and expression key competences are overlapping and work together. they are underpinned by "process dimensions" which obtain when competences are applied in real-life situations. these process dimensions are: critical thinking, creativity, problem solving, initiative, risk assessment, decision-taking and management of one‟s own feelings. they are applicable in many situations; multifunctional so that they can be used to achieve several objectives, accomplish different kinds of tasks and solve different kinds of problems. source: eccluster on key competences, 2010, p. 4. figure 2. key competences framework 1 since 2006, lifelong learning has been supported by the european reference framework of key competences for lifelong learning (recommendation of the european parliament and of the council on key competences for lifelong learning [december, 2006], http://ec.europa.eu/education/lifelong-learning-policy/doc42_en.htm). this is designed to help member states prepare all of their young people for adult life in a changing world, and ensure that all adults are offered the means to up-date their skills and reap the social and economic benefits of the knowledge society. http://ec.europa.eu/education/lifelong-learning-policy/doc42_en.htm filling in the implementation gap? problems in the greek educational system – an evidence-based explanatory framework and critical reflections 5 according to haddad and demsky (1994), kemmerer (1994), bredo and feineberg (1986), archer (1985), ball (1990), baldridge (1989), and books (2004), educational policy is concerning issues, such as the structure of the educational system, the educational opportunities and educational equality and both internal and external efficiency. beyond any doubt, the will for an educational system based on the principles of quality, meritocracy and reliability of degrees and diplomas constitutes a basic concern for every modern democracy. however, the factor which is not revealed to be so important regards the acceptance of the role that social and educational inequalities play in the equal access in knowledge. it is clear that despite the formal adoption of educational equality, class, cultural and social inequalities constitute an important obstacle in the effectiveness of the educational system. furthermore, “the evidence shows that viewed in a wider perspective, equity and efficiency are, in fact, mutually reinforcing” (commission of the european communities, 2006, p. 2). the deficits in achieving actual equality within the european educational systems, “lead” thousands of citizens to social exclusion. in countries with remarkable rates of low skilled workers, such as greece, the abovementioned correlation and the subsequent mismatches are undoubtedly threats for the social cohesion and stability. the research the aim of the research “educational research also has the role of providing attested information to improve the quality of decision-making for educational policy” (livingstone, 2005, p. 1). in spite of any common practice, the reformations of the greek educational system never depended on any research findings. all greek ministers of education have announced their reformations arguing that the changes that they intended to introduce depended upon a “common sense” about what is going wrong in the greek educational system. the aim of this piece of research is recording and to categorizing the problems of the greek educational system according to university students views. we hope that this or the next greek government will take into consideration just a bit of these research findings. towards a top-down approach to the greek case: preliminary remarks on the state of play and the rationale of research focusing on the greek case, it could be mentioned that the greek educational system changes rapidly towards a particularly contradictory landscape since it can combine many opposite aspects of the reality. source: eurostat, key data on education, 2009 (data extracted from eu lfs, july 2008) quoted in perez et al, 2010. figure 3. percentage of low skill workers percentage of population who do not have at least an upper secondary education (isced 3) by age group, 2007 0.0 10.0 20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0 70.0 80.0 90.0 100.0 e u -2 7 b e b g c z d k d e e e ie e l e s f r it c y l v l t l u h u m t n l a t p l p t r o s i s k f i s e u k country p e rc e n ta g e 25-34 years 34-44 years 45-54 years 55-64 years current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 6 it is clear that the greek educational system enters a new transitional phase. day by day the public good of education loses its prestige and reliability, the educational inequalities continue to be extended causing exclusions of wider social categories and the gap between privileged people and not privileged ones does not only continue to exist, but it increases the future of social cohesion. as far as the greek case is concerned, the crisis of educational system is a temporal phenomenon causing the decline of symbolic and essential value of public education. at the same time, phenomena such as the lack of study quality, the mediocrity, the fact that diplomas do not ensure access to employment, are still present. the deprecation of knowledge as a cultural code and the dependence of the good of education on the realm of market have led to a painful ending of the abovementioned situation. the political question that is posed concerns the way by which forces could be liberated in the educational system in order for the target of quality and effectiveness of the educational task to be achieved. how could education be more attractive and “competitive”, the value nihilism, the ideological confusion and the disappointment that young people today have to face? it is worth mentioning that no matter which policy of reformation or restructure of the educational system is implemented, except the imposed guarantee of a minimum social consensus and communication, the substantial involvement of the educational community, which is also the normal factor of any reform, is required. but in this case the involvement of the educational community has to participate not as a defensive mechanism against the innovation but as an active force of avant-garde and rupture with the mediocrity of leaders, individual conformation and especially the procrastination which is responsible for the underdevelopment of the country. in the context of educational policy the indicators provide us an evidence-based motivation for social dialogue and reflection. nevertheless, the modernisation of the greek educational system, within an extended crisis, constitutes the main question of quality, substance, collective action and individual responsibility. sample and methodology of the research data collection the corpus of data is comprised of 248 texts produced by greek university students, randomly chosen, but evenly distributed in greek university courses. the research was based on a non-stratified random sample, irrespective of gender, as in various university courses students are normally stratified in terms of gender. all subjects were asked to write their views on the subject: “what, in your opinion, are the major problems of the greek educational system?” the vague formulation of the subject provides for the researchers‟ basic objective, that is, to record the students‟ viewpoints and attitudes concerning major educational problems in greek schools, colleges and universities. the specific age group was chosen on the premise that it could enable recording mostly the social aspects related to the subjects‟ school age opinions for the higher education in greece, which, however, are likely to have been modified on account of the fact that the subjects study in a free/public educational institution. the sample was random non-stratified. data analysis the corpus of texts was analyzed on the basis of content analysis, which, as curley (1990) states, allows (a) the combination of quantitative and qualitative data, (b) tracing and recording the types of social interaction through discourse analysis, (c) recording historic and cultural elements, (d) recording and analyzing social ideologies and (e) investigating concepts as well as the ways in which the specific concepts are perceived by social subjects. in detail, the texts were analyzed following the principles of quantitative and qualitative content analysis, as they were stated by holsti (1969), berelson (1971), de sola pool (1959), palmquist (1990), weber (1990) and by french researchers (moscovici, 1970; mucchielli, 1988; veron, 1981; bardin, 1977; grawitz, 1981) (classical thematic analysis). the „theme‟ was considered as the basic unit of analysis (lasswell et al., 1952; lasswell & leites, 1965). according to lagarde (1983), the interpretation of the results and their effect is the responsibility of researchers, as it is characterized by the utter absence of any a priori hypotheses. in the present research, the specific method was employed with a view to identifying the criteria for grouping the students‟ views and attitudes in terms of issues related to school or university problems, identifying the interrelated factors that affect their views, and, finally, examining the flow of information that the interrelations at issue generate. in addition, the specific method was employed in order to identify the characteristics of each of the resulting groups. after the content analysis of the texts, 948 statements were collected. the test cohen‟s kappa coefficient for the agreement among the researchers about the distribution of the statements to the thematic categories showed a high degree of agreement (kappa = 0,97) (for the measurement and the use of cohen‟s kappa coefficient see smeeton, 1985; uebersax, 1987; strijbos, 2006; and cohen, 1960). the limited number of participants does not enable any generalizations and relevant conclusions; however, the analysis can be the basis for further discussions and research into the theme of the reformation of the greek national educational system, a theme that is crucial for the national educational policy. table 4 demonstrates the distribution of the statements in terms of thematic category (theme), and table 3 demonstrates the distribution of the statements in terms of socioeconomic status of the family. the quantitative distribution of gender and age is presented in table 1, and the educational characteristics of the subjects in the table 2. finally, in table 5 the qualitative analysis of the statements is presented. 7 table 1 demographic characteristics of the sample gender ν % male 41 16,5 female 207 83,5 total 248 100,0 age 17 19 y.o. 77 31,0 20 – 22 y.o. 149 60,1 over 22 y.o. 22 8,9 total 248 100,0 table 2 educational characteristics of the sample type of school n % public 244 98,4 private 4 1,6 total 248 100,0 department n % department of elementary education 36 14,5 department of preschool education 150 60,5 department of balkan studies 34 13,7 other 28 11,3 total 248 100,0 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 8 table 3 socioeconomic status of the family degree of urbanization n % metropolitan urban centre (athens/thessaloniki) 90 36,3 prefecture capital (major cities) 144 58,1 rural region (villages) 14 5,6 total 248 100,0 father’s profession n % mother’s profession n % free lancer/scientist 30 12,1 free lancer/scientist 13 5,2 civil servant 73 29,4 civil servant 54 21,8 private sector servant 47 19,0 private sector servant 60 24,2 free lancer/technician 34 13,7 free lancer/technician 32 12,9 trader 21 8,5 trader 12 4,8 workman 15 6,0 workman 8 3,2 farmer 28 11,3 farmer 12 4,8 domestic duties 0 0 domestic duties 57 23,0 total 248 100,0 total 248 100,0 father’s education n % mother’s education n % illiterate 7 2,8 illiterate 3 1,2 elementary school graduate 47 18,5 elementary school graduate 37 14,9 secondary school graduate 96 38,2 secondary school graduate 116 46,8 technological institution graduate 53 22,4 technological institution graduate 51 20,6 university graduate 29 11,7 university graduate 37 14,9 post graduate degree 16 6,4 post graduate degree 4 1,6 total 248 100,0 total 248 100,0 filling in the implementation gap? problems in the greek educational system – an evidence-based explanatory framework and critical reflections 9 table 4 distribution of the statements according to the thematic analysis themes and categories n % 1.economic aspects 83 8,4 1.1. low salaries for the personnel 2 0,2 1.2. low budget for the educational system 50 5,1 1.3. private education in practice 31 3,2 2. facilities 232 23,6 2.1. inhabitable or insufficient buildings 154 15,7 2.2.bad school textbooks 78 7,9 3. institutional aspects 401 40,8 3.1.teaching (authoritative, inadequate, bad organized) 44 4,5 3.2.deficiency of compensatory educational system 3 0,3 3.3.lack of clearly defined aims of the educational system 78 7,9 3.4.unorganized curricula 33 3,4 3.5.lack of supportive personnel 46 4,7 3.6.bad educated teachers 126 12,8 3.7.redundant classes 3 0,3 3.8.no connections between education and labour market 7 0,7 3.9.student evaluation 46 4,7 3.10.lack of motives for the students 15 1,5 4. structural 234 23,8 4.1. privatization of the actual education 53 5,4 4.2. lack of continuity of the educational system – bad organization 31 3,2 4.3.relations between students and teachers 28 2,8 4.4.lack of meritocracy 31 3,2 current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 10 4.5.the school is bounded from the society 4 0,4 4.6.education and social inequalities 10 1,0 4.7.bad educational orientation 77 7,8 5. professional orientation via school 10 1,0 6. educational management 22 2,2 7. no problem 2 0,2 total 984 100 table 5 qualitative analysis of the sample themes and categories statements 1.economic aspects 1.1. low salaries for the personnel «there is no money for the teachers”, “the education personnel is not well paid” 1.2. low budget for the educational system low percentage of the gdp for educational matters”, “lack of appropriations”, “lack of money for the public school” 1.3. private education in practice “the fees asked by the students in order to learn are very high”, “privatization of universities”, “there is no free education in practice” 2. facilities 2.1. inhabitable or insufficient buildings “deficiency of classrooms and workshops”, “old building facilities” 2.2.bad school textbooks “inefficient school books”, “badly written books”, ”inefficient school libraries” filling in the implementation gap? problems in the greek educational system – an evidence-based explanatory framework and critical reflections 11 3. institutional aspects 3.1.teaching (authoritative, inadequate, bad organized) “false teaching culture”, “bad teaching methods from the educators”, “bad organized lessons” 3.2.deficiency of compensatory educational system 3.3.lack of clearly defined aims of the educational system “lack of humanitarian education”, “provision of technocratic education”, “there is no aesthetic cultivation in the greek school” 3.4.unorganized curricula “we spend too many hours in school”, “there is no free time for the students”, “inefficient curricula” 3.5.lack of supportive personnel “lack of personnel”, “lack of psychologists in schools” 3.6.bad educated teachers “uneducated teachers”, “negligence of teachers” 3.7.redundant classes “too many students in a classroom”, “it is impossible to have a well scheduled lesson in a classroom of 30 students” 3.8.no connections between education and labour market “there is no vocational rehabilitation of graduates”, “there is no connection between education system and job market” 3.9.student evaluation “insufficiency in the system of student examination”, “the evaluation of students is limited to the degree of exams current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 12 and does not include wider elements of his/her personality” 3.10.lack of motives for the students “total lack of motives”, “the schoolteachers do not provide any motives to us”, “the children do not aim at visions” 4. structural 4.1. privatization of the actual education “boost of crammer centres as a result of the bad operation of the educational system”, “the private tuition centres play the actual role of school” 4.2. lack of continuity of the educational system – bad organization “there is a complete disorganisation of education”, “lack of central educational infrastructure” 4.3.relations between students and teachers “there is no appropriate guidance from the teachers to the children”, “unacceptable behaviour of professors to students”, “lack of communication between professors and students” 4.4.lack of meritocracy “lack of meritocracy”, “cliental processes in the engagement of educators” 4.5.the school is bounded from the society “the school is broken away from the society”, “the school does not keep pace with the needs of society” 4.6.education and social inequalities “children are separated since the elementary school in good and bad filling in the implementation gap? problems in the greek educational system – an evidence-based explanatory framework and critical reflections 13 students”, “the social discriminations are increased through school” 4.7.bad educational orientation “the school promotes the barren memorisation without essential education”, “benefit of limited knowledge from school”, “school is just a preparation for the university, loosing thus its essential pedagogic role” 5. professional orientation via school “inefficient professional orientation via school”, “school does not give to the children the essential professional orientation and as a result the students select professions that they do not actually like” 6. educational management “need of changes in the administrative structure of greek education”, “need of reform of the educational system” 7. no problem “there is no problem with the greek education system”, “the greek school is excellent” demographics from the 248 greek university students of the sample of the research 207 (83.5%) are female while 41 (16.5%) are male. the age distribution of the sample is as follows: 31% of the sample is from 17 to 19 years old, 60.1% from 20 to 22 and 8.9% of the sample is aged more than 22 years old (table 1). the vast majority of the sample attended public schools (98.4%), while a small percentage attended private schools (1.6%) (table 2). moreover, 60.5% of the sample studies at the department of preschool education, 14.5% in the department of elementary education, 13.7% in the department of balkan studies, while a rate of about 11.3% is studying at various schools and departments of the greek higher education (table 2). regarding the geographical distribution of the sample, 36.3% of subjects come from the two metropolitan centres of the country, athens and thessaloniki, 58.1% from urban centres and major greek cities, while 5.6% of subjects come from purely rural areas. in an effort of recording the cultural and socioeconomic background of the subjects, we noticed that the majority of parents of the students surveyed are public or private servants (48.4% for fathers and 46% for mothers). moreover, the 25.8% of father‟s works as free lancers (technicians or scientists), the 11.3% as farmers, 8.5% as traders and 6% as workers. similarly 29.4% of the mothers of the respondents work as free lancers current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 14 (technicians or scientists), 4.8% as farmers or traders and 3.2% as workers. noteworthy is the fact that 23% of the mothers of the respondents declare as their main occupation their domestic and housewife duties. regarding the educational level of parents, the majority is secondary school graduates (46.8% for mothers and 38.2% for fathers), the 34.1% of the fathers and 35.5% of the mothers are graduates of a higher education institution, while a very low percentage of the parents are illiterate or holders of postgraduate degrees (table 3). research findings regarding the results of quantitative content analysis of 248 subjects' written texts, from the whole of 948 written statements, 40.8% talked about institutional problems of the greek educational system, 23.8% of the statements regarded to problems in the major structure of the education system, 23.6% attached great importance to the infrastructure and facility problems and 8.4% of all statements related to economic factors affecting the greek educational system. moreover, there were references to the lack of professional orientation via school (1%) and to problems of educational management (2.2%). finally a rate of about 0.2% said that the greek educational system does not present any specific problem. more specifically, of the 401 statements related to institutional problems of the greek educational system, the 126 spoke about bad educated teachers, 76 about lack of clearly defined aims of the educational system, 46 about insufficient student evaluation and lack of supportive personnel in the school, while many subjects pointed out the bad organized teaching (see haberman, 1995, concerning the importance of an effective teacher for student success) about, the unorganized curricula, the lack of connections between education and labour market, the lack of motives for the students and the phenomenon of redundant school classes (see shields & knapp, 1997). even if the greek educational system is state funded and the greek state has the exclusive responsibility of funding allocation, (e.r.c., 2004), the majority of the students that reported the financial problems of the greek educational system emphasized on the low percentage of gdp for the education, while statements were made for the phenomenon of crammers in greece and for the low salaries of teachers and professors. with regard to structural problems of the educational system in greece, most of the subjects showed the lack of infrastructures, while references were made to the awkward textbooks. according to the statements for structural problems of the greek educational system, the subjects of the research highlighted the gradual privatization of education in greece, the lack of meritocracy within the educational system and the poor educational orientation of the greek educational system. additionally we can observe the sense about the lack of social trust in greek educational system as well as the vitiation of a claim that free public education system can not be effective according to the modern conditions. at the same time the greek educational system seems to be bureaucratic, centralized and “phobic” (kanep/gsee, 2011). accordingly to the main agenda concerning educational policies worldwide, greek university students focused on four main problems: (a) economical aspects, (b) institutional aspects, (c) pedagogical aspects and (d) social aspects. these are the crucial aspects concerning every serious educational policy. scholars agree that any educational policy focused on one or even all of these aspects (see swanson & barlage, 2006; ginsburg & cooper, 1994). finally, the statistical analysis of survey data showed a significant statistical correlation between the answers of the students, the sex (x2 = 30.428, p<0,01) or the age (x2 = 33.519, p<0,01). in particular, according to research men seem to give more emphasis than women in the economic problems of education, as well as those related to educational management. on the other hand, women stressed more than their male colleagues, the problems of facilities and institutional aspects. as regard the age distribution of responses, younger people have more frequently mentioned issues related to facility problems of education, while those of older solar panels emphasized on institutional problems of the greek educational system. we have to point out that there are no correlations between the topics that students chose to arise within their texts and their socio – economic status. this is a clear sign that everyone acknowledges the same problems for the greek educational system and this is not a social signified topic. it is a national topic, with a common interest and without class and political orientated amplifications. accordingly to our findings, vongalis-macrow (2009) states that: when analyzing the textual data related to educational restructuring in the seventeen policy documents, ten themes are more often made explicit within policy. these themes are: human capital, budgetary decisions, costing education, educational objectives, educational outcomes, education system, global/local context, investment, management, teachers. (p.2) conclusion without a doubt, the educational system consists of one of the major aspects for the greek society. this is illustrated on student‟s statements, especially when they try to express what do consider important concerning the situation and perspective of greek educational system. themes like institutional, political and social aspects are in the epicenter of their perception showing that the educational issue is a dialectically complicated process with many facets and parameters. on the other hand, students still consider education as one of the main categories of public and social life expecting that knowledge remains the basic vehicle for professional and social upward mobility. additionally, they focus on specific issues which provoke dysfunctions to the effective filling in the implementation gap? problems in the greek educational system – an evidence-based explanatory framework and critical reflections 15 operation of the educational system revealing the domination of symptoms like mediocrity, bureaucracy, lack of rationalization. it is also significant to refer that, apart from these institutional and methodological topics, pedagogical themes are considered as very crucial for the development and enhancement of educational system. in conclusion, the main obstacle for the implementation of each educational reformation is except for the strong political will the creation of a wide social consensus among social partners and governmental and other political powers. in fact, political and social consensus, especially for a country like greece with a weak civil society, is the most appropriate tool for a stable transition from one educational reality to another. additionally, the collective subject who historically has the basic role in this process is the educational community through schools, universities and research centers. without having the acceptance of educational subject, any political project for educational transformation will probably be proved ineffective and failed. references adams, d. 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(2011). filling in the implementation gap? problems in the greek educational system – an evidence-based explanatory framework and critical reflections. current issues in education, 14(3). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/779 author notes argyris kyridis, ph.d. professor, university of western macedonia 5th klm florina – niki, florina, 53100, greece akiridis@uowm.gr argyris kyridis has studied political science and sociology at the university of athens. he has obtained his ph.d. in political sociology, sociology of education at the same university and an m.sc. in politics and sociology at birkbeck college, university of london. he is currently a professor at university of western macedonia. he has published more than twenty books in greek and more than 120 articles in greek and international scientific journals. nikos papadakis, ph.d. assistant professor, university of crete university campus, rethymnon,74100, greece nep@pol.soc.uoc.gr assistant professor of educational policy, department of social and educational policy, faculty of social sciences, university of peloponnese. visiting professor, department of political science, faculty of social sciences, university of crete. research fellow in the institute of labour (athens) and the centre for research for lifelong learning (crll) of the university of stirling and glasgow caledonian university. publications in greek, english, french and arabian include journal articles and book chapters on educational policy, public policy in comparative perspective, university politics, and qualitative methods in social and political research. he is the author of the books: educational policy as social policy (athens: ellinika grammata, 2003) and state, university and policy in greece (athens: gutenberg, 2004). he is also the editor of the books: state, market, society and policies in education (athens: savvalas, 2003) and education and educational policy between the state and the market (in cooperation with d. gravarisathens: savvalas, 2004). christos zagkos, ph.d. researcher, centre for educational policy development (kanep/gsee) 3rd septemvriou 36, athens 10432, greece zagbal2003@yahoo.gr christos zagkos was born in patras, greece. he studied balkan studies at the aristotle university of thessaloniki and he obtained his ph.d. thesis at the university of western macedonia in the field of political sociology. he also obtained a m.a. degree in international relations and international law at the university of lancaster, u.k. he has published more than twenty papers in greek, european and american scientific journals. he is working as a researcher in the university of western macedonia and in the centre for education policy (kanep-gsee). nikos fotopoulos, ph.d. lecturer, university of western macedonia 3rd km florina – niki, florina, 53100, greece nikfotopoulos@kanep-gsee.gr nikos fotopoulos was born in amaliada greece. he studied sociology in the panteion university of athens where he obtained and his ph.d. thesis. he also holds an ma in eucational policy. he is a lecturer in the university of western macedonia. aggeliki chronopoulou, ph.d. researcher, university of western macedonia 3rd km florina – niki, florina, 53100, greece sygekp@ath.forthnet.gr ageliki chronopoulou is a mathematician and obtained her ph.d. thesis in educational policy in the university of western macedonia. she is the editor of the journal "contemporary education" in greece. mailto:akiridis@uowm.gr mailto:nep@pol.soc.uoc.gr mailto:zagbal2003@yahoo.gr mailto:nikfotopoulos@kanep-gsee.gr mailto:sygekp@ath.forthnet.gr current issues in education vol. 14 no. 3 18 manuscript received: 4/13/2011 revisions received: 11/9/2011 accepted: 11/9/2011 filling in the implementation gap? problems in the greek educational system – an evidence-based explanatory framework and critical reflections 19 volume 14, number 3 december 2, 2011 issn 1099-839x authors hold the copyright to articles published in current issues in education. requests to reprint cie articles in other journals should be addressed to the author. reprints should credit cie as the original publisher and include the url of the cie publication. permission is hereby granted to copy any article, provided cie is credited and copies are not sold. editorial team executive editor lori ellingford assistant executive editor melinda hollis layout editor elizabeth reyes recruitment editor rory schmitt copy editor/proofreader lucinda watson authentications editor lisa lacy section editors hillary andrelchik joy anderson meg burke elizabeth frias ayfer gokalp david hernandez-saca anglea hines younsu kim seong hee kim lisa lacy carol masser leslie salazar jennifer shea alaya swann faculty advisors dr. gustavo fischman dr. jeanne powers using narrative_final volume 13, number 2 issn 1099-839x using narrative case studies in an online world religions course to stimulate deep learning about islam sherman elliott, ed.d arizona state university citation elliott, s. (2010). using narrative case studies in an online world religions course to stimulate deep learning about islam. current issues in education, 13(2). retrieved from http://cie.asu.edu/ abstract the purpose of this action research was to examine how a narrative case study in an online asynchronous world religions course affected learners’ understandings, appreciation, and respect for the beliefs and values of others. the world religions course examined a variety of religions including islam. ten participants received information about the five pillars of islam; they then analyzed a narrative case study written by the instructor that was a fictional representation centering around the five pillars. following this analysis, learners used the five pillars of islam to construct their own narrative case study. pre and post assignment data were collected and analyzed. the data sources included: responses to a survey; narrative answers to open-ended questions; written analyses of the narrative case study; responses to telephone interviews; and, written original narrative case studies. results indicated that learners demonstrated positive changes in their beliefs and attitudes about islam, and experienced different ways of thinking. in particular, participants demonstrated changes when they: (a) expressed new understandings of islam as framed through self reflection; (b) compared islam to a personal prayer life; (c) reflected new appreciations of the islamic faith; and, (d) recognized stereotypes about islam. the different ways of thinking that participants experienced occurred when current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 2 they; (a) created mental images; (b) understood comprehensively and analytically; (c) reflected understandings in constructing an original narrative; (d) applied content to real-life; and, (e) enjoyed analyzing the case. keywords: teaching world religions, islam; deep learning, narrative case studies using narrative case studies 3 about the author(s) author: sherman elliott affiliation: arizona state university email: sherman.elliott@asu.edu biographical information: sherman elliott is the director of the center for civic education and leadership in the college of teacher education and leadership at arizona state university. his research interests include the pedagogy of world religions (particularly buddhism and islam), teaching religious studies objectives in social studies courses, and civic education. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 4 introduction as evidenced by the current situations between the united states and iraq, the united states and al-qaeda, muslim-hindu uprisings in india, the spread of the taliban outside of afghanistan, the conflict between palestinians and israelis, and the assassination of former prime minister benazir bhutto of pakistan, the world’s population is drawn into and affected by the beliefs and values of others. many of these conflicts’ causes emanate from peoples’ religious experiences. now more than ever, it is crucial that people not only know about the various religions of the world but understand the perspective and intrinsic views held by believers. opening to the faith and spirituality of others is to show affection for others, which ultimately leads to new understandings and respect for their humanity (ruland, 1985). as citizens of the world, people living in the 21st century need to understand others and, in times of value-laden conflict, to truly comprehend others’ religions. religion has multiple meanings. according to paul tillich (1948), religion is defined as “that which is of the ultimate concern” (p. 273). with this description, religion is a very broad experience that affects all people. more specifically, vernon ruland (1998) of the university of san francisco describes religion as “the quality that permeates that life; the center from which everything derives its meaning or without which all else would be meaningless” (p.10). finally, webster’s third new international dictionary of the english language, unabridged (2002), a commonly used source for world religions texts, defines religion as, “a personal awareness or conviction of the existence of a supreme being or of supernatural powers or influences controlling one’s own, humanity’s, or all nature’s destiny” (p.1918). a collective approach to the study of religion would use or blend definitions so as to encompass the broadest possible approach to understanding all of the world’s religions. however, designing world religions courses with such a broad comprehensive treatment often creates a learning environment that using narrative case studies 5 leads to surface as opposed to deep learning (masuzawa, 2005). the consequence of such a pedagogical approach is that the learner leaves the course with a simple fact-based understanding of complex beliefs and values held by others. further, such a simple or surface knowledge does not invite the learner to change his or her own understandings about the beliefs and values held by others. while educators agree on the need to develop courses that cultivate deep learning, the challenge persists as to how to do so in a fast paced, technological age where the instructor has less opportunity to interact personally with learners and draw out deep insights and meanings from the presented material. as an instructor of asynchronous online world religions courses in the community college setting for over nine years, i have discovered that a real challenge persists as to how to present an enormous curricular subject such as world religions, often times in an abbreviated semester of 8 to 14 weeks, without resorting to a fact-based, surface treatment of the material. as such, i have continually experimented and sought out pedagogical devices that will lead the learner to draw deep and meaningful understandings from the study of religion. when a learner leaves my course, it is my hope that the person is able to make connections between the values and beliefs of others and his or her own values and beliefs. i have sought to design a course in which each person’s view of the human condition is altered and new meanings and ideas about the world have emerged. one promising tool that appears to facilitate a deep learning experience is the narrative case study. a narrative case study is a short account written for the sole purpose of leading learners to understand specific curricular content objectives by examining the actions and dialogues of others. the narrative blends fiction and non-fiction into a story that the learner analyzes after studying basic core tenets of a religion or religious system. the purpose of this research was to examine how a narrative case study in my on-line asynchronous world religions course affected learners’ understandings, appreciation, and respect for the beliefs and values of others. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 6 review of supporting scholarship four categories of ideas and information were central to this study. although the major philosophical underpinning of the study encompassed the implementation of deep learning in a religious studies context, many significant strategies of learning were utilized as a means of facilitating a deep learning experience for the study of islam. this section explores deep learning as well as narrative text processing, writing to learn, and case study instruction. deep learning for several years, many courses in higher education have been dominated by pedagogical methods that reflect surface learning where facts and concepts are emphasized by the external demands of testing, institutional goals, or society (atherton, 2005). instead of instilling wisdom in learners, this approach encourages an artificial form of learning wherein the aim is to please teachers on various short-lived assessments (ramsden, 2003). learners often are asked to demonstrate their knowledge of disassociated facts and theories or memorize data about philosophies and principles without applying them to individuals and real-world situations. this approach often results in learners obtaining a shortlived knowledge of a very specific field of study, a curriculum that is shallow in its depth, and a cursory view of meaningful, interdisciplinary connections (lombardo, 2006). a generative goal of education is to guide learners toward developing the necessary tools and learning strategies needed to think deeply and productively about broad–based subjects, including historical and social phenomena (bransford, brown, & cocking, 2000; pring, 2000). the intent is to have learners move beyond simple recitations of facts and figures to a relevant knowledge where they move outside of the basic realm of information to thinking about problems, analyzing issues, making inferences, and relating various pieces of information for the purpose of drawing conclusions (bigge & shermis, 1999; joyce &weil, 2000). using narrative case studies 7 designing a course with these objectives is to guide learners toward deep learning. deep learning forms a learner in such a way that he or she can apply theories to everyday practices and behaviors (atherton, 2005; pring 2000). deep learning is a “comprehensive understanding of a domain of study” (lombardo, 2006, p. 2). the goal is to have learners internalize new understandings and directly apply these new thoughts and ideas to previous knowledge. simply put, deep connections are made between the new understanding and previously held ideas and beliefs (atherton, 2005; bransford et al., 2000). when learners successfully engage in deep learning, they are self-reflecting. that is, they are thinking about how they interpret events and ideas in their own life. by challenging learners to engage in this form of thinking, the instructor helps learners ultimately create new understandings and new operational knowledge (lombardo, 2006; pring, 2000). narrative text processing narrative texts represent the world by describing characters’ experiences during sequences of events (graesser, golding, & long, 1991). research in cognitive psychology and reader-response theory has shed light on the role of narrative texts in deep learning. cognitive psychology. research in cognitive psychology has shown that narratives appeal to the natural attributes of human memory (mccauley, 2000). once learners begin to hear a story, they tend to automatically search their long-term memory to locate a story that is similar (shank, 1995). a level of understanding develops while the listeners are engaged in the process of searching their own memories and making connections to prior knowledge resonating from prior stories (shank, 1995). while they are searching for a familiar or related story in their memory, learners begin to apply concepts to someone else’s story. by engaging in this extraction and construction process, learners produce deeper and deeper levels of understanding (shank, 1995). current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 8 research has suggested that engaging in story is an effective means of learning about the customs and rules of other societies (hsu, 2008). this learning process occurs as individuals experience narrative that appeals to their emotions and capacity for empathy (hsu, 2008). the degree to which narrative influences others’ beliefs rests on the existence of prior knowledge and experience. as learners process a narrative, on an unconscious level they apply theories and philosophies about the beliefs and values of others to their own beliefs and values. during this process, they are beginning to create new understandings about both their own beliefs and the beliefs and values of others. the more a person relates to the life experience or emotions of the characters in the narrative, the greater their immersion in a state green calls “narrative transport” (as cited in hsu, 2008, p.51). this purposeful strategy of inviting learners to relate their own experiences to that of others is a form of deep learning(smith & colby,2007) reader-response theory. reader-response theory offers key insights into the experience that an active reader or listener brings to a narrative (karolides, 2000; tompkins, 1980). according to readerresponse theorists, the reader does not sit by passively when reading text, but participates as an active actor in a process of generating new meaning from the text. during reading, there is an engaging mutual process that exists between the reader and the text. according to louise rosenblatt (1978), “the relation between the text and the reader is not linear. it is a situation, an event in a particular time and place in which each element conditions the other” (p.16). as such, if learners enrolled in a world religions class are actively reading a narrative on religion or a religious system, they are doing much more than seeking out clues and answers from the printed material. the learners bring their own cultural and societal biases, including perceived religious or spiritual beliefs, to the actions, ideas, and dialogues found in the text (karolides, 2000). the impressions brought about within the text in conjunction with the background provided by the reader at using narrative case studies 9 a particular point in time lead to a new experience where a unique meaning is understood (beach, 1994; karolides, 2000). this new meaning often creates new insights and understandings about the values and beliefs of others. by bringing their emotional and intellectual engagement to the text, respondents create a response that unknowingly is shaped by their own perceived identity with or distance from the characters (karolides, 2000). writing to learn when all goes well, writing, as a mode of learning, engages learners with content and activates thinking (emig, 2003). writing can lead learners to new insights, new ideas, and new knowledge. although writing often is a mainstay of everyday communication and frequently is used pedagogically for assessing the transmission of information, it can create opportunities for learners to grasp content and analyze it critically. in commending the value of writing in order to learn, george newell (2005) claims that the “process of writing will somehow lead inevitably to a better understanding of information gleaned from texts and from a teacher’s presentation” (p. 238). the constructivist school of thought has influenced the writing to learn movement in education (newell, 2005). according to the constructivist view, which aligns with the cognitive psychology and reader response theories of reading presented earlier, writers actively participate in the creation of knowledge. similar to readers who often “compare a speaker’s or character’s experience with their personal experience” (beach, 1994, p. 762), writers break down barriers between themselves and their subjects and actively place themselves in the roles of others. when learners place themselves in the roles of others, they are moving toward deep learning. case study instruction scholars have noted some general characteristics of effective case studies (hiltz, coppola, rotter, turoff, & benbunan-fich, 2000). effective case-studies tend to be authentic, ill-structured, and current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 10 open-ended -just like problems in real life (bernard & lundgren-cayrol, 2001). real-life problems, as opposed to unlikely or implausible actions and dialogues, tend to engage learners (vinaja & raisinghani, 2001). however, little research is available to guide pedagogues in the design and use of on-line case studies in a world religions course devoted to deep learning. as used in my pedagogy, a narrative case study is a short narrative written by the instructor for the sole purpose of getting learners to understand specific curricular content objectives by examining the actions and dialogues of others. learners study the tenets of a specific religion or religious system through various means, then they read the actions and dialogues of characters who embody these tenets. the purpose in creating the narrative case study is to guide the learner toward a deep learning experience where the learner does not simply accept the material at face value, but questions and analyzes it. here the learner contemplates the personal relevance of the material and the potential applications of it. in an online setting, the learner is completing this activity without the benefit of a face-to-face classroom environment where colleagues and an instructor would be able to probe and offer immediate possible meanings. since online learners are working independently on this assignment, the question remains as to how a narrative case study in an on-line asynchronous world religions course affects learners’ understandings, appreciation, and respect for the beliefs and values of others. methods the purpose of this research was to examine how a narrative case study in my on-line asynchronous world religions course affected learners’ understandings, appreciation, and respect for the beliefs and values of others. this research was conducted utilizing an action-research mixedmethods methodology (stringer, 2007). using narrative case studies 11 setting learners participating in the research were enrolled in rel 243 (world religions) at rio salado college, a member of the maricopa county (az) community colleges. learners enroll in the online course every two weeks. once they are assigned an official start date, each learner receives a 15 week calendar that reflects when lessons should be completed and assignments submitted. due to the asynchronous nature of the class, the average learner is engaged only with the online material and does not have an opportunity to process the content with peers. after assignments are submitted, they are scored and returned by me within five calendar days. the demographics of those who participated in the research study represented a traditional range of online learners at rio salado college. seven of the 10 participants were women. while four participants ranged from 29-39 years of age, one was 42 and the remaining five were 18-28 years of age. eight of the participants resided in the greater phoenix metropolitan area, while the remaining two resided in tucson and florence, arizona. one participant, who just completed a tour of duty in iraq, was in the earmy university partnership with rio salado college, a program where active duty u.s. army personnel take online courses through rio salado college and other online colleges throughout the country. although learners entered the course in two week intervals commencing on august 25, 2008, all fifteen original research participants were presented with a due date calendar for assignments and a due date calendar for completing the extra research study assignments. assignments were collected at various times during fall 2008 with all ten participants finishing the data collection pieces of the study by january 5, 2009. action steps current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 12 world religions is an undergraduate survey course that is designed to expose learners to the major developed and indigenous religions of the world. after examining indigenous religions, several developed asian religions, and two other abrahamic religions, learners are required to complete a unit on islam. the unit begins with the life of islam’s founder, mohammed, and ends with a discussion of contemporary muslim sects and practices. learners read two chapters in a textbook, read an online summary provided by me on the main tenets of islam, completed two multiple choice quizzes, and wrote a brief essay describing the five of pillars of islam. the specific actions examined in this asynchronous online world religions course consisted of two learning tasks. in addition to the above assignments, participants produced a written analysis of a narrative case study, and then they constructed a narrative case study. written analysis of a narrative case study. each learner was invited to analyze a narrative case study on islam so as to stimulate deep learning (appendix d). the procedure for analyzing a narrative case study was to examine the actions and dialogues of the characters in the story so as to identify the five pillars of islam. when learners are analyzing a piece of information in this fashion and drawing conclusions, they are engaging in deep learning. (bigge & shermis, 1999;joyce & weil, 2000). in their written analysis, the learner was to specifically name the pillar, identify how it was represented by the actions and dialogues of the characters, and show the direct correlation between the actions and dialogues with the definitions and attributes of the pillars. for example, after reading the narrative case study provided, a learner may have written in their analysis,” sadia professed her faith with the creed or shahada when she stated, ‘o’merciful god, i know of your oneness and praise the name of mohammed your prophet.’” this statement would be appropriate because shahada is the first pillar that is a profession of faith. it also is the acceptance of this confession of faith and its faithful repetition that using narrative case studies 13 constitute the first step to being a muslim. the significance of the shahada is the belief that the only purpose of life is to serve and obey. construction of an original narrative case study. under the theoretical umbrella of writing to learn to stimulate deep learning, the participants were invited to construct their own original narrative case studies. after they prepared a written analysis of the narrative case study provided, each learner was asked to write his or her own narrative case study based on the five pillars of islam using the same technique of embedding the curricular content in the actions and dialogue of the characters (see appendix c). learners were provided with the already analyzed narrative case study as a sample. although they were asked to submit the original narrative case study within five days of receipt of the assignment, specific length or writing style were not included in the instructions so as to provide as much creativity as possible with the writing process. writing a narrative case study allows the learner to apply content facts to sophisticated actions, dialogues, and events, which is a form of deep learning (smith & colby, 2007). with analytic writing, such as constructing a written narrative case study based on how characters live out their religious beliefs, learners were prompted to engage in a deeper form of understanding. by producing their own original narrative case study, a learner has the opportunity to participate in a “more lasting intellectual representation of the content (that) seems to develop through an integration and reformulation of ideas” (newell, 2005, p. 240). data sources data for this study came from surveys, the written analyses of a narrative case study, the written original narrative case studies, and telephone interviews. the following describes each data source. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 14 surveys. at the beginning of the unit, learners were asked to complete a survey that measured their personal beliefs and attitudes about islam (see appendix b). the purpose of such a preassignment survey was to capture an initial snapshot of the learners’ attitudes and provide quantitative data on those attitudes that could be used for comparison (johnson, 2002). the pre-assignment survey included statements that were considered to be inaccurate stereotypical beliefs about islam. using content analysis research, i noted and collected statements from assignments and email correspondence over the past ten years of teaching courses with curricular content on islam(fraenkel & wallen, 2006) the survey incorporated five statements that included beliefs or assumptions about islam or the role of islam in the lives of others. beliefs about violence, the role of women, tolerance for other religions, the worship of a singular abrahamic god, and the events on september 11, 2001 were poignantly and directly stated in survey prompts. each statement was accompanied by an open-ended question that allowed the participant to clarify why they held such beliefs or values about islam. after they completed the pre-assignment survey and the written analysis of the narrative case study assignment, learners were asked to complete a post-assignment survey designed to measure their beliefs and values about islam (see appendix d & e). the post-assignment survey listed the identical statements and questions about participants’ beliefs and attitudes about islam, but it also included open-ended questions about analyzing a narrative case study and constructing a written narrative case study. the quantitative data on learners’ beliefs and attitudes about islam collected from the postassignment survey were used for comparison with the pre-assignment survey. the qualitative data on learners’ responses to analyzing a narrative case study and constructing a written narrative case study were analyzed separately. using narrative case studies 15 written analysis of a narrative case study. participants’ were given a narrative case study written by the instructor to analyze as a learning task for this study’s action. this narrative case study also served as a source of data. once the appropriateness of the case study was determined, it was given to learners to analyze. because of the difference innate to what each learner brings to the narrative case study, learners would draw different interpretations of presented religious practices and values. participants’ written analyses of the particular narrative case study on islam used in this study reflected their understandings, appreciation, and respect for the beliefs and values of others. constructed original narrative case study. participants’ construction of an original written narrative case study, which they completed as a learning task for this study’s action, also served as a source of data. in the narrative case study that they constructed, learners represented in a concrete way their understanding of the five pillars of islam. this assignment required them to organize and interpret in a very real and meaningful way the five pillars of islam. as a data source, these constructed narrative case studies reflected both the participants’ understandings and appreciation of the five pillars and of islam as a whole. interviews. interviews enable learners to describe their interactions in detail and on their own terms (stringer, 2007). i used interviews (see appendix f) to afford participants the opportunity to describe their interactions with the case studies and to explore and share their beliefs and attitudes about islam. the interviews were a blended approach of structured and informal (franklin & wallen, 2006). the structured component of the interview helped to maintain consistency as the same questions were asked in the same order (franklin & wallen, 2006; johnson, 2002). by being consistent, i was able to minimize the impact of variables that do not pertain to deep learning. utilizing a computer audio recording program allowed me to focus on learners’ responses and to develop immediate follow-up current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 16 questions that represented individual understanding, beliefs, or attitudes about islam and a learner’s experience with the narrative case study. during the semi-structured interview process, i posed questions that probed learners about their experiences analyzing the narrative case study on islam and creating an original narrative case study on islam. a special emphasis was placed on participants’ experiences that represented deep learning. analysis the data consisted of 185 minutes of digital audio files, 36 pages of audio transcriptions, nine written narrative case studies of 1-2 pages each, 35 pages of pre and post lesson surveys, and 13 pages of analyses of the narrative case study. quantitative analysis quantitative data aggregated from the preand post-assignment surveys were compared through a repeated measures analysis of variance test (fraenkel & wallen, 2006; olejnik & algina, 2000). the effect of time was significant, f(1, 9) = 21.87, p < 0.001. as table 1 shows, the post-assignment survey mean, 4.08, was statistically significantly different than the pre-assignment survey mean, 2.98. the partial eta squared effect size, 0.71, is extraordinarily large for a within-subject factor based on cohen’s criteria (olejnike & aljina, 2000). table 1 means comparison for survey (n = 10) pretest posttest m2m1 p hp 2 using narrative case studies 17 m 2.98 4.08 1.10 <.001 0.71 sd 95% ci 0.70 2.48 3.58 0.71 3.48 4.58 note: maximum score = 5 qualitative analysis the qualitative data consisting of the written analyses of narrative case studies, open-ended questions on the surveys, written original narrative case studies, and telephone interviews were analyzed with a content analysis approach (fraenkel & wallen, 2006). employing a grounded theory methodology (fraenkel & wallen, 2006), each response was unitized and coded as individual “units of meaning” (stringer, 2007, p. 98). units of meaning consisted of learner comments that indicated their understandings and appreciation of the beliefs and values of others. in particular, units of meaning consisted of comments indicating deep learning such as words, phrases, sentences, or ideas that reflected profound understanding about islam or one’s beliefs, understandings, or attitudes about islam. the following deep learning indicators (lombardo, 2006) were used to focus the content analyses of the various qualitative data sources: 1. comprehension and analytical understanding 2. critical thinking 3. holistic insight and interdisciplinary application 4. self-reflection and self-awareness 5. demonstration of application and value to life current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 18 6. expansion of consciousness 7. open to growth after categorizing the data by source (i.e., interview transcriptions, written analysis of the narrative case study, written original narrative case studies and open-ended survey questions), i identified each respondent in the data source and collated the sources accordingly. each source was then analyzed in great detail by using color highlighting pens to identify discreet units of meaning that pointed to deep learning or beliefs and attitudes about islam. as much as possible, the verbatim principle was employed to prevent an insertion of my own views or interpretations of the data into the analysis (stringer, 2007). each category was then labeled according to the various perspectives that participants shared during the study. categories and subcategories emerged as this process brought in units of meaning from all four qualitative sources. main categories that were generated included self-reflection and self-awareness, application of theories to everyday practices and behaviors, comprehension and analytical understanding, value to life, and connections between new understandings and previously held ideas and beliefs. a written record was maintained of all categories, including those that may not have represented deep learning or changes in beliefs and attitudes about islam. all relevant participants’ comments were analyzed for word choice. participant verb choices, other forms of the same word, and other words that were repetitively used by the participants were listed individually for each participant along with the number of times they used the word. i then developed a grid for words that were used by several participants. coded on the grid were participants’ names, thirteen words used by more than one participant, and the number of times each participant used the word. words noted on the grid included the following: 1) know/knowledge, 2) understand, 3) think/thought, 4) learned, 5) different(ly), 6) real(ly), 7) appreciate/appreciation, 8) realized, 9) analyze/analytic. 10) comprehend, 11) using narrative case studies 19 believe, 12) experience, 13) change. after detecting these patterns of word choice. i then merged the themes into triangulated, data-based assertions regarding how a narrative case study in my on-line asynchronous world religions course affected learners’ understandings, appreciation, and respect for the beliefs and values of others. results my analysis of the data collected during this action research led to two assertions. the assertions are (a) learners demonstrated changes in their beliefs and attitudes about islam and (b) learners experienced different ways of thinking. assertion #1: learners demonstrated changes in their beliefs and attitudes about islam data collected in this study revealed that learners generally demonstrated changes in their beliefs and attitudes about islam. learners were observed to engage in a process of changing their beliefs and attitudes and, after doing so, ascribing new meaning to the knowledge they acquired. the survey scores revealed a significant change in overall belief about islam, and the qualitative data revealed the process of change for the learners. prior to the lesson, learners held pejorative viewpoints about islam that correlated islam with intolerance, violence, oppression of women, and terrorism. specific changes that i noted involved learners demonstrating a new understanding and appreciation of the faith itself, devoid of the cultural stereotypes listed above. learners demonstrated an understanding and appreciation of the pillars of islam in a manner that was self-reflective and personal. prior to the unit of study, learners ascribed pejorative views to islam, but after the unit of study learners reflected an appreciation of the pillars of islam to the extent that they saw the pillars containing some elements that were similar to their own faith experience. in particular, participants demonstrated changes when they (a) expressed new understandings of islam as framed through self reflection, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 20 (b) compared islam to a personal prayer life, (c) reflected new appreciations of the islamic faith, and (d) recognized stereotypes about islam. expressed new understandings of islam as framed through self reflection. after analyzing the narrative case study on the five pillars of islam, several learners made connections between their own religious beliefs and those of muslims. when learners engaged in such comparisons, they demonstrated active self-reflection. to illustrate, one respondent commented, “i do believe that they are a lot like me. my religion is different from them, but i believe they have a lot of similarities i believe in”(rd\ sur)1. other learners were even more specific about the comparisons between their own religious convictions and those of muslims. allison stated, “it just caused me to pause and think about how…how very different islam is from, my christian faith in terms of how much is required. i don’t think anyone in my church or denomination is going to hold it over my head if i make it to the holy land or not” (as\int). statements by other participants, although brief, also pointed to active self-reflection. chuck stated, “the koran is like the bible” (cs\int), and later said, “i see from their side instead of just our side” (cs\int). the reflection was very introspective for rebecca, who stated, “i do believe they are people like me” (rd\int). another learner’s comments not only echoed personal reflection, but also contained the reflections of a friend, with whom the learner dialogued on her own volition. i am catholic and i realize through their religion, it’s very similar in that they put god first…you just realize that they’re more like us, a different culture we don’t know. after reading the narrative and learning about the five pillars, my opinion was pretty much changed. my best friend, she’s catholic too, [she] was like wow i didn’t realize that’s how similar these religions were. (eo/int) 1 parenthetical information specifies data-based support for the assertion. the first letter string identifies the pseudonym for the participant. the second letter string identifies the data source (int = interview; sur = survey; oncs = original narrative case study). using narrative case studies 21 significantly, the deep learning principle of selfreflection was articulated by every research participant, including one who had analyzed the narrative case study but had not written her own narrative. compared islam to a personal prayer life. in demonstrating a comparison to one’s own devotional life, some learners focused on prayer. they commonly associated their own relationship with praying to a monotheistic god who was the same god of a muslim. one respondent stated, “when you hear that they pray 5 to 8 times a day, you think wow, that’s a lot in the [day] okay, i pray before bed, and other times, so it’s not so different” (tw\int). at first this learner was clearly conscious of the number of times a muslim may pray, but by relating those actions to her own life, she came to draw a comparison that emphasized the similarity to her own prayer life. reflected new appreciations of the islamic faith. in the interviews, learners reflected an appreciation of some specific aspect of islamic faith independent of comparing it to their own religious beliefs. one learner commented, “i am exposed to a lot of protestants and judaism, where i grew up. even those religions …people (are) very ritualistic…i saw in this islam faith not just ritualism but whole-heartedness(ca\int). another respondent focused on the structure of daily religious life for muslims. he stated, “praying five times a day…they really take that to heart, so i think that’s definitely a very positive thing for them”(ck\ sur). another learner was not specific in his appreciation of islam, but did gain appreciation of the faith that affected his personal life. he stated, “i have some friends that are muslim too so i guess it kind of makes me understand or appreciate them a little bit more and some of the things that they have to do on a daily basis (mm\ sur). in constructing an original narrative case study, the participants reflected an appreciation of islam in their representations of some of the pillars. in their characterizations, several learners reflected excitement over the pilgrimage to mecca. theresa’s character, heba, states, “i know i am just so excited because of our trip to mecca next week” (tg\oncs). another learner created a character, prathan, who “enjoys the peace that comes current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 22 with consistent submission to allah and his will” (as\oncs). other learners depicted characters who were pleased to give alms. mercy wrote, “amir went to bed feeling very excited about the next day when he would give the money he set aside and the money his family had given him to the muslim family that was having difficulty” (mm\oncs). another learner reflected a character who “enjoys his time of prayer with his family” (ca\oncs). rebecca writes of a character, shillan, who has cancer but who longs to be “well for the fasting month of ramadan” (rd\oncs). most of the constructed narratives reflected an affirming depiction of at least one pillar of islam. recognized stereotypes about islam. toward the end of the telephone interviews, i provided the respondents with a quote from a nationally recognized radio broadcaster. during the broadcast, the radio commentator linked the muslim hijackers who attacked the united states on september 11, 2001 to a current group of muslim inmates in a british prison who requested that the toilets in their restroom be turned around so that they were not using the facility while facing mecca, a sacred place. the broadcaster implied that all muslims were terrorists who deserved no special treatment. the purpose of my prompt was to determine if the participants could easily recognize this stereotype about islam. in all cases, the respondents stated that the radio broadcaster’s comments reflected a strong religious stereotype about islam. one respondent stated, “i think it is based on ignorance, and probably a lack of knowledge, and personal…inactions or convictions in their own lives to generate a comment on that”(mm/int). another learner ascribed a nefarious motive to the radio broadcaster’s comment, stating that, “that’s a shallow comment because it had nothing to do with the first part…he was trying to take one story personally, a horrible comment, i think he’s trying to build a case against islam by making additional comments, and by tying it in with a different story”(ca/int). the ability to recognize islamic stereotypes extended beyond the interview prompt. in responding to one open-ended survey question, one participant commented, “it [the narrative case study] put the life of a using narrative case studies 23 regular muslim family in perspective so i can relate to them in the fact that they are people too instead of satan in human form which many americans think about muslims”(bj/ sur). assertion #2: learners experienced different ways of thinking the majority of respondents stated that they experienced different ways of thinking by analyzing and responding to the narrative case study. nine of 10 respondents used the word, “different,” or the phrase, “different way of thinking,” in both their survey responses and telephone interviews. these different ways of thinking represented a deeper sense of understanding of content, in this case the five pillars of islam. overall, different ways of thinking led to new insights and understandings. during her interview, kay stated, when i first went into this class, to be honest with you, i was probably ignorant about the culture and what they believe in [islam]. they just don’t necessarily believe in hating americans or blowing up the united states…when you read the narrative you find what’s important to them, giving back…after reading the narrative and learning about the five pillars, my opinion pretty much changed. (ko\int) michael also reported that the narrative case study prompted different ways of thinking. he stated, “it [narrative case study] definitely taught me a lot of new things, a lot of information, and opened my eyes up into different understandings of religion, cultures, to see how some similarities are in my beliefs altogether different”(mi\ sur). the different ways of thinking that participants experienced occurred when they (a) created mental images, (b) understood comprehensively and analytically, (c) reflected understandings in constructing an original narrative, (d) applied content to real-life, and (e) enjoyed analyzing the case. created mental images. many learners were aided in their analysis of the narrative and their understanding of the content by creating pictures or images in their minds of what was occurring with the characters. allison stated, “i understand the characters, they have a name and you’re picturing them. when you read a case study you’re kind of picturing them walking in the busy streets…in time, it just becomes a current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 24 little more real than simply reading an academic text” (as\int). another respondent went beyond creating a mental image of the story and inserted herself into the narrative, as this comment shows, “it was really interesting to try and image myself or someone else i know in that situation” (mm\int). other learners related a sense that the narrative was a “real world experience” for them (as\int) or that it gave them a “vivid understanding of what or how…[muslim] people conduct some of their daily living” (mm\int). understood comprehensively and analytically. analyzing the narrative case study on the five pillars of islam led learners to demonstrate a comprehensive and analytical understanding of the content. mercy stated, “i learned differently. i can remember each pillar right off the top of my head just by thinking about the narrative.”(int.) on a survey prompt, kay revealed that she had to “think in a different way. [i] had to become more analytical.”(sur.) reading about the lives of others created a much deeper level of knowledge. learners applied the basic content to real situations, a mainstay of deep learning. for example, sherry stated, “it kind of forced me to go to another level of what they (pillars) are…to comprehend them more in a(n) application…it kind of brought in my thinking on it rather than here’s the topic and learning about it, a place of actually having to incorporate it into a different way of thinking.” (int.) reflected understandings in constructing an original narrative. although many learners stated that constructing an original narrative case study was challenging and difficult, the original narrative case studies constructed by the learners revealed a thorough understanding of the five pillars of islam and their application to the daily life of a muslim. every learner represented each pillar accurately and in such a manner that revealed a very complex and deep understanding of the practice of the religious concepts. for example, when explaining the pillar of salat, or daily prayer, learners not only depicted a character praying, but they referred to characters praying a number of times per day in a meaningful and reverent way that reflected praise and submission. allison wrote about her character, “although he felt tired from staying up too late the previous using narrative case studies 25 night, he would never consider skipping the 1st prayer of the day” (as\oncs). rather than simply mention that a character is praying, the writer here refers to the challenges of everyday life and the centrality of prayer in that life. this reflects a deep level of understanding of the pillar as the learner has applied the principle to her own creation. another learner depicted the hajj as a very meaningful experience for one of his characters. when describing the hajj, the annual pilgrimage to mecca, charles’ character not only plans the trip with his spouse and children, but states that, “[it will be] time spent at the ka’ba with other members of the same faith. it will be refreshing for the soul, mind, and body” (ck\oncs). again, the learner is writing about a piece of content in such a way that reveals depth and holistic insight about the hajj rather than simply articulating that it is the annual trip to mecca. applied content to real life. participants frequently applied case contents to real life. mercy stated during her interview, “it makes you think of things in real life, you can actually put yourself in that position as someone really living at that moment”(mm\int). this notion of putting oneself in an actual situation was a recurring theme. learners applied contents to real life in concrete terms. the words “real” or “reality” were used by respondents over 200 times. for instance, allison stated, “we got a chance to actually think of religion in people’s lives in an everyday sense, in a very practical sense. it was enjoyable. it was a real world experience” (as\int). the process of analyzing the actions and dialogues in the narrative case study led many learners to a deep knowledge of islam and its role in everyday life. mercy said, “it (the narrative case study) made me think about how i would act if i were a muslim” (mm\int). another participant stated, current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 26 i felt the story was a reflection on how you would go about your daily life, through your eyes what would constitute a day of someone who adopts these religions and practices them…it just made me appreciate actually learning about religion. it made me appreciate how focused they are on religion. (mm\ int) enjoyed analyzing the case. each respondent described the experience of analyzing the narrative case study as enjoyable. allison stated, “i enjoyed the case study. i looked forward to reading paragraph after paragraph about the characters and how their faith was part of their daily life” (as\int). other learners used terminology such as “enjoyed,” “fantastic,” “really good,” “interesting,” and “fascinating” when describing the process of analyzing the narrative. in response to an open-ended survey question, jane stated, “i have learned a lot. i don’t get to associate with many people from other religions and found it fascinating” (jg\sur). limitations this study is limited by the nature of how participants were recruited into the study. participation was solely voluntary. since there was not a reward or incentive to participate in the study, any social desirability on the part of learners to please the instructor was mitigated. as an online, asynchronous, general prerequisite course, i did not have a long term relationship with learners. this action research was intended to address the impact of a narrative case study on learners enrolled in this specific course and was not designed to address personal change in belief in the long term. conclusion discussion as an instructor of world religions, i have noted that students bring to the study of islam stereotypes and pejorative views of muslims’ practices and beliefs. many views have been shaped by the events of september 11, 2001, the wars in iraq and afghanistan, and the continual conflict among arabs and israelis over the future of palestine. a survey of learners’ perceptions of certain aspects of islam conducted prior to the unit of study on islam revealed that these learners did, indeed, hold stereotypical views of islam. the purpose using narrative case studies 27 of this research was to examine how a narrative case study in my on-line asynchronous world religions course affected learners’ understandings, appreciation, and respect for the beliefs and values of others. to stimulate deep learning so as to facilitate change within the learner, participants were asked to identify the five pillars of islam within a narrative case study and to generate their own written narrative case study illustrating the five pillars of islam. the data collected in this action research demonstrated that change took place among learner’s beliefs and attitudes about islam. my surprise in this study was the means by which new understandings of islam occurred; namely, they occurred through the lens of the participants’ own religious lens. learners made comparisons and contrasting statements about the five pillars of islam as it related to their own religious practices and spiritual beliefs. at times during the interview, participants appeared to be more focused on what they learned about themselves as opposed to what they learned about islam. in a secular world religions course, this method for change in meaning would not be something that would be an expectation for learners. as a teacher of religious studies, i acknowledge that a person’s spiritual or religious practices will certainly enter into the course and its outcomes; however, it is not the intent to ask learners in a secular world religions course to analyze their own faith-based perspective. nevertheless, the study revealed that my learners’ new understandings of islam were engendered by their framing of meaning through their own personal faith-based convictions and practices. i inferred from their statements that the majority of the learners held christian beliefs. a religious lens may also be reflected in the culminating assignment of constructing a narrative case study. in their written original narrative case studies, learners tended to focus more on one aspect of the five pillars, that being either zakat (almsgiving) or salat (daily prayer). both of these pillars have similar expressions in the other abrahamic faiths of christianity and judaism. these faiths affirm also the private and current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 28 communal role of prayer and the sacrificial nature of almsgiving. it was interesting to note that the one pillar that finds less similarity with these faiths, that of the shahada, was depicted less in the constructed narratives. the shahada, or profession of faith, is a requirement for all muslims. in one form or another, muslims proclaim that there is no god but allah, and muhammad is the prophet of allah. although the shahada was mentioned in the constructed narrative case studies and was identified in the analysis of a narrative case study, learners included little explanation or expansive detail with this pillar. most practicing christians or jews, for example, probably would easily see a connection between their own faith and the muslim practices of almsgiving, prayer, pilgrimage and fasting. the creed, however, would not be a daily practice, but would appear in text or in a specific liturgical practice. this focus on familiar practices may correspond with my early assertion that learners were continually comparing their own religious beliefs and practices with those of muslims. although learners on the whole found it difficult to construct an original narrative, they were able to objectify their new understanding of the five pillars of islam into a concrete story. the characters in the narratives reflected in word and deed a positive disposition toward the pillars. in some cases, the tenets were depicted in an idyllic way with characters attributing great meaning and significance to them. in addition, the women in the narrative were depicted as thoughtful and faithful women and were treated well by the male characters of the story. this depiction of characters contrasts with findings from the initial pre-assignment survey that reflected learners’ beliefs of women being treated poorly in islam. implications for practice there is no typical on-line learner of today. rather, the strong diversity of on-line enrollees affirms the need for different learning experiences that reach more learners. assignments that are meaningful to more learners and that appeal to a diversity of learners are in high demand. by continuing to design narrative case studies and invite learners to construct their own narrative case studies, i plan to not only facilitate new using narrative case studies 29 understandings for my diverse learners, but also to offer them an enjoyable experience. for educators who wish to stimulate deep learning under the same conditions as this study, it is reasonable to assume that utilizing teacher generated narrative case studies and inviting learners to write their own narrative case studies would indeed offer a pedagogical platform for new understandings and new insights. closing word a very promising finding of this study was that learners processed their thoughts about the written case study analysis and constructing a written narrative case study with others. several respondents indicated that they spoke with their families, intimates, and peers in other classes about muslim beliefs and practices. in fact, one respondent mentioned that she sought out an old friend from previous employment who is muslim to discuss the assignments. as an educator, it is always a point to relish when learners take experiences outside the confines of a course and are open to the views of others. current issues in education vol. 13 no. 2 30 references american psychological association. 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